AKTEA Conference Women in Fisheries and aquaculture: lessons

AKTEA Conference
Women in Fisheries and aquaculture: lessons from
the past, current actions and ambitions for the future
Santiago de Compostela (Spain)
10th to 13th November 2004
Conference Proceedings
Editors
Katia Frangoudes
Univ. Bretagne Occidentale, CEDEM
José J. Pascual-Fernández
Univ. La Laguna, ICCPPSS
Organizing institutions
Université de Bretagne Occidentale, CEDEM
U. La Laguna, I. U. Ciencias Políticas y Sociales
Consellería de Pesca e Asuntos Marítimos (Galicia)
U. Madeira Departamento das Ciências da Educaçao
U. Tromso, Dep. of Planning and Community Studies
Financing Institutions:
D.G. Fisheries, «AKTEA Conference» - contract number N°2003/C115/07-16
Consellería de Pesca e Asuntos Marítimos, Xunta de Galicia
Université de Bretagne Occidentale, CEDEM
Universidad de La Laguna
Région Bretagne
Publisher:
Asociación Canaria de Antropología
La Laguna, Tenerife 2005
ISBN: 84-88429-09-6
Depósito Legal: TF929-2005
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INDEX
Introduction
..........................................................................................
9
Agenda for Women in Fisheries and Aquaculture in Europe ........................... 25
Maria Cristina Maneschy, Celeste Ferreira Lourenço, Jimnah Henkel
Social Security for Women Fishworkers in the
State of Pará (Northern Brazil)..................................................................... 29
Siri Gerrard
Living with the Quotas: an example about Gender, Social and Cultural
Change in the North Norwegian Fisheries ................................................... 41
Margaret Nakato
Women and Globalisation in Ugandan Fisheries ......................................... 151
Chantal Dogbe Gnimadi
Communication sur la Recherche-action "Genre et Crédit" au Bénin,
au Niger et en Gambie.................................................................................. 159
Modesta Medard
Women Attaining Financial Credit in Microfinance Institutions:
Perspectives from Lake Victoria Basin, Tanzania ....................................... 171
Liv Toril Pettersen, Gry Agnete Alsos
The role of women in Norwegian fish farming ............................................ 187
Poh-Sze Choo
Women’s unpaid labor in the small-scale fisheries sector in Malaysia ........ 55
Eulalia Vales
A participação da mulher na pesca em Mozambique ................................... 199
Joan O’ Doherty, Katia Frangoudes
The Legal Status of Collaborative Spouse in some Member States:
the case of the Fishing Industry.................................................................... 65
Begoña Marugán Pintos
De la invisibilidad al reconocimiento: el recorrido de las mariscadoras
gallegas hacia su profesionalización............................................................. 209
Jovelyn T. Cleofe
Regenerating Resources, Bridging Lives: Women and MPA’s
in the Philippines .......................................................................................... 73
Wenche M.Kjæmpenes
Women’s Role in Fish Health Research and Fieldwork in the U.K. ........... 219
Anna Karlsdóttir
Women’s Participation in Arctic Fisheries Resource Management and in
Aquaculture, cases from five Arctic Countries: A Comparative Attempt? .. 83
Gonzalo Rodríguez Rodríguez, Maria do Carme Garcia Negro,
Xoán Ramón Doldán Garcia, María Luisa Chas Amil
Participación de las mujeres en la producción de mejillón en Galicia.
Aspectos diferenciales en el marco del sector pesquero gallego .................. 231
Than Thi Hien
Women’s Participation in Coastal Resources Management and
Livelihoods at Trao Reef Marine Reserve, Khanh Hoa Province, Vietnam. 97
José J. Pascual–Fernández, Raquel de la Cruz Modino
Mujeres, reservas marinas y estrategias de diversificación en las
poblaciones litorales: el caso de los restaurantes de pescado ....................... 247
Inés Elías, Marta Piñeiro
El papel de la mujer en la organización de pescadores artesanales de
Puerto Madryn, Chubut, Argentina .............................................................. 109
Raquel de la Cruz Modino, José J. Pascual–Fernández
Mujeres, diversificación económica y desarrollo del turismo marino.
En torno a la Reserva Marina Punta de la Restinga-Mar de las Calmas
(El Hierro – Islas Canarias) .......................................................................... 263
Mª Ángeles Corbacho Gandullo, David Florido del Corral
Política de género y asociacionismo de las mujeres en ámbitos
pesqueros andaluces: análisis y propuestas para su reactivación.................. 117
Maria L. Cruz-Torres
Gender, Fisheries, and Globalization: Women Shrimp Traders in North
Western Mexico .......................................................................................... 141
Gabriella Mondardini
Les savoirs des femmes et le développement touristique des
centres côtiers en Sardaigne ......................................................................... 277
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Reports of the Forums
Leader Joan O’Doherty
Forum 1: Women Legal Status..................................................................... 289
Leader: Liv Toril Pettersen and Siri Gerrard
Forum 2: Women in fisheries and aquaculture: productive and
reproductive roles ......................................................................................... 290
Leader Marta Piñeiro y Dolores Bermúdez
Forum 4: Accès aux prises de décision, participation aux organisations
des pêcheurs : stratégies, contraintes, opportunités ...................................... 293
Forum 4: Conclusiones del Foro de “La mujer en la toma de decisiones”... 294
Leader Gloria Cabrera
Forum 5: Fishing, Natural Resources Management and Tourism:
Women's roles and perspectives................................................................... 295
Leader Chantal Gnimadi
Forum 6: Accès des femmes aux ressources économiques, à la Direction
d’Entreprise, aux activités de diversification et au micro-crédit .................. 297
Leader Barbara Neis
Forum 7 Working Conditions and Safety at Sea and Ashore ....................... 301
Attendance List
.......................................................................................... 303
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INTRODUCTION
The international AKTEA conference “Women in fisheries and aquaculture:
lessons from the past, current actions and dreams for the future”, that took place
from 10 – 13 November 2004 in Santiago de Compostela (Spain), brought
together over 175 persons from 26 countries from all parts of the world,
including fisherwomen, fishers’ wives, shellfish gatherers, shellfish farmers,
social and natural scientists, civil servants, social workers, politicians, fish
sellers and processors. It created a forum where these diverse groups of women
and men were able to meet and share their concerns and experiences with one
another.
For three days participants exchanged information and reflections about past
experiences, current developments and changes needed for the future. To allow
everyone an opportunity for expression, the conference was organised around
several different types of activities: plenary sessions with oral presentations,
discussion forums in smaller groups on selected subjects, and a poster session
where women could describe their work, experiences and ambitions in a visual
way. This introductory chapter presents a summary of the main issues,
discussions and recommendations of the conference.
This conference was possible thanks to the financial support of the European
Commission Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs and of the
regional governments of Galicia (Spain) and Brittany (France) region. It was
organised jointly by the University of Brest (France), University of Laguna
(Spain), University Madeira (Portugal), University of Tromso (Norway) and the
Conselleria de la Pesca e Asuntos Marimos of Galicia (Spain). In particular, the
conference would not have been possible without the support of Enrique C.
Lopez Veiga, the Conseillero of Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the Galicia
region, of Rosa Mª Quintana Carballo, the Director General of Fisheries
Development and Innovation in Galician Government (Xunta de Galicia) who
played a central role in supporting the organisation of the Conference, and
Pencha Santasmarinas, who was responsible for the local organisational details.
Pre-conference visit Wednesday 10th of November
On Wednesday 10th of November a pre-conference field trip to the city of
Cambados was organised. Conference participants met with the local
fishermen's organisation (cofradia) and shellfish gatherers’ group (agrupacion
de mariscadoras). The objective of this field trip was to meet local fisherwomen
and fishermen to discuss issues related to their work. In this community shellfish
gatherers (mariscadoras), while maintaining their primary work, have recently
supplemented their shellfish gathering with a new activity which caters to the
tourism sector, organising guided visits for tourists on the shore, where they
explain the natural and environmental characteristics of the area and their work.
They shared their experiences with conference participants in a vivid tour
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through a description of the past and present of Cambados. The Cofradía of
Cambados and his president Benito González, the Patron Mayor, also received
the Conference participants. The entire visit to Cambados was organised with
his help and also from the president of the Shellfishers Association, Isabel Pérez,
and from José A. de Santiago.
Conference
Don Enrique C. Lopez Veiga, the Conseillero of Fisheries and Maritime
Affairs of the Galicia region, in an introductive speech, welcomed the
participants and opened the discussion on women’s participation in fisheries and
aquaculture. In Galicia, women’s participation in fisheries is very important not
only for shellfish gathering, where they constitute the majority, but also in
mussel culture, net mending, fish vending, fish processing and canning
industries, among others. Galician authorities have sought to help the
empowerment of women in fisheries through the organisation of training
workshops and other courses. Regional institutions have encouraged and
assisted in the establishing of women’s organisations and federations, and raised
awareness on the importance of contributing to the social security system in
order to be fully recognised as workers. Until now these efforts have primarily
been focused on shellfish gatherers, who have since changed completely their
public image, and are now recognised as an essential element in the sustainable
use of coastal resources. Building on this success, attention has now turned to
women net menders, who are being organised in order to ameliorate their work
and income.
Organisation
The main innovation during the conference was in its division into two main
activities: 6 plenary sessions and 8 discussion forums. A number of issues were
covered, which, among others, included: women’s empowerment and legal
status, women in the decision-making processes of fisheries-related
organisations, women’s involvement in the diversification of activities, women’s
strategies towards globalisation, safety and working conditions at sea, and
women in production. In the plenary sessions, scientists and representatives of
NGO’s presented their work and analysis on academic issues. The discussion
forums, on the other hand, provided all participants with the opportunity to
express and share their own ideas and experiences with other participants. The
presentation of personal experiences in the discussion forums allowed for
presentations that were emotionally strong and delivered with great conviction.
A keynote speaker opened each of the three days of the conference: Barbara
Neis (Safety Net and Dept. of Sociology of the St. Johns Memorial University,
Canada), Nalini Nayak (International Collective in Support of Fishworkers,
India) and Katia Frangoudes (Centre de Droit et d’Economie de la Mer,
University of West Brittany, France).
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Thursday 11 November
Barbara Neis spoke about the Local consequences of neoliberal globalisation
for women in fisheries. She explained how the concentration of capital and
control of resources by large corporations have resulted in rapid shifts of
production and investments all over the world. Forty percent of fishery products
are traded globally, much of it flowing North-South, facilitated by the
introduction of quota systems. Local fishing communities are confronted with
degradation of resources and economic decline, and the relationships between
men and women within fisheries communities have also changed due to these
processes. In her presentation, Neis used data from the forthcoming book
“Changing Tides: gender, fisheries and globalisation,” edited by B. Neis, N.
Nayak, C. Maneschy, et al.
Plenary session 1: Women and Empowerment: achieving visibility and legal
status.
The first plenary session brought together speakers working on women’s
contribution and recognition from different parts of the world. Maria Cristina
Maneschy from Brazil explained how fishermen and fisherwomen accessed the
social security system (1990) in the State of Para in Northern Brazil. Women’s
entrance to the social security system is slower and faces strong barriers, created
either by fishermen’s organisations or by official institutions. The first of these
barriers is the lack of information concerning their social rights. Second is that
women rarely have jobs that allow them social rights benefits under prevailing
laws. Third, but no less important is the fact that the women themselves do not
consider their contribution in fisheries as a job.
Joan O’Doherty presented the situation of the legal recognition of European
women in fisheries. Since 1986, a special EU Directive (86/613) has been in
force, requiring equal treatment for men and women in self-employed activities,
including spouses who, although not formal employees or partners, habitually
participate in the activities of the self-employed worker and perform the same or
ancillary tasks under the conditions laid down by national law. Despite this
long-standing Directive, however, practically no member state has integrated the
Directive into their national laws. In France, the status of a collaborating spouse
is recognised in the Fishery Law of 1997 and she now has the right to represent
the family enterprise, be elected onto the boards of fishermen’s organisations
and also to join a social security scheme. But a number of limitations still
remain within the French legal status, in particular, for spouses of smaller
enterprises and crew. In Portugal the collaborating spouse has only been
partially recognised (since 1999); women must be registered as crew members
even they if do not go out to sea in order to be recognised as working for the
family enterprise.
Poh Sze Choo examined the activities carried out by women in Malaysia.
Fisherwomen are involved in small-scale processing, fish vending, feed
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preparation and feeding fish in aquaculture projects, etc. Such work done by
women usually goes unpaid and is not considered in official workforce statistics.
Noting that the work of these women should be recognised, and their views and
perspectives included in development planning, she examined the position of
unpaid women in the fisheries workforce and its implications to fishers and their
families, and presented a preliminary valuation of the economic value of
women’s unpaid work in the sector. Ascribing a value to the unpaid work of
women can be an important step towards the recognition of women in the
fisheries sector, and particularly for the small-scale Malay fishing communities.
Siri Gerrard’s presentation covered another issue related to the access of
women to fisheries resources. In 1990, the introduction of the quota system in
Norway modified practices and identities between men and women in fishing
communities. Changes at the local level reconstructed a gendered division of
labour and a new distribution of economic rights, which opened up space within
which women can be said to have exercised power. However, at the same time,
the quota system, created and controlled by – mostly male – civil servants and
politicians, excluded women from obtaining such fishing rights. In fisheries
policy, men at all levels seem to maintain their power. They also seem to
maintain a long established notion of what constitutes a ‘fisher’ and a ‘fisheries
culture’.
Some common points are coming out from the first three presentations. It can
be noted that the contribution of women’s work is usually unpaid and seldom
gives access to legal recognition. Often women do not have access to the
necessary information about their rights in matters of social security and other
legal entitlements. This lack of information, combined with the fact that many
women do not consider their contribution as work, has resulted in a situation
where only few have sought the benefits of legal recognition, even in countries
where such recognition is possible. The valuation of the unpaid work of women
is thus a good tool not only to measure the contribution of women’s work to
fisheries, but also to highlight its omission from, and make the case for its
inclusion to, the decision-making process.
Obtaining a legal status is an important pre-condition to accessing the
decision-making process in fisheries and aquaculture industries, as well as social
benefits. Northern participants were surprised to hear that in some Southern
countries, women working in fisheries are better recognised than women in the
North. For example, Senegalese women fish vendors are recognised and seen as
businesswomen. Conversely, Italian or Dutch women who work in the family
enterprise are only able to obtain the status of “fisherman’s wife”. In the case of
the latter, women’s work is seen as ancillary, and merely an extension of her
domestic activities.
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Plenary session 2: Women in the decision-making process: organisations,
fisheries and coastal management
The main objective of this plenary session was to identify the extent of
women’s involvement in the decision-making process in fisheries and
aquaculture. What types of difficulties do women face, either when they
participate in the decision-making process or when they do not? Are women
able to have a different role within this type of process than men, or should they
adopt the same attitudes and behaviour?
Jovelyn Cleofe presented a successful experience from the Philippines. In this
country, a “Magna Carta” Act for Women was passed by the House of
Representatives (2003), giving women who are directly engaged in municipal
and coastal fishing equal access to the use and management of marine resources.
As such, women have all the rights and benefits as other stakeholders in the
fishing and aquaculture industry.
However, the lobby for the equal rights of women within the fisheries and
aquaculture industries began before this date and was initiated by nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) working in local communities. Women are
in the forefront of managing marine protected areas (MPA’s) by being the
initiators of this type of protection. The example of the implementation of fish
sanctuaries (F.S.) illustrates how women can be involved in the decision-making
process. The boundaries of the F.S. was defined by women and, with help from
a fisheries biologist, they defined rules for its management. Their capacities to
implement and control the F.S. have had a positive impact on women’s
empowerment and their role within the community, as they are accorded greater
respect and recognition because of their work.
Anna Karsdottir from Iceland presented some of the results from the project,
Women’s participation in the decision-making process in Arctic fisheries
management, conducted in 5 Artic countries. Women’s contribution in fisheries
and aquaculture is high but they remain invisible to decision makers largely due
to the unpaid nature of their work. Moreover, although they account for a high
percentage of jobs at the local and administrative levels, they also usually
occupy low and middle positions. Attaining higher education has permitted
women access to better work positions in fisheries and aquaculture; however,
they still lack access to the decision-making processes concerning resources
management. The author also contested the legitimacy of the fisheries sector to
be the sole interlocutor for resource management through its exclusion of all
other interests such as communities, indigenous populations, women, and
environmental groups, among others.
Hien Than Thi, from Vietnam, presented the actions of an ecologically
adapted development project, conducted by an NGO, which aims to improve
women’s participation in the decision-making process at the community level.
Depending on the community, this improvement can be implemented by
increasing women’s involvement in the management of Marine Protected Areas
(MPAs). Traditionally, women have carried out the great majority of
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value-added tasks related to the MPA, including working as tour guides for
tourists visiting the MPA, and running restaurants that serve fish and shellfish
harvested from the MPA. In spite of their contribution, observations show that
women have less access than men to the decision-making process. Gender
mainstreaming has proven to be a useful tool in improving women’s conditions
at the local level, raising awareness of the importance of women’s contribution
at the community level. Much work remains to be done, however, particularly in
the area of women’s empowerment.
Inés Elias (Argentina) spoke about women’s participation in artisanal fishers’
organisations in Puerto Madryn in Patagonia. Women’s participation in male
organisations became possible only after the “Sea Fruits” training programme
initiated by local authorities which addressed fishers’ wives. Following this
training, one of the women joined the fishers’ organisation, but this participation
was a source of conflict not only within the organisation but also among families
and the community. In an attempt to find a solution, the fishers’ organisation
finally made the decision not to employ persons who are relations of fishers .
Angeles Corbacho and David Florido (Spain) analysed the institutional
mechanisms which potentially mark the social recognition and political
empowerment of women from the Andalusia fisheries sector. The first part of
the presentation was devoted to the development of a critical review of gender
policies in fisheries, and the second sought to characterize fisherwomen’s
associations in Andalusia by analysing their origins, evolutions, objectives and
activities. Finally, the authors evaluated the success or failure of public and
private initiatives to empower women.
The presentations from the second session showed once more the low
representation of women in decision-making processes, despite their high
participation in fisheries around the world. Anna Karsdottir’s presentation
provided a cogent illustration of how women, despite having permanent jobs in
fisheries and aquaculture industries, continue to play a minor role within the
fisheries management decision-making process. Fisheries management has thus
been dominated by men who claim to represent the industry yet at the same time
exclude the interests of other stakeholders, such as environmental, women or
indigenous groups. The question posed then, is how has society attributed this
privilege to only one group?
The training of civil servants at the national and local levels on gender issues
(gender mainstreaming) has become a necessity not only for the empowerment
of women within communities but also within the industry. Administrators
should be made aware of the contribution by women in fisheries and help
women to find their space in this sector which, until now, is dominated by men.
Friday 12 November
Global challenges to women in fisheries today, the title of the second keynote
speech, was presented by Nalini Nayak of the International Collective in
Support of Fishworkers (ICSF), India. Globalization, according to Nayak, is a
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historical process where on the one hand, resources are concentrated in the
hands of a powerful few, while on the other, a general loss of autonomy is
occurring among large populations of primary producers, consumers, local
communities, governments and states. This process has led to great social
disparities, conflicts and “natural” calamities in the world.
Globalisation for the Northern fisheries meant a change from an open access
system to resources, to a limited (licensed) entry (ITQs). This has come about as
a result of the introduction of domestic and international trade quotas,
professionalisation, capitalisation of the fishery sector, and the strong role of the
state in regulation. Women have been pushed into wage work, usually with bad
working conditions, or into free labour as a buffer to rising costs.
Globalisation for fisheries in the South meant a transition from fishing
activities to aquaculture. The main production is for export, which in turn has
resulted in less fish being available for local consumption. Women are ousted
from local post-harvest activities. Fisheries agreements between countries of the
North and South have given further access for Northern countries to resources in
the South, resulting in depletion of local fish resources and reduced access of
resources for the local population in the South. Finally, the liberalisation of trade
has encouraged fish processing industries to shift from the North to the South in
order to access the growing availability of cheap wage labour in the South. The
challenges for women in fisheries are to change the present global
developments, by putting lives and livelihoods into the centre stage, and in
reconstructing relations among people.
Plenary session 3: Women’s strategies towards globalisation
In some parts of the world women participate in the trade of fisheries
products. This was the focus of the presentations in this session, which
examined the situation of women traders and the impacts of a globalised market
on women and work. Women are good fish traders, but the new globalised
context has forced them to adapt new strategies for survival, with access to
credit one of the main obstacles. Two papers from East Africa (Tanzania,
Uganda) showed how high demand for Perch Nile in the international market
made it difficult for the survival of local communities around Lake Victoria. A
lack of fresh fish has meant less protein for local consumption in countries
where the only available protein in local diets comes from fish. As M. Nakato
Lubiyayi’s presentation points out, the survival of the family and the community
is the main objective of women who are now obliged to adopt new employment
strategies. For example, left with few alternatives, some women have been
forced to work in the newly established fish processing industries, which employ
local women in jobs with low salaries and poor working conditions.
Other women continue to process fish and, as they no longer have access to
whole fish, they are forced to process the discards of the international processing
industries. This category of women is obliged to participate in micro-enterprises
to get access to credit, as, with formal credit closed to them, micro finance
institutions are one of the few remaining options. However, financial conditions,
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seasonal business conditions, and male control of financial resources and
household assets hinder their success. M. Medard highlighted one such situation,
examining the opportunities and constraints women face in obtaining credit from
microfinance institutions.
The paper by Ch. Gnimandi focuses on micro-credits and the difficulty faced
by the poorest people (women) in obtaining this form of credit. A number of
programmes conducted in several African countries by the FAO Sustainable
livelihood in fisheries (PMEDP) programme showed that micro-credits, as
currently constituted, might not be the best tool to reduce poverty. In order to
improve the micro-credit system and women’s access to this scheme, the
PMEDP programme implemented gender mainstreaming training within local
communities with the use of “action sciences.
Women’s roles in shrimp fisheries in the Northern part of Mexico were also
discussed during this session. In this area, women participate in shrimp fishing
by harvesting shrimp in lagoons, but their major activity is the shrimp trade in
Mazatlan city, where a special street of shrimp traders exists. Although shrimp
traders constitute an important group, they face difficulties in obtaining an
adequate supply of shrimp. Fishing operations are not organised in a way that
takes market fluctuations into account, as they are unable to regulate neither the
sale nor the capture of shrimp, and prices are often low.
However, despite the difficulties they face, this group of women have been
able to show their capacity to protect their collective interests when is needed. A
recent event provides a good example of how women can be organised to protest
a public decision in order to defend their profession. In this case, a number of
people fell ill after eating shrimp and the government imposed a moratorium on
inshore shrimp fisheries until the verification of the cause of the intoxication.
Women shrimp traders, concerned about losing their livelihoods, demanded the
health authorities to conduct a new study to determine the sources of the
intoxication. The second study showed that the intoxication was caused by
bacteria only present in a specific lagoon and women traders now have the
ability to take preventive measures such as not selling shrimp caught in this
lagoon.
The capacity of women to defend their livelihood even in very difficult
economic conditions has been highlighted in all the presentations. Women are
constantly being confronted with male dominance in credit systems, in politics,
in administration, in decision-making processes, and so on. However, the
capacity of women to act collectively is high and often opens new doors for
them. All presentations in this session were carried out by researchers working
in Southern countries, as such research does not exist in the North; however,
Northern women participated by sharing their experiences during the discussion
on micro-credits and diversification of activities.
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Plenary session 4: Women in production and knowledge: fisheries
aquaculture
In Europe, women’s participation in fisheries and aquaculture production is
low. However, in some activities, such as shellfish gathering, women constitute
the majority of the workforce, as is in the case of Galicia in Spain. Shellfish and
fish farming employ fewer women even though traditional activities such as
mussel or shellfish gathering are done by women. Rodríguez et al. presentation
notes that the development of mussel farming in Galicia has seen men ascend to
a dominant position within this activity. Women, on the other hand, have been
marginalised, representing 4,75% of the labour in this sector, despite owning
30,6% of mussel farms.
In Norway, only a few women have been a part of the expansion in fish
farming, be it as employees, managers, or board members, and this has seen
women being largely excluded from the decision-making process. This has
partly been due to the attainment of higher education among women, which has
allowed them to obtain more qualified jobs in other sectors than those of
unskilled workers in fish filleting factories. In her presentation, L.T. Pettersen
analysed the evolution of the employment of women in this industry during the
last ten years, and discussed feasible strategies for the future for increasing the
number of women in fish farming.
In Spain, the process of organising Galician shellfish gatherers into local and
regional associations has developed through a long and winding path. Regional
fishing authorities, and specifically, some public servants who believed in the
capacity of women to be organised, played an essential role in this process,
working to address the key problems facing women. These associations were
difficult to build in the beginning, but contributed greatly to making women
more independent financially and allowing them greater influence within maledominated organisations. Some of these traditionally male organisations
(cofradías) are now under the leadership of women presidents (patrona mayor).
The capacity of women to manage shellfish stocks has been recognised with the
establishment of annual management plans, which are submitted to the fisheries
authorities for endorsement. Women now pay social security contributions and
benefit from the same rights as their husbands. (B. Marugán Pintos).
E. Vales examined women’s involvement in the fisheries sector in
Mozambique, which has increased steadily between 1995 and 2000. Women
occupy a wide range of roles in fisheries ranging from shellfish gatherers, fish
vendors, and even owners of boats (25% in Maputo area); however, their
contribution is still not recognised. An interesting example of the exclusion of
women within fisheries is the opposition of the predominantly male boat crew to
having women owners on board of their own boats. Women face also difficulty
in obtaining access to technology for product storage and preservation (such as
ice, refrigerators, etc.), to transport facilities, and to credit. This group of women
vendors require special attention, as they largely consist of single and divorced
women. (E. Vales).
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The issue of women’s participation in the advancement of scientific
knowledge concerning fish health in aquaculture was also covered during the
conference. In a comparative study of complex relationships between private
and public actors carried out in Great Britain and Norway, W.M. Kjampenes
highlights the involvement of women scientists in developing a body of
knowledge about fish diseases. According to Kjampenes, the dominant
discourses underestimate women’s roles in early fish disease research and
fieldwork.
Plennary session 5. Women’s involvement in the diversification of activities
Four papers, all originating from the southern part of Europe, covered
women’s involvement in the diversification of fisheries household activities.
Three of the four papers concern islands: Sardinia in Italy and the Canary
Islands in Spain. In these places, where tourist activities occupy a large share of
the local economy, conflicts can frequently arise between tourists and traditional
activities for a variety of reasons. For instance, one of the main sources of
conflicts lies in the conflicting demands for space on the seaside. As J. Pascual,
R. de la Cruz Modino and G. Mordanini point out, frequently it is the local
fishers in these areas who have to find new livelihoods or develop new strategies
in order to take advantage of the new opportunities that may emerge in the local
scenarios. Diversification strategies are usually nothing new in coastal areas,
with different activities often employed in combination throughout history. In
this sense, tourism activities constitute another opportunity for fishing
households for the development of coastal economies, and fishing related
households have to adopt a combination of strategies in order to take advantage
of the new scenarios.
Indeed, as José Pascual points out in his paper, the diversification of
household activities in the Canary Islands is not new, and was, in fact, a usual
strategy employed in the past, with fishing related households employing a mix
of livelihood strategies, taking part in the coastal trade and agricultural activities
in addition to their fishery-related activities. In the last few decades it has been
increasingly common to combine fisheries activities with other activities in
services and tourism. Where this combination is feasible, people may invest
some of their capital to open small-scale service related activities, such as
seafood restaurants as in the case of the village of San Miguel de Tajao. This
new phenomenon has an impact on the role of women within the community as
they are main actors in the restaurants.
The example of La Restinga Island also in the Canaries provides a positive
example of the role women in fisheries communities can play. Their
participation in the development of new economic activities cancels the
stereotype that considers fisheries as the exclusive domain of men. For example,
women play a major role in developing tourism in this coastal area,
implementing a complex management system for tourist accommodation and
promoting marine tourism (R. de la Cruz Modino). In this example, women play
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a decisive role in the strategies of economic diversification which help guarantee
a more reliable source of income for the family.
The development of ‘fish-tourism’ (pescaturismo) in Sardinia has involved,
in an essential way, fishers’ wives. Women are the pillar of such development
not only by using their traditional abilities (in marketing and selling the
excursions and in cooking and serving food) but also through new capacities
such as utilising new technology (such as the internet) to run their businesses or
as tourist guides. Through the example of one fisher wife, G. Mondardini
illustrated the importance of women’s contribution in this activity. Apart from
projecting a good image to eco-conscious tourists, fish-tourism also helps these
tourists learn about fisheries.
The last contribution of this session, by A. Geistoerdfer explained the
meaning of the concept of women “initiatives” and how present-day public or
private fisheries-related institutions change their vocabulary to designate old
activities traditionally carried out by women. The presentation analysed the
main activities developed by women and discussed their unpaid contribution in
France and their lack of recognition.
Saturday 13 November
During the last plenary session forum discussion leaders were invited to
present the main issues of the forum they led. The forum covered the following
issues:
x Legal recognition of women’s work;
x Women in fisheries, shellfish harvesting and their productive and
reproductive roles in aquaculture;
x Women’s access to decision-making: strategies, constraints and
opportunities for women’s organisations (2 forums);
x Fishing, coastal resource management, and tourism: women’s roles
and perspectives;
x Women’s access to economic resources: business, management,
diversification and micro-credit;
x Working conditions and relations, and board and safety at sea and
ashore;
x Networking among women’s organisations: strategies, opportunities
and constraints.
Discussion forum 1: Legal recognition of women’s work by Joan O’Doherty
This forum was attended by participants from France, Netherlands, Ireland,
Sweden, Mozambique and Spain.
The general opinion from this group was that one’s legal status depends on
the social and cultural history of one's country. It was evident that where the
church did not play a dominant role in the state, men listened to the women and
where the church did play a dominant role in the state the men were deaf to
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women. Consequently, North and South, where the church was influential in
society, the women have a common cause in seeking:
x recognition for their endeavours;
x representation in decision-making;
x protection for their well-being (i.e. health and special security cover).
In countries, where the church is not an influence in the state, the women seek
a better status for their men so that they may be proud of their professions,
which are currently threatened and in depression. They seek a living wage for
their family enterprise.
Discussion forum 2: Women in fisheries, shellfish harvesting and their
productive and reproductive roles in aquaculture by Liv Toril Pettersen
and Siri Gerrard
The more interesting elements from this forum are summarised as follows.
Women’s productive and reproductive roles are very broad, and a number of
presentations dealt with different aspects in this field. It can be said that in
small-scale fisheries all cultural traits are linked to one another. People are
usually self-employed and production and reproduction are linked and
overlapping. In industrialised fisheries, production and reproduction are, to a
much larger degree, separated. People become wage earners instead of being
self-employed. The dilemma with the small-scale fishing model is that, despite
the links and overlap between production and reproduction, women, in many
cases, are defined according to their role in reproduction; that is, women are
defined as their husband’s wife and as caretakers. Women lack legitimate legal
status and become invisible when it comes to their roles in production. The
dilemma with the industrialised fishery model is that local people, men and
women, lose control, both over natural resources and their own labour.
Discussion forum 3: Women’s access to decision-making: strategies,
constraints and opportunities for women’s organisations by Cornelie
Quist and Nalini Nayak.
The general feeling among all participants in this forum was that the ongoing
organisation of women in fisheries and aquaculture has not only been
empowering but has also been vital in gaining visibility, access to rights, and
recognition from fishing communities. With regard to women’s organisations,
solid foundations and a high level of communication and participation are
considered as two of the most important facilitating factors in creating
sustainable organisations. The creation process of the organisation must be
rooted in solid foundations, which provides a base from which to grow and
flourish. Communication and participation are also important and demand
regular meetings. Existing women’s organisations face a number of constraints
including a diversity of interests between members, a lack of self-confidence
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among women, and a lack of organisational skills. As such, active interaction
between members is necessary as it establishes relationships of reciprocity,
mutuality and solidarity between members.
Discussion forum 4: Women’s access to decision-making: women’s
participation in fishermen’s organisations: strategies, constraints and
opportunities by Dolores Bermudez and Marta Piñeiro
The discussions from this forum highlighted a number of main issues.
Women should not wait to be invited by men or politicians to participate in
debate and decisions concerning the fisheries sector. Instead, they must decide
their course of action independently. It was noted that “men know how to use
women’s timidity,” and the consequence is that women are left outside the
decision-making process. It was also noted that where women have the support
of civil servants or NGO’s, they are able to achieve greater recognition.
Organised women obtain more recognition than women who are not organised.
Women should practice better lobbying of politicians and administrative
employees.
Discussion Forum 5: Fishing, coastal resource management, and tourism:
women's roles and perspectives by Gloria Cabrera.
Tourism can provoke both positive and negative impacts on coastal
communities. In some cases, tourist activity is considered a danger by coastal
communities because fisheries territory is reduced, the practice of some gears
can be made illegal, local landscapes can be transformed, and fishers can be
even expelled from the seashore due to the building of tourist complexes and
other infrastructure. The other danger is that traditional local cultures are
disappearing and negative phenomena, such as drug use and prostitution, are
starting to appear due to increased tourist activity.
What then are the positive impacts of tourism on coastal communities? Are
there avenues for coastal communities to benefit from tourism? This forum
found that there are indeed opportunities for coastal communities to generate
income from tourism; however, local communities must be involved from the
beginning in tourism development projects, and not leave it to foreign interests
to guarantee that local populations (men and women) are able to participate
actively in that process. The different experiences shared during the forum
showed that women constitute a major actor for the development of new
activities. They are able not only to be the initiators of projects (visits,
restaurants, etc.), but also the executors of these projects.
Women’s linkages to small-scale fisheries or aquaculture units play a more
important role in the diversification process. The reduction of fishing activities
due to the presence of tourists involves more small-scale boats or aquaculture
enterprises, as their production is more easily sold and caters more easily to the
tourism sector. Women involved in fisheries activities involving larger boats
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have contested the ‘fishing and tourism’ concept not only because their boats are
unable to cater for fish-tourism, but also because they think that this activity
cannot constitute the future of fisheries in Europe. As such, fish-tourism is
primarily targeted at small islands and small-scale boats.
Discussion forum 6: Women’s access to economic resources: business,
management, diversification and micro-credit by Chantal Gnimadi.
During the forum participants shared their experiences in these domains. The
common characteristic that came out during this discussion was the capacity of
women to adjust to all situations by opting for new economic initiatives.
Examples from Africa and South America show how the depletion and scarcity
of fishery and aquatic resources at local markets pushed women to initiate new
activities. For instance, in Tanzania women fish processors originated from the
Victoria Lake have had to modify their activities several times due to the
scarcity of raw material, using now waste products from the export industry. In
Chile, women in coastal areas have traditionally been involved in activities
linked to the artisanal fisheries sector. However, due to the depletion of fish
stocks, they have had to seek new livelihoods, and are now involved in activities
related to tourism. From fishermen’s wives, they have now become producers of
diving suits. Senegalese women also assume an important role in shoreline
activities by selling and processing fish. Today, they have diversified into other
activities and also produce other products such as fish oil and fishmeal for
agricultural use.
European women are managing small-scale fish processing enterprises.
Processed fish sell for higher prices than raw fish, and diversification of fishing
household activities is necessary today to improve household income. A woman
from Ireland explained how and why she developed a smoked wild salmon
enterprise and also the difficulties she faces today. From wild salmon fished by
her husband she has moved to alternative wild species fished from different
suppliers in the local area.
French shellfish women originating from the Mediterranean explained how
they promote their products. Participation at European food (gastronomic) fairs
is indispensable for the promotion of their products; during the fairs they sell
oysters and mussels to visitors.
All participants spoke about facing financial problems not only at the
beginning but also when they want to expand their initiatives. Extensions are
necessary if they want to survive; however, banks are often unreceptive to and
do not extend loans to women. European women are the only group to benefit
from public subsidies; however, they underline that the first 3 to 5 years are
often the most difficult because they have to find and establish a customer base.
Southern experience on micro-credits based on individual savings saw great
interest from European participants.
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Discussion Forum 7: Working conditions and relations, and safety on
board vessels at sea and ashore by Barbara Neis
The first issue discussed by this forum was safety on board vessels.
Participants felt that male attitudes toward safety matters has been driven more
by machismo than by family security. Participants felt that this was probably the
reason why women continue to face problems in convincing men to use safety
equipment. Participants from Portugal, Spain, and France noted the need for an
improvement in safety in the European fishing fleet, and they underlined the
importance of financing the construction of new vessels that have the necessary
safety and security standards.
Deteriorating working conditions are seen as another reason for maritime
accidents. These accidents have resulted from longer working hours and fewer
crew numbers on board vessels, brought about due to rising investment costs,
lower fish prices, and high debts. Alcohol and drug consumption on board boats
are also responsible for accidents. It was furthermore discussed that women
should demand the recognition not only of occupational illnesses of men, but
also of women working at sea (i.e. shellfish gatherers, fish sellers, etc.). For
example, shellfish processors in Canada are struggling with occupational asthma
and with cumulative trauma disorders (i.e. carpal tunnel syndrome).
Discussion Forum 8: Networking among women’s organisations:
strategies, opportunities and constraints by Cornelie Quist and Nalini Nayak
The discussion in this forum highlighted various networking efforts of
women’s organisations, both at the national and regional levels. Networks have
been initiated by various actors, including women’s organisations in fishing
communities themselves, NGOs, research programs, governments, and regional
governmental bodies. Some of these networks were present in the forum,
including: the Nordic Network for Coastal and Fisher Women; Task Force
Women in Fisheries (Philippines); Federation 2FM (France); Federation of
Rederas (Net menders) (Galicia, Spain); AREAL, the Federation of Shellfish
Gatherers (Galicia, Spain); and the National Women’s Fisheries Network
(Chile). Although networks have a larger focus and orientation than individual
organisations, their success depends much the same on the facilitating factors
mentioned above.
Keynote speech
During the last day of the Conference, Katia Frangoudes presented the draft
version of the Agenda of European Fisherwomen’s Demands, which resulted
from work carried out over two years and realised within the frame of the
European Programme, FEMMES. The Agenda of European Fisherwomen’s
Demands will be presented to national and European decision makers. It must be
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seen as a tool for the promotion of women’s issues within the European fisheries
sector. Women’s demands can be divided into different areas; some of the
demands concern women working in fisheries and aquaculture production, while
others concern women who are collaborative spouses or crewmen’s wives. The
main areas for action and demands can be summarised as follows.
I. Women in economic activities
1. Legal recognition of work done collaboratively by spouses and by
women in fisheries, aquaculture, and shell fishing (legal status for
women working in fisheries production, as well as those carrying out
the administrative tasks of the enterprise).
2. Legal recognition and promotion of activities linked to fishing (net
menders, fish traders).
3. Support for women’s initiatives (training, micro-credit).
4. Improving labour conditions and safety on shore and at sea for women
and men (implementation of security standards on sea-going vessels,
recognition of occupational illnesses, abolition of gender
discrimination, etc.).
II. Women in collective action
5. Access to representation (access to male organisations, equal rights
between men and women, etc.).
6. Support for women’s organisations (provide financial support for
women’s organisations and networks, and support for exchanges
between women’s organisations, etc.).
III. Women’s role in the social reproduction of fishing cultures
7. Transmission of fisheries heritage (transmission of technical knowledge
and way of life between generations).
VI. Cross Cutting issues
8. Equal access for men and women to fisheries-related professions and
resources.
9. Access to training and validation of experience.
These are the main issues covered by the Agenda of European Fisherwomen’s
Demands which was sent to women’s organisations around Europe for debate.
This Agenda can be constituted a good basis for European Women to establish a
European Network.
Closing ceremony:
Rosa Mª Quintana Carballo, the Director General of Fisheries Development
and Innovation from the Galician Fisheries Council, Janick Moriceau VicePresident of Bretagne region in charge of sea affairs and Antonio Gutiérrez of
the Directorate-General Fisheries (EU) graciously attended the closing session
of the conference.
26
AGENDA FOR WOMEN IN FISHERIES AND
AQUACULTURE IN EUROPE
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x
x
The programme ‘FEMMES’, funded by the European Commission under the
5th Framework Programme for Research has organized a series of meetings and
other interactions between women in fisheries and aquaculture in Europe. It has
encouraged exchanges among women in fisheries and aquaculture, their
organisations and researchers working on related issues. This interactive process
has highlighted the concerns of the women whose lives and livelihoods are
dependent on coastal and inland fisheries, but who are largely invisible to the
public eye. They are mostly excluded from a legitimate legal status, from
formal recognition, from participation in fisheries decision-making processes,
and from access to credit, training and social security. Our interactions have
helped evolve an agenda for action that we collectively feel needs to be
implemented. Gender-sensitive fisheries policies are an essential step in
maintaining the cultures and livelihoods of fishing populations.
The need to document the ways in which women’s roles in fisheries
have changed over the last decades, and whether any of these changes
have led to the abandoning of activities linked to fisheries;
The gender sensitisation of fisheries education.
More specifically:
A.- WOMEN IN ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES
I. Institute legal recognition of work done collaboratively by spouses and
women in fisheries, aquaculture and shell fishing.
Our discussions have highlighted many issues that require immediate
attention by policy-makers at national and European levels.
1.1. Assign legal status, to the managerial work done by women in the
operation of extractive fishing enterprises (such as administration, bookkeeping, sales, etc.) in the countries where it does not already exist.
1.2. Assign legal status to women who practice aquaculture or
shellfish/seaweed gathering on shore (i.e.. mariscadoras).
1.3. Inform women and men about the benefits of legal recognition in the
countries where it exists.
1.4. Develop consensus on access to social benefits for women. All
stakeholders having relations with social welfare issues (such as women’s
organisations, fishermen’s social security insurance, administrations with
jurisdiction over fisheries industries and women’s equality) should meet with the
objective to harmonize national legislation to the European Directive of 1986
(EU directive 86/613)1.
1.5. Examine the possibility of reconstituting rights of access to social benefit
linked to the legal status dating at least back to 1986, the year of the European
Directive 86/613 which instructs all Member States to establish such status,
especially for collaborative spouses and those working in production.
These issues relate to:
II. Recognition and promotion of activities linked to fishing
Women have a long historical attachment to fisheries; family-based fisheries
are their way of life, and they are experienced and knowledgeable workers who
are essential to the resilience of Europe’s coastal communities. Already
vulnerable, the lives and livelihoods of these communities are increasingly
threatened by resource degradation, poor management, inappropriate
technology, intensive aquaculture, mass tourism, and gender-insensitive
fisheries policies.
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
The need to document the history, nature and scale of women’s roles
and contributions to fisheries in Europe;
The establishment of statistical data within fisheries based on gender;
The establishment of a women’s unit within the fisheries departments of
each country;
The establishment of a women’s unit within the Directorate-General of
Fisheries of the European Commission;
The integration of a specific gender focus in policy papers in fisheries;
The investigation of the equality deficit through gender mainstreaming;
The formal recognition of women’s contributions in production and
fisheries related activities;
The formal recognition of women’s right to represent the interests of the
fishing enterprises within which they are primary actors;
2.1. Recognise as a profession fisheries-related activities conducted by
women, such as net mending, and fish selling.
2.2. Improve the working conditions of these activities.
III. Support for women’s initiatives
3.1. Make accessible support programmes (financing, training, etc.) for
women who want to develop their own fishery enterprise.
3.2. Make accessible support programmes (financing, training,) for the
development of new activities initiated by women aimed at complementing the
income of fishing dependant family businesses.
3.3. Develop micro-credit schemes to support these women in case of cashflow difficulties.
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IV. Improving labour conditions and safety on shore and at sea for women
and men
4.1. Ensure the implementation and compliance of existing legislation on
labour standards and maritime safety, including safety at sea.
4.2. Recognise occupational illness and institute compensatory measures.
4.3. Provide education on safety measures and to dispel
gendered/discriminatory taboos and norms.
B. WOMEN AND COLLECTIVE ACTION
I. Access to representation
1.1. Recognise and support women fishers’ entry to and participation in male
dominated fishers’ organisations and trade unions.
1.2. Give women and men equal rights to represent the family enterprise in all
decision-making instances (voting rights in fishers’ organisations, financial
commitments, etc.).
1.3. Give crewmen’s wives the right to be on fisheries committees in the
absence of their husband or partner.
1.4. Give women’s organisations in fisheries the right of representation in
public decision making bodies and professional organisations.
II. Support for women’s organisations
2.1. Provide financial support to women’s organisations and networks.
2.2. Provide political and material support to actions initiated by women’s
organisations for the improvement and promotion of artisanal fisheries.
2.3. Provide support for exchanges and networking among women’s
organisations at national and international levels.
C. WOMEN’S ROLES IN THE SOCIAL REPRODUCTION
OF FISHING CULTURES
I. Transmission of fisheries heritage
1.1. Recognise the relevance of practical learning processes in fisheries, and
the relevance of women and men of older generations in the transmission of
experience, technical knowledge, and even a way of life.
1.2. Recognise and support women’s reproductive roles in sustaining fishing
communities and their culture, contributing to the recruitment and rearing of
new generations to fisheries.
D. CROSS CUTTING ISSUES
I. Equal rights
1.1. Abolish all forms of gender discrimination hindering access to fisheriesrelated professions and to resources.
1.2. Grant equal hereditary access rights to males and females.
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II. Access to training and validation of experience
2.1. Increase opportunities for and accessibility to training for women and
men (including crew’s wives) in fisheries and aquaculture with financial
incentives; such training should give access to recognized diplomas.
2.2. Give women and men in fisheries and aquaculture access to experience
validation schemes.
Notes
1
Council directive on the application of the principle of equal treatment between men and women
engaged in an activity, including agriculture, in a self-employed capacity and on the protection of selfemployment women during pregnancy and motherhood.
30
SOCIAL SECURITY FOR WOMEN FISHWORKERS IN
THE STATE OF PARÁ (NORTHERN BRAZIL)1
Maria Cristina Maneschy
Member, ICSF; Universidade Federal do Pará
Celeste Ferreira Lourenço
Sistema Nacional de Emprego – SINE/PA
Jimnah Henkel
Sistema Nacional de Emprego – SINE/PA
Abstract
Resultados provenientes de um estudo sobre o atual sistema público de
Previdência Social para pescadores artesanais no Estado do Pará, elaborado em
resposta a uma solicitação do ICSF (Coletivo Internacional de Apoio aos
Trabalhadores da Pesca), revelam que no Brasil, o acesso a esse direito de
cidadania social por essa categoria, tem uma história recente. Para as
trabalhadoras da pesca, esse acesso vem se dando mais lentamente. Com base
em entrevistas com líderes de associações e Colônias de Pescadores (órgãos de
representação de classe) no Pará, detectaram-se problemas de autoreconhecimento da condição profissional e de reconhecimento institucional, que
contribuem para perpetuar a invisibilidade das mulheres. Dificuldades
decorrentes da burocracia estatal, com critérios de definição de ocupação que,
por vezes, mostram-se incompatíveis com as práticas nas comunidades
pesqueiras, sobretudo onde a pesca associa-se a outros meios de vida, ampliamse quando se trata de incluir as mulheres. Os entrevistados evidenciam que, por
um lado, há um inegável reconhecimento da existência dessa trabalhadora postura relativamente nova nesse meio profissional. Mas, por outro lado, elas
ainda enfrentam muitos obstáculos para ter acesso aos benefícios
previdenciários, como salário-maternidade, auxílio-acidente, aposentadoria,
entre outros. Portanto, elas são parcialmente excluídas da cidadania. Essa
situação é mais grave quando se constata que elas dispõem de menos
alternativas de trabalho e renda em comparação aos pescadores homens, que
podem recorrer à pesca distante, atuando em outros portos que não o de origem.
Tal possibilidade é vedada às mulheres, já que a pesca marítima é masculina.
Elas atuam em pescas próximas, no beneficiamento de pescado, na confecção e
reparo de apetrechos, ocupam-se dos cuidados com a família, além de exercer
outras atividades em terra.
Introduction
This presentation will focus the public social security system for small scale
fishworkers in Pará State, North of Brazil. This investigation was undertaken in
response to a demand from International Collective in Support of Fishworkers
(ICSF) and it was based on interviews with leaders of associations and
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fishermen “colonias”. It revealed that the fishermen’s access to this social
citizenship right is recent and more especially so for the women fisherworkers.
The investigation found, problems of self-recognition of the professional status
and institutional recognition. These contribute to the invisibility of those
women, who besides fisheries undertake other responsibilities, including
domestic chores. There are also difficulties emanating from the official
bureaucracy, whose criteria to establish who is a fishworker are restrained and
consequently create difficulties for women in communities where fisheries is
part of a set of different productive activities.
The leaders interviewed reveal that, on the one hand, there is an evident
recognition of the women’s place in the fisheries – a recent approach within this
professional category. On the other hand, the women keep facing strong barriers
to benefits from the social rights, not only inside many “colônias”, but also
within the official institutions that operate the social security system. As a
consequence, they are partially excluded from citizenship. They have less job
opportunities compared to fishermen, who have the possibility to go fishing in
other ports, far from home. The women do not have this possibility, as long as
off-shore fishing in distant waters is a male activity. The women more often
work close to home and they care for the family.
Background to Pará fisheries
Located in the North Region of Brazil, Pará is the second larger state in
territorial area (1.253.164, 5km2), representing around 17% of Brazil’s territory
and 26% of Brazilian Amazon, respectively. It has 562km of Atlantic coast and
40% of the interior waters of Brazil, in its territory. It is located in a part of the
larger hydrographical basin of the planet: the Amazonic basin.
According to the data from the Brazilian Environment Institute – IBAMA,
Pará is the first producer in terms of volume in the country. In 2001, it reached
159.453,5 tons (IBAMA)2. Most of the production in Pará comes from
extractive fishing (98.3%). Of this, the participation of the artisanal sector is
much higher than the industrial, with, respectively, 87.4% and 10.9% of the
production unshipped in the year.
The social and economic importance of artisanal fishing and fishermen in the
state is confirmed by the role of fishing as a source of food. The industrial
production is aimed, primarily at the external market and, secondly, at the
national market. The artisanal production is geared mainly to supply local,
regional and national.
The population of the fishing sector is estimated by Fishermen Federation in
Pará (FEPA) and from the Movement of Fishermen from Pará (MOPEPA) – at
100,000 fishermen in the state. According to FEPA’s data (quotes in SINE-PA,
2003)3, in 2001, there were 48.788 fishermen enrolled in the 65 colonies of the
state. The directors of professional bodies estimated that around half of the
fishermen are not registered, particularly those who do not own fishing vessel or
fishing gears.
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Generally, fishermen operate in different areas: at the beaches, in the open
sea, over sand banks, at bays, fluvial fishing, lake fishing and, even, in
mangrove swamps along the coast. Those who practice mobile fishing are able
to operate in distant waters, reaching neighbour states, like Amapá and
Maranhão.
Here are some characteristics of the artisan fishers of this State, according to
research data by SINE-PARÁ (2003), with a sample of 1215 fishermen enrolled
in the Fishing Colonies. These represent 2.5% of the total fishermen registered.
1. Characteristics of the artisan fishermen in Pará fishing colonies
- 11% are women and 89% are men;
- Age:
30,6% are 50 years old or more
31% are 40 and 49 years old;.
24,7% are 30 39 years
8,3% are 25 and 29 years old,
5,4% are 18 and 24 years old
- The education level of the fishermen is low:
21% never went to school,
23% had only up to 4 years of education.
0, 5% had between 9 to 11 years of education, corresponding to high school.
- 85, 6% of interviewees are fishing regularly 14,4% fish irregularly due to
lack of gears, debts or crew vacancies.
- half of interviewees do daily trips, 1/3 fish for up to a week at a time. The
latter group uses motorized vessels, while the canoe users (without motor)
focused in a day trips. The remaining 13% fish for longer than a week at a time.
- 22% of fishermen are fishing alone in near waters, 48 fish in family units
and 42% are fish with non relatives.
- 89% of the production is sold, 7% is for self-consumption and 4% for other
uses (giving or trading with other products).
- Around 70% of the production is sold through middlemen. They have no
formal contract for buying and selling.
- Fishermen’s families consist of six individuals 72% of fisherworkers family
members were 10 years or older (Population in Active Age) and 46% of them
had an occupation.
- Among the relatives with an occupation, 62% were male and 38 were
female; fishing is the most common occupation by members of fishermen
families. Thus, considering those who worked in capture, collecting shellfish,
fixing or manufacturing fishing tackle and commercializing the products, this
percentage reaches 56% of the total of relatives.
- Despite the fisheries risks, 48% of the fishworkers were not written up in the
social security, thus non eligible to the related benefits.
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2. Social Security For Artisan Fishworkers in Brazil and Pará
The social security system in Brazil works in a unified way every state is
governed by the same legislation. This centralized model began in the 1930’s of
last century and was strongly expanded during the military regime in Brazil
(1964-84), when almost all the worker’s categories were included in the social
security system. Rural workers –incorporating fishermen and fisherwomen –
were included in the system for the first time in 1960’s, albeit in a very incipient
way.
In the beginning of the 1960’s, social movements in the rural areas in Brazil
were struggling for agrarian reforms. Rural workers and their interests could no
longer be ignored. In this context the approval of the Rural Workers Statute took
place. It instituted the Assistance and Security Fund for the Rural Worker
(FUNRURAL). This same statute regulated the rural labour unions and for the
first time in the country, established as mandatory the payment of minimum
salary to rural employees4.
During the military regime in Brazil, paradoxically, the Brazilian social
security system expanded and unified itself. During that period the rural segment
was definitely integrated into the system. A new program of rural assistance was
begun in 1971, connected to the existing FUNRURAL. It extended to rural
workers the right to retire – at 70 years old or due to invalidity - and improved
the health services offered. The value of the benefits paid was only half of the
official minimum wage. It also comprised a pension, with a smaller value – 70%
of the value of retirement pension – and funeral-assistance. An assortment of
health services were introduced such as medical-surgical and hospital assistance.
It’s interesting the fact that the women would be covered if they were head of
the family, or if they were rural employees. (BRUMER 2000, p. 56).
To understand the inclusion of the rural sector in the system during the
authoritarian regime, it’s necessary to take into account that in the 70’s, the
government developed a powerful modernization policy in the rural sector,
privileging the expansion of the Brazilian agro-export sector, commodities
producer, boosting mechanization and the use of fertilizers and chemical
devices. Modernization processes have had great impact on the small rural
producers, who were not a priority in these development policies. Rural-urban
migration and increased lands conflicts resulted from these developments.
According to a Malloy, and Schwarzer (, 2000) study the government tried, on
the one hand, to minimize the social problems in the rural areas. On the other
hand, the system was implemented, with a strong paternalist nature and
centralized pattern which allowed the dependency and the control of the
government over rural unions, colonies and fishermen associations, among
others. For example, the health-assistance was paid by the government, through
agreements with the representative entities of the local workers – rural workers
unions and fishermen colonies - who became “explicitly partners of
FUNRURAL” (Law No. 11/1971, article 28) (Schwarzer 2000, p. 9).
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33
A result of such policies, still influential nowadays, concerns the distorted
conception regarding union’s roles within the rural workers, including
fishermen. Through the funds received from the public power, most unions
became service agencies rather than political organisations, as the author
stressed (Schwarzer 2000, p. 9). Moreover, membership of the workers to the
union was mandatory, not a matter of choice. This compulsion was ended with
the union autonomy and freedom principle introduced by the new 1988
Constitution in Brazil, after the dictatorial regime.
2.1 Present Organisation of the Social Security
The current Social Security system in Brazil, whose main features were
defined in the 1988 Constitution, was shaped in 1991, in the democratic period.
There was the fusion of two previous bodies (INPS and IAPAS) that resulted in
establishment of the Social Security National Institute (INSS). The Social
Security Organic Law (Law No. 8.212), from July 24th, 1991, instituted its
organisation and funding plan. In the same date, Law No. 8213 established the
Social Security Benefits, which affects all the workers in the country. Social
Security is meant to be the public policy to protect citizenship. It is conceived as
a threefold set: social welfare, health and social assistance.
Social security aims to guarantee the earnings when people lose their working
capacity due to the so called social risks: disease, disability, old age, death and
involuntary unemployment; besides these, pregnancy and imprisonment are also
taken into account for benefits provision. Social Security National Institution
(INSS) is in charge of the execution of those actions. Brazilian’s social security
is divided into public and private. The public is divided into Social Security
General Regime (RGPS) and Social Security Private Regimes (RPPS)5. The
fishermen are ruled by RGPS.
2.2 Fishermen’s inclusion in social security
In the beginning of the 1990’s in Brazil the rural workers and the artisanal
fishworkers were completely included in the official social welfare system. For
the first time, the rural benefits were similar to urban ones: it means that the
minimum value of the rural benefits became equivalent to one minimum salary
(in May 1st 2004, around US$ 86.00 per month). This inclusion was considered a
big step forward compared to the previous period, when the rural workers were
only partially protected and the values of benefits were lower than the urban
ones.
This recent history of the social security system in Brazil is a resulting from a
political movement for democracy at the end of 1988’s. During this process
many social categories mobilized and lobbied. The small scale fishermen were
represented in a movement called “Fisheries Constituent”, formed in 1986. It
succeeded in influencing some of the articles concerning the sector. This
movement was formed by the National Fishermen Federation at that time, by
representatives of fishermen colônias coming from different parts of the
country, organisations such as the Fishermen Pastoral Council6 researchers,
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political activists and technicians from state institutions and notably SUDEPE
(Superintendência do Desenvolvimento da Pesca), which at that time was the
official institute that carried out fisheries issues and was responsible for
promoting the ‘development of the fisheries’. All these entities and people were
participating in the democratic flow at the time and they were struggling for
increased citizenship rights in Brazil.
In the Brazilian Federal Constitution from 1988, social security is considered
as one of the social rights, together with education, health, work, leisure, safety,
and maternity and childhood protection. This text is considered a boundary mark
in the history of social welfare in Brazil, because it was opposed to the
prevailing inequity that discriminated rural from urban population. (OLIVEIRA
et alii, 1997, p. 10, apud, BRUMER, 2002, p. 67). In the last decade Brazil has
followed International Labour Office (ILO) advice regarding the fish workers,
notably with regarding to their “special need of social security” due to the risky
working conditions.
For social security purposes fishermen are classified in the following
categories: a) employee, b) individual contributor c) indirect employees; and d)
specially insured. The fishworkers are entitled to the following benefits: age or
disability retirement, sickness-assistance, sickness-assistance due to work
accident, maternity benefits, and pension death and reclusion assistance.
In addition those in the category of special insured, who are working in areas
where there is a closed season for fisheries (‘defeso’) for the conservation of the
stocks, are entitled to benefit from a Special Unemployment Insurance. It is a
special insurance, annually available during closed season months. It is linked to
conservation of fish (based on the reproduction cycle).7 Those entitled to this
benefit receive a minimum salary during each month of the closed season. This
season generally lasts four months.
These benefits were introduced by the Law nº 8.287 in November 20th 1991
and this law was recently modified by Law 10.779, in November 25th, 2003.
This insurance system is managed by the Ministry of Work and Employment
and funding by FAT (Workers Support Fund), a federal government fund.
In 2003, in Pará, there were 13.765 beneficiaries, of which 18% were women.
In the North region as a whole, there were 23.652. The women were 13% of the
total of this region. In Brazil, over the same period, there were 110.025
beneficiaries, 10% of which are women. According to the numbers, Pará
represented 12% of the total of unemployment insurance beneficiaries in Brazil
and 58% of the total in the Northern region.
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Table 1 – Artisan fishworkers receiving unemployment insurance according
to sex and education in Brazil, Northern Region and Pará State - 2003
WOMEN
MEN
School years
Brazil
North
Pará
Brazil
North
Pará
Illiteracy
5.318
1.817
1.547
43.708
16.631
7.142
Until 3 years
3.035
972
774
33.613
6.244
3.708
Until 4 years
1.197
107
44
10.517
1.517
197
Until 7 years
774
83
48
7.703
886
230
Until 8 years
263
32
11
2.008
157
22
+ 8 years
245
22
6
1.544
141
33
Ignored
2
1
1
93
42
1
Total
10.839
3.034
2.431
99.186
20.618
11.334
TOTAL
School years
Brazil
Illiteracy
49.026
Until 3 years
36.648
Until 4 years
11.714
Until 7 years
8.477
Until 8 years
2.271
+ 8 years
1.789
Ignored
95
Total
110.025
Source: Ministry of Work and Employment
North
18.448
7.216
1.624
969
189
161
43
23.652
Pará
8.689
4.482
241
278
33
39
2
13.765
3. Social security for fishermen and gender relations
Various studies on gender relations at work in Brazil have noted a strict link
between the way the worker participates in the labour market and the social
security coverage. Gender analysts indicate that the inequalities found between
men and women in the labour market are reproduced with social security access.
This occurs because, proportionally, the women frequently occupy more
precarious jobs, with characteristics which are: a) too long or too reduced
working hours; b) intermittence in the market, as long as the women have to
carry out job, maternity and household chores; c) informal market; d) high
unemployment rates; e) and lower earnings. This has repercussions on social
security access, as Lena Lavinas, economist, illustrates.
In general, women work intermittently, due to family responsibilities laid
on her. So, they have to contribute [pay] irregularly to social security.
Because of that, many owe to INSS, needing to pay the accumulated
contributions she owns to receive the benefit for when she gets sixty years
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old. Most of them, of course, can’t afford. On the other hand, the
intermittence in the way many women contribute makes it difficult for them
to prove their status, which leads them to retire only by age; even if they had
exceeded contribution time [thus could have retired before].8
After thirteen years of the approval of the Law that assured rural workers
their social rights, access of the woman rural worker and, especially, of the
fisherwoman to social security is very small. In the past, the fisherwoman could
not be enrolled in social security as an individual, unless she was head of the
household. From 1991 onward, after the new RGPS Law was sanctioned, this
social right was extended to all members of the family working in the family
economic unit. Independently of the husband fisherman, the woman acquired
equal rights.
While the State recognised the fisherwomen workers’ status in documents
necessary to prove the profession, women continue to identify themselves as
housewives. This means that their labour status remains invisible until they
themselves regard their work in the fisheries as their work To some extent, this
relates to enduring cultural patterns, especially in rural areas and, even, in small
cities. Albeit her productive activity supports the maintenance of the household
and generates income, she and her family don’t usually view her responsibilities
as work equivalent to the men’s work. It is clear in the speech of a fisherwoman
and president of an association interviewed in the city of Vigia, in Pará’s coast.
…because before people didn’t know if they had any right. The worker
worked and didn’t know if he had the right, specially the woman who was
discriminated; sometimes only the man had rights, even if the woman would
work her whole life shell fishing, traveling… she didn’t know about her
rights.
There are many complaints of fisherwomen suffering from prejudice within
INSS whenever they look for a particular benefit. This may happen in relation to
physical appearance (clothing, make-up, painted nails, jewelry…). The
interviewees mentioned a stereotyped vision of the fisherwoman, according to
which she must have a rude look. This allows for skepticism that the candidate
to the benefit really practices the activity she declares, and they often presume
she is a fraud.
Old ways of thinking towards women still rule within several colonies, as the
following testimony from the president of the president of Mosqueiro’s Colony
clearly indicates:
Concerning the INSS issue, the fisherman has to prove that he really is a
fisherman through the declaration of an organisation, mainly of the colonies.
It’s a pity that, in those moments, many colonies do not recognize women as
fisher workers, making it hard for them to retire… and it’s simple and what
harms them more, sometimes, is prejudice.
It’s outstanding that some Colonies in Pará are implementing actions to
encourage women to benefit from their social security rights, as is the case of
Barcarena Colony, where activities to raise this awareness are considered
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37
successful, given that in the last semester of 2003, around 70% of their new
claimants were women.
Despite such progress, prejudices in recognizing women as full workers
remain. It’s worth noting the comments of two presidents of colonies, from
Viseu and Icoaraci respectively, in northeast of the state, when describing the
types of fishing women perform. These women fish daily close by and this allow
them to conciliate work and household chores.
Women in Vizeu fish with line, catch ‘sururu’ [small mussels], help the
husband, and help them in everyday fishing…
…the woman gets every kind of illness, sometimes more than the men,
because women here in the islands [in the Tocantins river mouth], there are
women who get up at two, three o’clock in the morning, take a small canoe
towards the small rivers to inspect their ‘matapi’ [fixed trap for shrimps], or
collect the fish trapped in the ‘curral’ [huge fixed traps for fish, armed in the
margin of rivers or beaches]. The woman does everything.
Achieving recognition has not been an easy task Working primarily in
proximity fishing, fish processing and weaving and repairing fishing gear,
practicing different activities along the year, have resulting in women gradually,
imposing themselves on a male dominant culture. Some associations of
fisherwomen were established in the last decade in the state and elsewhere in
Brazil. The 2003 SINE/PA study found sixty fishery associated bodies of which
11 were women and one represented both men and women together.
At the First Congress of Fishermen from the West of Pará and Low Amazon,
in 2000, one of the claims presented, was that the women should have access to
the benefits “every worker has the right to, without discrimination between men
and women, irrespective whether she carries out the fishing activity in a
continuous way or not.” (1st Congress, 2000). It’s important to highlight this
recognition that the fisherwoman, due to the fact of having other activities, does
not always fish in a continuous or exclusive way, and this shouldn’t disqualify
her from the right to receive the social security benefits.
The interviewees, conducted, highlight the importance for the fisherwomen to
have access to the financial resources of the social security benefits as longer as
their fish is for family consumption.
Additional evidence shows that the money of the benefits is often used for
purposes other than that which the state intended; for example the maternity
benefit which would allow the mother stop working for four months is
frequently employed to improve the production means. This money plays the
role of the credits.
To me, it is this maternity-assistance that the woman needs. She stays
there, with that money she can buy diapers, stuff for her children… she is
glad, there are some fisherwomen who tell me, now I’m gonna have my
‘casco’ [small canoe for fluvial navigation], my own net, my matapi [trap for
shrimps], with this money, for them, it was a big thing. (President of Gurupá
Colony).
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4. Conclusions
Though the Brazilian social security legislation has made great progress and
acquired universal acclaim by including every category of workers and, also, by
unifying the levels of benefits, in practice the access to the social security
system is still far from equalitarian. . Although legally accessible to everybody,
government budgetary limits restrain what is provided, particularly access to
specialize medical care. The infrastructure of the public health is distributed in a
non-equal way among the regions of the country and, also, inter-regionally,
given that it concentrates in the bigger cities. Even in urban centers provided
with services of public health and social security, beneficiaries have to wait too
long for health care.
Concerning women, the lack of information and awareness about their social
rights are main barriers. These are remnants of the previous social security
regime, when the woman was no more than the husband’s dependant and not
viewed as a worker. The institutional shift taking place, since last decade, has
neither been able to change attitudes and mentalities in many “colônias” nor
within the official bureaucracy.
Frequently the fisherwoman doesn’t recognize herself as a worker. In her
personal papers she declares she is a housewife. Whenever it is time to apply for
a benefit, she cannot prove her fisher woman status.
The lack of familiarity of the social security employees with the routine of
fishing generates problems of understanding that obstructs the obtaining of the
required benefits. As a consequence, those who have other activities aren’t
easily acknowledged. Having another activity besides fishing is very common
among the women, who often have agricultural tasks, raise small animals,
handicrafts, including the fishing tackles preparing. As long as they are not a
fisherwoman exclusively it becomes more difficult for them to be accepted as
eligible for the benefits assigned to the professional category.
Discrimination is manifest in distrusting attitudes and stereotyped images
about the woman fishworker. In summary old attitudes remain .However the
woman’s role is becoming more recognized. Fishermen organisations have, as
one of their objectives, improved social rights for women in fisheries.
References
Brumer, Anita. Previdência social rural e gênero. Sociologias, ,v.4, n.7, jan./jun.,
Porto Alegre 2002, 50-81.
Congresso dos pescadores do oeste do pará e baixo amazonas, I. Relatório.
Santarém, 2000.
Guia do Trabalhador Rural: saiba como utilizar o seu seguro social. Brasília:
MPS, ACS, 2003.
IBAMA 2003. Estatística pesqueira 2001. www.ibama.gov.br.
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39
Lavinas, Lena in: Fausto Oliveira (Ed.), Previdência é celeiro de injustiças para
as brasileiras. Notícias da FASE (Federação de Órgãos para Assistência
Social e Educacional), 21 de maio de 2004.
Schwarzer, Helmut `Paradigmas de Previdência social rural: um panorama da
experiência internacional´, IPEA,.Textos para discussão, n. 767. Brasília2000
Schwarzer, Helmut `Impactos socioeconômicos do sistema de aposentadorias
rurais no Brasil – evidências empíricas de um estudo de caso no Estado do
Pará. Rio de Janeiro´, IPEA,. Textos para discussão, n. 729. 2000
Sine-Pará, Secretaria Executiva de Trabalho e Promoção Social, A pesca
artesanal no Pará: perfil sócio-econômico e organizacional dos pescadores
filiados às colônias., SETEPS/SINE-PA, Belém 2003, 154
SUDEPE-PA/AP, O setor pesqueiro no Estado do Pará; diagnóstico (versão
preliminar), COREG PA/AP, Belém 1988
Notes
1
This text is part of a wider study focusing on small scale fishermen and the social security in
the State of Pará, Brazil, undertaken in a response to a call from International Collective in Support
of Fishworkers (ICSF), who financed the research. The study is part of an ICSF initiative to provide
inputs to ILO’s proposed comprehensive standard on work in the fishing sector. This subject was
included in the 92nd Session of the International Labour Conference in June 2004 at Geneva.
2
IBAMA. 2003. FISHING STATISTIC 2001. Access, March 10th, 2004. Available in:
www.ibama.gov.br
3
SINE-PARÁ. A pesca artesanal no Pará: perfil sócio-econômico e organizacional dos
pescadores filiados às colônias., SETEPS/SINE-PA, Belém 2003, 154
4
Benefit already conceded to urban workers of the formal sector since the 30’s.
5
RPPS is the regime that regulates the categories of public servitors in some Brazilian states
6
CPP had some year ago started to mobilize fishermen in the North and North East regions of
Brazil in a way that ‘effective fishermen’ could get to the power in their professional organisations,
up then controlled by non-fishermen, like representatives of the local powers, middlemen,
politicians and so on. This can be considered an important seed of the fishworkers movements in
Brazil.
7
The other workers, those who are employees, perceive unemployment insurance when they
loose their jobs, during a short period according to the specific legislation.
8
Cited in the article “Social security is plenty of unfairness to the Brazilian women”, by Fausto
Oliveira and transcript in News from FASE (Federação de Órgãos para Assistência Social e
Educacional), in May 21th, 2004. Fragment translated from Portuguese by the authors of this study.
42
LIVING WITH THE QUOTAS: AN EXAMPLE ABOUT
GENDER, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CHANGE IN THE
NORTH NORWEGIAN FISHERIES
Siri Gerrard
University of Tromso, Norway
In this paper I shed light on changes that have taken place concerning
women’s and men’s practices and identities since the launch of the Norwegian
quota system in 1990. Because of the heavy depletion of cod and to meet the
requirements set by the Norwegian - Russian Fishery Commission aimed at
protecting the cod stock, the Director of the Norwegian Directorate of Fisheries
declared a Moratorium the 18th of April 1989. The 1st of January 1990 the
Ministry of Fishery launched a quota system for the cod fisheries.
From the fishery peoples’ point of view the quota system is a change coming
from outside. External changes, like internal changes, are not new in the
Norwegian fisheries. Fishery peoples have “always” had to adapt to the
imposition of national policies, fluctuations in the worldwide markets and the
introduction of new technologies. In this way, I argue that the local fishery
population is very much connected to national as well as global processes. My
concern, in this paper, is to give an example of how women and men, dependent
on the fishery, adapt to and develop new living and working conditions. These
conditions can be related to national policy change, but also to changes in global
ecology and market principles and conditions.
I start by presenting some of these wider conditions and some of my
theoretical considerations about gendered changes and transitions. My friends,
Åshild and Rolf Ove Pettersen1, a fishing couple from Skarsvåg, the northern
most fishing village in Norway, will help me to elaborate on some of the
changes that have taken place in this village. I have had a close relationship with
them and many of the inhabitants of Skarsvåg since I first started my work
studying fishery cultures in the 1970s.
Global and national changes in a Norwegian fishery context
In recent decades, we have seen a sort of globalised extension of a marketoriented way of thinking into more and more areas of life. This market
orientation is today used to understand phenomena that would have been
“unthinkable” only a few years ago. Therefore not only fish as a commodity in
the market, but also the right to fish organised in a quota system are brought into
the market system. Quotas are part of a global pattern of regulating the fisheries,
though the specifics of each nation’s or region’s quota system may vary. We
find, for example, quota systems instituted in most European countries where
fisheries are carried out, as well as in Canada, the United States and New
Zealand. This system seems to be a rather “universal” solution to solve fish
AKTEA CONFERENCE
stock problems. It reflects a hegemonic model based on the “recent international
neo-liberal consensus” (Pringle and Pease 2001: 251 cited in Power, 2005). The
result has been the restructuring of the environment, economy, policy and social
aspects of life (Neis, Grzetic, and Pedgeon 2001). I will also add cultural aspects
of life. All over the world where the quota system has been applied, the
implementation has had different consequences for women’s and men’s
positions in fisheries as well as on what that is considered as femininity and
masculinity (Porter, 1993, Gerrard 1995, Munk Madsen 1997, Binkley 2000,
Grzetic 2004, Skaptadottir 2000, Power 2005).
In Norway the quota system has gone through many changes. Fishers owning
a boat with historical rights in cod fishing in the northern part of the country are
entitled to a quota commensurate with boat size2. In 2004 a boat of 10 meters
and 46 centimetres could fish approximately 27 tons of cod in addition to certain
quantities of haddock and coalfish3. The precise quotas for cod, haddock and
coalfish vary however. For example, in 2004 a boat measuring 10 meters and 46
centimetres faced a reduction of the cod quota while the haddock and coalfish
quotas increased. Other changes seem likely for the 2005 quota. In Norway
quotas can be rented and indirectly, also bought and sold through buying and
selling of fish boats4.
The decisions about the size of the boat quotas and the fishery regulations in
general, is a complex process. It starts with the negotiations in the Norwegian –
Russian Fishery Commission. This commission decides upon the total amount
of catch (TAC) for the following year and the result is approved by the
Norwegian Government and
presented for the Norwegian Parliament.
Thereafter the Ministry of Fisheries and Coastal Affairs makes the final
decisions. This takes place after The Directorate of Fisheries has given their
proposals and The Regulatory Council their recommendations. The Regulatory
Council consist of representatives from, among others, the Norwegian
Fishermen’s Union, the Coastal Fishermen’s Union, the fish buyers’
organisation, the fish workers’ union. Researchers from the Institute of Marine
Research also are present. Observers from the Norwegian Society for
Conservation of Nature (Friends of the Earth Norway) and the Sami Parliament.
In the 1990s both groups sent women as observers. Nevertheless, the great
majority of committee members and observers have always been men. A resent
example is the Norwegian – Russian Fishery Commission. In 2004 four women
and 24 men from Norway and the same number of women and men from Russia
met to negotiate the total allowable catch for the cod stock in the Barents sea.
This and other fishery related committees have all applied for exceptions from
the gender equality act that demands 40% women (or men) in public committee.
The argument has been that the fishery organisations have few women as
members. It is also said that few are interested and seen as eligible for such post
(Sloan 2004:87-88). This reflects, according to my opinion, the different
institutions’ view upon whom they consider as experts in fishing as well as who
hold special offices. When the present Minister of Fishery, Svein Ludvigsen,
argues that the fishery industry cannot count on continuing with exceptions, he
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has also mentioned that there are clever women for example among the
environmentalists. Again, the Ministry shows no signs of looking upon women
in fishery as capable and experts of their own situation. Thus he has the same
attitude towards women in fishery that his ministry expressed 30 years ago
(Gerrard 1976).
The introduction of a quota system is not the only change that the fishery
communities – like other communities around the world - have been facing.
There are also changes in the market related way of thinking. A new ownership
model of the fishing boats seems to have been put into practice. During the last
part of the 1990s more and more boats, even those in the coastal fleet, have
reorganised into private limited companies. This represents a new way of
organising business among Norwegian owners of smaller boats, measuring
between 10 and 15 meters. Before the quota system was applied and the policy
changed we seldom found examples of such ownership patterns among the
owners of small boats.
Another observed trend is the centralisation of industrial fish production. The
filleting and freezing of fish is labour intensive. Most of the fish factories in
Finnmark, big or small, have gone bankrupt. Those that remain are now
concentrated in the larger fishery communities. There are also examples of a
more globalised system of production. Fish from the Barents Sea are now
transported to China for production and sent back to Norway and other
European countries to be sold and consumed. The industrial filleting production
in the northernmost county of Norway has in this way decreased enormously.
Another trend worth mentioning concerns the general restructuring of the
public economy. Between World War II and the 1990s the Norwegian state
transferred money to the different sectors of the municipalities. They still do, but
today the transfer of money is not sector dependent. At the same time more
responsibilities and tasks are handed over to the lower administrative levels.
That means that more work has to be done for the same or less amount of money
since compensation for higher wages is not always given. The amount of money
is dependent, in part, on the number of inhabitants in a municipality. Fewer
people in a municipality mean a reduction in public income as well as public
jobs5. Subsidies to the fishing industry have also decreased and practically
disappeared, but at a faster pace than the population-based reduction. The cut in
subsidies is partly due to EU regulations6 and partly to a more right wing or neoliberal economic oriented policy.
Many of these changes are not specific to Norway and its small fishery
communities. They are found in many other countries as well. My question then
is this: How do women and men in fisheries act and react under such conditions
and how do we as researchers understand their actions and reactions?
Women and men in transitions – theoretical considerations
It is clear from my discussion above that change in the organisation of
Norwegian fisheries are accompanied by and linked to other significant local
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and global changes. However, the change that the fishery population is
preoccupied with is the quota system. This preoccupation reflects the immediacy
of the impacts of quotas on the lives of women and men in the fishery villages.
Since quotas represent a way of distributing the right to fish and the number of
tons a boat can fish, it is important to look at some of the impacts of such
restricted access to fishing, especially in the context of declining fish stocks and
falling incomes both for fishers and fish plant workers. Global changes –
implemented by means of a national model – can in different ways contribute to
local women’s and men’s changing practices and identities. I have in another
article (Gerrard 2003) written that such changes in practices and identities are
changes that can be characterised as “being in transitions” or “being in
between”. These are perspectives that I also apply here.
First of all, what do I mean by the concepts “to be in transition” or “to be in
between”? Women and men whom I consider to be “in transition” or “in
between” are women and men faced with different kinds of changes, including
the structural changes described above. Often these changes lead to new ways of
thinking, and new types of knowledge and practices. In the long run, they can
also lead to role, status and identity changes. When we define situations as
changing or in transition, we do so because we are faced with situations where
we often have to seek alternative actions as far as employment, education,
leisure, and settlement are concerned. Under such circumstances negotiations of
values, meaning, and appropriate behaviour for men and women may be needed
and take place. Susan S. Friedman is one of the researchers that assume that
situational approaches also have impacts on how identity construction is
conceived. She says in one of her articles that situational approaches particularly
stress how identity resists fixity and shifts fluidly from setting to setting
(Friedman 1998: 23).
In Norway Ellingsæter and Solheim (2002) have made an important
contribution to studies on gender, work and power. They emphasise especially
meaning and the symbolic dimensions of power. At the same time they also
highlight economical and social aspects. That means that they advocate analyses
where the symbolic aspects are connected with institutions as well as social
structures (p. 35). They also claim that the concept of power has to be studies
within its contexts. The contexts, they say, vary dependent both on the era of
time and the topic of study. Feminist researchers interested in fisheries have
revealed, through many studies, gender biases and power imbalances in the
preoccupation of men’s work in policy, cultural images and research (Gerrard
1983, 1986, 1995, Davis and Gerrard 2000, Munk Madsen 1997, Angel 2004,
Power 2005).
How then do we go about studying gendered power relations in fisheries
today? In earlier studies I focused on the visible actions of women and men in
specific contexts and traced what happened with some of the issues women
raised on different political levels (Gerrard 1986, 1995). However, we know
very well that visible interpersonal power relations do not cover all aspects of
power. Foucault and Bourdieu want us to account for the invisible power
PROCEEDINGS
45
relations (Ellingsæter and Solheim 2002). When we intend to study “hidden
power relations” or what I will call “power that sits in the walls”, then we must
search for perspectives that lead us behind what we can immediately observe as
researchers. That means that we are faced with challenges that are concerned
with the level of study. While gender studies often deal with the micro level – in
many cases the local level - globalisation studies require considerations of the
macro level. Doreen Massy (2001), a well-known feminist geographer, says that
the challenge of global – local studies is to “grasp the powerful nature of social
relations at all levels”. For feminist studies this means that we should try to
trace the interrelated processes and events on micro and macro levels that might
have impacts on gender relations and identities. However, from experience we
know that this is more difficult than it sounds, especially in empirical research.
One reason is that many processes and events being studied are complex and
interrelated in nature.
One thing that we can do, however, is to choose limited and specific events or
patterns where we can try to trace the interacting fields. In my case I concentrate
on the market oriented changes with a special focus on the quota system and
decipher how women and men deal with these changes in a specific local
context. In this way I also hope to answer some of the questions posed above.
Local changes: Together at sea – together on shore
I will use Åshild’s and Rolf Oves’s life careers to illustrate how to link local
and global processes. Rolf Ove is in his 50s. He was born and raised in
Skarsvåg. Åshild who is in her 40s, moved into the community as a young
woman after having finished high school in the mid- 1970s.When she came to
the village, she established her home together with Rolf Ove who had been a
fisher since he finished school at the age of 16. He has fished with his father and
has been a crewmember on bigger boats. He has had his own boat for many
years and today they own a boat that measures between 10 and 11 meters.
Åshild and Rolf Ove have experienced many changes during their years in the
fishing community. There has been a decrease in the population from 220 in
1980 to a little less than 100 in 2004 (Gerrard 1980, 2003). The number of
children has decreased as well. Today there are 5 children below 6 years of age
and 17 between the ages 6 and 16. The older school children have moved away
to attend high school in the municipality centre or in other school centres. The
old people who need daily medical care have relocated to the health centre in the
municipality centre.
Åshild and Rolf Ove are two of 20 full-time registered fishers that live in the
village today. In addition there are 6 part-time fishers of whom 5 are retired, but
active. In additions four fishers also commute between Skarsvåg and the
municipality centre. In the best fishing seasons the local harbour is full of
fishing boats from other places. When Rolf Ove started his professional career
in the 1970s there were about 40 fishers in the village. While the number of
boats, around 20, has not changed significantly, there are fewer boats measuring
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14 meters and above and more boats measuring between 9 and 11 meters. The
number of quotas exceeds the number of boats as some boats have more than
one quota. Today four of the boat owners or companies own 8 boats. Together
they control 11 cod quotas. Two of these owners have organised the ownership
in private limited companies; two others have private ownership firms. From a
historical perspective, this latter structure has been the usual ownership pattern
for smaller fishing boats in most villages along the North Norwegian coast.
Åshild and Rolf Ove belong to this group.
Åshild and Rolf Ove deliver their catch to the local fish plant that is owned by
one of the biggest fishery companies in Norway. They are responsible for
gutting and cleaning the fish before delivering. In earlier years the fish plant
workers helped them with this kind of work. Due to quality regulations they
must now do it on their own at boat not far from the port, but at sea. One of the
fish plant workers weighs the fish before the foreman registers the catch. The
workers ice the fish in boxes and send most of the fish by trucks to the
company’s filleting factories situated at other places in North Norway or
Denmark. In this way the fish plant in Skarsvåg functions as a transit station
with 5 –10 workers, of whom the majority are men. This is also a contrast to the
years before the quota when the filleting production demanded at least 25 to 40
workers.
Åshild and Rolf Ove live alone in their house. Two of their children are
adults. The youngest, a girl of 16 years attends high school in the municipality
centre, 27 kilometres away. She comes home to visit during the weekends while
Åshild and Rolf Ove sometimes see her during the week when they go shopping.
Åshild has been responsible for caring for the children and household tasks. Late
in the 1970s, before the two oldest children entered school, she started her
teacher’s education, following a decentralised study programme for teacher
students. After finishing her education she worked sometimes part time,
sometimes full time at the local school. She also worked together with her
husband, baiting the long lines and occasionally fishing.
The public sector has meant a lot to Åshild and to women in general in
fishing communities. Today still Åshild acts as a substitute teacher when
needed at the local school. The local school employs 7 of the 9 women that are
employed in full- or part time public sector jobs. Until 2002, the municipality
employed between 12 and 13 women. The women were engaged in teaching,
working in the kindergartens and caring for elderly people. The reduction is
mainly due to changes in policy concerning the public sector, but also to
demographic changes. Fewer children have been born the last years. Old people,
who received assistance in their homes, have had to move to the municipality
centre when they needed more intensive care.
Åshild says that she has always wanted to go fishing. Eight years ago, she
took the compulsory “safety and security course” and later the “follow-up
course”. In June 2003 she got leave from her school job and started to work full
time fishing with her husband. Today Åshild is a registered fisher. Besides her,
there are two other women in the village who are registered fishers. While
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47
Åshild works both at sea and on shore, the two others have restricted their
fisheries work to such shore related tasks as administration, accountancy, baiting
and so on. One of the two is no longer active and since her husband’s death, she
does most of her paid work in other sectors.
In the spring of 2004 Rolf Ove and Århild bought a new, slightly smaller
boat. This enabled them to obtain new quotas of haddock, coalfish and cod. The
most important quota is the cod quota since the price of cod is much higher than
coalfish and haddock. Åshild was just as eager as her husband to buy the boat
and now she hopes to be able to earn her living entirely from the coastal fishery.
Both agreed that obtaining another boat with a quota was necessary if two
people are to be able to earn their way of living by means of fishing without
Åshild’s salary from teaching.
The local example in a national context
How can we relate Åshild and Rolf Ove’s story to national and global
processes and especially to the quota system? Åshild is one of the few women in
Norway with access to the quota since she is an active, registered fisher. In fact,
she is one of about 283 full time registered women fishers in Norway7.
Statistics show that women have little direct access to quotas since one has to be
registered and active in fishing in order to rent a quota or buy a boat with a
quota. In a way it has become men’s formal property right. Another feminist
researcher, Eva Munk-Madsen (1997) argued some years ago that a resource
that has been common property and open to “everybody” has with the new quota
system become closed for most women - or about half of the fishery population since access to the quota is linked to boat ownership and historical rights in the
North Norwegian fishery. Access for newcomers is also very difficult. Since few
women are registered and few boats are registered in the names of women, they
have no formal right to the quota. There are several examples of widows who
have had to sell their boats with the quota even where they wanted to keep the
boats and start to fish because they were not entitled “fishers” according to the
Norwegian laws and regulations. This has been the case even if she has
performed substantial unpaid work for the boat. Since Åshild is a registered
fisher, she now has the right to buy a boat of her own or take over the boats if
her husband passes away.
This rather exceptional example raises a number of questions: Why haven’t
more women become active fishers? Does woman’s lack of direct involvement
as registered fishers reveal the fisher husband’s power over the wife since he
does not share the fishing right with her? An investigation into who makes
decisions about the fishery and how the fishery policy is defined reveals a much
more complicated picture than these questions suggest. In this way we see that
power is embedded in rules and regulations far from local women’s and men’s
control. The quota system is therefore a good example of such embedded rules
and regulations. Most of the fishery population opposed the quota system when
it was introduced. Since its implementation the fishers’ associations, with very
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few female members, have tried to influence the system. Men, either as
bureaucrats or fishery politicians have tended to keep the questions of resource
management out of women’s reach. Indeed, gender has not been a question on
the malestream resource agenda. The few women that have entered the arena
have seldom raised questions about women’s participation and decision-making
or women’s right to quotas. The women that have tried have been researchers, or
members of the Environment movement, the Sami parliament or parties to the
left. Women in fishing communities, on the other hand, have had little influence
on the types of questions asked regarding policy directions. Whenever women
have tried to influence policy, for example in Regulatory Council, they have
made little progress. In August 2004, the mayor of the county of Finnmark,
Helga Pedersen, attended the annual meeting of Finnmark Fishermen’s Union
and suggested some revisions of the system. Following the analyses of male
researchers, she suggested that a regional board should have the right to
redistribute the quotas to fishers from the area in the cases where they were
returned to the Norwegian state8. In this way she hoped to reduce the number of
quotas sold to owners in other regions. She called upon the fishermen to
nominate members to a committee to continue to work in this direction. The
suggestions were turned down immediately since many fishers considered her
suggestions a step towards regional management, which breaks with the
established pattern. In Norway there are examples of regional management
(Jentoft and Kristoffersen 1989). However, living near the fishing fields or
proximity has not secured rights in the Norwegian fishing system (Nilsen 2003).
This example illustrates that women are interested in fishery policy, but it also
shows how fishery policy and resource management policy represent arenas,
where men still have the power to define what shall be on the agenda.
In this context, the example of Åshild is interesting. She has been involved in
baiting, bookkeeping and accountancy, decision-making, administration,
maintenance, and cleaning, activities in which many fishers’ wives have been
involved (Gerrard 1983, Jentoft 1989). She has chosen to leave her job as a
teacher and now fishes regularly, depending on the season. As a registered fisher
she has access to formal rights. The rest of the work that women have carried
out does not give them access to such rights.
Åshild could of course have chosen to continue her professional career as a
teacher employed by the municipality as other fishers’ wives and other women
have done. Indeed such employment, like employment in the private sector,
often seems to offer better working conditions than fisheries related jobs. It is
also important to remember that because fishing does not tend to supply stable
incomes, more secure work outside the fishery takes on great significance for
the household economy. Women in fishery communities have become
increasingly attached to the labour market outside fisheries in the last decade
and in a way are supporting their husbands’ fishing efforts. Official statistics
while often not reliable do reveal trends. From 1987 to 1998, there were more
than 500 registered female fishers. In last years the number has fall by 30 to70
per year9. During the same period, there are also many examples that the
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49
bookkeeping, accountancy and part of the administration are handed over to
accountancy firms and that the fishers themselves do most of the cleaning and
maintenance.
Åshild’s case demonstrates that when women have a tight connection to the
fishing boat, they may be able to influence men’s fishing pattern and discuss
with their husbands when and where to fish. The new system of private limited
companies has given us few examples of women’s influence since it is the board
that makes the vital decisions. The private limited companies in Skarsvåg have
no women on their boards.
To summarize, I see two tendencies in the Norwegian fishery context. A few
women have been more active in fish harvesting, fishing and working together
with their husbands and some of them are registered fishers and thus earn a
formal status. However, women continue to have little formal or institutionalised
influence in fishery policy, including resource policy. This is confirmed by other
studies (Angell 2004, Sloan 2004). The second tendency is that the majority of
women have a looser connection to fishing, fisher’s work and processing. The
majority of them give priority to their own work outside of the fishing sector, for
example teaching and caring in the public sector. Such changes indicate that
women’s role as “a ground or shore crew ” in earlier years’ fisheries (Gerrard
1983) might have changed its character. Now it is not so much women’s fishery
tasks as their income, advices and moral support that is important in the
household. Men’s fishing activities do not so strongly influence what type of
work, when and where women’s work is carried out (Gerrard 1975).
Towards a new understanding of practices and identities?
How are women’s and men’s differing access to the quota system and
unequal positions in decision-making linked to changing practices and
identities? Are women and men in a situation of being “in between” or “in
transitions” as I suggested earlier in this paper?
Historically in Norway, catches, fished on one boat or as a member of a crew
on another boat, formed the main principles of the system in the coastal fishery,
created and carried out largely by men. Today, it is difficult for fishers with a
small quota to fulfil such established values and practices, especially if they are
in a situation of having to provide economically for a family, and pay the debt
owed on the family house, the boat and the car. When fishers today buy a
second boat in order to get another quota, they break with the established local
ideas based on the principle: “One or two owners – one boat”. Yet, many fishers
opt to purchase a second boat because, in their view, this is one of the ways they
can earn enough money in cod dependent areas.
Obviously fishers use, established and developed knowledge of how to catch
the fish. But these days they also have to position themselves within the quota
regime. That means that they must turn their attention to fishery policy, rules
and regulations, and to financial possibilities and the market, to a greater degree
than in earlier years. Today, an individual fisher or a company often owns
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several boats and several quotas – a visible indicator of such a shift. These
fishers can be looked upon as entrepreneurs. In fisheries, entrepreneurs are not
new, as mentioned above. What is new, especially in this area, is the
establishment of private limited companies of relatively small boats (10 –15
meters) built upon the model of the larger shipping companies. This new
arrangement, however, may not be created just as an investment, but represents
more or less a way to have more quotas. This type of entrepreneurship reminds
of the neo-liberal, globalised economy that Connell (1998) wrote about.
However, the coastal fishers’ ownership may also be a means to fish more fish.
The majority of the fishers continue with their single boat and their single quota.
Some, but very few, share the boats and the quota with their wives, like in
Åshild and Rolf Ove ’s case.
The changes pointed to above have therefore led to a new situation with new
choices, new practices and new knowledge. The fishers, women or men, have
been forced to turn more and more of their attention and practices “from the sea
to the shore “. A more difficult question to answer is if these new practices and
knowledge also shape new identities. It appears that most fishers – men and
women - seem to be in a situation of having an identity “in transition or in
between” – although this means different things for men and women.
The idea of fishing as much cod as possible persists as an important value in
the fisheries. This is a common understanding shared by most of the fishery
people. In most cases the industrious fishers want to fish as much as they can. In
order to do so they have to buy another boat or rent another cod quota. While
such changes in practice, at the moment, appear to be linked to a more
traditional approach to the fishery, we cannot rule out the possibility that, over
time, these and other practices may have an effect on identity formation. We
must remember that fishers’ identities in most countries are heavily connected to
men’s roles and with masculinity (see Power, 2005). Women make up a
minority of the registered fishers, and of those women, who are registered, are
not all active fishers. Most of the women that chose to register as a fisher broke
with established practices. Since women represent a minority group among the
active fishers, spread out on different boats coming from different villages along
the long Norwegian coast, there are not many visible signs or markers that can
be mobilised to identify women as fishers. There are few women to identify with
and thus few role models. It is also important to remember that the way women
carry out their work varies. They are in a situation where they have to create
their own meaning of what it is to be fisher. Their ways of acting and identifying
as fishers will vary. These tendencies were noticed in the mid 1990s and
emphasised by Eva Munk-Madsen (1997).
Fishers’ wives are also in a situation of change and in a position of being “in
between”. Åshild, for example, is combining many tasks connected to different
sectors of society. She has different working roles. She has the formal status as a
fisher according to the rules and regulations of the adopted quota system. These
examples of women’s and men’s practices remind me of Susan S. Friedman and
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51
the way she examined identity and identity change as something that resists
fixity and shifts from setting to setting (1998:23). This means that a female
fisher might consider herself a fisher when she is fishing, cleaning the boat or
baiting or doing other types of fishing related work. When she takes care of her
children and grandchildren she identifies as a mother or grandmother. When she
gives lessons at school, she might identify as a teacher.
Even though the total number of fully registered female fishers has decreased
on a national basis, in Skarsvåg, there are more women registered than ever
before. However, as a whole few women are directly engaged in fishery related
activities when they have other type of paid jobs. In addition there is a
diversified fishing and ownership pattern.
Concluding remarks
As the fishery people have had to live with the quota system, women and men
in fishery communities have on occasions taken up new practices in fishing and
other fishery related tasks. On the local level, changes have, in some cases, led
to a reconstruction of the gendered division of work and the redistribution of
economic rights and changes have opened space within which women can be
said to have exercised power. These changes also indicate that the underlying
principles of how to understand women’s and men’s behaviour in these fishery
specific contexts are negotiated and thus give us an example of how the fishery
population contribute to cultural changes. On the other hand the quota system,
created and controlled by civil servants and politicians, mostly men, exclude
women from the fishing rights. In fishery policy men at all levels seem to
maintain their power. They also seem to maintain a long established notion of
what they consider as fishery culture and who a fisher is.
I have also demonstrated that there are challenges to the notion of what it
means to be a fisher. Following Susan S. Friedman’s argument, a fisher belongs
to a diversified group with different ways of defining identities and roles.
My arguments here show that it is not enough to talk about female and male
fishers and a singular fishery culture. The fishers’ knowledge seems to vary and
is dependent on the conditions that they are facing. As researchers we should,
together with the fishery population, try to get more knowledge of how women
and men construct identities, combinations of identities and what they consider
as fishery cultures and fishery knowledge. My discussion here, however, shows
that a simple notion of what a fisher is does not fit with the reality – neither for
women nor men!
Litterature:
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rolle i samisk fiskerpolitikk og Sametingets posisjon i norske
fiskerireguleringer. Alta, Norut NIBR Finnmark, 2004:4.
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Binkley, Marian `Getting by in tough times. Coping with the fishery crisis´,
Women’s Studies International Forum, 23 (3). 2000
Connell, Robert W. `Masculinities and Globalization´, Men and Masculinities
1(1), 1998
Davis, Dona Lee and Gerrard, Siri `Introduction: Gender and resource crisis´ in
The north Atlantic fisheries in Women’s Studies International Forum no 23
(3). 2000
Ellingsæter, Anne Lise & Solheim, Jorun (Eds), Den usynlige hand. Kjønnsmakt
og moderne arbeidsliv, Gyldendal, Oslo 2002
Friedman, Susan Stanford. Mappings: feminism and the cultural geographies
Encounter, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1998
Gerrard, Siri Arbeidsliv og lokalsamfun, Samarbeid og skille mellom
yrkesgruppe i et nord-norsk fiskevær. Magistergradsavhandlin, Institutt for
Samfunnsvitenskap, Universitetet i Tromsø, Tromsø 1975.
Gerrard, Siri Noen aspekter ved registering og kategorisering av kjønn i
offentlig statistikk. Stensil,. Norges almenvitenskapelige forskningsråd. Oslo
1976.
Gerrard, Siri. Levedyktighet og lokal organisasjon: Om befolkningsutvikling og
sosial forandring i et nord-norsk fiskevær. Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning,
21, 1980, 265–281.
Gerrard, Siri. Kvinner i fiskeridistrikter: Fiskerinæringas bakkemannskap i B.
Hersoug: Kan fiskerinæringa styres?, Novus Forlag, Oslo 1983.
Gerrard, Siri. `Kvinners makt og avmakt´. Alta. Occational Paper No 6/86,
Finnmark College, 1986.
Gerrard, Siri. When women take the lead: Changing conditions for women's
activities, roles and knowledge in North Norwegian fishing communities.
Social Science Information, SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks, Ca and New
Delhi, 34: 4, 1995
Gerrard, Siri. Må det bo folk I husan in Haugen, Marit S. og Egil Petter Stræte:
Ut i verden og inn i bygda, Tapir akademiske forlag, Trondheim 2003
Grztic, Brenda. Women Fishes These Days, Fernwood, Halifax 2004
Jentoft, Svein (Ed.) Mor til rors, Tromsø, Norges Fiskerihøgskole, Universitetet
i Tromsø, 1989
Jentoft, Svein & Kristoffersen, Trond. `Fisheries Co-manangement: The case of
Lofoten´, Human Organisation, 48(4) 1989, 355-65
Massey, Doreen. Geography on the agenda. Progress in Human Geography
25(1): 4-17, 2001
Munk-Madsen, Fiskerkøn. Afhandling til dr.graden i fiskerividenskap, Tromsø
Norges fiskerihøgskole, Universitetet i Tromsø, 1997
Neis, Barbara; Grzetic, Brenda; Pidgeon, M. From Fisheplant to Nickel Smelter:
Health Determinants and the Helath of Newfoundland’s Women Fish and
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Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2001
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Nilsen, Ragnar. From Norwegianization to Coastal Sami Uprising. In Jentoft,
Svein, Henry Minde and Ragnar Nilsen: Indigenous peoples, Resource
Management and global Rights. Delft. Eburon, 2003
Porter, M. Place and Persistence in the Lives of Newfoundland Women.
Aldershot. Avebury 1993
Power, Nicole Gerarda. What Do They Call a Fisherman? Men, Gender and
Restructuring in the Newfoundland Fishery. St. John’s, ISER, 2005
Pringle, K.; Pease, B. `Afterword: A Man’s world? Rethinking Commonality
and Diversity in Men’s Practices´. In B. Pease & K. Pringle (Eds), A Man’s
world? Changing Men’s Practices in a Globalised world, Zed Books, London
2001
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community. A case study´, Women’s Studies International Forum, 23 (3).
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Notes
1
My warmest thanks go to the population in Skarsvåg, The Municipality of North Cape and
especially to Åshild and Rolf Ove Pettersen who shared with me some of their experience. I will
also thank Nicole Gerarda Power for her enormous support, inspiration and assistance and to
Gunnar Grytås for valuable information. My gratitude also goes to Barbara Neis and the research
program “Coast under stress” and Memorial University that gave me excellent working conditions
at Newfoundland. University of Tromsø and last but not least to The Norwegian Research Council
that has financed the project: Sustainable fishery culture?
2
From 2004 it is also possible to transfer a quota from a larger boat to a smaller boat.
3
It is also possible to fish more coalfish (US: Pollack) and haddock, but then one has to reduce
the amount of cod. These days cod is the most valuable with the highest price.
4
The quotas are allocated to a boat and the amount of cod, coalfish or haddock that can be
fished is dependent on the size of the boat and the historical rights. If a boat from the southern part
of Norway has been fishing in the northern part of Norway it is allowed to continue to fish in the
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Notes
northern areas. It is not legal to buy or sell quotas per say, but one can buy and sell a boat with a
quota. As of 2004 there is also a system for renting/renting out a quota.
5
There are still special arrangements for municipalities with less than 3000 inhabitants.
6
When Norway signed the EEA (European EFTA) agreement with EU many of the subsidies in
the various sectors of the fisheries had to be abandoned. Before the agreement fish prices had
sometimes been heavily subsidized.
7
At the same time there were 12975 fishers fully engaged in fishery. Statistics are delivered by
the Directorate of Fishery in Norway 16.08.04.
8
Examples include cases where the boats are condemned and the owner get compensation from
the government.
9
Statistics are delivered by the Directorate of Fishery in Norway 16.08.04.
56
WOMEN’S UNPAID LABOR IN THE SMALL-SCALE
FISHERIES SECTOR IN MALAYSIA
Poh-Sze Choo
WorldFish Center, Penang, Malaysia
Abstract
Recent studies have shown that women are actively involved in the smallscale fisheries sector in Malaysia working very often without pay in the family
businesses. Activities carried out by women include small-scale fish processing,
net mending, cleaning and gutting fish, fish vending, feed preparation and
feeding fish in aquaculture projects. Planners and policy makers must recognize
the unpaid work for women so that the needs of women will not be left behind in
development planning. When women performing unpaid work are not
considered in the official workforce statistics, planners may misconstrue the true
situation in a community. For example, planners may give low priority to
building a government subsidized, child-care centre in a fishing community
where women were not recorded officially as part of the workforce, even though
they have put in many hours of hard work in the family businesses. Women may
also be deprived of opportunities to take bank loans to start their small
businesses, and may miss out on opportunities for self-improvement because of
wrongful classification and discrimination. When women’s labour is not
accounted for, fish will inevitably be sold at a subsidized price at the expense of
the fisher. This paper examines the position of the unpaid women’s workforce in
the small-scale fisheries sector in Malaysia, and its implications to the fishers
and their families. It also examines ways of how unpaid labour can be valuated.
Introduction
Throughout Southeast Asia, women have contributed significantly to the
labour force in the fisheries industries. Women’s contribution in this region
hinges heavily on fish sorting, processing and marketing, where they often
comprise the dominant workforce. In the small-scale fisheries sector in
Southeast Asia, women are generally involved with family businesses at the
artisanal level, performing tasks like processing salted, dried fish, mending nets,
feeding fish in small-scale aquaculture projects targeted to produce food for the
family and the surplus for sale to neighbours and friends. Women are involved
to a lesser extent in active fishing. Despite this active engagement, the lower
status accorded to women in many of the Southeast Asian countries also mean
that their contributions are often unrecognized, not valued or are undervalued.
For example, women working in family businesses are often unpaid and their
labour not officially taken into account by the state. It is the norm to consider
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domestic work and helping their husband or father in a family business as a
woman’s responsibility. Many, including women themselves perceive that work
done from home need not be remunerated.
The need to recognize women’s work at all levels was emphasized in the
1985 Third World Conference on Women held in Nairobi, Kenya although its
importance has been highlighted as early as the 1970s (Benerȓa 1997). There are
provisions to recognize women’s unpaid labour in various economic sectors in
some developed countries, such as in the fisheries sector in the European Union
where women’s work is given recognition (see Frangoudes and O’Doherty
2005); however, such recognition has not been accorded to women’s work in
many of the Southeast Asian countries.. Benerȓa (1997) noted four general areas
of activity where women’s labour are generally unaccounted for and unpaid.
They include: subsistence production; informal paid work; domestic production
and related tasks and volunteer work.
Statistics on women’s unpaid and unrecognized contribution to the economy
are important for several reasons. This data is needed for the planning of human
resources and agricultural policies, for making policy adjustments during
economic crisis, for understanding of savings and consumption patterns, for
analyzing household dynamics, and for conducting comparative studies of men’s
and women’s participation in production, and time use by gender (United
Nations 1989).
From the social aspect, recognizing work done at home or rendered to a
husband’s business is important. When a marriage breaks down, and the
husband turns their back on the wife, women are often left penniless and
destitute. This is one factor that contributes to poverty in women. Recognizing
and valuating women’s unpaid labour must therefore receive legal and financial
attention.
Women are at the losing end when their work is unpaid and undocumented.
For example in Malaysia, if women are classified as unemployed even though
they work from the home, they will not be able to enrol their young children in a
government-subsidised crèche meant only for women who are officially
classified as a working mother. Women who are unpaid and are classified as
unemployed will also miss out on benefits such as training to upgrade skills
provided by the employer.
This paper provides an account of the unpaid work that is normally carried
out by women in the small-scale fisheries sector in Malaysia. The multi-ethnic
and multi-religious characteristics of the Malaysian population are described to
provide a better understanding of the social and cultural conditions which exist
among the various ethnic groups and which may have implications on gender
equity in development. It also offers suggestions on how this unpaid work can
be valuated.
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Malaysia’s population: Ethnicity and religion
Malaysia’s population of about 25.5 million comprises three major nonindigenous ethnic groups: the Malays, Chinese and Indians constituting 50.3%,
23.8% and 7.1% of the population respectively. Apart from these three ethnic
groups, 11% of the population comprise the indigenous population known as the
“orang asli”. In Peninsular Malaysia, the indigenous people, consisting among
others, the Hma Btsisi, Jakun, Temuan, Semai, Mahmeri, Orang Laut and Orang
Seletar constitute only 0.7% of the population in the Peninsula. The indigenous
population in East Malaysia is significantly larger, and comprises groups like the
Dayaks, Ibans and Penans from Sarawak, and the Rungus, Dusuns, Bajaus,
Kadazans and the Orang Sungai from Sabah. Indigenous people comprise more
than 50% of the population in Sarawak and about 66% of the Sabah population.
Many of these indigenous people profess traditional beliefs but a considerable
number have converted to Islam or Christianity. Indigenous people who live by
the river or coast rely heavily on fishing for livelihood.
Malaysia is a multi-religious country with Islam as the national religion. The
west coast of Peninsular Malaysia is more urbanized than the east coast of the
Peninsula and East Malaysia. The Chinese, the majority of whom are Buddhists,
Taoists or Christians live mainly in the west coast of Peninsular Malaysia. The
Malays, who are Muslims, form the majority of the population in the east coast
states in Peninsular Malaysia. The two East Malaysian states of Sabah and
Sarawak and the east coast states of Kelantan and Terengganu in Peninsular
Malaysia are less developed than most of the other states in Peninsular
Malaysia.
Although much progress has been made by women in the last three decades in
the socioeconomic and educational fields, these changes are significant mainly
in the urban areas, especially in the west coast states of Peninsular Malaysia.
Life in the rural areas like the fishing communities on the east coast of
Peninsular Malaysia remains basically unchanged over the decades, and
culturally, especially among the Muslims, women are often subordinate to men.
Indigenous communities are, however egalitarian, and women and men are often
treated equally.
Small-scale fishing in Malaysia
There is no standard definition for the small-scale or artisanal fisher. An
artisanal fisher usually uses a small fishing vessel, which is either non-motorized
or is equipped with an outboard engine; in a few cases an inboard engine may be
used. Artisanal gears include the bag net, gill net, trammel net, beach seine, fish
trap, cast net, hook and line, stake net, barrier net and lift net. An artisanal fisher
usually makes only day trips; their vessels are usually equipped with a simple
icebox to hold their daily catch. Artisanal fishers include mollusc collectors,
who utilize very simple tools or their bare hands for the collection of sedentary
shellfish like cockles, clams, mussels and oysters. Artisanal fishers also carry
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out small-scale cage or pen culture as well as pond culture of low to medium
value fish. They may culture molluscs such as oysters and mussels in coastal
areas.
In Malaysia, fishing is an occupation dominated by the Malays and the
indigenous population. Together they constitute around 60% of the estimated
80,000 fishers. Likewise, these two groups dominate small-scale fishing, which
contributes around 20% of the 1,272,078 tonnes of the marine landings in 2002
(Anon 2004). Apart from fishing, small-scale fishers may supplement their
income by culturing fish in cages or ponds using fry and trash fish, which they
have caught while fishing for food fish.
The mere mention of the word “fisher” conjures up a picture of poor people
eking out a living from artisanal fishing and living in dilapidated conditions.
Globally, artisanal fishers have often been regarded as the poorest of the poor. In
Malaysia, factors responsible for poverty in the fishing sector include the
inability to own fishing vessels, the existence of uneconomical boats, the
geographic and social isolation of fishers and the intense competition among
fishers for a limited resource (Hotta and Wang 1985). Artisanal fishers are often
subjected to exploitation from middlemen; fishers are often indebted to the latter
for loans and credit. Middlemen are also boat owners and fishers may be
compelled to sell their catches at lower than average prices to their benefactors.
Many countries, including Malaysia, attempt to solve middlemen exploitation
by offering alternatives in the form of fishers’ associations or cooperatives.
However, some fishers do not consider the middlemen as exploitative and
indicate their willingness to sell their catches to middlemen who offer them
credit and loans under a very informal and bureaucracy-free system (see
Merlijin 1989).
According to the Department of Fisheries, Malaysia in a study conducted in
1983 in Peninsular Malaysia (quoted from Hotta and Wang 1985), there was a
surplus of 27,676 fishers, which accounted for 37% of the total number of
fishers; out of this surplus, 11,500 were artisanal fishers. A surplus fisher was
classified as one who operated at the subsistence level with very low returns
under the circumstances of limited capital and resources, low prices and poor
marketing system (Hotta and Wang 1985).
The Malaysian government has identified fishers along with padi farmers,
rubber and coconut smallholders and estate workers as groups prone to poverty.
In poor households, women are obliged to engage in domestic chores, and to
assist their husbands in the family business, unlike their counterparts from the
middle- and upper income groups, who can afford to employ maids to do their
household chores. Since the 1980s, the Malaysian government has initiated a
program, the Fishermen’s Relocation Program to resettle fishermen by offering
them alternative employment opportunities and at the same time to reduce the
fishing effort on an overexploited resource. However, this scheme has not
claimed any significant success and the population of artisanal fishers remains
high. In 2002, the Department of Fisheries, Malaysia recorded a total of 82,630
fishers among which 40,031 were artisanal fishers (Anon 2004). In Malaysia,
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the open access nature of artisanal fishing attracts poor people who drift into
fishing especially when economic times are bad and they are not able to find
other forms of work.
Women’s work profile in the small-scale Malay fishing communities
In the Malay culture, men are recognized as the head of the households.
Women who work in small-scale fishing communities include wives and
daughters of fishermen. These women workers can be grouped into three
categories - the paid worker, the self-employed and the unpaid family worker.
Yahaya (1994) surveyed two Malay fishing communities in the east coast
states of Kelantan and Terengganu in Peninsular Malaysia and noted that 51% of
working women were self-employed, with 31.4% as paid workers and 17.6%
involved in unpaid labour. Women in the self-employed and unpaid labour
categories often worked up to 10-12 hours daily, usually undertaking the work
simultaneously with domestic chores. In the unpaid labour category, equal
number of respondents reported working between 4-6 hours a day, and 10-12
hours daily. 46.7% of the women workers from all the three categories reported
that they worked seven days a week and that they were involved with economic
activities the whole year round. 84% of the women worked from home or at the
vicinity of their home. Most of these women workers were either lowlyeducated or illiterate; only 1.4% had received a secondary education comprising
12 years in school.
Yahaya’s survey showed that more married women were engaged in selfemployment in contrast to single women where a higher number worked in paid
jobs. The proportion of single women (1.4%) working in unpaid labour was also
lower than in married women (12.5%).
According to Yahaya (1994), unpaid work carried out by women included:
work in aquaculture production systems such as net weaving and mending,
collection of fingerlings for aquaculture and preparation of fish feeds; fishing
activities such as unloading and sorting catch, drying and mending nets; and
tasks involved in transportation, distribution and marketing the catch.
Women’s work profile in the indigenous fishing community
Among many of the indigenous groups in Malaysia such as the Kadazans,
Ibans and the Hma Btsisis, men and women have equal rights and they live a
lifestyle that is more integrated than divisive. The Ibans (also known as the sea
Dayaks), who constitute about 30% of the population in Sarawak, lives in an
atmosphere of reciprocity, cooperation, competition, freedom and egalitarianism
(Kedit 1999). Iban women have traditionally played an equal role in public
meetings, and household heads in the Iban community are women as often as
men (Gomes 1911).
Nowak (1988) noted that an indigenous group, the Hma Btsisi living in the
state of Selangor in Peninsular Malaysia does not segregate men’s and women’s
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roles in riverine and coastal fishing, and women participate in a wide variety of
activities including active fishing. They believe that marriage should be based
on cooperation and equality between husband and wife, and the division of
labour between husband and wife is based on a complementation of tasks.
Duties around the house are performed interchangeably. A husband may tend to
the children while the wife is cooking and vice versa.
Nowak reported that women are not prohibited from adopting any fishing
activities, although women perform some activities like hook and line fishing
more frequently than other means of fishing. Gill net fishing, crabbing and
mollusc collection are usually done together by the married couple. The Btsisi
depends on a cash economy, a husband hands over the earnings to his wife who
manages the family finances.
Valuation of unpaid labour
Among the most controversial issues debated by many women groups,
economists and policy makers are what constitutes work and how to valuate
unpaid work. The latter is not just an issue in the South; many in developed
countries also grapple with this issue and their implications on society and a
country’s economy. Most unpaid work is performed by women; globally, it is
estimated to be worth US$11 trillion (Anon. 2003).
Work is conventionally defined as an activity in which a person contributes
towards the national economy by getting a job done, usually outside the home
and for which a salary is given. Domestic chores done at home, basically to cater
for home needs and consumption are usually not considered work and are not
paid. The United Nations System of National Accounts (UNSNA) considers
work to be part of the national economy and it involves market transactions,
consumption, investment, and saving measures in addition to income and
production levels (Waring 2003). Hence domestic chores whose benefits are
produced and consumed within the same household do not count as an economic
activity under the UNSNA system. Many concern groups, however, are
proposing that domestic duties should be recognized as productive work with a
monetary value.
Valuation of unpaid work is important because it makes comparison possible
with other kinds of work; it translates unpaid work into monetary terms that
governments can understand and allows the data generated to be absorbed into
mainstream economic statistics. The value data also have the power to
unequivocally demonstrate the contribution of unpaid work to the economy, and
form a basis for determination of entitlement to society’s resources (Dresher
2003).
Many methods, some of which may involve complex mathematics, are used
to valuate a woman’s unpaid work. More simplistic methods such as the
replacement value method and the opportunity method can be used as a first cut
to valuate women’s unpaid labour. The replacement value is calculated on the
basis of how much it would cost to replace unpaid workers with paid workers
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61
based on current hourly or monthly wages for comparable work. The
opportunity method is calculated on the amount that the women will earn in the
paid labour market, instead of doing unpaid work from home. A women’s
educational level and other marketable assets will play a significant role in the
latter method.
Valuation of unpaid labour from the small-scale Malay fishing communities
There are two categories of unpaid labour in the small-scale fishing
communities, mainly domestic chores and work related to their husband’s
business. Since these two categories of work are carried out simultaneously and
are both manual in nature, they could be treated and valuated together as manual
work.
Replacement Value Method
The replacement value method can be used to assess the value of the unpaid
chores, which could be measured against the procurement of a maid to help out
with the chores. The monthly salary to employ a maid to do household duties is
estimated at around RM400. It is common for live-in housemaids to work
between 6 am to 8 pm everyday, clocking in 14 hours of work a day with a
couple of hours of short breaks in between, thus equalling the number of hours
put in by women working without pay at home in fishing communities. Another
RM350 should be included monthly for food and accommodation for
maintaining live-in maids. They must be given a rest day a week and the
Malaysian Labour Laws require the employer to pay double the amount for
working on a rest day. Hence another RM24 should be included to the pay per
week or RM96 per month. The total pay to maintain a maid would be RM846 or
US$223 a month, using an exchange rate of RM3.8 to US$1.
Opportunity method
Since women from fishing communities have no special skills and are lowly
educated, the job available to them in the labour market will be working as a
maid or doing other forms of manual work. The monetary value of the unpaid
women’s labour will therefore be similar to the value obtained by using the
replacement method.
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elderly parents who do not contribute to domestic chores and other work will
actually have to earn 2.1 to 2.9 times the income above the poverty line to
escape the poverty trap. Hence, women’s unpaid work is very important and has
great significance in a poor family.
By not factoring in the cost of women’s unpaid labour, coupled with their
inability to control the price of fish, fishers ironically, are subsidizing the price
of fish when they can ill afford to do so. In an ideal situation, when fishers have
a free hand to control the price of fish, fishers should include not only the cost of
fuel, their own labour cost, and the amortized costs of the fishing equipments
and vessel, but also the monetary value of women’s unpaid labour. When
women’s labour is not accounted for, fish will inevitably be sold at an unfair
price at the expense of the fishers.
Artisanal fishers often lack the acumen and marketing knowledge to
understand the supply and demand situations so as to enable their catches to be
marketed at an optimal price. On top of it, training courses conducted by the
Department of Fisheries, Malaysia to fishers and fish farmers normally impart
only technical skills. It is important that fishers are also given basic training on
market economics so that they will be able to understand the basic principles on
pricing their products. Cold room facilities should also be made available to
fishers and fish farmers so that they will not be forced to sell their fish
immediately after landing when demand is low.
Conclusion
Women who work in small-scale fishing communities comprise
predominantly the Malays and indigenous population. While indigenous women
living in an egalitarian society have equal rights with men, women in Malay
households are subordinate to men who are the head of the households. Women
manage the finances in some indigenous society and in the Iban community
women are heads of household as frequently as men. Women in Malay fishing
communities are often involved in unpaid labour. There are many reasons why
women’s unpaid labour needs to be recognized, and why valuation of women’s
unpaid labour is important. When fishers are not able to control the price of fish
due to their indebtedness to middlemen and when women’s labour is not
accounted for in monetary terms, fish will be sold at a subsidized price with the
fishers unfairly bearing the financial brunt.
Implications of the monetary value of women’s unpaid labor
The poverty line monthly income in Peninsular Malaysia is estimated at
RM510 (US$134) and around RM 685 (US$180) in Sabah and RM584
(US$154) in Sarawak for a household size of 4.6 in Peninsular Malaysia, 4.9 in
Sabah and 4.8 in Sarawak (Economic Planning Unit, 2002). In families that live
at just above the poverty line, women doing unpaid labour at home are actually
contributing about 1.2 to 1.7 times the salary earned by their husbands. This will
also mean that a single father or widower with a family with young children or
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank Dr. Stephen J. Hall, Director General of the World Fish
Center, for his comments on the manuscript and his interest in my work.
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63
References
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Dresher, E. `Valuing unpaid work.´ Women & the economy: a project of
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Gomes, E. H. Seventeen years among the Sea Dayaks of Borneo: a record of
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Hotta, M.; Wang, L. T. Final draft: fishermen relocation program in
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Malaysia). TCP/MAL/4403 Technical Report 1, 1985
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Merlijin, A. G.`The role of middlemen in small-scale fisheries: a case study of
Sarawak, Malaysia´, Development and change, 20(4) SAGE, London,
Newbury Park and New Delhi. 1989, 683-700
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marine extracting activities´, in: J. Nadel-Klein & D. L. Davis, (Eds), To work
and to weep: women in fishing economies. Memorial University of
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Waring, M. `Counting for something!: recognizing women’s contribution to the
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Yahaya, J. Women in small-scale fisheries in Malaysia, University of Malaya
Press, Kuala Lumpur. 1994
66
THE LEGAL STATUS OF COLLABORATIVE SPOUSE IN
SOME MEMBER STATES: THE CASE OF THE FISHING
INDUSTRY
Joan O’ Doherty
Independent Consultant
Katia Frangoudes
CEDEM, Université de Bretagne Occidentale
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in article 6 of Council Directive 86/613 called on Member states, where a
contributory social security system existed, to take measures to ensure that the
spouses of such workers who assist them in their work and who are currently not
protected under the self employments scheme have the opportunity of joining
such a scheme.
(EU directives are binding on the member states as regards the results to be
achieved, but leave the choice of method up to them.)
Council Directive 86/613
Abstract
Within the European Union there are different health and social security
systems applicable in each Member State. That said, on occasions EU Directives
have been issued and EU Directives are binding on the Member States as
regards the results to be achieved, but leave the choice of method up to each
Member State. That means that the EU often requires common outcomes in
Member States but acknowledge that these outcomes may be achieved by
differing methods. In 1986, The EU recognised the need for collaborating
spouses to have equal treatment in their own right, i.e. the ability to contribute to
a social security scheme. This paper examines the situation with regard to social
security protection for collaborating spouses within the EU fishing industry and
concludes that while systems are in place in most Member States, the
collaborating spouses within the EU fishing industry have either failed or have
been slow in their uptake of availing of their rights. Legal recognition through
the social security system not only benefits the individual spouses but is a means
of becoming visible statistically and thereby claiming a place in appropriate
decision making arenas.
Collaborative spouse
In a few Member states, the wives of fishermen have a recognized status.
That means that the state recognises that without the efforts of the wife or
partner ashore attending to the accounts, equipment etc., it would be difficult for
their fishermen to perform as they do. These Member states recognise the role
that fishermen’s partners perform by permitting the partners to avail of social
welfare insurance, in their own right. By doing this, the Member State gives
recognition to the status of the partner as someone who makes a valid and
independent contribution to society.
EU recognition of collaborative spouse
As far back as 1986 the European Union recognised the unique position of
collaborating spouses, i.e. the role that usually a female partner plays in
supporting her male partner in his efforts at self-employment. In 1986, the EU,
“Article 6
Where a contributory social security system for self employed workers exists in a
Member Sate, that Member State shall take the necessary measures to enable the
spouses referred to in Article 2(b) who are not protected under the self-employed
worker’s social security scheme to join a contributory social security scheme
voluntarily.”
The collaborative spouse is defined in Article 2 (b) as
“…their spouses, not being employees or partners, where they habitually, under
the conditions laid down by national law, participate in the activities of the selfemployed worker and perform the same tasks or ancillary tasks.”
In 2003 the European Parliament recognised that some but not all Member
states had responded in a positive fashion to this directive.
The Parliament, by 74 to 8 adopted, a resolution, which among other things,
called on Member states to be obliged to register assisting spouses and called on
the Commission to revise and strengthen Article 6 of the 86 Directive. This was
to be strengthened to ensure that it covered all the risks faced by the assisting
spouse particularly in relation to social security, health care, old age pension,
maternity benefit and replacement services, disability and incapacity benefit.
The resolution called on the amended directive to be more binding in all its
aspects on member States. The resolution was passed in June 2003.
What has happened since mid 2003 until today?
Precisely nothing!
Questions to the Commission have resulted in few meaningful replies.
On 13th October 2004, the EU Employment and Social Affairs unit stated, ‘So
far no further actions have been taken by the Commission in relation to
Directive 86/613.’
On 29th October 2004, the head of the equality for women and men unit
within the Employment and Social Affairs Commission went further and wrote,
‘…the Commission does not intend to amend Directive 86/613 at this stage.’
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Ireland
In Ireland, since 1893, there have been a seesaw number of High Court
actions to determine whether a fisherman is a share fisherman or an employee.
In 1893 a fisherman was deemed an employee. As recently as 2001 the High
Court ruled a fisherman to be a share fisherman i.e. self-employed. This
complicated the ever changing status of the fisherman in Ireland and has resulted
in much attention being focused on the social security position of the fisherman.
In my 27 years, living in a fishing community in Ireland, I never once heard the
legal status of a fisherman’s wife raised as a subject much less discussed or
lobbied.
Our sisters in farming in Ireland, however, have been very preoccupied with
their position as a collaborative spouse and have and are still campaigning to
establish their right to have social security recognition in their own right.
Currently, like the fisherman’s wife, only their husbands have cover and
protection and then only on the limited self employed status level.
A recent improvement is the partnership route. This also applies to fishermen.
If the husband and wife become a partnership then once each partner’s
reckonable income exceeds €3,174, this income would be reckonable for PRSI
purposes and contributions would be payable at a rate of 3% or €253 minimum
payment (5% if over €18,512)
Not all fishermen or farmers are interested in going down the partnership
route.
The official response of the Irish government 5/5/04 was;
‘There are no special provisions in social welfare legislation to provide for
social insurance cover for collaborating spouses of a sole trader who is not a
partner in the business. Nor, are there any immediate proposals to provide it.’
(Correspondence)
UK
In the UK, fishermen are recognised as a special category. Self employed
people in the UK pay a basic contribution £2.05 per week plus Class 4 National
Insurance contributions if their income goes above a certain limit. This means in
effect paying 4% of profits over a base level. The special category for fishermen
requires fishermen to pay £2.70 per week plus Class 4 National Insurance
contributions if their income goes above a certain limit. For the extra 65p per
week, UK fishermen have the potential to apply for unemployment benefits.
(U.K. Inland Revenue, Share fishermen and national insurance, website)
In the UK there is a health service, which is open to everyone and is
unconnected to the social security system.
It would appear that the easiest way for a fisherman’s wife to achieve legal
recognition in the UK system is to be registered as self employed and pay the
weekly rate of £2.05. For that, provided her income does not exceed £ 4,095 per
year, she will receive a state pension, maternity rights, incapacity benefits and
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bereavement benefits all in her own right. Her pension entitlement, after 39
years of contributing or receiving credits, will be £79.60 per week, at today’s
rates.
A formal statement, from the UK Department of Trade and Industry, confirms
this position:
“The UK is not, nor has it ever been, in breach of its obligations under Directive
86/613/EEC. In the UK, the National Insurance Contributions' scheme has always
contained the facility for any person to pay voluntary contributions, in order to
secure entitlement to social security cover and pensions rights, without having to
rely on the contributions of others. This applies to the classes of person specified in
the question, as well as to other groups."(Correspondence)
France
In France, the Seamen social insurance system (ENIM), is administered by the
Maritime Affairs in the Ministry of Transports and Equipment (Direction des
gens de mer). All fishermen (owners, skippers and crew) and fish farmers using
boats contribute. There are twenty different categories (1-20) and each person
contributes to a category according to their diploma and the type of vessel.
Collaborator spouses contribute to the 3rd category and they do not contribute in
the same way as sea going fishermen.
In 1997, the fisheries law opened the way for fisher and shellfish farmers’
wives to get a legal status. This status is call collaborator spouse.
To qualify for the status the spouse must participate in the family enterprise,
and act as the manager of the enterprise for administration purpose, banks,
cooperatives, invoicing, etc.
Collaborative spouse status gives the woman social and legal recognition, an
old age individual pension and a right to a replacement worker during maternity
leave.
It costs €3.57 per day or €1303 annually. Only married women have access to
this status and they must have the agreement of the husband.
In 2002, the law was updated and women who opt for the collaborator status
can be elected to fishermen’s organisations as well as to the boards of banks,
cooperatives, etc. The law permits the husband to delegate his rights to his
spouse.
The same law obliged boats more than 12 meters long to be registered at the
chamber of commerce register. This registration gives some benefits to women
who want to be declared collaborator spouse without paying the financial
contribution. In this instance women can be elected to fishermen’s organisations
and to the board of the maritime banks, cooperatives etc.
Only women paying an individual contribution to ENIM can benefit from the
state training courses.
To date only 346 Frenchwomen have registered for this status.
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Finland
Portugal
Farmers, fishermen and reindeer herders (primary sector) are covered by the
Agricultural Pensions Act. Fish farmers and fish processors are not part of this
system, but are covered instead by the occupational pension’s legislation
applicable to other self-employed people.
Fishermen are covered by the Agricultural Pensions Act (LFÖPL). The
compulsory LFÖPL insurance scheme includes accident insurance (OFLA). A
fisherman or family member employed in the business is required to hold
LFÖPL insurance if he/she is aged between 18 and 64 and the value of his/her
work or earnings is at least €2,628 per annum. In Finland, the spouses of
fishermen must take out their own LFÖPL insurance if they take part in fishing
or associated activities (e.g. treating the catch, repairing fishing gear,
marketing), irrespective of whether they receive a wage, provided their earnings
or the estimated value of their work exceeds €2,628 per annum. If the value is
lower, they can take out insurance voluntarily. This insurance provides them an
old age pension and in the case of incapacity to work, unemployment, or death.
In the case of illness, it also entitles them to sickness allowance. The amount of
benefit or pension payable depends on their working income
In Portugal the health system is separate from the social security system.
The fishermen’s social protection scheme is financed by a percentage (10%)
of the fish sales at auctions, and only at auctions.
The collaborative spouse is covered if registered as crew.
Sweden
In Sweden, the social protection system is fundamentally founded on the
principal of national insurance. There is no distinction between employee and
self employed. Self employed fishermen as well as employees enjoy the social
protection of the general system.
For protection in old age there are two systems; an income related pension
and a guaranteed pension. The guaranteed pension is tied solely to residency in
Sweden and does not differentiate between employee and self-employed. The
income related pension is a separate insurance scheme based on gainful
employment and is available to both employees and self-employed
Spain
In Spain collaborating status was introduced in the 1970’s when the social
welfare legislation was drawn up.In Spain, collaborating spouse status refers to
any relative even a son and daughter who assist the self-employed.Cover is at
the same cost and offers the same benefits as those of the self employed.
Conclusion
We are focusing on collaborating spouses; those partners who support the
self-employed fishing enterprise but receive no direct wages for their efforts.
We are concerned with:
The social protection of these partners and in particular their entitlement to
a pension in their own right.
Making their efforts visible, appreciated and taken into consideration in
the decision making process.
For that to happen, the work of collaborative spouses needs to be statistically
recorded.
Only then will they be able to claim their places at the appropriate decision
making tables.
In Ireland, women, connected with fisheries, have been so preoccupied with
attempting to achieve social welfare protection for their husbands that they have
never even stopped to look at their own situation. As a result, their many hours
work for the fishing enterprise go unrecognised, financially and statistically.
They have no entitlement to sit at the decision-making table and at retirement
age they have no pension entitlement in their own right.
In the UK I came across only one woman who was aware of the issue, of
social protection for collaborative spouses, or at least claimed to be and that was
the President of the Women’s Farmers Union. While claiming to be aware of the
issue she declared that she was too busy with other things to bother about it.
In 3 rural research centres contacted, no one was aware of the issue.
The Women’s National Commission within the Cabinet office was unaware
of the issue.
The Pension Advisory Service was unaware of the issue.
The policy advisor with DEFRA (Department of Environment, Food and
Rural Affairs) concerned with rural social exclusion was unaware of the issue.
Indeed I could find no one person in the UK willing or able to engage with
me on the topic of protection for a collaborative spouse.
Maybe it is because there is a health care service in the UK which applies to
everyone and an option to pay into a self employed scheme for minimal
contribution which after 39 years will provide the basic state pension, without
means testing, of £79.60, which mean that this topic is a non issue for UK
women in either farming or fishing.
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In France, after strenuous efforts, it would appear that of more than 4,000
women who are eligible to claim collaborative status, less than 10% have
bothered to register as such.
Problems
I believe that we have three problems:
x Collaborative spouses recognising that that is what they are
x Member State systems recognising the status.
x The EU Commission reluctance to act on an EU parliament
resolution
In Ireland, UK, Portugal and France there appear to be a failure on the part of
collaborative spouses to recognise what they are and to claim their entitlement.
Are the reasons financial or simple lacks of awareness on the part of women
as to their rights and entitlements?
From the limited evidence that we have it would appear that only Ireland and
Portugal, of the Member States, which we addressed, have failed to offer an
accessible voluntary scheme to collaborative spouse of the self-employed.
At EU level, the Commission apparently has chosen to ignore the recent
report on women in rural areas and in particular has chosen to ignore the 26
point resolution of the Parliament which was passed 74 to 8.
It would seem that identification and protection of collaborative spouses is an
issue which no longer excites very many people.
Questions
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Institutional Actions
Considering, that at long last there is a wide acknowledgement of the
invisibility of women’s work in fisheries and of the importance of their efforts to
the sector, maybe the time has come for the EU to give a lead and to introduce a
women’s unit to the Fisheries Commission. The unit would be concerned with
enabling women in fisheries to become more visible and more directly involved
with all aspects of the industry. Currently there are a plethora of new
management initiatives. The simple one of encouraging women in the sector to
become more involved in all aspects of the industry including the decision
making processes could well be one of the brighter, more pragmatic and
efficient methods of bringing about effective change in the fisheries sector.
With most of the commercially favoured stocks in decline, the sector could
benefit from a strong dose of nurturing. It could be argued, that those most
culturally experienced in these techniques and perspectives are currently grossly
under-utilised in the fisheries, at this critical time.
The ideal scenario would be for Member States to introduce similar units
within their respective fisheries departments, thus creating an upward synergy.
EU Fisheries Commission
Women’s Unit in
Members’ States Fisheries Departments
References
Why have women been slow to put a value on their efforts?
Why have women chosen to remain invisible in the fisheries?
Individual Actions
If women, who assist their partners in an enterprise, register as self-employed
then their efforts, become recorded, their efforts are recognised in statistics and
statistically they have a right to proportional representation in decision making.
Registering as self-employed gives legal recognition, social protection, a
statistical presence and rights to have views taken into consideration in decision
making in the industry in which they work.
Become visible
Become a statistic
Have rights
Have responsibilities
Have protection
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Register as self-employed
Maybe women need to view their efforts in the fisheries as work and not as
part of the marriage contract….for their own sakes as well as for the sake of the
industry.
European Council Directive 86/613, Official Journal L 359, 19/12/1986, 56-p.58
European Parliament A5-0230/2003, 17/6/2003
Irish High Court, Donnelly and Byrne v. Hanlon, April 1893
www.inlandrevenue.gov.uk/leaflet
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REGENERATING RESOURCES, BRIDGING LIVES:
WOMEN AND MPA’S IN THE PHILIPPINES
Jovelyn T. Cleofe
Center for Empowerment and Resource Development, Philippines
Abstract
In 2003 an Act providing for the Magna Carta for Women was passed by the
House of Representatives of the Philippines. A major provision states that (Sec.
27, Use and management of marine resources) "the state shall ensure that
women directly engaged in municipal waters and coastal fishing shall have
equal access to the use and management of marine resources, and shall have all
the rights and benefits accruing to stakeholders in fishing and aquaculture
industry". This is clear recognition of women’s role in the fisheries sector at the
policy level. However, development work in the Philippines has been
actualizing this provision even before this act was passed.In several sites in
Mindanao where community based coastal resource management programs have
been implemented, women’s groups are in the forefront of managing Marine
Protected Areas (MPAs). The MPAs cover mangrove areas, coral reefs and
seagrass beds. Women took part in PRA activities, identified potential MPA site
and lobbied for passage of local ordinance for legal mandate and the women’s
group as the managers of project. Technical assistance sought to delineate the
sites. Guard houses and marker bouys installed. Policies drawn up. Information
campaigns were conducted. Women and their partners also conduct day and
night patrolling of their MPAs. In their almost more than five years of managing
the MPAs, women benefited personally from the improvements of the fisheries
and marine resources, i.e., social standing, economic gains, organisation and
management skills, increased confidence and self worth. Likewise, their partners
and communities recognize their role as resource managers.
“Women Fisherfolk- refers to women directly or indirectly engaged in taking
and/or culturing and processing fishery and/or aquatic resources. These shall
include women engaged in fishing in municipal waters and coastal areas, women
workers in commercial fishing and aquaculture, vendors and processors of fish and
coastal products, and subsistence producers such as shell gatherers, wood gatherers
in mangrove forests and other related producers”. (Magna Carta for Women, 2003)
Project Site
The Philippines has 7100 islands with an extensive coastline of 18,400
kilometers. Hinatuan is one of the 17 municipalities of the province of Surigao
del Sur, Northeastern Mindanao, south of the Philippines. It is composed of 24
barangays (villages) out of which 12 can be found in the coastal areas. As of
Hinatuan
2000, it has a total population of 31,888 distributed over 5,704 households. The
average household size is six members and population density was 3.71 persons
per hectare (NSO, 1995; 2000). The total population of the coastal barangays
comprised about 54% of the municipal population. Farming and fishing are the
two major sources of income in the coastal barangays.
Hinatuan is one of the many municipalities in the Philippines that have
established Marine Protected Area (MPA) as a conservation and management
strategy. Since 1998, eight fish sanctuaries have been established in the area
with a total area of 443.96 hectares. One of these sanctuary sites is the women
fishers’ organisation in the island community of Mahaba that covers 15.95
hectares.
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Mahaba Island is a sitio of barangay San Juan, municipality of Hinatuan,
Surigao del Sur. It has an estimated land area of 92 hectares, planted with
coconuts, a small-forested area and mangroves. There are 75 individuals
engaged in fishing and 15 households have small business, which range from
small retail stores to marine product buyers. The rest are tenants engaged in
fishing.
The island is endowed with diverse coastal habitat including mangrove
forests, seagrass beds, seaweed (macro-algae) beds and a fringe coral reef within
a kilometre of the shore. The fringe reef at the end of the reef flat is in very
good condition, with a variety of hard and soft corals and a variety of corals
fishes and invertebrates no longer found in other areas. This makes the area an
ideal site for protection and management.
Women as fishers
Often times, the role and contribution of women in the fisheries sector are not
recognised and even if they are economically involved they are undervalued.
Women’s role and activities in the fisheries are done in support to the men. This
is because of the widely accepted view that fishing is the domain of the men,
and fishing as such is automatically associated with capture fisheries. However,
local practices show that women are active players in the fisheries even in the
capture activities. Various reports and case studies show that women contribute
about 50% to 70% to the fish handling, processing, and marketing and
distribution activities
Specifically, what are the activities done by women fishers?
In the capture activities, women participate in fishing operations. They used
hook and line, scoop nets, fish traps, spears, gillnet fish baskets and push nets
(for fry gathering). They join their husbands and are tasked to cast and/or have
the nets and lines. Women also participate in the fishing operation of the beach
seine.
Women and children often gather the shells, oysters, clams, sea cucumbers,
sea urchins, harvesting of shrimps and crabs, and other aquatic products for
food, medicinal purposes and additional income (shell craft, seasoning, etc.)
Women are also major users of the mangrove forests and swamp lands. Products
harvested in these areas are used for household (fuel, medicines, food) and
productive purposes (crabs, vinegar, nipa shingles, firewood, etc.)
Before actual fishing, women prepare the baits and hooks to be used. They
mend nets, buy and pack ice and other fishing paraphernalia and meals for each
fishing trip.
Women also play a major role in the post harvest activity related to fishing.
Marketing is a commonly recognized domain of women in the sector. They help
have with the catch and then directly oversee the sorting, weighing, and packing
of the catch. They do several marketing activities such as vending, selling
(using market stall) and trading.
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Fish processing is another activity predominantly done by women and this
includes smoking, drying, salting, fermenting and de-boning. Often home-based
and small scale in nature, this processing provides additional source of income
and food supplements.
Women are employed in canning and (commercial) fish processing factories.
Initial interviews reveal that factories for tuna, sardines and the packaging of
prawn for export employ a majority of women workers (Mindanao).
Recently, women’s participation in aqua and mari-culture activities has also
been increasing, particularly with household based culture activities. They feed,
guard, clean, harvest and market their produce.
On top of these activities, women manage the household and ensure the well
being of all family members. Rearing the children is a major task. Together
with other women in the family, the woman does all the household chores.
Oftentimes, she augments the limited income of her husband to help both
ends meet. With the steady decline in fish catch, more and more women are
forced to seek employment in the cities as domestic helpers, waitress, factory
workers, and in other menial job (Samar Coastal communities). She engages in
several income generating activities and/or looks for credit.
Recognizing women’s role in fisheries development
In 1975, the Philippines responding to international calls to uphold women’s
rights, established the National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women
(NCRFW). This agency was mandated to review, evaluate and recommend
measures including priorities to ensure the full integration of women for
economic, social and cultural development at the regional, national, and
international levels to ensure further equality between women and men. It is also
tasked to oversee the implementation of national laws on women incorporating
international treaties and commitments such as the United Nations Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (UN
CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action (NCRFW, 2000). The initiative to
expamine women’s involvement and contributions to fisheries happened only in
1995 during the Regional Workshop on the Role of Women in Fisheries
Development. This was a major initiative for women in fisheries as discussions
centred on their involvement, perceived roles and their issues in fisheries
development.
Women in Resource Management
Organizing of women fishers has been adopted by some NGOs in the
Philippines implementing Community Based Coastal Resource Managements
(CBCRM) like Lanao Aquatic and Fisheries Center for Community
Development (LAFCCOD) and Center for Empowerment & Resource
Development (CERD). The advocacy to recognize women as fishers or major
players in fisheries development and management has taken ground through the
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efforts of not only the government but also civil society, particularly the
women’s movements.
Going to coastal communities, NGOs’ purposively engage not only the men
but the women. How is this done? Community studies and profiling not only
gather but raise men’s issues but women’s as well. Learning about the fishers,
the fisheries and the coastal community is to know and to understand both the
men and women of each particular area.
Processes to establish Mahaba Fish Sanctuary
Participatory Learning and Action (PLA). In 1998, CERD conducted a
community consultation in one of the project sites of CERD in Hinatuan. Five
fisher women from the island of Mahaba, who attended the consultation,
realized that CERD’s program could help them. They wanted CERD to extend
its assistance to them. They sought the assistance of CERD even though they
knew that their area is not a priority project site. PLA for organizing purposes
was conducted wherein issues were identified and analyzed. They brought along
other women from their village to attend the PLA. Recommendations were
discussed such as organising to unite among themselves to solve the identified
problems. Fishing is the major livelihood in Mahaba. The women reasoned that
their husbands were too busy in their economic activity thus the former were the
ones more interested to initiate the formation of the organisation in their island
community. Other recommendations during the PLA were training courses, and
assistance to them to be organized. Another recommendation was the
establishment of the Fish Sanctuary (FS) because they realized the extent of
resource degradation that needed to be addressed. Mahaba is fishing, catching
and gleaning village. They realised that if they did not act on this problem they
would have nowhere to turn..
Organising Work. The first project for the women was the fish sanctuary.
While firming up and preparing this project, women attended several training
courses on leadership, coastal and marine ecology, Philippine fishery situation
and laws and fish sanctuary orientation.
To gain first hand experience of how a fish sanctuary is established and
managed by a community, they participated in a study tour sponsored by CERD.
They visited the Baliangao Wetlands Park that is also managed by a fishers’
organisation. The activity provided them with information on how coastal and
marine resources could be effectively managed through the establishment of FS,
with mangrove planting and enforcement of closed and open seasons. If the
fishers of Baliangao were able to manage and improve their relatively degraded
resources then thoses in Hinatuan could do likewise’s Hinatuan Bay presented
more potential and opportunities for rehabilitation and regeneration. Thus, right
after the study tour, the women began planning the Mahaba Fish Sanctuary.
Based on their knowledge of their fishing ground and its resources, they
identified the feasible sites, and later firmed up the exact location through the
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technical assistance of CERD. Furthermore, they came up with additional
criteria to ensure effective management of the FS. A marine biologist extended
her assistance to present the technical description necessary to process the
approval of the local ordinance.
The women installed wood markers which they themselves gathered to
delineate the site. Few of their husbands lent their assistance. By installing a few
markers, i.e., key boundary positions, were installed, they had already begun to
guard the site.
Linkage and Networking with Local Government. They pursued various
efforts to legitimise and institutionalise the fish sanctuary by legislation at
barangay (village) level and municipal level. Eventually, the women’s
organisation drafted and submitted a resolution requesting the local government
officials to declare Mahaba Fish Sanctuary. After continuous lobbying efforts
for about two months, an ordinance was passed by the barangay council.
Management policies were formulated. A committee directly involved in the
management was formed. The task of the committee was to ensure that the
policies were strictly followed. Roving teams composed of around five members
took turns in roving and patrolling night and day. They solicited funds for their
guard house, which served as a monitoring station and communication centre for
the roving teams.
With an extensive mangrove forest within their island, the women’s
organisation planted mangroves in denuded sites. At first, a 2 hectare mangrove
area was planted. Like the process to establish the FS, a committee was formed
to monitor growth of the propagules, replace dead seedlings, and maintain the
area. As of mid 2004, 28 hectares of denuded mangrove forest were replanted
and managed.
Going beyond resource management
Engaging women fishers was not limited to facilitating the organising process
and building their organisational and resource management knowledge and
skills. Although fisher women’s role in resource management efforts was
already established and recognised, relationships at home showed minimal
improvements such as their husbands acknowledging wives involvement in the
organisation. These positive changes were still inadequate to empower the
women and transform gender relations in the home, in the organisation or in the
community. To support the women, CERD launched series of gender sensitizing
activities.. Formal discussions on women’s rights, gender issues, Gender and
Development Approach (GAD) framework, effective parenting were conducted.
Skills training courses on reproductive and primary health care, and gender and
governance were provided.
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What were the men of the village?
Lessons Learned
While actively doing protection and management activities, the women tried
to influence and engage their partners to contribute in resource management
work. They talked about their activities, updates on the organisation, and the
training courses they had attended. They also invited the men to participate in
the organisation’s activities and to attend training courses. For the women,
resource management should not only be done by women alone. If they were
able to do it, then the men should also be involved as they were dependent on
these resources Resource management should be a joint effort without the
women compromising their right to decide on such matters or the men taking
over the initiative started by the women. One year later, the men finally
understood the role they could play in the development of their area and joined
the women.
Empowering women has many facets and involves intricate processes that
need to be identified, discussed, understood and supported. Women’s
involvement in resource management efforts like MPAs is just one of the steps
in changing women’s role and participation in coastal and marine resource
management.
Interventions to improve women’s perspectives, self confidence and self
image gradually lead to gender equality. As experience showed, the women
harnessed their potentials, broadened their horizons and improved their social
standing.
Existing practices and norms is a major factor that preclude women’s
empowerment. This situation calls for interventions to improve women’s total
well-being and change unequal gender relations. Space to openly discuss,
ventilate and express their problems, views, feelings has been provided. Men
were also sensitized to understand and accept women’s right as partners in
development. They attended gender awareness seminars, discussions and one on
one consultation. Dialogue between husband and wife is always encouraged and
monitored by the organisation.
Efforts to transform unequal gender relations in the home, at the organisation
level or in the community should be undertaken by both women and men and
not be the sole responsibility of women.
Outcomes
Based on the result of the assessment of the fish sanctuary sites in 2001, the
Fish Sanctuary of Mahaba managed by women fishers has the highest fish
biomass among the 7 sanctuary sites managed by the different fishers’
organisation in Hinatuan. It was also noted that the protected area in Mahaba
Island comes closest to the ideal with the presence of corals, seagrasses and
mangrove forest. The sanctuary was species rich, abundant and the fish large.
Corals were also in good condition attesting to the effective management of the
area.
As women, what have they gained? Slowly, they earned the respect of the
men and their community. They showed that they indeed have a role to play not
only in the home but in resource management. Their confidence in themselves
has developed as they are able to influence other community members, assert
and negotiate with government officials, police officers and other figures of
authority whom previously they had feared and had felt inferior to because they
were poor and they were women.
Women in Mahaba learned to articulate their concerns and demands as well
as assert their right to organize. Their understanding of the issues deepened
resulting and individual and concerted efforts to strengthen their organisation,
resolve conflicts and manage the resources.
Women’s participation in resource management and women as direct users of
the marine and fisheries resources breaks the prevailing culture where men are
the fishers and the key players in fisheries development and management.
At the household level, men’s attitudes and behaviour toward women showed
changes. They openly supported women’s involvement in different activities
outside of their home. Household chores such as washing clothes, cooking, child
caring, are shared by the men. They are now not ashamed of doing stereotyped
women’s activities. Gender division of labour is now immaterial.
Challenges/Moving Forward
From facilitating women’s participation in resource management, how can we
facilitate or contribute to providing women with options so that they are able to
make relevant decisions? It is often assumed that encouraging women to
perform tasks outside her home, i.e., earning a living, patrolling MPA, lobbying
the government for potable water, day care, etc. is empowerment in itself.
Changes at home, transforming women and men’s relationships and improving
women’s perception of her self also have to happen.
As advocates, it is important:
x
x
x
to lobby for the institutionalization of women as fishers through policy
legislation, information and education campaigns, and research of
women’s experiences in the fisheries sector.
to identify and implement measures that would increase involvement of
women in decision-making positions in the public sector like for
example the National Fishery and Aquatic resource Management
Council (NFARMC) in the Philippines.
to strengthen linkage among women fishers through facilitating
exchanges, news updates, forum, and information sharing.
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x
x
x
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to actively promote women in fisheries.
to support programs and services that enable the participation of women
in designing interventions which guarantee equal benefits of both men
and women from development processes and its results.
to participate in the global struggle to address gender issues.
to allocate resources so that leaders of women fishers’ organisations are
represented in local, national and international arena.
References1
Cleofe, Jovelyn T.
“Organizing Women towards Sustainable Fisheries
Management” Paper presented by Mariter B. Quinonez at the National
Conference on Gender and Development Work: Concepts, tools and
strategies (Document Proceedings), VSO. Bohol, Philippines 1999, 59-62
UPMSI and CERD, Inc. 2001. Assessment of Reef Habitats and Resources of
Hinatuan, Surigao del Sur: 2001.
Notes
1
In this paper we are grateful to the interviews with Mariter B. Quinonez, CERD Program
Coordinator and Gemma Gades, fisher folk leader from Mahaba, Hinatuan, Surigao del Sur,
Philippines
84
WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN ARCTIC FISHERIES
RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AND IN AQUACULTURE,
CASES FROM FIVE ARCTIC COUNTRIES: A
COMPARATIVE ATTEMPT?
Anna Karlsdóttir
Associate professor, Geography and Tourism Studies
University of Iceland
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In order to ensure continued settlement and economic and socio-cultural
development in the northern areas, there is a need to develop Arctic fisheries for
the benefit of the people involved. The rural North is on the periphery, with
relations to their own governments and political partners in the South. A number
of UN declarations and international conventions on sustainable development
have focused on the need for democratisation of decision-making processes, and
their importance of including stakeholder groups in processes affecting
environmental issues and resource management is often stressed in this
connection (Sloan, L 2004).
Introduction
Abstract
A recent comparative study in several arctic countries and regions has studied
and documented women's role in Arctic fisheries and aquaculture in order to get
an overview of their participation in decision-making processes. Women are
present in the fisheries sector and in aquaculture in those regions, but mainly in
the community level and in administrative, low to middle level positions. More
women are also entering skilled positions after taking specialized education, but
are still not participating in decision-making. The active involvement of women
and local communities can make fisheries more active, dynamic and able to
meet the challenges of a global market. Women's unpaid labour now actively
subsidizes fisheries in some areas, which mean important efforts are rendered
invisible. Introduction into the formal sector can assure recruitment and
continued work in the fisheries sector, and increase the public standing of
fisheries as a rural mainstay in the North. The fisheries industry can no longer be
regarded as the only legitimate stakeholder in resource management. Including
other interests (local communities, environmental interest groups, and
indigenous people's organisations) should also serve to raise the number of
women participating in decision-making.
The traditional concepts of fisheries is often narrowly defined through
references to vessel and catch tons, boats, markets, labour and economic value.
However, to develop Arctic fisheries further, discussions must be widened to
include democracy, power and participation, and the socio-cultural dimensions
of fisheries.
Fisheries represent a traditional way of life and are of great economic and
cultural importance to coastal populations in the Arctic, indigenous and nonindigenous Northern inhabitants. Women are part of these coastal settlements;
fisheries resource management and regulatory measures affect their lives, yet
they are not accorded stakeholder status or participatory rights in regulatory
bodies. Aquaculture on the other hand is a relatively newer sector with a more
modern appeal that in some cases has proven to be an alternative occupation in
the coastal regions.
The Arctic is home to more than four million people, representing more than
forty cultural groups and peoples. The Arctic climate changes over the region,
but what these people have in common is their experience of life in the Arctic,
with all that entails. The area is rich in natural resources, and marine living
resources in particular have been a mainstay of settlements, subsistence,
prosperity and trade for millennia. Many Arctic peoples and communities today
remain dependent on these resources, and marine resources are being either fully
exploited or overexploited. Some fish stocks like the Northern cod stock of
Atlantic Canada, have even collapsed, and dire warnings from researchers and
coastal populations have become commonplace. Fish harvesters tell of a
management system, which makes it profitable to dump undersize catch, rapidly
losing legitimacy in the eyes of local populations, since quota allotment systems
distribute the resource so that they do not always fall to those geographically
closest. Conflict between coastal, artisan fishers and the corporate factory
trawlers serve to make the problem even more complex and great in scope.
Point of departure in five countries
The comparative study presented here includes different regions in five
different countries of the Arctic1. The aim of the project was to give a picture
of the socio-economic situation in some fisheries-dependent societies in the
Arctic involving subprojects in Canada, Greenland, Iceland, Norway and
Sweden with additional comparison from The Faeroe Islands and the Norwegian
Sami Parliament. Fieldwork studies have been conducted in several of the
national subprojects in order to describe women who work in fisheries or
aquaculture, their status and perceptions. More structural information has been
collected based on statistics and other information available in the public realm.
The main comparative element of the study in whole is to analyse the
participating countries’ situations regarding women’s access to decision making
on three levels.
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Feminist University in Norway, but the project leaders in the participating
countries have been responsible for the preparation of individual country based
contributions to the final project report.
The final report was presented to the ministers and the Senior Arctic Officials
of the Fourth Arctic Council meeting on the 23rd of November in Reykjavík,
Iceland. Hopefully the project team and their results has the discursive power to
break through to those representatives, and put forward the finding and
recommendations based on the results of the studies and furthermore to get the
national authorities involved to implement some of those recommendations into
their national fishery resource policies.
A short summary of the results of individual country based studies will be
presented below, followed by a comparative conclusion.
Canada
Firstly a comparative research emphasis is put upon looking at
women’s situation and their individual power in terms of ownership
and leadership in fisheries and fishery-related businesses.
x Secondly the structural or institutional power is under the
microscope. This level of analysis is intended to investigate their
influence in the systems and bodies that determine quota regulations
and management regimes in the project countries.
x Thirdly the focus is on discursive power, the way in which symbols,
public images, assumptions and stereotypes influence women’s
inclusion or seclusion as broadly acknowledged stakeholders in the
fisheries and aquaculture sectors in the studied regions.
Management systems vary between regions as well as the protocols and
processes of decision-making. Furthermore the consultation processes, the
enforcement of power and mandates vary between governmental levels.
Norway has been the lead country. An international steering committee (ISC)
including representatives from most of the participating countries has headed the
project. The project coordinator has been Lindis Sloan from the Northern
x
The study was conducted by Joanna Kafarowsky in a community in
Nunavut2, the newly created jurisdiction since 1999. Fisheries in Nunavut
employ about 100 people seasonally in the harvesting and processing sectors
providing between $2.1 million and $2.4 million in wages and $1.7 to $2 million
in royalties. Nunavut has in the federation of Canada a low share of the Total
Allowable Catch of turbot (27% in Davis Strait) and shrimp (14% in Davis
Strait) in spite that Inuit have some tradition of fishing those species.
Decision on the TAC’s and now competitive quota is under the auspices of
Department of Fisheries and Oceans (DFO), which is a federal governmental
organ.
Both Inuit women and men have been equally involved in subsistence
fisheries in spite that roles have varied somewhat in that men were primarily
responsible for going out in the boats and catching the fish while women
prepared the fish once the men had returned. The gender roles separate but
equal, are representative of traditional Inuit society in which the contributions of
all members – elders, youth, women and men are considered critical. The
participation of Inuit women in commercial fisheries in Nunavut is minimal and
few women work in offshore fisheries. This is because of limited available
opportunities but also because of the physical hardships of the job, stress
imposed by being away from family and community, language barriers and
differing cultural attitudes towards work. Pressure exerted on DFO and other
decision-making bodies to extend Nunavut’s quotas and an increased call for
Inuit-owned boats in Nunavut may result in a more extensive role for Inuit in
commercial fisheries. Emerging economic initiatives in Nunavut, including
exploratory fisheries, offer additional opportunities for the increased
involvement of Inuit women. In two processing facilities located in Nunavut
75% of 55 employees are female, with most senior positions occupied by men.
Lack of support services such as childcare affects the performance of female fish
processing workers in Pangnirtung and prevents some women from entering the
workforce.
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In general a low percentage of women is represented, both in the fisheries
related organisations such as the federal bodies (25%), in the Nunavut wildlife
management Board (36%), the regional bodies ( 0%) and the Hunters and
Trappers Associations in the different regions in Nunavut (varying between
4,6% to 18%).
Indigenous women of Rae Edzo community in Northwestern territories of
Canada. – Picture. Anna Karlsdóttir
Lack of education opportunities and limited training in natural resource
management are two critical elements preventing more young women from
applying for fisheries-related positions. Furthermore healthcare, educational
institutions and other services in the North are challenged by budget cutbacks,
and there is an escalating student dropout rate. Traditionally, most Aboriginal
families are supported by the extend family network with childcare and other
support but as more residents participate in the wage economy the demand for
regular and consistent childcare services may result in decreased employment
opportunities for women because they are non existing. This is critical given
Nunavut’s high percentage of young residents and high unemployment rate.
Greenland
The study was conducted by Anna Heilmann in West Greenland, the focus
being primarily on the coastal small scale fisheries (jollefisheries) and women’s
participation in that part of the fishery sector. Fisheries are the most important
industry in the Greenland economy. Even though only 6,5% of the total
workforce is employed in the fisheries and fishprocessing sector, approximately
91% of the export value (2.3 billion DKK in 2003) in Greenland derives from
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the food sector where products of fish and shellfish are the major export product
(Statistics Greenland 2004).
Women’s role in the small scale coastal fisheries is primarily related to taking
care of the household economy. Even though the women don’t have a formal
position within the fisheries, they are often responsible for securing formal
income from elsewhere to take care of the bills. In bleak periods, for the hunting
and fisheries, women take care of feeding the family, paying for most of the fuel
expenses and owner’s expenses related to the husbands livelihood and can
therefore be regarded as the major insurers of their husbands continous
selfemployment in the “jolle” culture and economy.
In general, the women express hardship. There is a close economic
collaboration between the couple, but a significant proportion of the women
express irritation over, at times, having to be main providers. Only one woman
expressed contentment with her husbands job. In her case her husband had been
unemployed for a long time, but now he provided the family with meat.
The interviews in the project show that the women carry a large part of the
responsibility for the household economy and in addition contribute
considerably to his working expenses. Reports, analysis and research tend to
focus entirely on the jollefishers, even though it appears to be common
knowledge that the economic and moral contributions of the spouses of the
jollefishers are enormous. These women are not included anywhere in the
decision-making processes. The jollefishers spouses live with the results of the
legislations and regulations inside the fisheries, but they are absolutely invisible
in the legislative processes. 5-10 years ago the women were organised in active
organisations. They are not organised today.
Sweden
The study conducted by Maria Uden focused on the family household of the
coastal fishery families by the Gulf of Botnia. Totally 2% of the gainfully
employed in Norrbotten worked in the primary sector (forestry, farming,fishing
and reindeer herding together). Industrial fishery in the Gulf of Botnia annually
yields about 100-150 tonnes of salmon (salmo salar), 100-150 tonnes of
whitefish (Coregonus lavaretus), 600-1000 tonnes of vendace (Coregonus
albula) and some additional catches of different species. The issue of salmon
restriction in the Gulf continously leads to confrontation between fishers and
authorities in Norrbotten County. The register of license owners in Norrbotten
indicates that fishery companies are in most cases owned and lead by men. The
vessel register at the National Board of Fisheries holds no information on
women as boat owners. Thus it appears that women are almost non-existent in
the fishery companies. But this picture is contradicted by what is locally known
about fisheries in the area, as being family enterprises with both genders
involved even if in different tasks. Further investigation of 18 fishers showed
that the majority of the women were involved in the operation.. The most usual
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work element mentioned was connected to handling the fish, vendace, sorting
vendace catch and especially processing of vendace roe.
The context for women’s participation, according to the answers from the
interviewed fishers is in three categories.
Participation within the household (wife, children),
A group that can be labelled “other family, friends and acquaintances” who
help for various reasons.
Hands hired by hour.
Some of the spouses of fishermen take substantial part in their businesses,
either as responsible or as a backup, when needed.
Being a partner to a fisher raises expectations on participation in the fishery.
But the common model for this participation does not provide a sufficient
psycho-social context. If one takes the role as fishery wife as full time
engagement, there is a risk that isolation makes daily life strenous (given the
family business structure of Botnia fisheries, with processing, book keeping etc.
set in the family home, and with possible employees engaged only during
limited high peak periods). Additionally, other more complex needs such as the
need for control over one’s own situation, and for recognition from others and
from society are not sufficiently met.
Among fishers as well as among public servants in fishery administration,
there are men today who openly state, without regarding their view as
problematic, that women are not fit to be fishers. Such an attitude is no longer
possible to express when it comes to political commissions, public authority
positions or expert positions. The present Swedish Minister of Agriculture, Food
and consumer affairs is a woman. At the National Board of Fisheries, 31% of the
employees with core competence and 36% of the employees with management
competence are women (annual report 2003). One of four staff members at the
County Board´s fishery Unit is woman. Even though these figures do not signal
gender neutrality in any way, it is possible for women in Sweden to take part in
fishery decision making processes as politicans, experts and administrators.
Being a woman and a fisher is though not an accepted value. For daughters in
fishery family the reality is that they get an education and leave.
The stated paradox above verifies that enterprises are generally led and
owned by men, but income and family structures are intertwined through a
number of work elements that engage women from the fishers’ households and
families.
The Swedish case study did not include industrial fishery in the mountain
lakes of Norrbotten, or the fishery performed by Sámi on basis of Indigenous
rights. Basic facts that concerns Sámi women’s situation are already known,
however. As shown by e. G. Amft (2000), Sámi women in Sweden are subjects
to laws and regulations based on patriarchal presumptions regarding household
relations. These laws, regulations and practices affect their possibilities to claim
Indigenous rights to land and water, including fishing.
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Norway
The study by Elisabeth Engell and Lindis Sloan is twofold. Partly an
aggregated study of women’s participation in the fishery sector in the three
northern most states of Norway; Nordland, Troms and Finnmark. Partly a study
of the Sami legislative parliament and it’s role in gender issues and fishery
policy. The parliament has a semi sovereign status as a governmental body for
the minority of Sámi Indigenous people in Northern Norway
In the wake of the introduction of the individual vessel quotas for coastal and
fjord fisheries a marked decrease has happended in the percentage of population
engaged in fisheries. It accelereted on top of a deterioriation of the traditional
fisherman-farmer household based economy and major social changes that
swept over Northern Norway in the last half of twentieth century.
Increased employment opportunities in the public sector such as schools,
health care and administration also means that fewer women are available for
the traditional “ground crew” functions, which then tend to become
professionalised if maintained.
This does not, however mean that no women uphold their contributions to
fisheries. The number of “seawomen” in Northern Norway in full occupation
decreased from 184 in 1999 to 150 in 2002 (approximately 2% of total
fishermen), whereas womens contribution in the function of fishers in subsidiary
occupation was around 90 persons (approximately 2% of total number of fishers
in subsidiary occupation). Interestingly in the northernmost county of Norway,
the women’s ratio of participation in fisheries is unusually high, or 5.2% of total
number of fishers in subsidiary occupation. In spite of women’s accountable,
though small contribution, studies show that men own 99,9% of the cod quota
(Lunde K. 1995).
In fish farms, women are 15% of staff and perform 9,4% of hours worked. In
many fisher families, where the husband fishes, the wife’s contribution of a
practical nature (gear preparation, baiting, accountancy work and even
housework) are supplemented by her financial contribution to the household
through salary work outside the home. Less than 5% of registered fishers are
women, but women also comprise almost half the population in the fisheries
dependent communities along the coast of North Norway.
In relation to management and leadership positions, ownership and
employment of women in the aquaculture sector – less than 10% of all the
leaders in the fish-farming industry are women. A minority of women are
managers (6,8%) and board leaders (3,6%). Compared to other Norwegian
industries women’s role in leadership in fisheries and aquaculture is lower.
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Women are seeking education in fisheries related fields, and regluations and
management systems mean job opportunities in the fisheries administration
system.
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working as administrative or company board leaders in fisheries in all of
Norway. Many are in these positions by virtue of inheritance, but they are also
well qualified in their own terms, some having higher education and others
having worked their way up through the company.
Sámi Norway
The harbor in Nordfold, Nordland, Norway - picture Anna Karlsdóttir
In spite of a ruling Gender equality Act which requires all state and
government boards, and committees in Norway to have a 40% minimum
representation of women, most of the fisheries related governmental bodies have
not fulfilled the obligation (regulatory council, the coastal directorate’s advisory
board, the marine mammal commission and the Norwegian Seafood Export
Council). These have all applied for exceptions from the gender equality act in
the last four years (2000-2003), usually based on the fact that the organisations
represented on these councils, which are mainly from the fisheries industry or
representatives of workers’ and owners’ interests, have few women members,
and few of those are interested or seen as eligible for such posts. Finding
qualified women should not be a problem though as around 96 women are
Traditionally the coastal Sámi have made a living through flexible
combinations of fishing and agriculture, reindeer husbandry and/or natural
resource exploitation, depending on the available resources. With fisheries
policy becoming more and more regulated, among other things by the
introduction of vessel quotas, many people with a flexible connection to the
fishing trade have lost the rights to fish, and this has particularly affected the
coastal Sámi regions. The traditional work roles of women have not been taken
into account and they have suffered through the allocation of the rights to
fishery resources by means of quotas. The study conducted on the role of the
parliament in gender issues and fishery policy making reveiled that equal
opportunities policy in the Sami parliament has principally centred around
female representation, voting rules, the electoral roll and discussions regarding
gender roles. The Sami parliament appears to be on the lookout for ways of
integrating equal opportunities. Stordal (2002) concludes that the results of the
Sami Parliament’s efforts in the field of equal opportunities have been meagre
and have primarily been politically symbolic.
Although several central politicians in the Sami parliament with formal
positions important to the development of fisheries policy have been women,
this has not resulted in the issue of Sámi women in the fisheries industry
becoming part of the political agenda. The Sami Parliament’s equal
opportunities policy documents contain no reference to the fishing industry, and
similarly equal opportunities are virtually unmentioned in documents relating to
the fisheries policy. Only a small proportion (approx.10%) of the Sami
Parliament’s business aid to fisheries related projects has been allocated to
women, though the majority of those who applied received support. The explicit
objectives of the revision of the rules for business are the creation of equal
opportunities and allowing greater potential for the use of discretion.
Faeroe Islands
Faeroese government and the minister of fisheries have recently stated that
there are no women in fisheries. This must be assessed as an arrogant statement
as the women have been part of the fishery society for millennia. He later
qualified the statement somewhat, explaining how the importance of fisheries
for the economy and culture of the Faeroes meant women, too, are affected by
what goes on at sea and in the regulations system. A survey confirms the picture
that male dominance in the Faroese fisheries is almost total. Since many
fisheries companies are family owned, women may sit as board members and in
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nominal ownership positions in this regard, but this does not though always
reflect the true conditions and may give a false idea of the situation.
In aquaculture companies, now women are registered as owners, directors or
managers, and the situation is the same in shipping companies in the fisheries.
The 1-2 women that are registered as ship owners are so because their husbands
are ineligible for the position (bankruptcy). However, one or two women were
co-owners and active in shipping, but had answered that they did not feel
comfortable to be regarded as ship owners.
In 19 registered fish processing plants, no women were owners or directors.
However, one plant had a female manager, and 5-19 foremen (26%) were
women. It is in quality control that we find women in a majority of leading
positions. In sales, there are no owners, but one female director. In the
administration women are more visible.
Iceland
The focus of the study conducted by Anna Karlsdottir was partly on women’s
participating in the implementation of the Individual transferable quota system
and their perception of the management system, and mostly on women’s
participation in aquaculture as a mean to different occupational alternative in
coastal regions of Iceland. The fluctuating job situation related to the fisheries
will mainly depend upon formal access through ownership of quota or marital
status, related to being fisherman’s wife. Women in fish farming feel they have
more positive status than being in fisheries. They are there but only 36 out of
approximately 200 persons in staff and they are merely workers. They are also
involved by virtue of different levels of educational background.
Female aquaculture leader collects a sample of salmon juveniles – picture:
Auður Magndís Leiknisdóttir
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The most influential women within companies are wives or co-managers of
small entities. Some of them have equal responsibilities to their husbands, but in
general they perceive their status modestly. This supports findings from the
fishery sector, where women, typically would inherit the supporting role, in
finance, taking care of the framework, but still not see themselves as being in
charge of anything, or being in a decisive role.
Most of the women interviewed (31) are not participants in public decisionmaking processes. It seems that educational background is very important. Not
only is the virtues of education striking in how they distinct from other
informants in self-esteem but also in relation to legitimacy of involvement in
decision making both within companies and in terms of participating in public
decision making. We found that only women in development and research, and
leaders of governmental institutions are active participants on public
committees, though to a varying extent.
There seems to be a legitimacy problem related to the individual power and
the institutional power. It is thinkable that those women could have other
aspirations or ambitions but it should not be ignored that many signalled fear or
insecurity when asked. Possibly the very firmly rooted gender value systems
deriving from the fisheries have to some extent been inherited into aquaculture.
If this is correct, gendered values are still dominating.
Discursive empowerment seems to come with advancement but mostly with
further education. Thus the women with foreman status and mostly the ones
working in research and development seem to feel that they are on equal basis
with their male colleagues and that they have the legitimacy to be heard.
Comparable findings
Despite the great cultural, economical and national variation across the
participating countries, we find some common characteristics. Women
participate in the fisheries and in aquaculture but their contributions are rendered
invisible. As license holders and owners of boats women are very few
comparatively. Thus their access to power and influence on the management
systems of fisheries is minimal. Still as wives, daughters or relatives their life is
shaped by the development and fate of the fishery economy locally. In Norway,
Greenland and Sweden and to some extent in Nunavut and the Faroe Islands the
family household of fisher families relies on women’s’ work within or outside
the sector. In many fisher families, where the husband fishes, the wife’s
contribution of a practical nature (gear preparation, baiting, accountancy work,
processing work and even housework) are supplemented by her financial
contribution to the household through salary work outside the home.
In reality their contribution plays a key role in upholding the livelihood in the
fisheries. In those cases women are direct subsidy providers to the fishery
economy, though they are not formally or publicly acknowledged as such.
Where the majority of women are to be found is within processing, whether it
is as formally paid workers within plants or informal labour in the household
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economy. Rarely those women have any influence whatsoever. Within
aquaculture which we only have certain data on for Norway, Iceland and Faroe
Islands the situation is not much different in spite of a more modern appeal of
that industry compared to that of fisheries.
Education seems to be a cardinal point. In Iceland, Norway, Faeroe Islands
and Sweden, societies where the ratio of women seeking university education
the last two decades has been high, women are entering on other terms than
earlier into the sector. We can see a trend especially when it comes to being
professionals in administration or within research and development. The new
arena for educated women is within the governmental offices, organisations or
institutes related to fisheries and aquaculture. Higher education provides them
with opportunities beyond the traditional access code based upon family ties.
Seemingly access to power within companies especially larger ones, within
management or boards is still other than in few cases without their reach.
Collection of statistics about women’s status and involvement in fishery
management, fisheries and aquaculture helps to give an overview to a certain
extent. Statistical data can prove to be a helpful tool for policy making as well as
monitoring the development towards increased gender equality. Quantitative
analysis of women’s status and participation in fisheries and aquaculture has
though a clear limitation as formal figures can hide the complex truth behind.
Ownership registration is an example of a complexity where quantitative
analysis gives a very limited insight. Even if some few women are registered
formally as owners or in charge it may give false idea of the situation since
some of the women are represented due to family relations rather than
knowledge or experience. By supplementing quantitative data with more
qualitative insight a more holistic picture of the real situation can be provided
but there is still long way to go and further research is needed.
References:
Alsos, G. & L.T Pettersen, Ei flott næring for töffe kvinnfolk! En utredning om
kvinners rolle i oppdrettsnæringen. Nordlandsforskning. Rapport nr. 01/2001.
2001
Angell, E. Kjönn og etnisitet i fiskeripolitikken, Report No.2004:4, Norut NIBR
Finnmark. 2004
Amft, A. Sápmi i förandringens tid. Doctoral Thesis, Umeaa University. 2000
European Commission Directorate General for Fisheries, The role of women in
the fisheries sector. MacAlister Elliott and Partners Ltd. 2002
Gerrard, Siri `Fiskerinæringa i et kvinneperspektiv´, in Svovlværsseminaret
1990, NIBR-Report. Oslo. Norway: NIBR. 1990, 37-55
Gerrard, Siri `Kvinners forvaltning – havets husholdning´, in Leve kysten ?
Strandhogg i fiskeri-Norge;edit: O.Otterstad & Jentoft, Svein. Oslo, Norway:
Ad Notam Gyldendal. 1994, 123-134.
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Hulda Proppé, R. Konurnar og kvótinn: Kynhugmyndir og upplifun kvenna af
orðræðu og auðlindastefnu í sjávarútvegi. Unpublished MA thesis in
Anthopology nr.1839, january 2002
Hulda Proppé, R. `Ég sé kvótakerfið fyrir mér sem lopapeysu – kynhugmyndir
og upplifun kvenna af orðræðu og auðlindastefnu í sjávarútvegi´ in F. Jónsson
(Ed.), Rannsóknir í Félagsvísindum, Félagsvísindastofnun Háskóla Íslands,
Háskólaútgáfan. 2003
Sloan, Lindis (Ed), `Women’s Participation in Decision making Processes´ in
Arctic Fisheries Resource Management, Nora, Kvindeuniversitet Nord,
Norfold, Norway 2004
Statistics Greenland, http://www.statgreen.gl/, viewed February 2005
Stordal, V. `Sametinget – Kvinner begrenset adgang?´, in B.Bjerkeli & P.Selle
(Eds) Makt- og demokratiutredningen 1998-2003, 2003
Swedish National Board of Fisheries, Annual report 2003, Annual report
provided to the Swedish Government, 2003.
Notes
1
Much appreciation is devoted to the authors and projectpartners Lindis Sloan (Norway),
Joanna Kafarowsky (Canada), Maria Uden (Sweden), Anna Heilmann (Greenland), Elisabeth
Angell (Norway), Mari Moen (Norway) and Marita Rasmussen (Faroe Islands).
2
This term is Inuktitut (language) and means “our land”.
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WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN COASTAL RESOURCES
MANAGEMENT AND LIVELIHOODS AT TRAO REEF
MARINE RESERVE, KHANH HOA PROVINCE, VIETNAM
Than Thi Hien
International Marinelife Alliance (IMA-Vietnam)
Abstract
In Vietnam, women account for more than half of coastal population and play
an important role fisheries and aquaculture. However, there is still a gap
between men and women in participation, particularly in the coastal resource
management.
My oral presentation will be focusing on outcomes and lessons learnt from a
case study on “Women’s Participation in Coastal Management and Livelihoods
in Khanh Hoa Province” where IMA supported to increase gender awareness
and improve women’s capacity in coastal resources. In this project, activities
included: gender awareness training for local men and women, livelihood forum
for women and women’s participation in the pilot aquaculture development.
International Marinelife Alliance (IMA) Vietnam, where I am working, is a
non-profit and non-government organisation. IMA has carried out a three-year
program on community-based coastal resources management through
facilitation of a Locally Managed Marine Reserve in Van Ninh District, Khanh
Hoa Province. The program aims to enable local people, with a special attention
to women, to improve their living through applying sustainable fishing and
aquaculture methods and practices. Women play a critical role in both local
fishing economies and in efforts to conserve coastal resources but often face
challenges to effective participation.
Thus, in my presentation, I will give emphasis to relevant issues such as: what
challenges women face in coastal resource management, how they addressed
and contested those challenges and what they have learned from participation in
the coastal management and how their participation contributed to changes.
Introduction
Project background:
International Marinelife Alliance (IMA) Vietnam is a non-governmental
marine conservation organisation, which supports community-based coastal
resource management initiatives (CBCRM) through facilitation of a Locally
Managed Marine Reserve in Khanh Hoa Province. The project aimed to enable
local people to better manage their coastal resources and improve their socioeconomic situation by applying sustainable fishing and aquaculture methods.
Women were considered a target group within this project. This paper highlights
significant findings and lessons learned from a case study on “Women’s
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participation in the coastal management and livelihoods in Khanh Hoa
Province” where IMA-Vietnam implemented the Trao Reef Marine Reserve
Project during the period of 2002-2004.
The Trao Reef Marine Reserve, a small scale marine protected area, is
currently being managed by the community of Xuan Tu village, Van Hung
commune, Van Ninh District, Khanh Hoa province. It possesses marine
biodiversity consisting of coral reefs, sea grass and other associated ecosystems.
The reserve was put into operation in March 2002 with the facilitation of IMAVietnam, the involvement of the local community, and with support from the
local commune government. This approach put the concept of co-management
of coastal resources into action. The Van Hung commune’s population is 10.200
people with 1998 households, of which Xuan Tu village has 4200 people with
803 households. Van Hung is the third poorest commune in the district. The
local residents depend largely on the coastal resources. 80% of Van Hung
commune is supported by aquaculture consisting of lobster, black tiger shrimp,
and coastal fishing. However, unplanned and unregulated aquaculture,
overfishing, and destructive fishing have led to the degradation of the
environment and habitats. These conditions affect present and potential
household incomes, and therefore, are of a concern all community residents.
Social and economic conditions of women:
Based on IMA’s participatory appraisal and dialogues with local officials
(International Marinelife Alliance, 2004), it was identified that women have less
access, control over, and benefit from local coastal resources. Women’s
gendered role is evident in several socio-economic features presented here.
Overall, women make up 52% (2764 people) of the village population. Their
main jobs include housework and part-time work in aquaculture, small-scale
fishing, and other related services. The number of women of labour age accounts
for one third of the whole commune’s women’s population and this group makes
a considerable contribution to the overall local economic development. Their
education level is not high. The average numbers of years of schooling is
around five for adult women, though younger women have better schooling
opportunities today.
Women’s average monthly income per capita is
150,000VND (roughly US$10). Out of a total of 2764 village women, more than
200 women are ranked as poor, including 60 women headed households.
Women reported that they have little access to information and technology
because they seldom have the time or the opportunity to attend community
meetings or training programs. Furthermore, they are rarely involved in the
decision-making activities of the commune.
Concerning aquaculture in Xuan Tu Village, men and women have different
and gendered roles. It has usually been the men who have had primary access to
and control over resources, including capital, technology and information.
Women’s names are rarely on the land certificates that are used as collateral
for government credit programs, and therefore, the act has little economic
effect on women’s productive means (ADB, 2002). Women are more likely to
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engage in supplementary shore-based tasks such as the preparation of food, net
sewing, and post-harvest care. They are also responsible for marketing and
selling products. Men, have principal control and access over the resources.
They are usually responsible for decisions on the species purchased, monitoring
and harvesting. Furthermore, most leaders and members of the community
organisations are men with the exception of the Women’s Union. This stems
from the traditional cultural view, influenced mostly by Confucianism, but also
by Buddhism, and Ancestor Worship that perceives men to have more
knowledge in community affairs, while women are better suited for reproductive
work and household tasks (O’Harrow, 1995). Women’s mobility to participate
in community activities is limited, so they usually yield decision-making to men.
Men are much more likely to participate in training and workshops, and even
when women do participate in the workshops or training programs, they are
likely to not feel confident (Silverman, 2003). Although women work hard their
contribution to household income from fisheries and aquaculture is smaller than
men, particularly since reproductive and household work is not economically
valued (AIT, 2000). Therefore, men and women’s social and economic roles,
clearly show specific gendered spheres and an overall gender imbalance that
disadvantages women.
Project activities/interventions:
Gender mainstreaming is an important factor that IMA-VN took into account
as part of its participatory approach in the community based coastal resources
management of Trao Reef. This project emphasized community participation,
particularly the participation of women, who have to overcome socially and
economically constructed barriers to obtain effective participation. The project
decided that to involve rural communities, the community’s knowledge must be
improved upon. The purpose of community participation was not only for
marine conservation purposes, but also to develop the community’s capacity to
effectively access, control, and benefit from their nearby coastal resources.
Previous CBCRM studies suggest significant positive effect of community
members, both men and women (E. M. Ferrer, Polotan de la Cruz, & G. F.
Newkirk, 2001).
IMA-VN believes that the inclusion of women in the development as well as
in coastal management and marine conservation is crucial to ensure gender
equality. This is in accordance with the now widely promoted Gender and
Development approach (GAD) to development projects. GAD emphasizes the
need to challenge gender roles and relations between men and women in
addition to practical change in gender policy. The project was based on this
approach rather than Women in Development (WID) approach, which has
focused on women’s problems in isolation, without addressing the root
imbalances in gender relations.
To facilitate the women’s participation in coastal management and
livelihoods, a number of activities were undertaken, such as International
Coastal Cleanup (ICC), marine biology training, community dialogues, gender
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training for local staff and community members, livelihood forums for women
to propose their alternative livelihood initiatives, and support of pilot
environmental friendly aquaculture. Women were particularly targeted to
participate and to take leadership roles in each of these activities. The Women’s
Union, as the leading organisation for women all across Vietnam, was a
significant community resource in promoting women’s participation and
leadership. These activities/interventions are further explained in the discussion
section below.
Discussion and Findings
This section briefly describes and explains the principal activities that women
participated in the Trao Reef project. These include the trash collection
initiative, the alternative livelihoods and environmentally friendly aquaculture
pilot program, gender workshops, and women’s exchanges with other
communities. Women have gained new knowledge and experiences in coastal
resource management issues and practices through their participation in these
activities. Through this knowledge and these experiences, the project’s
objective was to initiate and support opportunities for women in order to
increase gender equality with in the Trao Reef Marine Reserve.
Women’s initiatives in trash collection
For the last ten years, lobster cage culture has been increasing and coastal
residents have been used to dumping all kinds of garbage into the sea. This
includes waste from the lobster cages, which creates poor water quality. This has
led to environmental degradation and has badly affected people’s health. This
has a significant impact on women and children since they do much of the
seashell harvesting in the effected waters. The Trao Reef project awareness
raising campaign, International Coastal Clean-up (ICC), was facilitated by IMA
to target local community groups. The Women’s Union was one of the
significant organizers that increased women’s participation in this activity. One
of the Women’s Union stated goal is to clean up the environment (Vietnam’s
Women’s Union 1998). The ICC was an activity in which women organized
and directed several of the clean up sites.
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Overall, this activity helped raise community awareness about trash and
coastal environmental degradation. Through the ICC, the volunteers raked up
considerable amounts of debris consisting of plastic bags, papers, and organic
trash. In addition, trash was always piled up and burned, as it is easier than to
take it away. However, women realized that trash burning was not
environmentally sound and it should be collected and disposed of properly. A
group of women led by the commune’s Women’s Union translated that
awareness into action after the ICC. They understood that it was a community
problem rather than a household problem, and began a series of community
dialogues. Women mostly have the responsibility for managing daily household
expenses, so they first talked with women. As a result of the dialogues, most
people agreed to pay a trash fee of about 8000VND/month (50 cents US).
Commune leaders highly supported the self-financing initiative that the women
had created. The Women’s Union took over the management of this trash
collection program. Nine women were involved in trash collection with a small
wage of VND 300,000 (US$20). “We don’t do it for the money, we do it to keep
our community clean,” said one woman.
Through the progression of the trash cleanup project, it was evident that
women had community leadership roles, could organize and take action, and
change local trash disposal practices. Moreover, through this action-oriented
process, women participated as capable community educators and took a stand
in community environmental protection.
Women’s Livelihood Initiatives in Pilot Environmentally Friendly
Aquaculture
Through a participatory rural appraisal (PRA) and a livelihood analysis
facilitated by IMA, lobster cage culture was identified as the main livelihood of
the local people (including women as supplementary contributors). However, as
indicated, this economic activity is unsustainable due to the over harvesting of
wild lobster larvae, which are gathered to stock the cages. Furthermore, there is
a lack of regulations on culturing, and the results have been the high occurrence
of disease and poor water quality. To address these issues, a livelihood forum
was organized to create the groundwork for impoverished women, to propose
initiatives on alternative livelihoods. Scientists and experts from IMA and Nha
Trang Oceanography Institute (NIO) facilitated a seminar on small-scale
aquaculture of seaweed and green mussel. In addition to the women, the
community was involved in discussing these options. These are forms of
environmentally friendly aquaculture that require low investment, and which
could provide income-generating activities for women. Such aquaculture could
function as local technology contributing to the improvement of water quality
and creating better habitats for coastal resources. During the forum, participants
discussed relevant issues such as seedlings, technologies and site preparation,
and clearly identified their roles and participation in these pilot livelihood
options. At the conclusion of this seminar, the participants developed a plan of
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implementing a pilot project in alternative and environmentally friendly
livelihoods with seaweed and green mussels at their locally managed marine
reserve. Women were to be significant participants gaining access to, and
benefit from, this resource.
Thirty-one women were provided with technical support to implement a pilot
aquaculture demonstration. During the process, women were directly involved
in the preparation of facilities such as, marker buoys and net cages, post-harvest
care, and processing while men provided monitoring support. The demonstration
has progressed well with participants reporting most significant improvement in
water clarity since the seaweed, green mussels, and oysters have been seeded
and cultivated. Several households, including men and women also participated
in applying an integrated marineculture approach into their lobster cages
(lobster, green mussel, sea cucumber and seaweed). Women also held informal
community dialogues and modeled several technical and hands-on skills through
on-the-job practices. In addition, women also learned how to market their
aquaculture products by offering visitors to Trao Reef Marine Reserve “clean
food” –the green mussels and oysters that they were piloting.
Through the aquaculture research and pilot aquaculture activities, women's
capacity and their roles in coastal resources management have been improved.
They have gained further control and decision-making roles vis-à-vis men on
coastal resource. Women’s participation in this activity should be understood as
a significant change from previous practices where women were excluded from
making decisions about coastal resources. While they were not initially
involved in managing these resources, they had an opportunity to learn and
participate in the selection and have gradually gained economic benefit. In the
future it is expected that women are more likely to have direct involvement in
economically beneficial activities, such as eco-tourism.
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Gender-awareness Workshops and Change
Gender training was a significant event to introduce gender awareness of
local staff and community members (both men and women) who are involved in
the marine reserve. Many of the participants revealed that they did not know
what gender was before the training nor realized the importance of women's
"invisible" contributions to household and community life. One of the important
things was that both male and female participants now understand not only the
women's role/contribution but also the deep-rooted cultural and social rationale
of gender stereotypes that had limited women’s access, control, and benefit from
community resources. During the workshop, a gender-training expert led a series
of activities where women and men participants brainstormed, dialogued, and
negotiated what gender meant to them in their daily life; A particular emphasis
was put on their roles in the household and in their community.
During the training, in contrast with the common thinking that fishermen are
conservative and set in their ways (as is traditionally emphasized by the men's
role in coastal management and other community development activities), men
shared points of view (including older generations) that indicated some
acceptance of problems due to gender inequality. When the training ended, a
number of men reported that they had started to help their wives with some
housework and 60% of the men reported to have positively changed their views
on women’s roles. Many suggested that they would support women in
household economic and community development activities.
It is evident that through the gender-awareness workshop that men and
women gained a better understanding of gender imbalances in the control,
access and benefit of household and community resources. Women expressed
that they felt more aware of their role and felt more confident by raising their
concerns and ideas. Furthermore, local officers gained gender perspectives in
decision-making processes in the coastal management, e.g. to support women’s
initiatives such as ICC and trash collection. Some follow-up contexts indicate a
noticeable increase in women’s participation and leadership in community
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activities vis-à-vis men. Women have been involved in advocating for the
marine reserve through community advocacy dialogues, and they have also been
involved in initiating village meetings on coastal resource management issues.
In particular, they contributed to the physical establishment of the Trao Reef and
its community regulations. This is a so-called KAP process (creating change
through Knowledge, Attitude shift and Practice).
As a result of the workshop, participants responded that they were now aware
that women's low position in both family and society is not a consequence of
their sex, rather socially constructed, and identified as gender.
Women Facilitated Dialogues and Community Exchanges
Women, having participated in training programs, also became advocates and
promoters of coastal resource conservation and sustainable management. They
have been involved in a number of Trao Reef dialogues and talks on the coral
reefs and marine biodiversity. This resulted from the TOT (Training of Trainers)
where women and other participants were trained in communication skills and
marine biodiversity. After the training, they facilitated advocacy dialogues with
other groups in the community. As part of their dialogues, women introduced
other women to Trao Reef Marine Reserve through study tours. Over 200
women visited Trao Reef. Women were able to exchange community
experiences and learn how other communities are involved in the management
of MPAs and how to pilot environmental friendly livelihoods (such as seaweed
and green mussel) through a study tour. During the study tour to Hon Mun
Marine Protected Area (MPA), in addition to the visit to coral reefs, they had a
chance to learn about eco-tourism in Hon Mun Island. This introduced new ecotourism ideas such as seaweed jelly making and other services. In addition,
many women from all age groups took part in competitions on Trao Reef
regulations and song/poem composing.
These women initiated and coordinated activities, which further developed
women and girls as advocates of Trao Reef. Women increased their access to
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information and knowledge about coastal resources.
Moreover, they
increasingly gained access to the coastal resources through their trips to the
reserve. Previously, women had few reasons to visit the sea.
Conclusion/Lessons learned
This section explains what lessons have been learned about women’s
participation and changing roles in a coastal resource management project, in
this case the Trao Reef Project. First, I discussed the role of gender
mainstreaming in coastal resource management projects as being central to
changing women’s control, access and benefit from coastal resources. Then I
discussed the identifiable changes in women’s capacity in coastal management
and livelihood options, and finally, lessons learned regarding the role of
communication in increasing gender awareness.
Gender mainstreaming strategy:
The results of the project suggest that gender mainstreaming should be
created during the establishment and design of any development project. If more
emphasis had been placed on gender mainstreaming, co-management and
conservation activities, at the start of the Trao Reef project, there would have
been a greater positive influence on gender equality throughout the Trao Reef
Marine Reserve. Instead, the labor divisions involving men, which includes the
daily protection work of the Marine Reserve, showed little change throughout
the project. Women were missing from the “official” management system, in the
selection of the core group that managed the reserve on a day-to-day basis, and
in the credit scheme that only supported the core group members. The
responsibilities of the Core Group could be expanded to include activities
appropriate for women. Practicing gender mainstreaming from the beginning
could define the role of women vis-à-vis men so they have more equal benefits.
Women’s empowerment through their direct participation and community
decision:
It has been recognized that improving the women’s situation cannot be
achieved without their empowerment. IMA’s gender workshop suggested that
this change could begin with an adjustment in gender power relations through
the project, as a precursor to changes in the society. A project, such as the Trao
Reef Project, can facilitate the broader changes in gender relations at the
community level to complement changes needed at both the household and
larger social level. Projects can facilitate women’s equal access to project
information and activities, equal control over project resources, and equal
benefits from the projects conservation and development components. In the
case of the Trao Reef Project, the advocacy program and the ICC where key
activities that have empowered women. Still, on-going activities and further
empowerment of Van Hung women are needed and should be further
strengthened to better address gender issues in coastal resources management. It
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is recommended that more support for research, education, and training be
provided for women’s initiative in alternative livelihoods such as communitybased eco-tourism. Such alternatives should focus on increasing women’s equal
access, control over, and benefit from those coastal resources. Finally, from the
perspective of this marine conservation project, such alternatives should also
contribute to the marine conservation efforts to ensure sustainability of the
marine reserve.
Women’s capacity in coastal management and livelihood development is
improvement
Development of sustainable livelihoods is a learning process that would be
environmentally, economically, institutionally and socially beneficial. Current
practices of aquaculture development in Van Hung are based on the
participatory learning research approach. This includes participatory learning,
piloting and extension. This process involved both scientists and local people
collaborating and learning from each other. For the first time for many,
community women were able to access information and technology through a
livelihood forum, skill training and aquaculture extension workshops. Women’s
indigenous knowledge of coastal resources and livelihoods was shared, extended
and strengthened. In particular they learned how to integrate environmental
issues into livelihoods such as inter-related issues between aquaculture and
water quality, and make decisions on the selection of livelihood options. This
learning process expanded their choices for the sustainable livelihood
development that takes into account both gender and environmental issues.
Nevertheless, women were still not involved in the whole process of aquaculture
(as gender roles restrict women from going to the sea e.g. installation,
monitoring and harvesting would be done by men). It should be emphasized that
women (as well as men) have to contest these issues and convince other groups
and families to develop sustainable livelihoods by integrating the
environmentally friendly aquaculture into practice. As women become more
involved in a variety of costal management activities that focus on sustainability,
perhaps sustainability will improve.
Role of communication in increasing gender awareness
Experience in public communication activities publicized by the project
indicates that using the media to broadcast and publicize information and
messages to local communities can increase gender awareness. The local media
(village radio) has been effectively used to disseminate gender issues to the
villagers, both men and women. It proved to be a more effective tool than others
(newspapers or television), particularly to reach women who often have less
leisure time for entertainment since they are always occupied with household
and supplementary work. In the case of this project, gender was a new concept
that had never been introduced in the commune. Thus, prior to the training
workshop, IMA and the local advocacy group, which included many women
advocates, created and broadcasted an introductory gender program on the
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village radio. It attracted many people’s attention and interest. It is suggested
that such means of communication be implemented at the beginning of future
projects. Wider communications, such as networking on women's issues in the
protected area, should be developed across communities, regions and nations to
sustain a long term commitment and interaction of women in coastal resources
management.
Reference
ADB, Women in Vietnam: Country Briefing Paper Regional and Sustainable
Development Department and Mekong Department, Asian Development
Bank, Manila, Philippines 2002
AIT Bangkok, Regional Workshop Report on Gender-Responsive Aquaculture
Policy, 2000
Ferrer, E. M.; de la Cruz, Polotan & Newkirk, G. F. (Eds), Hope Takes Root,
CBCRM Resource Center and Coastal Resources Research Network.
Dalhousie University, 2001
ICLARM-World Fish Center Proceedings of Global Symposium on Women in
Fisheries, Sixth Asian Fisheries Forum, Taiwan 2001
International Marinelife Alliance (IMA-Vietnam), Trao Reef Final Report, 2004
Silverman, Micheal, International Education, University of Southern California,
K Marine Reserve Project, 2003
O’Harrow, Steven `Vietnamese Women and Confucianism: Creating Spaces
from Patriarchy´ in Wazir Jahan Karim (Ed.) ‘Male’ and ‘Female’ in
Developing Southeast Asia,), Oxford/Washington D. C., Berg Publishers,
161- 180
Vietnam’s Women’s Union, Annual report, Women’s Union Publishing House,
Hanoi 1998.
110
EL PAPEL DE LA MUJER EN LA ORGANIZACIÓN DE
PESCADORES ARTESANALES DE PUERTO MADRYN,
CHUBUT, ARGENTINA
Inés Elías
Centro Nacional Patagónico (CONICET). Bvd.Brown s/n (9120) Puerto Madryn.
Argentina. elias@cenpat.edu.ar
Marta Piñeiro
Asociación de Pescadores Artesanales de Puerto Madryn (APAPM).
Marcos A. Zar 426 (9120) Puerto Madryn. Argentina. apamadryn@hotmail.com
Resumen
La pesca artesanal en la región se realiza en un ambiente particular como es
Península Valdés que, en los últimos tiempos, se convirtió en un atractivo
turístico internacional. Al no existir una única autoridad de regulación de los
recursos allí existentes (pesqueros, faunísticos, florísiticos, etc) se generó un
conflicto de intereses, magnificado por la percepción general de la sensibilidad
ecológica del área. Como consecuencia de estas amenazas externas, la
organización de pescadores se vió fortalecida. Desde entonces, la APAPM
recorrió un largo camino y la participación de la mujer en esta etapa, si bien fue
escasa, fue importante.
Desde distintos sectores se trabajó intensamente en la implementación del
desarrollo de herramientas de co-manejo para lograr, por un lado, un cambio de
actitud de los actores involucrados en la pesca, y por el otro, en el
acompañamiento de la organización de pescadores como un medio para asegurar
la sustentabilidad de las actividades de pesca artesanal. La interacción de
diferentes instituciones resultó muy positiva y como consecuencia de ello
existieron ciertos logros: un local estratégicamente ubicado que permitía
difundir la actividad a través de eventos culturales y venta de comidas
elaboradas por las mujeres de los pescadores. Sin embargo, ciertas dificultades
surgidas durante la experiencia obligaron a realizar replanteos para futuras
acciones. En líneas generales, la experiencia demostró que las etapas siguientes
de trabajo se deberán instrumentar a través del fortalecimiento de estructuras
organizativas y de participación
Introducción
La comunidad de pescadores artesanales de Península Valdés involucra
actualmente alrededor de 250 personas y comprende tres segmentos bien
diferenciados:
x Los recolectores costeros quienes capturan mariscos del intermareal
durante las bajamares, a mano o con el empleo de algún elemento
extractivo. En la zona de Península Valdés existen alrededor de 20
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familias dedicadas a esta actividad, y el 50% de ellas reside en forma
permanente en las costas del golfo San José.
x Los rederos de playa poseen pequeñas embarcaciones de remo o
motor. En general, no cuentan con buenos equipos de pesca y la
preservación de la captura (peces) es deficiente, probablemente por
causa de los elevados costos de los insumos de pesca en la zona, y la
baja rentabilidad de la actividad para ellos. El arte de pesca habitual
es una red playera de 100 metros de longitud total.
x Los marisqueros poseen embarcaciones algo más grandes (6 a 9
metros de eslora) con motores fuera de borda de 70 a 100 Hp, y una
tecnología apropiada para la extracción de bivalvos mediante buceo,
con narguiles y un compresor. Cada equipo consta de 2 ó 3 buzos, un
marinero y un patrón que rastrean el fondo en busca de mariscos.
La pesca artesanal en la región se realiza en un ambiente particular como es la
Península Valdés y los golfos San José y Nuevo. Éstos constituyen espacios
naturales ecológicamente sensibles. Todos los años la ballena franca austral
llega a sus aguas para reproducirse. Además, en sus costas existen apostaderos
naturales de elefante marino, lobo de un pelo y pingüino de Magallanes. Por esta
razón, Península Valdés se ha convertido en un atractivo turístico internacional,
y como consecuencia se ha generado una importante entrada de divisas a la
región. Al no existir una única autoridad de regulación de los recursos allí
existentes (pesqueros, faunísticos, florísticos, etc) se generó un conflicto de
intereses y se planteó en la sociedad el debate sobre el uso sustentable de los
recursos de la Península Valdés.
Como consecuencia de estas amenazas externas, la organización de
pescadores de Puerto Madryn (APAPM) se vio fortalecida y, desde entonces,
recorrió un largo camino en la búsqueda de defender su actividad ya que para los
pescadores implica no sólo una forma de vida, sino también su fuente de trabajo.
La mujer en la Patagonia Argentina desarrolla un papel en la actividad
pesquera a lo largo de toda la cadena productiva, desde la captura pesquera, la
siembra y cosecha en la acuicultura, hasta el procesamiento y la
comercialización. Además no se debe olvidar a las mujeres que trabajan en
organismos privados y públicos vinculados al sector, ya sea realizando tareas de
inspección y control de calidad, relevamiento de datos estadísticos, o aquellas
que desempeñan actividades de docencia e investigación en universidades e
instituciones de investigación. Sin embargo, su participación en organizaciones
es muy bajo (Pascual y col. 2002).
En el presente trabajo se presentan algunas iniciativas desarrolladas en la
organización de los pescadores y se analiza la participación de las mujeres en
ella.
Análisis del contexto de la realidad de pesca artesanal en Argentina
La línea de costa de la Patagonia Argentina se extiende a lo largo de casi 15
grados de latitud. Cuatro administraciones provinciales tienen jurisdicción sobre
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las 12 millas costeras, más una serie de golfos semi-cerrados (San Matías, San
José, Nuevo, San Jorge); el resto de los recursos de la extensa plataforma
patagónica está bajo jurisdicción nacional. Gran parte del litoral patagónico es
expuesto e inhóspito, con pequeños centros urbanos muy distantes unos de otros.
Las flotas industriales que operan en jurisdicción federal desembarcan la captura
en unos pocos puertos (Mar del Plata, Madryn, Deseado), en tanto las
actividades de pesca costera están distribuidas a lo largo de toda la costa, aunque
en general confinadas al interior de golfos, bahías y rías. El componente
extractivo de la pesca artesanal es el sostén primario de cientos de familias (100
sólo en Puerto Madryn), y alimenta secundariamente a otros sectores de la
economía regional (plantas procesadoras, comercio, servicios, ecoturismo). Este
sector (en contraste con el industrial) se ha desarrollado con acceso limitado al
crédito y sin subsidios, y presenta condiciones para consolidarse como una
actividad genuinamente sostenible. Existen, no obstante, serios riesgos en ese
sentido.
La pesquería de la merluza, espina dorsal de la industria pesquera argentina,
colapsó durante el bienio 1999-2000, dejando secuelas de malestar social y una
ola de quebrantos en los principales puertos pesqueros. Las autoridades de
aplicación pesquera provinciales están bajo fuerte presión para incrementar el
número de licencias en el marisqueo con buzos, iniciar la explotación de nuevos
recursos en ausencia de planes de manejo, y permitir la introducción de artes de
pesca de gran eficiencia en áreas que tradicionalmente funcionaron como
refugios reproductivos naturales.
La crisis en el sector industrial comenzó a transferirse al sector artesanal y en
este sector se acrecientan las dificultades por la ausencia efectiva de derechos de
uso de los pescadores.
Surgimiento de la Asociación de Pescadores Artesanales de Puerto Madryn y
la participación de la mujer
Durante años existieron conflictos entre dueños de campos de Península
Valdés y pescadores artesanales. Estos conflictos nunca fueron manejados a
través de un proceso formalizado, en parte por la dificultad de encontrar figuras
mediadoras efectivas. Los pescadores eran rotulados como marginales tanto por
la sociedad madrynense como por las autoridades provinciales. En los años
previos a la elaboración del Plan de Manejo de Península Valdés, hubo intentos
por parte de autoridades del Organismo Provincial de Turismo, de alentar a
ciertos pescadores líderes a que reconviertan su actividad a la de prestadores
turísticos, en un claro afán de desplazar la pesca artesanal de la Península
Valdés. Esta amenaza externa resultó una oportunidad para los pescadores ya
que fortificó su organización. La Asociación había nacido por Acta constitutiva
en Diciembre de 1993, ante la iniciativa de 20 socios, sin embargo durante un
cierto tiempo permaneció prácticamente inactiva y fue a partir de 1996 que
obtuvo la personería jurídica y, se convirtió entonces en la primera asociación de
pescadores artesanales legalmente constituida en el país. Si bien en la
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organización están representados todos los sectores de la pesca (recolectores,
pescadores de red de playa y marisqueros), la conducción de la Asociación
siempre fue ejercida por representantes de este último sector, el cual por otra
parte presenta características socio-económicas diferentes a los primeros.
En el año 1998 el Organismo Provincial de Turismo del Chubut inició el
Programa para la elaboración del plan de manejo del Sistema Península. En ese
contexto, los pescadores estuvieron representados por la APAPM y la actividad
pesquera artesanal fue reconocida y valorada como generadora de fondos y
empleos.
Desde el sector científico se trabajó intensamente en el acompañamiento de la
organización de pescadores como un medio para asegurar la sustentabilidad de
las actividades de pesca artesanal y la de los pescadores y sus familias. La
posterior interacción de diversas instituciones resultó muy positiva, pero el
avance y los desafíos de la organización resultan cada vez más complejos y
exigentes. La capacidad organizativa originalmente concebida como medio de
defensa de un conflicto puntual, luego se convirtió en una herramienta de acceso
a distintos ámbitos, como fue la representación institucional a nivel nacional e
internacional, la participación en mesas de discusión del manejo pesquero,
talleres de elaboración de la ley provincial de reconocimiento de la pesca
artesanal, etc.
En este contexto, y como sucede en la vida cotidiana de los pescadores, la
mujer ejerce una participación puntual en determinados acontecimientos, como
una cuestión complementaria o de soporte para la tarea del marido (aunque a
veces son ellas las que desarrollan la actividad de pesca, como es el caso de las
recolectoras costeras). Posiblemente por ello, en las mujeres no es tan fuerte el
sentido de pertenencia hacia la actividad como lo es en los hombres.
Otro factor que contribuye a la exclusión de la mujer del pescador es el hecho
de que la zona de pesca se localiza a 100 km (promedio) de distancia de la
ciudad de Puerto Madryn, que es donde la mayoría de las familias viven. Esto
significa que la mujer normalmente en la ciudad asume una carga extra de
responsabilidades que implican el cuidado y educación de los hijos y todo lo
referente al hogar. En muchos casos además, la mujer tiene una actividad
totalmente distinta a la de la pesca artesanal, de manera de generar una
estabilidad económica que brinde seguridad a la familia en las épocas de escasez
o de veda de los recursos.
Iniciativas
Los dirigentes de la APAPM participaron en eventos que le permitieron
constatar las realidades de los pescadores de otras localidades no sólo del país
sino también de Latinoamérica.
Se crearon espacios de discusión, como el I Encuentro Provincial de
Pescadores Artesanales, donde concurrieron representantes de las distintas
actividades que se desarrollan en la zona, marisqueros, recolectores de costa y
rederos de costa para debatir durante 2 jornadas acerca de las problemáticas del
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sector y hallar soluciones que dinamicen y potencien al sector. Acompañados
por biólogos pesqueros, representantes de la Prefectura Naval Argentina y
empresarios. En ese contexto los pescadores, reunidos en mesas de trabajo,
delinearon problemas comunes como la carencia de mercados para ciertos
productos, falta de una legislación adecuada y fundamentalmente una necesidad
de unidad para la resolución de problemas comunes.
El Encuentro convocó alrededor de 35 pescadores y las conclusiones y
recomendaciones allí emanadas fueron editadas en un documento público que
tuvo amplia difusión (Elías y Pereiro 1999).
Como un intento de organización nacional en el 2000 se desarrolló en Mar del
Plata el “I Encuentro Nacional Sobre Políticas para la Pesca Costera
(artesanal y de pequeña escala)”. Este encuentro se repitió al año siguiente en
P.Madryn y a ambos concurrieron pescadores de distintos puntos del país, como
así también miembros de la Prefectura Naval, empresarios y científicos. En ellos
se trataron diferentes temáticas: aspectos de la administración pesquera,
preservación de zonas costeras y temas socio-económicos. En el primer
encuentro se conformó la Federación Nacional de Pescadores Artesanales. En el
acta de creación la federación se compromete a bregar por el establecimiento de
áreas exclusivas para la pesca artesanal y pequeña escala, fomentar la
organización social y jurídica en cada puerto, estimular la formación de
cooperativas, trabajar para resolver los problemas de seguridad social y
campacitación de los pescadores, y reclamar por la reducción de las grandes
flotas industriales que llevaron al colapso la mayoría de los recursos (Perrotta y
col. 2000).
En el segundo encuentro se ratificó la Federación, pero en la práctica nunca
trabajó. En ambos encuentros quedó evidenciada la diferencia que existe entre
pescadores artesanales y pescadores semi industriales. Tanto las problemáticas,
como las visiones y capacidades de gestión marcan una brecha insoslayable, que
posiblemente sea la causa por la cual la Federación no prosperó. Sin embargo, se
afianzó una alianza estratégica entre el sector científico y pescadores artesanales
que se tradujo en distintas acciones:
En el encuentro provincial surgió por parte de los pescadores, la solicitud de
capacitación tanto a ellos como a sus familias. Los cursos solicitados incluyeron
las temáticas de:
x Biología de los recursos pesqueros
x Manipulación de la captura en tierra y a bordo y
x Control de Calidad de los productos de la pesca.
Los mismos fueron desarrollados en el CENPAT1 y dictados por distintos
investigadores y profesores de la Universidad Tecnológica Nacional.
El segundo encuentro sirvió como disparador en la formulación de una ley
provincial que reconozca, valore y proteja a la actividad ya que a pesar de su de
importancia regional carecía del marco regulatorio necesario como para exigir
políticas claras hacia el sector (Ley 4275) de Pesca artesanal, mayo 2001).
Paralelamente, se inició una fuerte campaña de difusión a nivel local,
nacional e internacional de las actividades de pesca artesanal desarrolladas en la
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zona de Península Valdés. Se logró una importante presencia en los medios
masivos de comunicación y por primera vez se instaló en la comunidad el
término “pesca artesanal”.
Los pescadores a través de capacitaciones, discusiones en talleres y
encuentros comprendieron la importancia del cuidado de los recursos. El nuevo
desafío consiste en lograr la unidad necesaria para afrontar la comercialización
conjunta, de manera de regular el precio de sus productos y por ello afianzar la
sustentabilidad de las pesquerías.
En el año 1998 se presentó al municipio un proyecto titulado “Frutos del
Mar”, cuyo objetivo era el de difundir la problemática de los pescadores
artesanales de la región, creando conciencia del rol que desempeñan actualmente
y que podrían jugar en la construcción de un modelo local de gestión respetuosa
de los recursos pesqueros.
La metodología a emplear era la de difundir la actividad a través de charlas
de investigadores del CENPAT y venta de comidas elaboradas por las mujeres
de los pescadores.
En el 2001 el intendente municipal, en un esfuerzo por apoyar a los
pescadores, le concedió un local estratégicamente ubicado en la costanera para
implementar dicho proyecto.
En el acondicionamiento del local trabajaron activamente un grupo de
familias. Esta era la primera ocasión en que muchas de las mujeres de los
pescadores participaban en una tarea de la organización, ya que desde el inicio
de la organización el papel de la mujer siempre fue muy escaso y nunca se
mostraron interesadas en tareas relacionadas con la institución misma.
Excepcionalmente se dió el caso de que una mujer ocupe un puesto en la
dirigencia, en dos gestiones distintas, pero como respondiendo a motivos
administrativos mas que a un planteamiento de representatividad.
El éxito que obtuvo el local significó a lo largo del proceso que las mujeres
pasaran de estar en un plano casi inexistente a ser las protagonistas de un suceso
relacionado directamente con la actividad. Allí surgieron competencias referidas
a espacios de poder que anteriormente no se habían dado (tanto entre mujeres
como con los hombres) y, una compulsiva participación de las mujeres por el
lugar.
Las mujeres que participaron del emprendimiento desde sus inicios, fueron
vistas por sus pares como la cara visible de la Asociación y asociaron a la
organización con la patronal. Esto generó diversos conflictos dentro del
funcionamiento por la resistencia en principio de aceptar ciertas normas y
reglamentos que impartía la Asociación y además un rechazo sistemático a la
capacitación para mejorar el aspecto comercial del local. Cuando se pretendió
aplicar reglas en calidad de empleador, las mujeres arrastraban su conflicto al
seno familiar, lo que provocó fracturas en la relación de los pescadores entre sí,
en el ámbito de la pesca.
Posteriormente, surgió un nuevo conflicto con los pescadores que no tenían
un miembro de su familia trabajando dentro del local pero ejercían su crítica de
socio para con el desenvolvimiento del emprendimiento.
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Dos comisiones directivas de la APAPM que sucedieron al proyecto debieron
tomar la decisión de replantear la inclusión de las mujeres de los pescadores en
este contexto, ya que paulatinamente el local tomó un perfil decididamente
turístico y por lo tanto intervenía directamente la imagen de la propia comunidad
madrynense.
Para decidir la continuidad del mismo, se planteó la necesidad de rescatar del
proyecto el aspecto de difusión de la pesca artesanal, pero en cuanto al
funcionamiento interno se determina como importante contratar personal que no
esté directamente relacionado con los socios pescadores por las dificultades
internas generadas.
Conclusiones
Lo sucedido en esta iniciativa refleja en otra escala lo que sucede con la
actividad de pesca artesanal en la propia política del país y de la región, donde
no se reconoce y menos aún valora a la pesca artesanal. Por lo tanto esta
marginalidad reflejada en la política pesquera se traslada a la mujer del pescador
artesanal quien sufre una doble marginalización, por su condición de mujer y
por ser familiar de un pescador artesanal.
Se advierte asimismo la necesidad de trabajar en el futuro por un lado sobre el
concepto de pertenencia el cual es débil en general en el sector pesquero
artesanal, posiblemente debido a la gran dispersión espacial en que se mueven
los pescadores en sus tareas de pesca y, por el otro, en estrategias de inclusión
de la mujer como protagonista de los cambios y desafíos del futuro. Las mujeres
se sienten parte en llevar adelante la protección del sector, si bien no queda
explicitado el espacio desde donde se juega este rol, queda marcado el sentido
de intervenir en pro de resguardar el futuro laboral de esposos e hijos.
Bibliografía citada
Elías, I. & R. C. Pereiro, (Eds) I Encuentro Provincial de Pescadores
Artesanales de Puerto Madre; Conclusiones y Recomendaciones,Mimeo
1999
Pascual, M.; Castaños, C.; Reussi, A.M.;Elvira, M.; Fernández Cartes, V.;
Rodríguez, V. Diagnóstico sobre la situación del trabajo femenino del sector
pesquero y acuícola argentino. I. Región Patagónica. Red Latinoamericana
de Mujeres del Sector pesquero y acuícola. FAO, Infopesca. 2002
Perrotta, R.G.; Abate, P. y Bruno, C. Informe final del “I Primer Encuentro
Nacional Sobre Políticas para la Pesca Costera (artesanal y de pequeña
escala)”. Publicación Especial del Centro en Defensa de la Pesca Nacional
(CeDePesca), Mar del Plata. 2000.
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Notes
1
El Centro Nacional Patagónico (CENPAT) es un organismo dependiente del Consejo
Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (CONICET) que históricamente ha buscado vincular sus
actividades con los sistemas de planeamiento económico, de la producción y de la educación de su
región de influencia, fortalecer su infraestructura y racionalizar el uso de sus recursos.
118
POLÍTICA DE GÉNERO Y ASOCIACIONISMO DE LAS
MUJERES EN ÁMBITOS PESQUEROS ANDALUCES:
ANÁLISIS Y PROPUESTAS PARA SU REACTIVACIÓN.
Mª Ángeles Corbacho Gandullo
Universidad de Sevilla
David Florido del Corral.
Universidad de Sevilla y Grupo de Investigación para el Estudio de las Identidades
Socioculturales en Andalucía
Resumen
Pretendemos llevar a cabo una reflexión acerca de los mecanismos
institucionales que pueden ser utilizados para el reconocimiento social y la
activación del papel de las mujeres de familias pescadoras en el ámbito andaluz.
Tendremos en cuenta tanto iniciativas procedentes de la Administración, como
propuestas que hayan emergido de los contextos sociales objeto de estudio
(familias de pescadores en el ámbito andaluz). Ello nos llevará, por una parte, a
una revisión de la política de género (mejor decir, sobre la mujer) en el sector
pesquero; por otra, a ofrecer una evolución del asociacionismo específico en al
ámbito andaluz, caracterizado históricamente por su fragilidad y escasa
preponderancia. Para el primer caso, dicho análisis se abordará en el contexto
donde confluyen las políticas pesqueras, de género, así como las políticas
activas de empleo. Para el análisis del ámbito asociativo, pretendemos ofrecer
una caracterización de las entidades existentes en la actualidad, sus actividades,
sus perspectivas, su génesis en la historia reciente y su evolución, analizando los
factores sociales y políticos que han promovido un desarrollo asociativo de tan
escaso relieve.
Abstract
We intend to offer an analysis on institutional mechanisms which show a
marked potentiality to social recognition and political empowerment for women
in andalusian fisheries sector. Initiatives coming from State and projects and
proposals arisen from the social contexts analysed will be taken into account.
Thus, the first part of the article is devoted to develop a critical review about the
gender politics in fisheries sector, although taking into consideration in which
extent fisheries, gender and employment policies converge. The second part is
dedicated to propose a characterisation of civil associations and organisations in
which women belonging to fisheries sector play a role, analysing their origin
and recent evolution, purposes, views, activities. As well is our aim to discuss
the social and political factors that can help us to explain the low level of the
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extra-domestic presence of women in andalusian fisheries sector, and the degree
of success or failure of public and private initiatives to reach the women
empowerment.
La invisibilización de las mujeres en el contexto de la invisibilidad del sector
pesquero en la cultura andaluza como punto de partida
Hemos seleccionado estas unidades de análisis –la política de género aplicada
a las mujeres de sociedades de pescadores y el asociacionismo específico de este
colectivo social en Andalucía- porque han sido considerados por la teoría social
1
y política como mecanismos adecuados para promover el empoderamiento de
las mujeres, en general. Aunque se asumiera una premisa tal en términos
teóricos y abstractos, como un a priori de la acción política –es decir, sin
descender a referentes empíricos concretos-, sin embargo, intentaremos poner de
manifiesto que la actualización de las potencialidades de estos mecanismos
institucionales pasa por descender a la configuración específica de las relaciones
sociales de sexo/género en las sociedades pesqueras andaluzas –particularmente
a la articulación de las relaciones domésticas en el ámbito extradoméstico-, a sus
contextos específicos, a la conformación histórica de sus mercados de trabajo, y
a la reconfiguración de éstos, una vez que la actividad pesquera ha entrado en
crisis en las últimas décadas, dando paso a nuevos sistemas laborales. Por ello,
creemos precisos unos párrafos introductorios que ayuden a comprender las
trabas históricas (económicas, sociales, ideológicas) que han lastrado el
reconocimiento social de las mujeres del sector pesquero en Andalucía.
A pesar de haber contado con numerosas poblaciones pesqueras que han
jalonado históricamente el amplio litoral andaluz, podemos decir que los
andaluces hemos vivido de espaldas al litoral y a sus gentes de mar hasta la
década de los setenta del siglo XX. Hemos de tener en cuenta para comprender
2
este hecho, en primer lugar, la movilidad de la fuerza de trabajo , marcadamente
intrasectorial –aunque también se producían movimientos de trabajadores del
campo hacia las faenas pesqueras-, pues este proceso sociodemográfico ha
contribuido a la invisibilidad histórica de buena parte de su población pesquera.
Aún más, dentro de las propias sociedades locales a las que pertenecían, estos
colectivos eran estigmatizados; proceso de marginalización que se manifestaba
sobre los espacios en que vivían y desarrollaban sus actividades, tildados de
insalubres y connotados socialmente de forma negativa.
Estos procesos de segregación social, emanados de las dinámicas sociolaborales e ideológicas dominantes durante gran parte del siglo XX –sólo a partir
de los años setenta se ha generado una nueva mirada hacia las zonas litorales,
marcada por el atractivo hacia sus valores paisajísticos, de ocio, e incluso por
cierta atracción exotista hacia formas culturales extrañas como la de los
pescadores-, han tenido su refrendo en el despliegue de la acción política estatal.
A pesar de la permanente intervención del estado en el sector pesquero, con
diferentes objetivos –de promoción económica e intensificación productiva, de
pacificación social, de promoción de la limitación productiva al servicio de
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objetivos medioambientales, por citar sólo algunos de los más relevantes del
siglo XX-, las tramas sociales y los dispositivos culturales de los pescadores en
Andalucía han sido secularmente ignorados desde la administración. Y lo mismo
puede decirse de la producción de conocimiento de expertos y científicos, que
han sido reactivados una vez que se ha puesto en marcha el proceso crítico
finisecular del sector pesquero andaluz, resultado de procesos económicos y
políticos de amplio alcance (Florido del Corral, 2002 y 2004).
Es en este contexto de invisibilidad histórica de las familias de pescadores y
marineros en la sociedad e instituciones andaluzas en el que hay que situar la
invisibilidad de las mujeres del sector. Sin embargo, esta falta de conocimiento y
reconocimiento social de las funciones de la mujer en el seno de la familia y del
sistema pesquero se agrava aún más debido a que la invisibilización se traslada
al y se reproduce en el interior del propio sector, en sus organizaciones e
instituciones. Entendemos que el principal factor de este proceso de ausencia de
reconocimiento social y político radica en un discurso, de gran arraigo social,
acerca de la descualificación del trabajo de la mujer en el sector pesquero.
Mientras que en el interior mismo del sector se ha producido históricamente el
reconocimiento de las habilidades y los conocimientos necesarios para la
realización de las actividades pesqueras “masculinas” –socialmente
masculinizadas-, en el caso de las mujeres, que han ocupado principalmente
tareas en labores de procesamiento de pescado en los enclaves industriales más
importantes, se ha desarrollado una percepción generalizada, dentro y fuera del
sector, según la cual el trabajo femenino está asociado a determinadas
condiciones esenciales de las mujeres, que se corresponden con algunas
características naturales de su género. El trabajo realizado por mujeres, por
tanto, remunerado o no, doméstico y extradoméstico, es naturalizado, concebido
como una extensión y plasmación de ciertas habilidades y disposiciones
intrínsecas, de modo que su puesta en funcionamiento no es más que el natural
despliegue de esas cualidades sustantivas e intrínsecas, lo que obstaculiza la
valoración social, tanto del esfuerzo, como de los saberes y conocimientos y el
resto de recursos humanos requeridos para el ejercicio de tales tareas.
Estos procesos de segregación social, a través de la conformación y
aplicación de estereotipos a los colectivos sociales, se generan al margen de los
procesos de trabajo, aunque se apliquen en éstos (Comas, 1994), ya que se trata
de mecanismos genéricos de construcción social de las diferencias sociales en
clave de desigualdad. Por eso, cuando las mujeres se han visto obligadas a
realizar trabajos atribuidos socialmente a los hombres, éstas han padecido aún
más el estigma social de su entorno: no ya por el trabajo en sí realizado, sino por
el agregado de valores y representaciones sexuadas (masculinas) sobre esas
tareas y sus espacios (puerto, bares, chanca, mar, playa, antes de su puesta en
valor como espacio de ocio, etc.).
No obstante, estas formas de etiquetaje social, como procesos históricos que
son, se han visto sometidos a transformaciones a lo largo del tiempo. Así, con la
puesta en crisis de las fábricas de conserva, dinámica paralela a la crisis del
trabajo en las flotas de medio y largo alcance (a partir de los años setenta), las
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percepciones externas sobre el trabajo de las mujeres en las fábricas, así como
las propias representaciones de las mujeres sobre su trabajo, se transformaron
hacia una mejor consideración, lo que ha tenido además el soporte institucional
de varias transformaciones en las condiciones laborales de la mano de las
3
reformas laborales introducidas desde el fin del franquismo .
Con todo, nos situamos en sociedades locales que han conocido agudos
procesos de crisis en los mercados laborales pesqueros, tanto masculinos como
femeninos, amplio marco socioeconómico que ha facilitado el desarrollo de
estrategias empresariales, dentro y fuera del sector pesquero, que han seguido
aprovechando y reproduciendo las formas de etiquetaje social tradicionales pues
de este modo se garantizaban dinámicas de reducción de costes laborales. A su
vez, las propias percepciones de las trabajadoras apuntalaban el proceso de
discriminación laboral, ya que estas representaciones ideológicas sobre la
actividad laboral de mujeres (se concibe como una ayuda para la economía
familiar, por ejemplo) se han mantenido en el nuevo contexto. De este modo, la
temporalidad, la discontinuidad, la precariedad, la falta de contratación reglada o
la falta de reconocimiento de los tiempos de trabajo, la disponibilidad, etc.
siguen siendo elementos característicos en los mercados de trabajo en los que
han empezado a participar las mujeres en las sociedades locales en las que la
pesca, a pesar de ser un sistema económico de envergadura, ha conocido las
dinámicas de crisis que hemos apuntado. Incluso podemos asegurar que tales
características de precariedad laboral se han extrapolado desde el ámbito de las
actividades del sector pesquero a otros contextos laborales ajenos al mismo.
En este sentido, ha sido paradigmático el caso de los mercados laborales que
han emergido en las sociedades litorales al socaire del turismo. Así, las
actividades vinculadas al mismo se dan en un contexto muy elevado de
informalidad, especialmente en lo que refiere al trabajo realizado por las mujeres
(cocineras, pinches, camareras de piso, limpiadoras de restaurantes, hoteles,
pensiones, apartamentos), concebidos nuevamente como trabajos desprovistos
de cualificación y asociados a las habilidades intrínsecas de las mujeres.
Igualmente, la estacionalidad de las actividades agrícolas y de las fábricas de
pescado también impone unos ritmos de trabajo muy intensivos y gran
disponibilidad de las mujeres en temporada, extendiéndose el trabajo a destajo,
4
con pautas de precariedad . No es infrecuente que estas pautas de precariedad
sean aceptadas e incluso justificadas por las mujeres, en el sentido que la
estacionalidad les otorga la posibilidad de optar por otras iniciativas laborales,
que se desarrollan siempre en el ámbito de la informalidad –de lo contrario,
perderían derechos a prestaciones sociales-, así como al desempeño de las tareas
domésticas propias; esto es concebidas de competencia femenina.
Se pone así de manifiesto que los procesos de construcción de las
desigualdades basadas en identidades sexuales y de género no solamente
descansan en estrategias empresariales con fines de optimización de beneficios,
sino que también están arraigados en los grupos sociales afectados, a modo de
expectativas, intereses, percepciones, prácticas y valores –que siempre tienen
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lugar en un contexto laboral en que estos grupos sociales, las mujeres de
familias de pescadores en este caso, ocupan una posición claramente subalterna.
Política de género en el sector pesquero andaluz
A la luz de las directrices marcadas por la Unión Europea, la política
pesquera andaluza ha incorporado, tímidamente, algunas actuaciones dirigidas a
las mujeres del sector pesquero. En el marco del Plan de Modernización del
sector pesquero Andaluz (2002-2006), en el Programa “Formación” y dentro del
Objetivo Específico “Actualización y renovación permanente de los
conocimientos de los profesionales del mar a través de la formación”, se
establece una línea de actuación consistente en “impartir cursos de formación
profesional para la formación de la mujer en el marco del sistema pesquero
andaluz”. Se pretende con esta medida la inserción de “la mujer” en los
mercados de trabajo de las localidades del litoral andaluz dependientes de la
pesca. Para el primer semestre del presente año se han realizado 11 cursos de los
30 programados, a los que han asistido 138 mujeres. Las materias impartidas
han sido las de manipulación de productos pesqueros, informática, gestión de
empresas pesqueras, poliéster reforzado y fibra de vidrio, ayudante de cocina y
sala y mantenimiento de zonas verdes. Para facilitarles la asistencia a estas
mujeres, se ha puesto a su disposición servicios de guardería y medios de
transporte desde su lugar de residencia a los lugares de celebración de dichos
cursos, los cuales han sido realizados por los técnicos de los denominados
Centros de Recursos Formativos del Sistema Pesquero Andaluz, dependientes
de la Consejería de Agricultura y Pesca, existentes en cada una de las provincias
marítimas andaluzas.
Por su parte, el Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer ha promovido un proyecto,
denominado Nereida, dirigido a las mujeres onubenses vinculadas al sector
pesquero y en el marco de las ayudas dirigidas a proyectos pilotos para las
mujeres de pescadores de la pesca costera artesanal (1999) financiado por el
Instrumento Financiero de Orientación a la Pesca. Con este proyecto se
pretendía conseguir los siguientes objetivos: facilitar la adquisición de
competencias empresariales y profesionales para la gestión eficaz de negocios
relacionados con el sector pesquero, promover la diversificación de actividades
en el sector, valorizar el trabajo de las mujeres e involucrar a los agentes
socioeconómicos en la promoción de sus proyectos. El objetivo último consistía
en la promoción del autoempleo proporcionando a estas mujeres las
herramientas y conocimientos necesarios para la creación de sus propias
empresas. Para ello se estableció un itinerario formativo constituido por varias
fases, que se representan en siguiente esquema:
x Fase 1: Preformación-Orientación. Curso inicial de 50 horas de duración
para 60 mujeres relacionadas con el sector pesquero. Los objetivos
explícitos de esta fase fueron: analizar el papel que desempeña la mujer
en el sector pesquero; potenciar el autoconocimiento y la autoconfianza;
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detectar las carencias formativas; conocer el perfil de emprendedora de
las mujeres; facilitar conocimientos generales sobre lectura, escritura,
cálculo y expresión oral; realizar una aproximación hacia el
conocimiento de la gestión empresarial del sector pesquero; servir de
punto de partida para la elaboración de una Plan de Empresa.
x Fase 2: Formación Profesional en Áreas Innovadoras. Impartición de
Cursos de Formación Ocupacional en tres especialidades: “nuevas
formas de comercialización”, “Técnicas empresariales aplicadas al
sector” y “turismo, mar y ocio”.
x Fase 3: Formación en Gestión Empresarial. Curso de formación
empresarial de carácter práctico, por lo que se requería que las mujeres
poseyeran ya un proyecto de autoempleo o de creación de empresa. Los
objetivos fueron: fomento de la creatividad y la actividad empresarial de
las mujeres; revalorizar y promocionar la cualificación de las mujeres;
estudiar las técnicas de gestión empresarial aplicables a la realización de
sus proyectos empresariales; favorecer la supervivencia y el buen
desarrollo de las empresas mediante la previsión y la planificación,
puestas de manifiesto en la elaboración y desarrollo del Plan de Empresa
de cada idea empresarial.
x Fase 4: Ayudas y apoyo a la Creación de Empresas. El objetivo de esta
fase se centraba en el estudio de los proyectos de viabilidad empresarial
elaborados por las usuarias en la fase de Gestión Empresarial y la
concesión de ayudas a la inversión de los pequeños negocios puestos en
marcha por las mujeres que hayan pasado por las diferentes fases del
programa.
x Objetivo transversal. Sensibilización y divulgación. A lo largo de la
duración del Programa se tuvo como objetivo concienciar y potenciar el
cambio de actitud sobre el papel desempeñado por las mujeres y
sensibilizar a los agentes involucrados en el sector a través de la
organización de seminarios, entrevistas a los agentes del sector,
contactos con los medios de comunicación locales y provinciales,
encuentros para el debate e intercambios de experiencias.
Por otra parte, en el marco de los proyectos pilotos promovidos por la
Comisión Europea y subvencionados a través del IFOP, en Andalucía se
desarrolló por la empresa Fondo Formación el denominado Proyecto Garum. Se
pretendía con el mismo favorecer la formación de las mujeres del sector
pesquero artesanal. Para ello se establecieron como objetivos prioritarios la
revalorización del trabajo de estas mujeres al servicio de una mayor rentabilidad
de la actividad pesquera artesanal, mediante la cualificación de las mismas para
la gestión de sus empresas familiares. Para lograr dichos objetivos se realizó una
serie de acciones que contemplaba la impartición de un programa formativo
específico de Gestión de Empresas Pesqueras para las mujeres del sector. En
este sentido, se realizaron cursos de preformación en los que se pretendía
detectar las cualidades personales de las mujeres que recibían el curso así como
la potenciación de las habilidades y conocimientos básicos para la gestión
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empresarial. En la siguiente fase formativa se pretendió dar a las mujeres los
conocimientos y herramientas necesarias para la creación y gestión (laboral,
fiscal, contable y financiera) de su propia empresa pesquera (técnicas de
marketing, comercialización y distribución de productos pesqueros). Para su
desarrollo se seleccionó una localidad en cada una de las cinco provincias
costeras andaluzas. Los criterios de selección de las mismas giraron en torno a la
representatividad de las actividades de las mujeres, a la importancia de la flota
artesanal dentro del sector y, en algunas, por considerarse zonas muy
deprimidas. El proyecto se dirigió a 15 mujeres de cada una de las localidades,
siendo requisito imprescindible para participar la pertenencia a entornos
familiares del sector pesquero artesanal.
En la misma línea de promoción del autoempleo, pero dentro esta vez de las
políticas comunitarias de empleo y en la pauta establecida por las mismas que
observa como eje prioritario la igualdad de oportunidades entre hombres y
mujeres –al igual que lo establecen las políticas sectoriales-, se han
confeccionado itinerarios formativos para mujeres del sector pesquero. Es el
caso del Proyecto Medas 21. Este proyecto se inserta dentro del marco de la
iniciativa comunitaria EQUAL, financiado por el Fondo Social Europeo (FSE).
Su objetivo se centra en impulsar la generación de alternativas viables de
inclusión laboral, estimulando y apoyando la creación de empresas en las zonas
litorales afectadas por la crisis del sector pesquero. Este proyecto está
coordinado por la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid. Para el cumplimiento de
sus objetivos se crearon dos Centros de Servicios Compartidos situados en A
Guarda (Pontevedra) y Barbate (Cádiz) para cubrir las necesidades formativas y
de apoyo a la creación de empresas en Galicia y Andalucía respectivamente.
Estas funciones son desarrolladas por técnicos pertenecientes a un centro de
formación privado (Escuela Superior de Gestión Comercial y Marketing).
Dentro del marco del Proyecto Medas 21, hay que destacar, por el reto
profesional sin precedentes que supone en Andalucía, su participación en la
formación de la primera promoción de mujeres patronas en Chipiona (Cádiz). El
itinerario formativo estuvo diseñado por diferentes instituciones locales,
comarcales y autonómicas, por la Cooperativa de Pescadores así como por los
técnicos del proyecto Medas. Consistió en la realización del Curso de Formación
Ocupacional de pescador de litoral (370 horas); adquisición del Certificado de
Competencia Marinera; Curso de formación de Patrón Local de Pesca y curso de
formación y asesoramiento para la creación de empresas. Paralelamente, se
impartieron cursos de prevención de riesgos laborales en el sector pesquero así
como de formación sanitaria para el mundo naval nivel-3.
Finalmente, también se establecen estrategias formativas y de asesoramiento
para las mujeres del sector en diferentes instancias públicas y privadas. Es el
caso del Instituto de Investigación y Formación Agraria, Pesquera y Alimentaria
(IFAPA) de la Consejería de Innovación Ciencia y Empresa que imparte Cursos
de Formación Ocupacional para las mujeres del sistema pesquero andaluz dentro
de la línea de nuevos perfiles profesionales y nuevas tecnologías así como para
la obtención de títulos y certificados genéricos. Por su parte, la Diputación
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Provincial de Cádiz, ha elaborado el denominado Proyecto Trípode, en el que ha
establecido tres áreas de análisis e intervención dentro de la provincia (urbana,
interior y litoral). Para cada una de ellas ha abordado el análisis de sus
respectivos mercados de trabajo y ha proporcionado herramientas de inserción
para las mujeres del sector pesquero en los términos apuntados en los proyectos
anteriores. Finalmente, el Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer también realiza labores
formativas y de asesoramiento a las mujeres del sector a través de sus Centros
Municipales (acogidos al Programa OPEM) situados en las diferentes
localidades pesqueras andaluzas.
Análisis crítico de los resultados de las políticas de género en el sector
pesquero andaluz
La incorporación como eje prioritario de la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres
en las políticas comunitarias sectoriales así como en las políticas activas de
empleo han originado una multiplicación de actuaciones dirigidas a las mujeres
en los últimos años. Para el caso del sector pesquero, este tipo de iniciativas
adquiere mayor relevancia debido a la conciencia adquirida del crucial papel que
las mujeres pueden desarrollar para paliar la consecuente desestructuración
social que la crisis del sector está ocasionando en multitud de poblaciones donde
tienen amplia representatividad.
En efecto, la especificidad de los procesos de trabajo pesqueros que implica
temporadas más o menos largas en el mar y el consecuente aislamiento y
desvinculación de los “asuntos de tierra”, ha originado una acusada
matrifocalidad de las familias y sociedades pesqueras. Sabemos, por lo demás,
que aun no produciéndose salidas muy prolongadas, los espacios tierra/mar
están fuertemente generizados en estos colectivos, recayendo en las mujeres
grandes dosis de responsabilidad que revierte en la reproducción social del
sistema pesquero. Las instituciones comunitarias son conscientes de la
trascendencia del papel de estas mujeres, por lo que sus actuaciones no sólo van
encaminadas a la más que loable igualdad entre hombres y mujeres en la
inserción en los mercados de trabajo, sino también a la puesta en valor de su
papel como elemento de articulación social, sobre todo en los lugares donde la
crisis del sector ha supuesto la crisis de las sociedades locales donde éste ha sido
preponderante.
Como vimos en el apartado anterior, para la consecución del reconocimiento
social de estas mujeres se ha apostado básicamente desde las instancias públicas
por el autoempleo y la formación con el objeto de facilitar su inserción en el
mercado de trabajo reglado y por el establecimiento de pautas de difusión,
información y sensibilización dentro y fuera del sector. Es por ello que los
mecanismos institucionales establecidos para la consecución de la igualdad entre
hombres y mujeres dentro del sector han de ser observados dentro del debate
general de las políticas activas de empleo que han entronizado a la formación
ocupacional como el garante de la inserción laboral de lo que el propio sistema
económico excluye. A la luz de los instrumentos financieros dirigidos a
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solventar estas manifestadas necesidades formativas de los excluidos de los
mercados de trabajo pesqueros, hombres y mujeres, se han creado un gran
número de centros de formación y asesoramiento, públicos y privados, que en
muchas ocasiones no actúan de forma coordinada, solapándose en sus funciones
y actuando de forma desarticulada. En cualquier caso, como intentaremos
demostrar más adelante, la formación bien planteada se constituye en un
elemento fundamental para la puesta en valor de las potencialidades que estas
mujeres tienen en base a sus experiencias colectivas asociadas a las actividades
pesqueras.
Por su parte, la propuesta generalizada del autoempleo y los discursos
asociados al mismo (ser competitivo, agresivo, fuerte, valiente, emprendedor…)
traslada la responsabilidad de la situación laboral individual desde el sistema
económico al sujeto social, comprendido individuamente, lo cual, para el caso
de las mujeres, resulta aún más difícil debido a los comportamientos y valores
asociados a esta fórmula de inserción laboral que tienen más que ver con las
culturas socialmente masculinizadas. Sin embargo, para el caso de las mujeres
del sector pesquero, se dan unas circunstancias históricas con una gran
potencialidad, basada en sus experiencias colectivas que nos muestran la
importante función de estas mujeres en las sociedades pesqueras en lo que
refiere a la representación de los miembros masculinos de sus respectivas
familias a la hora de negociar sus condiciones económicas y laborales y a la
creatividad en su lucha cotidiana en la gestión del aporte económico familiar,
caracterizado históricamente por estar dotado de una acusada aleatoriedad.
Igualmente, el cambio de actividad por parte de pescadores y marineros –la
tan traída diversificación- y la inserción de las mujeres en los mercados de
trabajo reglados, no tiene por qué suponer un cambio en esta fuerte
segmentación de responsabilidades entre los hombres y las mujeres procedentes
del sector pesquero, con un reconocimiento social e institucional
tradicionalmente asimétrico. Sabemos que determinados comportamientos,
actitudes y valores pueden permanecer más allá de los cambios operados en las
bases materiales de existencia. Es por ello que las políticas de género en el
sector han de contemplar este complejo entramado de elementos culturales que
se fraguan a partir de las experiencias colectivas asociadas a la inserción en
estos complejos procesos de trabajo y su repercusión en los demás ámbitos de la
vida social, incluidos los ámbitos domésticos, lugar privilegiado de
reproducción de dichos comportamientos y percepciones. En definitiva, no se
puede aplicar a discreción actuaciones homogenizadoras encaminadas a la
inserción en condiciones de igualdad en los mercados de trabajo entre hombres y
mujeres sin considerar la especificidad que comporta el sector de actividad y el
ámbito territorial del que proceden y en el que han estado socializados, en
muchos casos, durante varias generaciones, como sucede a veces entre los
colectivos pesqueros.
Esto es lo que viene ocurriendo con las actuaciones institucionales que se
están llevando a cabo en Andalucía respecto a las políticas de igualdad entre
hombres y mujeres en el sector pesquero. La reproducción discursiva de los
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textos y directrices marcadas por la UE en el ámbito andaluz no están siendo
acompañadas por una reflexión analítica sobre las condiciones sociales y
culturales específicas del sector en Andalucía. Asimismo, tampoco se ha
introducido la perspectiva de género (a excepción del Proyecto Nereida) en los
estudios previos que deben acompañar a estas actuaciones. Esto ha contribuido a
que los resultados de dichas acciones no sean los esperados ni cuantitativa ni
cualitativamente.
Para el caso, por ejemplo, de las actuaciones previstas en el Plan de
Modernización del Sector pesquero Andaluz para el periodo 2002-2006 -ya de
por sí exiguas, centrándose exclusivamente en acciones formativas y con un
número total de treinta cursos para el periodo apuntado- los resultados distan
mucho del porcentaje previsto de alumnas que han encontrado un nuevo empleo
ajustado a la oferta formativa recibida. Por su parte, las que sí lo han encontrado
lo han hecho, en la mayoría de los casos, en mercados tradicionalmente
asociados a las mujeres dentro y fuera del sector (manipuladoras de productos
pesqueros en las fábricas de conservas que se están constituyendo a la luz de la
puesta en valor de la elaboración de productos artesanales, camareras de piso,
ayudantes de cocina, etc), teniendo una nula incidencia en aquellos empleos de
los que tradicionalmente han estado excluidas (rederas, sector extractivo en
general, etc.). Esta dinámica se hace extensible al resto de las iniciativas
formativas emanadas de las otras instancias referidas en el apartado anterior.
Para el caso de los proyectos que contemplan la formación en el autoempleo
de las mujeres en el sector, las expectativas tampoco han sido cubiertas, siendo
muy pocas las empresas que se han constituido en el marco de estas actuaciones
institucionales y las que sí se han creado no han supuesto una ruptura con los
parámetros tradicionales de las actividades socialmente asociadas a las mujeres
(peluquería, cosmética, perfumería, tiendas de alimentación, floristería...) sin
repercusión efectiva en lo que concierne a la gestión de empresas pesqueras,
tanto en la fase de extracción como de comercialización.
Respecto a las labores de sensibilización, difusión y potenciación del papel
socioeconómico de las mujeres de las familias pesqueras, tampoco ha tenido los
efectos esperados en tanto que, en la mayoría de los casos, las mujeres del sector
pesquero andaluz siguen sin participar en los órganos de decisión del mismo
tanto en lo que refiere a las entidades públicas como privadas.
A pesar de que los resultados obtenidos no se corresponden a las expectativas
creadas con estas actuaciones, no debemos considerar que las mismas y el
modelo social que las empuja caen en saco roto. Con estas actuaciones se ha
dado el primer paso, aunque tímido, en el reconocimiento del papel de las
mujeres en el sector a nivel institucional. Avanzar en esta línea implica el
abandono de pautas institucionales que relegan estas actuaciones a un apartado
específico en los planes sectoriales o de empleo. No se trata de dar un número
determinado de cursos de formación para mujeres por una miríada de instancias
públicas y privadas, nacidas estas últimas al calor de los fondos destinados al
sector, sino que, más bien, se debe apostar por una verdadera política de género
que haga de la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres en la inserción laboral un
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objetivo transversal efectivo. Esta apuesta pasa por abandonar la pauta de
circunscribir la mal llamada perspectiva de género al apartado de formación,
trasladándola a todos los programas operativos que conforman los planes
sectoriales, desde la investigación hasta la participación efectiva en los órganos
de consulta y decisión.
El asociacionismo de mujeres en contextos pesqueros
5
La reactivación de lo que se ha venido a denominar sociedad civil como
propuesta de participación de nuevos colectivos sociales en los asuntos públicos
es uno de los procesos políticos finiseculares más relevantes. En primer lugar, es
una expresión de objetivos igualitaristas, por cuanto persigue el reconocimiento
y la visibilización social de colectivos que, por diferentes factores
socioculturales históricos, han permanecido al margen de la conformación de la
esfera pública. Las mujeres pertenecientes a contextos sociales pesqueros en
Andalucía conforman una subjetividad social que entra de lleno en esta
casuística. Aún más, la activación de movimientos sociales y de organizaciones
–en el amplio marco de lo que se denomina tercer sector (Donati, 1997)- puede
tener como objetivo activar procesos de democratización y de profundización en
la conciencia de participación cívica.
Si bien la literatura especializada insiste en que estos desiderata han de tener
su expresión en la esfera pública, en las arenas políticas, como síntomas y
palancas de procesos de democratización que den respuesta a algunos de los
estrangulamientos de los procesos políticos finiseculares en las sociedades de
6
mercado y democracia , a pesar de ello, entendemos que la aplicabilidad de
estos objetivos en el objeto social que nos incumbe presenta algunas
peculiaridades que hay que tener en cuenta. En primer lugar, porque los
objetivos de igualitarismo han de procurarse, no ya en la esfera pública, sino en
el ámbito doméstico. En segundo lugar, y en relación con este aspecto, porque
las unidades de análisis y de acción y reproducción social relevantes en los
contextos sociales que conforman nuestro objeto de estudio son las unidades
domésticas, sus estrategias laborales, sus prácticas sociales y los sistemas de
valores imperantes en este ámbito. Por ello, no se puede partir de otra hipótesis
de trabajo –ni de otra propuesta política- que no tenga en cuenta que las mujeres
de las familias de trabajadores de la mar en Andalucía tienen su contexto social
primordial en los ámbitos domésticos, que sus perspectivas y prácticas
económicas se refieren siempre a la reproducción de los grupos domésticos y
que los papeles sociales y políticos que puedan desempeñarse en otros contextos
han sido históricamente, y siguen siendo, secundarios. Plantear propuestas de
profundización democrática, de participación cívica, de activación de nuevas
formas de hacer política y de reparto de papeles sociales, a partir de modelos
sociales en los que la posición de las mujeres es sustantivamente diferente
respecto a la situación de las mujeres de las que nos ocupamos aquí, puede ser
un primer reclamo para el fracaso de las lecturas teóricas y las propuestas
políticas.
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Así, aunque la activación del asociacionismo de mujeres de ámbitos
pesqueros en Andalucía ha tenido lugar en los últimos treinta años, aunque con
una fragilidad y debilidad notables, y si ello ha supuesto un principio para la
visibilización pública de este colectivo, a pesar de ello, estos mecanismos no han
podido alterar los mecanismos de distribución de papeles sociales y de poder
vernáculos, en los que los hombres se han especializado en el ámbito
extradoméstico y las mujeres en el doméstico, relegadas casi al completo de la
extracción/comercialización pesquera. Por decirlo sencillamente, las mujeres
han alcanzado nuevos espacios sociales, pero sin abandonar los previos, y sin
reordenar la distribución de cargas y responsabilidades sociales en el contexto
doméstico. Y ello supone un importante condicionamiento para la aplicación de
políticas de empoderamiento. La consecuencia es, como se ha puesto de
manifiesto, la difícil compatibilización de las estrategias, las disposiciones y
habilidades, los tiempos y espacios y los valores y objetivos de cada uno de los
ámbitos, el extradoméstico y el doméstico, cuyas lógicas pueden llegar a ser
ciertamente contradictorias (Berteaux-Wiame, Borderías y Pesce, 1988). Si a
ello añadimos que el ámbito público (entendido aquí como proyección social
más allá del ámbito doméstico), la esfera del mercado y las relaciones
socioeconómicas refrendadas con el salario son los mecanismos centrales de
articulación social en la contemporaneidad, nos encontramos con la
infravaloración de los papeles sociales de las mujeres en contextos pesqueros, y
la dificultad de instrumentar mecanismos para subvertir esta trama de relaciones
y perspectivas.
Si esto puede ser asumido en términos genéricos, adquiere especial relevancia
en el marco de crisis económica que han atravesado –siguen atravesando- las
sociedades pesqueras andaluzas, especialmente las que se habían especializado
en caladeros situados en la fachada occidental del continente africano. La
importancia de este marco de economía política radica en que las estrategias
políticas de las familias afectadas se centran en reivindicaciones de su posición
debilitada; las mujeres participan activamente en estos movimientos, para
garantizarse la reproducción de las economías domésticas (el pan de los hijos),
lo que implica el arrinconamiento de otras propuestas específicas como grupo
social articulado por su identidad sexual.
Se puede pensar que uno de los objetivos implícitos de la política pesquera
7
europea orientada específicamente a las mujeres sea la búsqueda de nuevas
fuerzas sociales y de novedosas perspectivas que coadyuven al proceso de
8
reestructuración del sector . Sin embargo, una estrategia tal ha de afrontar la
preponderancia masculina en los contextos pesqueros andaluces, la
preeminencia de las actividades económicas masculinizadas, la subordinación
del papel de las mujeres a estas actividades, tanto en lo económico como en lo
socio-político –lo que se aprecia en que el trabajo femenino siga siendo
percibido como complementario o coyuntural y en que la activación del rol
político de la mujer esté al servicio de las demandas a favor de las actividades
masculinizadas, como la extracción pesquera-. Si lo que se pretende desde la
administración europea es incentivar nuevos papeles de la mujer para activar
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innovadoras estrategias socioeconómicas al margen de la pesca extractiva, es
posible que no se obtengan los resultados apetecidos, porque las propuestas no
terminan de conectar con la articulación de las culturas del trabajo y de género
en Andalucía; es decir, con las formas históricas de división de papeles laborales
y sociales, dentro y fuera del ámbito doméstico, entre hombres y mujeres dentro
del ámbito específico de la actividad pesquera.
Es decir, que el empoderamiento y la visibilización social de las mujeres de
contextos pesqueros en Andalucía han estado al servicio, fundamentalmente, de
la reproducción socioeconómica de las unidades domésticas, reproducción que
se sigue vinculando al mantenimiento de la actividad pesquera extractiva,
secularmente masculinizada. Al respecto, no deja de ser significativo que la
crisis del mercado de trabajo de las fábricas de conserva, a partir de los últimos
años setenta, no generara movimientos de protesta y reivindicación en las
localidades afectadas, como sí lo ha hecho la puesta en crisis de la actividad
extractiva en caladeros norteafricanos, movimientos en los que el papel de las
mujeres ha sido destacado.
Algunos antecedentes históricos
La escasa producción bibliográfica existente sobre el papel económico y
social de las mujeres en sociedades pesqueras andaluzas, ya ha puesto de
manifiesto, sin embargo, que existen precedentes inequívocos de movimientos
asociativos específicos de mujeres, desde el primer tercio del siglo XX (Cáceres
Feria, 1998). Se trata de organizaciones sindicales, centradas en la solicitud de
mejoras en las condiciones laborales en las fábricas de conserva, en
reclamaciones de derechos sociales y en iniciativas de corte anti-maquinista, que
reflejan la intensidad del movimiento obrero a lo largo de la costa más
occidental del golfo de Cádiz, tanto en la provincia onubense como en Portugal,
según nos relata este mismo autor. Cáceres Feria documenta, a inicios de la
segunda década del siglo, la existencia de diversas organizaciones sindicales
exclusivamente femeninas, de corte anarquista, como El Porvenir de la mujer en
Ayamonte o La Redención de la mujer en Isla Cristina, que, junto a sindicatos
de obreros masculinos, pusieron en práctica diversas jornadas de huelga. Si
destacamos estos episodios es por su orientación específicamente femenina, la
búsqueda de derechos laborales y sociales para el colectivo específico de
mujeres trabajadoras, y su conexión con el obrerismo de base social masculina,
de otros centros pesqueros, tanto en España como en Portugal. Por factores
diversos, el movimiento languideció, y sólo se recuperó durante la II República,
en el marco del avance de la U.G.T., que tuvieron su expresión en la Agrupación
Femenina, en Ayamonte. Estos episodios destacan además por su
excepcionalidad, porque en otros centros productivos pesqueros –en la múltiple
vertiente extractiva, transformadora y comercial-, como Barbate, el movimiento
obrero fue mucho más limitado, por factores tanto globales (el papel de
mediación desarrollado por los pósitos de pescadores bajo el amparo de
instituciones estatales como la Caja Central de Crédito Marítimo), como locales
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(la existencia de un proyecto político local de segregación municipal que reunió
los esfuerzos reivindicativos en torno a la causa segregacionista) (Florido del
Corral, 2002). En ésta y otras localidades, como Conil, las iniciativas recayeron
siempre de la mano de asociaciones obreras masculinas, estando completamente
ausente el papel de las mujeres, a pesar de la participación de éstas, bajo
durísimas condiciones de trabajo, en los centros fabriles del entorno (Barbate,
Sancti-Petri). Sólo investigaciones futuras podrán ofrecer nuevas informaciones
sobre el asociacionismo femenino obrerista en otros focos de producción
industrial pesquera, como Tarifa o Algeciras.
El aherrojamiento durante el franquismo de las dinámicas de reivindicación
obrerista, en el marco de los sindicatos verticales, que en el ramo de la pesca
logró el encuadramiento de las asociaciones profesionales en las cofradías de
pescadores, congeló las posibilidades de asociacionismo específico de mujeres,
a pesar de que el trabajo de éstas en las fábricas siguió siendo destacado. El
modelo de familia reforzado institucionalmente era el que restringía la actividad
social de la mujer a los roles reproductivos, dentro del ámbito doméstico,
estando completamente restringidas las tareas extradomésticas, especialmente a
partir del matrimonio. Y ello a pesar de que las mujeres desempeñaban algunas
funciones económicas como la propiedad de embarcaciones, de forma eventual.
Las cofradías, en consecuencia, fueron un ámbito completamente
masculinizado, donde el armador y el marinero representaban a sus respectivas
familias.
A partir de la instauración de la democracia, se abría el campo de
asociacionismo pesquero, y la eclosión de los sindicatos en los puertos
pesqueros de producción más industrializada fue un fenómeno generalizado, al
menos en la Andalucía atlántica (Florido del Corral, 2002). Sabemos de la
activación de una asociación de mujeres en el puerto de Huelva, en relación a la
flota industrial congeladora (Palacios Esteban, 1985), al objeto de presentar
reclamaciones laborales en beneficios de sus maridos, y con intención de
aglutinar a otras mujeres en una situación parecida en otros puntos de la
provincia. Aquí nos encontramos ya con un rasgo que estará presente en otros
movimientos asociativos posteriores: como una extensión de uno de sus papeles
sociales, el representar al grupo doméstico en tierra, las mujeres desarrollaban
actividades reivindicativas, aunque también de concienciación social, sobre la
situación de sus familias, de una marcada excepcionalidad social (separación
prolongada de los maridos, segregación social y espacial, sistema de servicios
sociales separado…). La perspectiva era integradora y no singulizadora, porque
presenta a la mujer como sujeto social en el contexto de referencia más
significativo en la Andalucía pesquera, el ámbito doméstico, más que sujeto
social aislable y con una problemática específica propia y diferenciadora.
Pensamos que éste es un rasgo que expresa lo que anunciábamos con antelación:
la inseparabilidad de las esferas doméstica y extradoméstica en el caso de las
mujeres pertenecientes a contextos pesqueros andaluces.
También debemos destacar que el advenimiento de la democracia activó la
participación de las mujeres en los comités de empresa de las fábricas de
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conserva. Por la documentación etnográfica recopilada para el caso de Barbate,
sabemos de la existencia de un papel activo, aunque limitado, de mujeres –se les
consideraba incluso más “atrevidas” que sus compañeros-. Y ello tanto por
quedar encuadrado rígidamente en las estrategias de sindicatos mayoritarios,
como la U.G.T., que no desarrollaba precisamente una perspectiva en la que las
relaciones de sexo/género fueran priorizadas, como por las reticencias de las
propias trabajadoras. Efectivamente, al contemplar cómo algunas compañeras
descollaban en la labor reivindicativa, adoptando papeles considerados en el
ámbito cultural vernáculo como masculinos, las mujeres más activas podían ser
reprobadas socialmente, lo que condicionó el despliegue de una acción obrerista
específicamente femenina con cierta autonomía. Téngase en cuenta que ya en
los años ochenta, y en adelante, las mujeres no abandonaban como norma la
fábrica después de su matrimonio, lo que generaba un colectivo específico, de
mujeres trabajadoras, con objetivos comunes y una problemática similar,
condiciones ambas que favorecen el desarrollo de movimientos sociales
específicos. El papel económico de las mujeres, que se ha seguido entendiendo
como secundario/complementario en los contextos domésticos, las estrategias de
éstas en el ámbito de la economía informal para lograr rentas más altas y sus
exigencias, perspectivas y valores apegados, y constreñidos, al ámbito
doméstico, de nuevo, emergen como factores culturales que han limitado la
posibilidad de despliegue del asociacionismo femenino obrero de corte sindical
en las fábricas de conserva.
El asociacionismo específico en la actualidad9
El asociacionismo de mujeres de contextos pesqueros en las últimas décadas
tiene más relaciones con el asociacionismo de mujeres, fundamentalmente en el
ámbito rural, en general, que con el del ámbito pesquero en particular. Sobre
todo en lo que hace a actividades, objetivos o dinámica organizativa. Es decir,
está vinculado históricamente al surgimiento de entidades organizativas que
tenían como objeto fundamental promover espacios y relaciones entre mujeres,
básicamente de amas de casa, pertenecientes a familias trabajadoras, como
primera manifestación del desarrollo de la activación de la sociabilidad
extradoméstica de las mujeres. Así, nos encontramos con que una buena parte de
las asociaciones de mujeres en localidades y contextos urbanos donde la pesca
sea la actividad productiva fundamental no se diferencia sustantivamente de
asociaciones de amas de casa que existen en otros marcos socioculturales. De
hecho, es difícil averiguar, en el conjunto de las asociaciones de mujeres, cuáles
de ellas aglutinan a aquéllas que tienen una relación directa con el sector
pesquero, problema que viene acuciado por la debilidad de lazos horizontales
entre las asociaciones específicas. Se trata de un asociacionismo social, según la
tipología ofrecida por Donati (1997), orientado a actividades socioculturales:
educación, formación, diversión, tiempo libre, pero que tiene más dificultades
para activar debates públicos acerca de la situación de especificidad cultural de
las mujeres del sector pesquero.
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Cronológicamente, una de las primeras asociaciones instauradas en Andalucía
es la Asociación de Mujeres del Mar de Cádiz, que inició su andadura en 1986, a
partir de la toma de conciencia de un problema común: la excepcionalidad social
de mujeres cuyos maridos pertenecían a las flotas mercante y pesquera de altura,
lo que propiciaba una situación de desarraigo y desvinculación con el resto de la
sociedad, de soledad, según las propias palabras de la actual presidenta:
“Nosotras buscamos unirnos por el problema común que vivíamos, por estar
separadas de nuestros maridos, por la soledad, de estar separadas del resto de
la gente, porque no salíamos; buscábamos hacer unión, porque teníamos un
mismo lenguaje y una forma de vivir parecida: sólo nosotras sabíamos lo que
estábamos pasando”. Como en otras ocasiones que hemos comprobado con
posterioridad, el impulso inicial fue autónomo, a partir de los talleres que para la
alfabetización de mujeres de pescadores organizaba el Instituto Social de la
Marina.
Una vez que se pone en marcha, desarrolla una vida asociativa recurrente, con
un número de mujeres asociadas que oscila entre 40 y 50 miembros.
Fundamentalmente las actividades que se practican son talleres de promoción
social –según el argot de trabajadores sociales-: habilidades básicas que
reproducen las concebidas socialmente como femeninas, ligadas a algunas tareas
domésticas, actividades culturales como certámenes, conferencias, seminarios
sobre temas afines, incluyendo la organización de viajes y salidas. El objetivo
fundamental es promover el desarrollo personal de las mujeres implicadas, en
las dimensiones de salud (física y psicológica), destrezas básicas y sociabilidad.
Sin embargo, no ponen en marcha actividades que tengan como objeto la toma
de conciencia pública de su situación social y política como colectivo específico
con ciertos rasgos culturales diferenciadores.
Si el ejercicio de este asociacionismo logra algún efecto en relación con las
expectativas originales –poner en común la soledad mujeres que comparten una
experiencia sociocultural común- es, por tanto, de forma implícita, como
resultado de recurrencia de la dinámica societal que pone en contacto en un
espacio diferente a mujeres cuyos maridos trabajan en alta mar, y no como
consecuencia de una estrategia asociativa específica para ello. Es lo que ocurre
en otras asociaciones que han surgido posteriormente, ya en la década de los
noventa, en otras localidades donde la actividad pesquera es un referente
económico y socio-simbólico, como en Punta Umbría (Asociación de Mujeres
‘Estrella del Mar’), Barbate (Asociación de Amas de Casa Virgen del Carmen,
Asociación de Mujeres Almadraba o Asociación de Mujeres ‘Los Nardos’),
Algeciras (Asociación de Mujeres ‘El trigal de pescadores’). Un aspecto común
a estas asociaciones es que comparten dinámicas sociales marcadas por la
marginación social, concretada en problemas de consumo de drogas, paro,
absentismo escolar entre la población joven. A pesar de que estas tendencias
guardan relación con la evolución desfavorable de la actividad pesquera en los
que han sido algunos de los centros de producción, transformación y
comercialización más activos a lo largo del siglo XX, el enfoque de los
programas de entretenimiento y promoción social no es específico, sino
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genérico, lo que le resta potencialidad. Es decir, las sedes de las asociaciones se
convierten en nuevos espacios de sociabilidad exclusivamente femenina, en la
que desarrollan diferentes actividades de formación básica y entretenimiento,
trasladando a estos nuevos ámbitos los rasgos seculares de la socialidad
femenina de los ámbitos pesqueros (óptica doméstica, espacios específicos,
percepción de la vida extradoméstica subordinada a la doméstica…). Además,
no es infrecuente que las entidades acojan mujeres que no proceden del sector,
porque están vinculadas por problemas socioeconómicos propios de los
contextos socioespaciales en los que están ubicadas las asociaciones.
En todos estos casos, las asociaciones se fundamentan económicamente en
ayudas procedentes de la administración, ya sea específica pesquera
(fundamentalmente del Instituto Social de la Marina), ya sea específica de
género, aplicada a mujeres (Instituto Social de la Mujer, concejalías específicas
de los ayuntamientos respectivos); además de en otros organismos
pertenecientes al “asociacionismo social”, como Cáritas. Las ayudas que han de
ser renovadas anualmente incluyen en algunos casos dotaciones para personal
que se hagan responsables de la ejecución de los programas. Una de las
reclamaciones de las directivas de las asociaciones es que los trámites
burocráticos son excesivamente complejos y que los tiempos de la
administración no siempre se adecuan a las necesidades de la vida societal.
Ahora bien, existe otra modalidad de asociacionismo que difiere
notablemente del que hemos definido hasta ahora. Geográficamente, porque
surgió y se ha mantenido en las provincias orientales (Málaga y Almería);
organizativamente, porque emergió vinculado al movimiento del Apostolado del
10
Mar, lo que implica una conexión con otros movimientos a nivel estatal y la
asunción de objetivos relacionados con los fines sociales de algunos
movimientos cristianos específicamente dirigidos a contextos pesqueros. En
particular, el Apostolado del Mar desembarcó en Caleta de Vélez (Málaga),
entre 1991 y 1992, para poner en marcha los objetivos del movimiento en este
punto del litoral: propuestas de justicia social a favor de los hombres y mujeres
del mar, focalizando la acción en las mujeres (madres y esposas de marineros),
siguiendo las actividades y los programas formativos y de promoción social a
los que hemos hecho referencia con anterioridad, como todavía se realiza en la
entidad Stella Maris, radicada en la capital malagueña, o en la Asociación de
Mujeres ‘El Ancla’, radicada en Roquetas de Mar (Almería)
Como resultado de esta iniciativa, se creó una asociación con entidad jurídica
(cualidad de la que carece el Apostolado del Mar) en Caleta de Vélez, con
objeto específico: mujeres e hijos pertenecientes a familias de pescadores. La
innovación burocrática permitía iniciar el camino de la especialización
profesional de su promotor y la captación de ayudas para el desarrollo de los
programas, fundamentalmente dirigidos a la realización de talleres con la
colaboración del Instituto Social de la Marina. A partir de esta experiencia, se ha
puesto en marcha, desde Septiembre de 2002, una nueva entidad organizativa, la
Asociación Nacional ‘As de Guía’, pero ya desvinculada del Apostolado. Los
objetivos del movimiento cristiano de carácter estatal y del promotor de la
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separación no eran del todo coincidentes, y además, la nueva organización
persigue la conformación de una entidad bastante novedosa en el panorama
asociativo femenino del ámbito pesquero: en primer lugar, por su vocación
territorial, que pretende superar el marco local, algo característico de las
asociaciones predominantes hasta el momento; luego, por tener como unidad de
acción fundamental la familia, de ahí que esté en marcha la conformación de la
Federación Nacional de Familias del Mar; por último, porque esta iniciativa
está orientada a lo que los teóricos denominan cooperación social (Donati,
1997); esto es, entidades que presentan una orientación más profesional, al
objeto de construir empresas sociales para el desarrollo de servicios sociales
para poblaciones específicas.
Nos situamos por tanto, en un contexto institucional completamente diferente,
ligado a nuevos objetivos, tácticas y dinámicas políticas. Su promotor es
consciente de que su objetivo es formar parte de los nuevos mecanismos de
producción política ligados en las democracias contemporáneas al desarrollo del
tercer sector, e incluso persigue la conexión con entidades europeas
representativas que le permita poner en práctica las nuevas formas de hacer y
pensar la política vinculadas al discurso de la gobernación o governance
(Kooiman, 1999); esto es, la búsqueda de nuevos principios y prácticas de
conformar la arena política, la esfera pública, en pos de profundizar en formas
de democratización sustantiva, ofreciendo oportunidades a nuevos agentes
sociales, como las organizaciones del denominado tercer sector (o sociedad
civil, desde la perspectiva más liberal), para ejercer nuevas formas de equilibrio
entre las subjetividades sociales preponderantes de las sociedades
contemporáneas: administración, empresas y asociaciones y organizaciones
“civiles”.
Pretender incorporarse a esta nueva textura política implica la transformación
de los objetivos de las asociaciones. En particular, la asociación de Caleta de
Vélez que nos incumbe tiene entre sus prioridades la reclamación de atención
de la opinión pública acerca de la problemática específica de las familias de
11
pescadores, es decir, lo que la literatura especializada denomina la advocacy
(Donati, 1997). En consonancia con este objetivo se puede entender mejor su
vocación federalista de ámbito estatal; en cualquier caso, su perspectiva es
translocal. Aunque no es ésta la única vertiente de su actividad, ya que la nueva
entidad desarrolla labores de formación y prestación de servicios sociales a
colectivos como población juvenil, población anciana, discapacitados físicos y
mujeres que pertenezcan al sector pesquero, proyectos que se concretan a nivel
12
local . Para ello, se cuenta con el apoyo financiero de diferentes agencias y
niveles administrativos: Instituto Social de la Marina, Junta de Andalucía,
Ministerio de Asuntos sociales. En relación con el programa que se pretende
desarrollar para las mujeres del ámbito marítimo-pesquero, se persigue no
reproducir las inercias del pasado reciente; a saber, talleres de promoción social
ligadas al entretenimiento y a desarrollar destrezas básicas y culturalmente
“feminizadas”, sino apostar por una formación especializada e integral que tenga
en cuenta los nuevos papeles de las mujeres en las flotas artesanales andaluzas.
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Es decir, aquéllos que más tienen que ver con la gestión de las empresas
pesqueras de carácter familiar, las tareas burocráticas de la sociedad titular de la
embarcación: contabilidad, informática e Internet, primeros auxilios, gestión de
empresas pesqueras.
Si hemos de valorar en su conjunto este tipo de iniciativas, podemos
contraponer la oportunidad que representa para la puesta en marcha de nuevos
mecanismos ligados a la visibilización social y al empoderamiento de las
mujeres del sector pesquero, con los riesgos de privatización y especialización
profesional de la entidad. Si realmente los proyectos iniciados fraguan en
resultados tangibles, y sobre todo si el proyecto federativo logra cristalizar, la
iniciativa emprendida debe generar un nuevo agente social, que, desde dentro de
los ámbitos sociales que se pretenden transformar con políticas específicas (de
género, de formación…), sea capaz de poner en primera plana las necesidades
reales de las mujeres del ámbito pesquero, a partir del desempeño de sus roles y
de sus expectativas reales en la actualidad. Y no tomando como base los
desiderata de políticos y expertos de cuál debe ser el papel de las mujeres,
entendidas en abstracto, sin referencia a los contextos socioculturales en los que
éstas hacen su vida. Por el contrario, si la empresa no tiene anclaje en el
movimiento asociativo, se convertirá en una entidad privada de servicios
sociales para un colectivo específico, pero sin capacidad para promover el
empoderamiento del colectivo que nos ocupa. La capacidad de articular la
asociación con las agencias administrativas, y que éstas le reconozcan nuevos
papeles sociales a aquélla, puede ser una de las claves del resultado final de este
proyecto.
Conclusiones
Al acercarnos a la mujer como objeto de análisis, no podemos pasar por alto
las características que la distinguen como sujeto social en los contextos en los
que ésta realmente se desenvuelve. Al promover objetos políticos en relación a
las mujeres, por tanto, no podemos pasar por alto sus peculiaridades como
sujetos sociales en los colectivos de pescadores andaluces. Así, las perspectivas
que desgajan marcadamente las esferas pública y privada de las vidas de las
mujeres no tienen en cuenta los papeles desempeñados por éstas, en los que se
imbrican casi inextricablemente ambas dimensiones. La realidad social en
ámbitos pesqueros se caracteriza por una posición diferente de hombres y
mujeres en roles laborales y sociales, que se expresa desigualmente, en términos
de poder, oportunidades y recompensas. Y ello ha de tenerse en cuenta, tanto en
la política de género como en las posibilidades del movimiento asociativo
específico.
Si nos hemos detenido en subrayar este punto es porque cualquier iniciativa
institucional que persiga paliar la invisibilidad y precariedad del trabajo de las
mujeres en contextos pesqueros, debe pasar por una política que active
mecanismos de concienciación en el interior mismo de estos colectivos, que
altere las condiciones de subalternidad y que se presente en un marco más
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amplio: por un lado, un contexto de política social en el que se suministren
servicios que permitan el desarrollo compatible de actividades domésticas y
extradomésticas por parte de hombres y mujeres; de otro lado, un contexto de
política económica que pueda transformar la estructura de los mercados
laborales que se han implantado en las sociedades litorales, sobre todo
vinculados al turismo, y que vienen reproduciendo las condiciones de
precariedad laboral seculares.
El punto de partida, por tanto, la posición social a partir de la cual se han de
diseñar mecanismos institucionales para el empoderamiento del colectivo que
nos ocupa, es ciertamente difícil para promover transformaciones estructurales.
En definitiva, las mujeres de ámbitos pesqueros en Andalucía conocen la
posición de subalternidad, obligadas a desarrollar el denominado triple rol de la
mujer en condiciones ciertamente desventajosas: el trabajo reproductivo (no
reconocido y al margen de de los mercados, que en el caso de la pesca exige
mayores cuotas de responsabilidad porque los hombres se ocupan menos del
mismo); el trabajo productivo (en este caso, desempeñado más en contextos
informales que formales –las fábricas-, pero en ambos casos marcados por la
precariedad y concebidos como actividades complementarias para las economías
domésticas); y la participación social, que en el ámbito que nos ocupa ha estado
marcada históricamente por su restricción a la esfera reproductiva, y que en las
tres últimas décadas se desarrolla en nuevos ámbitos pero de forma muy
13
limitada .
Es éste un factor que ha limitado notablemente el desarrollo de un
movimiento asociativo específico más vigoroso, hasta el punto que se puede
poner en cuestión la representatividad de las asociaciones existentes, en tanto
que no han sido capaces de aglutinar a colectivos de mujeres que participan de la
especificidad sociocultural. Si las mujeres están sistemáticamente ausentes de
las asociaciones profesionales convencionales de la pesca (cofradías y otras
asociaciones de pescadores), como reflejo de su exclusión de la actividad
extractiva y comercial de la pesca profesional, tampoco han conseguido la
conformación de un espacio asociativo propio. Una política verdadera de
empoderamiento habrá de partir de esta realidad sociocultural de las mujeres de
la pesca en Andalucía, tradicionalmente muy limitada al ámbito doméstico,
según vimos.
En consonancia con ello, la vertebración sectorial del movimiento asociativo
ha sido prácticamente inexistente. Llama poderosísimamente la atención que al
contactar con unas y otras asociaciones, éstas desconocían la existencia de otras
entidades, o sólo alcanzaban a citar a una o dos, por referencias imprecisas –una
excepción a este rasgo general era la conexión entre las asociaciones vinculadas
al Apostolado del Mar, en Caleta de Vélez, Málaga y Roquetas de Mar-. La vida
asociativa de cada entidad, por el contrario, sí desarrolla conexiones con otras
asociaciones de índole local, aunque no específicas, relacionadas también con lo
que genéricamente se denomina promoción social. Entendemos que en las
circunstancias actuales de conformación del espacio político público, una
estrategia fundamental es la búsqueda de conexiones supralocales, con
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asociaciones específicas, que busquen la vertebración con nuevos contextos en
los ámbitos político-administrativos en los que realmente se hace la pesca en la
actualidad (lo que vulgarmente se denomina “Europa”).
Señaladas algunas de las debilidades, podemos mencionar nuevas
posibilidades. Si tenemos en cuenta que el desarrollo de las organizaciones del
tercer sector se puede entender como la respuesta de nuevas subjetividades
sociales (nuevos protagonistas en la acción social) ante las crisis sociopolítica y
económica de una sociedad compleja como la contemporánea (Donati, 1997), y
si aplicamos esta reflexión genérica a nuestro objeto, podemos colegir que el
asociacionismo específico de mujeres en contextos pesqueros y la política
formativa se pueden convertir en un nuevo instrumento de transformación
social, tanto en lo que hace a las relaciones de poder tradicionales, como en lo
referente a algunos de los procesos críticos que afectan a la pesca andaluza. La
actividad pesquera, tal y como parece que ha de desarrollarse en los próximos
lustros, requiere de una formación especializada en nuevas materias como la
gestión de recursos y la gestión empresarial, el conocimiento de itinerarios
institucionales, el desarrollo de estrategias de sociabilidad basadas en la
conexión con organismos y asociaciones representativas, la búsqueda de nuevas
fórmulas comerciales, etc.. Estas tareas, exigen además, una formación, una
dedicación y una organización temporal y espacial que difícilmente pueden
desempañar quienes se dediquen directamente a la extracción pesquera (casi
exclusivamente los hombres en Andalucía), por lo que una incorporación activa
de las mujeres podría mejorar la gestión global de las unidades pesqueras y
domésticas –incluso si se dedican a labores extractivas, liberando fuerza de
trabajo masculina-. En este caso, el acento político debe estar en la búsqueda de
la transformación de los sistemas axiológicos e ideológicos, así como de las
prácticas de hombres y mujeres, dentro y fuera del ámbito doméstico, tanto por
parte de los hombres como de las mujeres de la mar.
Un último apunte: si se concibe que la política de igualdad entre hombres y
mujeres y la política de empleo, cuando se aplica al ámbito pesquero, tiene
como objetivo implícito promover la reestructuración de las economías
domésticas, las directrices emanadas de las instancias burocráticas chocarán con
los intereses y perspectivas de los sujetos (hombres y mujeres), objeto de tal
empeño político. La convergencia de las políticas de pesca, de empleo y de
género ha de tener como foco los colectivos sociales y no las dinámicas
económicas a gran escala que se pretenden fortalecer (reducción drástica del
sector extractivo en los territorios europeos, traslación del esfuerzo productivo a
terceros estados, activación de flujos comerciales a gran escala entre territorios
extracomunitarios –que aportan recursos pesqueros- y territorios comunitarios –
que aportan capital comercial, tecnología, transformación, industria naval, etc.-).
Las mujeres de la mar no sólo se definen socialmente por su identidad sexual,
sino por los sistemas socioculturales, pesqueros, en las que están socializadas.
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Referencias bibliográficas:
Arato, Andrew. `Emergencia, declive y reconstrucción del concepto de sociedad
civil. Pautas para análisis futuros´, Isegoría 13 (1996) 5-17.
Baker, Gideon Civil Society and Democratic Theory. London & New York,
Routledge, 2002:
Bertaux-Wiame, Isabelle; Adele Pesce, Cristina. `Trabajo e identidad femenina:
una comparación internacional sobre la producción de las trayectorias
sociales de las mujeres en España, Francia e Italia´, Sociología del Trabajo, 3.
El trabajo a través de la mujer. Siglo XXI. 1988:
Cáceres Feria, Rafael. `Desarrollo de la industria conservera y movimiento
obrero en Ayamonte a principios de siglo´, Actas de las II Jornadas de
Historia de Ayamonte, 1998, 99-103.
Comas d’Argemir, Dolors. Trabajo, género y cultura. La construcción de las
desigualdades entre hombres y mujeres. Barcelona, Icaria 1994
Donati, Pierpaolo `El desarrollo de las organizaciones del Tercer Sector en el
proceso de modernización y más allá´ Revista Española de Investigaciones
Sociológicas, 79, 1997, 113-141
Florido del Corral, David. Un siglo de historia e instituciones pesqueras en
Andalucía.. Consejería de Agricultura y Pesca, Junta de Andalucía y
Fundación las Infante, Sevilla 2002
Florido del Corral, David. La pesca en Andalucía. Factores globales y locales de
un proceso de crisis, Fundación José Manuel Lara, Sevilla 2004:
Kooiman, Jan. `Social-political governance. Overview, reflections and design´
Public Management, 1, 1999, 67-92
Lagarde, Marcela. `Claves feministas para la autoestima de las mujeres´,
Cuadernos Inacabados, 39, Editorial Horas y horas, Madrid 2000
Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales, Mujeres rurales. Entre la inercia y la
ruptura, Madrid 1999
Palacios Esteban, Ignacio. `Rasgos estructurales del sector pesquero onubense´
En Montero Llerandi, J. Manuel (Eds), Proceso de trabajo y condiciones de
industrialización: el sector pesquero onubense., Junta de Andalucía, Sevilla
1985, 425-440.
Palenzuela, Pablo; Cruces, Cristina y Jordi, Mario. Mujeres empresarias y
mujeres políticas en el medio rural andaluz, Consejería de Agricultura y
Pesca y Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla 2002
Pérez Díaz, Víctor. `Sociedad civil: una interpretación y una trayectoria´,
Isegoria, 13, 1996, 19-38.
Pérez Díaz, Víctor. La esfera pública y la sociedad civil, Taurus, Madrid 1997
PROCEEDINGS
139
Notes
1
Nos estamos refiriendo aquí, en particular, a la noción más aplicable a colectivos de mujeres –
más que a la noción genérica de empoderamiento-, según la cual, el empoderamiento significa, ante
todo, : “modificar las pautas políticas que coartan la vida personal y colectiva al crear
condiciones para eliminar los poderes personales y sociales que oprimen a las mujeres” (Lagarde,
2000: 27)
2
Los procesos de intensificación productiva en el sector pesquero de algunas zonas y
poblaciones litorales andaluzas hasta la década de los años setenta del siglo XX, produjo el
desarrollo de flujos migratorios a estos centros productivos procedentes de otras poblaciones
pesqueras donde dicha intensificación no tuvo lugar. En cualquier caso, también se produjo un
movimiento poblacional importante desde el interior hacia estos centros productivos litorales, pero
su incidencia fue menor y más centrada en la década de los años veinte y treinta debido a la
expulsión masiva de fuerza de trabajo de los mercados de trabajo agrícola.
3
En cualquier caso, tocar el pescado sigue estando en cierta forma connotado negativamente
para las mujeres, a pesar de que éstas proceden, en su gran mayoría, de familias cuyos miembros o
algunos de ellos están o han estado vinculados a las actividades pesqueras transgeneracionalmente.
4
Desde las reformas legales de los años noventa, en las fábricas de conserva se ha impuesto un
sistema laboral basado en el régimen de fijas-discontinuas. Durante un tiempo indeterminado, con
un máximo de seis meses al año, las mujeres van siendo contratadas, y dadas de baja, según
derechos de antigüedad en la empresa –sin que las trabajadoras tengan control algunos sobre sus
altas y sus bajas-. Las mujeres tienen derecho a cobrar el paro durante los meses de inactividad en
el primer año, mientras que en el segundo tienen sólo acceso a la ayuda familiar, de menor cuantía.
Con estas condiciones laborales es imposible el mantenimiento de una unidad doméstica, a no ser
que se desarrollen otras actividades laborales “informales” (no declaradas) durante los meses de
inactividad en las fábricas. La situación de precariedad es aún más marcada en las más jóvenes, de
modo que en este caso estamos ante un nuevo factor de desigualdad y precarización (la edad) que
se suma al de la identidad sexual.
5
Una evolución del término y el concepto en los últimos treinta años, en Pérez-Díaz, 1996,
autor que viene usando el mismo desde mediados de los setenta, además de proponer estrategias
políticas decididamente favorables a su fortalecimiento. Desde una perspectiva crítica al uso del
término, Arato, 1996, en el mismo volumen.
6
Cf. al respecto, Baker, 2002, Pérez Díaz, 1997.
7
Cf. al respecto La Pesca Europea, nº 17, de Julio de 2003, que incluye un dossier titulado:
“Las mujeres en la pesca, un papel desconocido”.
8
Una suposición tal puede ser deducida de discursos públicos como el presentado por el exComisario de Pesca, Franz Fishler, en 2003, al refereirse al apoyo político y financiero que la
Comisión pretendía ofrecer a mujeres del sector: “Support should also be directed to women
wishing to bring greater added value to fish production and to those wishing to become involved in
alternative economic activities whether inside or outside the fisheries sector” [se debería dirigir el
apoyo a las mujeres dispuestas a desarrollar iniciativas para aumentar el valor añadido de la
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Notes
producción pesquera y a las que tengan como objetivo involucrarse en actividades económicas
alternativas, dentro o fuera del sector pesquero] (fuente: www.europa.eu.int/fisheries)
9
Las líneas siguientes son resultado de un trabajo exploratorio en diversas asociaciones y con
diferentes agentes sociales involucrados en el asociacionismo femenino en ámbitos pesqueros. La
observación participante en algunas de ellas (Barbate), las entrevistas en profundidad a algunos de
agentes sociales (Barbate y Caleta de Vélez) y cuestionarios genéricos para las asociaciones
mencionadas en adelante, son los instrumentos que hemos utilizado para la confección de este
texto. En cualquier caso, entendemos que debe entenderse como fase inicial de una investigación en
profundidad que está por realizar, y a la que este texto puede servir de iniciación e introducción al
tema.
10
El movimiento está presente en Canarias, Barcelona, Vigo, Alicante, Málaga. En particular, la
asociación Rosa dos Ventos fue fundamental en la puesta en marcha de las que tratamos radicadas
en la provincia de Málaga. Agradecemos la colaboración de Francisco Moreno, Paco el del
Apostolado, por habernos suministrado esta información. Fue él quien estuvo desde el inicio en el
movimiento en Caleta de Vélez y quien ha promovido nuevas direcciones en el asociacionismo
femenino pesquero, como comentaremos a continuación.
11
A saber, tutela y promoción de derechos, organizando demandas colectivas que estén más o
menos difusas, lo que se vincula con un proyecto de profundización democrática.
12
A modo de ejemplo, los proyectos en marcha en 2004 han sido: organización del II Encuentro
de la Gente del Mar del litoral mediterráneo; taller ocupacional para la tercera edad; formación de
voluntariado para el mar y monitor de tiempo libre, orientado a la población joven; programa de
integración sociolaboral de discapacitados y programa de atención al pescador en puerto (para
tareas burocráticas fundamentalmente)
13
Un análisis sobre la situación de la mujer en el medio rural andaluz, en Palenzuela, Cruces y
Jordi, 2002; para el medio rural en el conjunto del estado español, en Ministerio de Trabajo y
Asuntos Sociales, 1999.
142
GENDER, FISHERIES, AND GLOBALIZATION:
WOMEN SHRIMP TRADERS IN NORTH WESTERN
MEXICO
Maria L. Cruz-Torres
University of California-Riverside, USA
Abstract
This presentation utilizes the theory and methods of sociocultural
anthropology to analyze the historical and contemporary participation of women
within the shrimp industry in Northwestern Mexico. It will address their roles as
traders and their work in the informal economic sector. In this presentation I will
locate women's roles within the larger fishing economy and will explain how
these roles have been impacted upon by the economic globalization of the
Mexican Fishing industry. I will argue that because women's participation in the
shrimp industry has been traditionally overlooked, they are experiencing
economic marginalization while at the same time their labor is becoming more
crucial for household survival. This marginalization in many ways is a
consequence of the changes taking place in the nature of the relationship
between women and the production process within the shrimp fisheries, as well
as the environmental changes brought about by the globalization of the industry
upon the coastal ecosystems in the region.
Introduction
In Mexico, as in most Latin American countries, fishing is usually thought of
as a male-dominated subsistence and economic activity: men’s work. Most
literature on fishing and other work in Mexico has therefore concentrated on
men’s participation in the various phases of production (e.g., Lobato González
1989; Quezada Domínguez 1995; Alcalá Moya 1999). However, my research
on Mexico’s northwest coast shows that women also play an active role in the
fishing industry, most notably in the shrimp fisheries (Cruz-Torres 2001, 2004).
In rural north western coastal communities, women participate in fishing in the
lagoons and estuaries around their communities. They are even more involved
in the marketing and processing of shrimp. Marketing is done informally; in
most cases, women sell shrimp in their own communities or travel to
marketplaces in nearby towns. Some travel daily from rural areas to tourist
centres such as Mazatlán to sell their product. Rural women often network with
urban women to learn valuable information such as local and international
shrimp prices, the yield of a given fishing season, and good places to sell their
product.
Many women on Mexico’s northwest coast also work seasonally in the
shrimp-processing plants in coastal towns and in the main ports. They are
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employed by these plants for the same reasons that women are hired by the
assembly plants known in Mexico as “maquiladoras”: they are seen as
productive and reliable, but also as submissive and unwilling to unionize or take
part in political or social movements.
Other researchers confirm this picture of women’s role in the Latin American
fishing industry. According to their studies, women are highly visible in
fisheries as fish-factory workers in Uruguay, Chile, and Perú (López et al. 1992;
Williams 2002; Yemayá 2002, 2003). For example, López and colleagues
(1992) have shown that women constitute three fourths of the workers in fishprocessing plants in Uruguay. They have also shown that women are seen as an
attractive labour force in these plants, as in the maquiladoras, because of their
perceived patience, dexterity, and ability to work for long hours at monotonous
tasks. Research on Latin American women fish traders, although scarcer, has
generally confirmed that women in coastal communities market fish to help
support their households (Yemaya 1998; Pereira 2002). My own research in
north western Mexico has supported these accounts (Cruz-Torres 2001; 2004).
Particularly relevant for the present study is the fact that women have
historically played an important role in this region as shrimp traders.
The Project
This anthropological study seeks to trace the historical and contemporary
participation of women in the shrimp industry of north western Mexico. As a
first step, it concentrates on the role of women as traders. It locates women
within the larger fishing economy and seeks to understand how their role as
traders has been impacted by globalization’s effect on the Mexican fishing
industry.
Because women’s participation in the shrimp fishery has been so little
studied, the contribution of women shrimp traders to their household and local
economies has been overlooked. It is particularly important to note that
although their shrimp trading enables their households to survive, they still
experience economic marginalization within the industry. This marginalization
is in many ways a consequence of the changes taking place in the nature of the
labour relationship between women and the production process within the
shrimp fisheries. It is also a consequence of the reduced resources available
because of changes to coastal ecosystems brought about by the globalization of
the fishing industry (Cruz-Torres 2001).
Fisheries, Women, and Globalization: Theoretical Framework
In investigating the experiences of women shrimp traders in the context of
economic globalization, I rely on two interrelated theoretical approaches. The
first is feminist theory, which I use to examine the intersection between gender
and the economy. Specifically, I use it to analyze the way in which gender
shapes or is shaped by economic development processes. There is a rich body
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143
of literature examining the role of women within the Latin America
development process from a feminist-theoretic point of view (e.g., Bose and
Acosta-Belén 1995; Safa 1995; Abbasssi and Lutjens 2001). In Mexico, most
such studies have pointed to the need for understanding how women are
incorporated into the nation’s economy and the consequences of this process for
women, their households, and their communities (Roldán 1982; Arizpe and
Botey 1987; Arizpe 1989; Arias 1994; González Montes 1994; Mummert 1994;
Marroni de Velázquez 1995; Rothstein 1995). Although these studies seek to
clarify the various cultural and social roles of campesino women, few have
addressed their economic roles in their communities. An exception is the work
of Mexican anthropologist Lourdes Arizpe, who finds that the types of economic
activities in which women participate reflect several processes affecting the rural
population.
One of these processes is globalization, which merges social, political, and
environmental systems to a degree previously unknown (Heyck 2002).
Globalization is often described simply as the integration of world markets and
the elimination of economic barriers. This is seen in the increasing importance
of fishing-based commodities, particularly shrimp, in regional, national, and
global markets. Yet despite northwest Mexico’s importance as a producer of
these commodities and the large profits it realizes from them, rural poverty
continues to characterize the region.
What is more, women are
disproportionately and increasingly poor. The feminisation of poverty, driven by
globalization, has proceeded rapidly during the 1990s and beyond throughout
the Third World (Abbassi and Lutjens 2002). However, most Third World
women confront and resist their impoverishment by globalization by creating
survival strategies within and beyond their homes. The feminization of poverty
thus gives rise to the feminisation of resistance, which, according to Abbassi and
Lutjens (2002, 34), “finds women pursuing the survival of their families,
augmenting their work inside and outside the home as they stretch scarce
resources and seek more through additional labour.” Lynn Stephen (2002), in a
study of women’s social movements in Mexico, shows that women in rural areas
develop collective survival strategies to cope with environmental degradation
and economic impoverishment. Shrimp trading can thus be seen as a household
survival strategy developed by many women to secure a decent livelihood for
their families.
The second theoretical approach or lens I have used is political-economy
theory, which allows me to trace the various links of shrimp traders to other
sectors of the local, regional and global economies. Political economy is of
particular importance to this study because of its relevance for conceptualizing
and locating women’s work within the social and economic structure of rural
and urban communities in coastal North western Mexico. Research on women
traders in Third World countries has generally been conducted from this
perspective. For example, Florence Babb’s classic ethnography of the market
women of Perú (1998) eloquently portrays the lives of indigenous women in the
informal sector of the Peruvian economy. Linda Seligmann (2001) considers
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how women traders in the Third World function within regional and
international economies and how their work is impacted by globalization and
policies designed to support structural adjustment programs in those countries.
Research on women traders from a political-economy perspective has usually
highlighted trading’s place in the informal sector of the economy. There are
many ways to define the “informal sector.” Jennifer Abbassi and Sheryl Lutjens
(2002, 29) say that it can be “recognized by low income and low productivity;
by self-employment or small enterprises with few employees, limited capital,
and access to credit; and by instability and a lack of [the] protection afforded to
formal-sector workers.” Citing Patrice Franko (1999), they assert that the
informal sector comprises three categories of economic activity: domestic work,
self-employment, and micro enterprise.
Fish trading by women in Third World coastal communities is both a micro
enterprise and a form of self-employment that affords women mobility and the
opportunity to create multiple roles for themselves (Hall-Arber 1988; Overa
1993; Volkman 1994; Hapke 2001). For example, studies in Ghana found that
women fish traders, known locally as “fish mammies,” perform a variety of
roles, including wholesaler, market trader, large-scale processor, and creditor
(Overa 1993; Hapke 2001). Research has also shown that women’s trading
activities are crucial to household survival in coastal areas, and that fish trading
provides the only income for many households (Hapke 2001).
I suspect that Mexican women shrimp traders have even larger political,
economic, and social importance than women fish traders in many other places,
but since we have little definite knowledge of how these women are located
within the economic structures of coastal communities we do not really know
how important they are. We lack estimates of their sales, commercial trades,
and overall market importance, and so still cannot define their function in
fulfilling the needs of this market.
In this study, I have sought to achieve the following goals utilizing the
feminist and political-economy approaches:
To understand the specific roles played by women shrimp traders in coastal
communities in northwest Mexico.
To analyze the way in which these traders are connected to regional shrimp
production and distribution processes and to examine how their relationship to
these processes has been changed by the globalization of the Mexican fishing
industry.
To investigate how changes in production associated with globalization
influence relations among shrimp traders and between them, local fishermen,
and the managers of the fishing industry.
To learn about what motivates women to become shrimp traders, how they
become involved in shrimp trading, and their varied work experiences.
To clarify how shrimp trading fits into the array of economic alternatives
available to coastal women.
To understand how women balance shrimp trading with such duties as
childcare and housekeeping.
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As I mentioned before, this is a long-term research project. I have thus not
yet achieved all of these goals. However, I can present some preliminary results
that will enable you to better understand who these shrimp traders in North
western Mexico are, how they do their jobs, and some of the crucial issues they
face. I will focus on a group of women traders in the tourist city of Mazatlán,
where for over 30 years women from nearby rural communities have been
selling shrimp. Their workspace is a street officially named Aquiles Serdán but
locally known as La Calle de las Changueras, the Street of the Shrimp Ladies.
The Shrimp Traders of Mazatlán
When one looks at travel brochures or web pages highlighting the tourist
attractions of the Mexican port city of Mazatlán, one hears about eco-tourism,
gift shops, restaurants, night life, and hotels. One also finds women shrimp
traders included among these “attractions.” At any time of year—but especially
during the coolest months, December through May—tour buses packed with
Canadian or American tourists stop by the Street of the Shrimp Ladies so they
can look at the shrimp and talk to the women, even though few of these tourists
speak Spanish.
Women shrimp traders are such a lively part of the local culture that a play
depicting their work and their social life was staged at the Mazatlán Cultural
Institute. Working people all over Mazatlán and nearby towns and rural
communities are aware of their contribution to the fishing sector and the local
economy. Yet for local fishing authorities and the government, they are nearly
invisible. When I started my research, I found an almost complete lack of
statistics or written information about them. Local newspapers focus on their
work only when they are caught by officers of the National Fisheries
Commission selling shrimp during the off-season, an act punishable by a fine,
jail time, or both. In reviewing some 50 years of local newspapers at the
Mazatlán Historical Archives, the only information I found about women shrimp
traders told of their being arrested for selling poached shrimp during the offseason. The newspapers portrayed these women as criminals, as if they were the
ones doing the actual poaching, without explaining that they actually buy the
shrimp from suppliers who come to town every morning.
Besides this scattered and limited information, there was no other
documentation of the lives lived or jobs performed by these women. Much of
the information that I am presenting here therefore comes from first-hand
observation, oral interviews, and a questionnaire that I designed and
administered while conducting anthropological field research during the summer
of 2004 in Mazatlán.
Here I will discuss the preliminary information elicited by the questionnaire
and by oral interviews. The questionnaire’s primarily goal was to collect basic
socio-demographic information that would allow me to draw a more detailed
and accurate portrait of women shrimp traders. The questionnaire asked women
their age, marital status, number of children, years working as a shrimp trader,
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and what immediate problems they face. Over a one-month period I was able to
orally administer the questionnaire to 22 out of the 40 women working in the
Mazatlán marketplace.
After the completion of questionnaires I conducted semi-structured oral
interviews with the same women who answered the questionnaire. The purpose
of these interviews was to collect information on the history and settlement of
the fish market, economic and social networks, and household and family’s
relations. The results obtained from the questionnaires and interviews are as
follows:
The average age of the women I questioned is 41, the youngest being 18 and
the oldest 70. Most of the women begin selling shrimp when they are very
young, usually while accompanying their mother or another female family
member. Once they learn the business they usually start their own shrimp
business, either at once or when they get married and start a family of their own.
Forty-five percent of the women are married and 32% are single mothers.
Many of the married women said that they often feel like single mothers because
their husbands refuse to help them sell shrimp, take care of the children, and
perform domestic chores. Others said that they work not only to support
themselves and their children but their husbands as well. The lives of both
single and married women are permeated by constant work, since when they
finish at the marketplace they need to rush home to make dinner, do the laundry,
and help their children with school homework.
Most of the women interviewed have children, the average being four.
Women with small children (12 years old or less), 41% of the total, must face
the daily challenge of finding someone to help them with childcare while they
are at the market. Mostly they rely on relatives, friends, or older children to help
take care of the young ones. For all but one of the women questioned, shrimp
selling is the only income-generating job they have, so they cannot afford to
miss a day’s work.
The average respondent has been selling shrimp for 19 years. Most of the
women started selling shrimp young, as street peddlers going house-to-house
and asking people if they wanted to buy shrimp. Sometimes they stationed
themselves on a corner of a street and sold their shrimp from there. Neither
approach was particularly stable or comfortable. It was precisely because of this
lack of a secure, comfortable space in which to sell shrimp that a number of
women decided to get organized 25 years ago. They invaded the street now
known as the Street of the Shrimp Ladies and set up shop. At first they faced
opposition from government authorities who claimed that they were making the
street crowded, dirty, and smelly. But with the support of students from the
Autonomous University of Sinaloa they organized protests, sit-ins, and hunger
strikes until the authorities finally decided to leave them alone. They later
organized a shrimp-sellers’ association that is still active. This association has a
directorship composed of a president, secretary, and treasurer. The main object
of the association’s members is to have more power within the overall political
and economic structure of Mazatlán. The association also functions as a support
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group, in which women share their daily challenges, problems, aspirations, and
accomplishments. This contrasts greatly with the manner in which Mexican
women employed in the Maquiladoras industry have been portrayed as young,
unmarried, submissive, and without any political will to become organized or to
protest against their social and economic exploitation and marginalization.
Problems of and Constraints on Mazatlán Shrimp Traders
Despite the association’s support, there are still many problems that the
women must face, both at the marketplace and at home, in order to perform their
jobs and attend to the needs of their families. Most of the women I spoke to
talked very openly about their problems. The following were most commonly
mentioned:
Lack of government support (credits, facilities, etc.).
A monthly fee for the use of space that must be paid to municipal authorities,
plus an association membership fee.
Too much competition. All the women are selling the same product to the
same clients and this generates conflicts and rivalries.
Commuting to Mazatlán takes time and energy. Some must travel two hours
by bus daily.
Lots of time spent sitting or standing in the heat and sun.
Long hours. The great majority of the women begin their workday at four in
the morning, when the retailers wholesalers come to supply the women with
shrimp and other seafood products, and end around seven or eight at night.
Haggling. Clients do not want to pay the price women ask, and always look
for a way of getting cheaper prices.
Shrimp that are not sold must be beheaded so they do not go bad, but then sell
for less because they weigh less.
The income they obtain is never enough to cover the basic needs of their
families.
There are no economic alternatives—no other work. This is especially
crucial during the off-season, because the only shrimp available for sale then are
those produced on shrimp farms, which bring a lower price.
Most of these problems are difficult to deal with within the women’s
association. The pressure to sell shrimp on the same day that the suppliers bring
them, lest they go bad, generates animosity and competition among women.
Other conflicts, such as the lack of other income-generating activities and the
low income obtained from shrimp sales, are related to the structure of the
regional Mexican and global economies. Women also mentioned, however, that
shrimp trading provides them with benefits that other occupations do not.
Among these are freedom, independence, a source of income, and the ability to
be their own bosses.
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Concluding Thoughts
As I was writing this presentation, at least one thousand people became
intoxicated after eating shrimp in the southern Sinaloa region, including
Mazatlán. The intoxication was initially attributed to the use of Purina pet food
in shrimp fishing. In response, the government implemented a moratorium on
the inshore shrimp fisheries until they could verify the cause of the
intoxications. This had a tremendous impact upon the local economy; people
stopped consuming shrimp. The shrimp traders feared that they were losing
their livelihoods. Women shrimp traders in Mazatlán and nearby rural
communities organized a protest demanding that the health authorities conduct a
study to determine the source of the intoxication. Because of pressure from
them and the fishermen, the local health department conducted a more rigorous
study and discovered that the intoxications were caused by the presence of a
bacterium, Vibrio Parahaemolyticus, in the Huizache-Caimanero Lagoon
System, one of the most important sources of shrimp in the southern Sinaloa
region. This discovery allowed women to take preventive measures, such as not
selling shrimp caught in this lagoon.
This is not the first time that women shrimp traders in Mazatlán have
organized around an issue that affected all equally, once again proving that
Mexican women have the capacity and the knowledge required to generate
collective action in defence of their livelihoods and the well-being of their
families. This is, however, the first time that women shrimp traders have
appeared on the newspaper not because of breaking the law, but because of
getting together to have their voices heard. At last, women shrimp traders are
becoming visible in the eyes of government officials.
References
Abbassi, Jennifer & Lutjens, Sheryl (Eds). Rereading Women in Latin America
and the Caribbean: The Political Economy of Gender. Boulder, CO: Rowman
and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 2002
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Pesquerías en el Soconuco, Chiapas.: Centro de Investigaciones Superiores
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Arizpe, Lourdes. La Mujer en el Desarrollo de México y América Latina..:
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Quezada Domínguez, Ricardo. Papel y Transformación de las Unidades de
Producción Pesquera Ejidales en el Sector Halieútico de Yucatán.
Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, Mérida 1995
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Safa, Helen. The Myth of the Male Breadwinner; Women and Industrialization
in the Caribbean, Westview Press, Boulder Co 1995
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World Fish Center, Malaysia 2002.
152
WOMEN AND GLOBALISATION IN UGANDAN
FISHERIES
Margaret Nakato1
Katosi Women Fishing & Development Association
Uganda
Abstract
The oral presentation focussing on women and globalisation will focus on the
impacts of globalisation to women whose livelihood depends on the fisheries
resources with specific example from one the leading export landing site on the
Lake Victoria in Uganda. It will underlined the loss of income of women who
were engaged in smoking fish as a way of processing before export of fresh fish,
increasing, household food insecurity as globalisation increased the prices for
local fishing making it unaffordable for the local communities and subsequent
unemployment problems arising. Fishing for export due to globalisation has
threatened the sustenance of the fisheries resources and it attracts many
investors in the sector. The increasing operation costs for commercial fishing
has called for increased production further threatening the resources
Background information on Uganda
Uganda has a total population of 21 million, 51% are women and 49% are
men. Agriculture and fisheries account for 40-50% of the country’s GDP and
90% of export earnings.
Most people in rural area derive their food and income from the crops they
plant, the livestock they rear, and the fish they catch.
Trade liberalization has become increasingly central to economic policy in
developing countries. The liberalization of trade is promoted by a number of
international institutions. The World Bank, and the IMF’s insistence on
structural adjustment programs are closely tied to free trade, and the expansion
of commerce through the deregulation of markets is at the core of the mission of
the WTO.
Uganda fisheries: Pre nil perch regime
Lake Victoria is 2nd biggest lake in the world. With its 69,000km the lake is
shared between three countries Tanzania 49% Uganda 45% and Kenya 6%.
In order to understand the effects of trade on women in the fisheries sector it
is necessary to have some knowledge about how the traditional fisheries were
organized and the factors that led to the export oriented fishing industry.
The total catch from the lake during the 1960 and 1970’s was quite stable and
exploited mainly by small scale fishermen. Some fished part time while others
were full time. 80% derived their primary income from fishing. In the pre- Nile
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regime there were clear barriers to investment in the amount of equipment in the
production sector. Very few boat owners possessed more than one canoe. There
was very little investment in technological improvements as the canoe was
operated manually. Out board engines had been available but were only used on
transport boats
Processing was mostly dominated by small operators based in the local
communities around the lake; the great majority of these were women. Fish,
which was not sold fresh, was smoked or sun dried and carried to local inland
markets by thousands of women. Most of the animal protein, which the local
population ate, came from fish from the lake. There were few wholesalers and
traders never acquired control over fishermen. The fisheries to a large extent
existed independent of outside interference.
Although there was a principle of open access, the local communities
regulated the fisheries and stipulated who may fish, what, where and when
though varying from region to region. The system of local management has been
threatened with the introduction of commercial fishing where new entrants have
little knowledge of these rules or feel free to disregard them. In 1980’s the
introduction of Nile perch transformed the fisheries of Lake Victoria.
Post 1980’s fisheries
With the introduction of the Nile perch, the overall fish catches increased five
fold between 1975 and 1990, making Lake Victoria the single most important
source of fresh water fish in the world. Along with the increase in the catch for
Nile perch, the composition of fish biomass in the lake changed dramatically.
Nile perch a predator, fed on most of the other species of fish in the lake and
consequently the fishery altered from being a multi species fisheries to a three
species fisheries. Nile perch, (the dominant) tilapia and silver fish make up 98%
of the lakes total catch.
Since 1987 fishing in Uganda has undergone a dramatic transformation. From
being a locally based industry with little external intervention and a limited
capital base, fishing has evolved to an industry characterized by high degrees of
commercialization at both production and distribution levels. The huge demand
for the Nile perch soon expanded beyond the three countries sharing the lake, to
industrialized countries.
To satisfy this market, processing factories were established along the
shorelines of the Lake Victoria. These factories filleted fish for export. Many
plants have been financed by international development banks and receive
support from government aid agencies of the industrialized countries. The
activities of these factories have dominated and shaped the fisheries from being
local and regional orientated, to one geared to the global economy.
With unlimited demand of the Nile perch there was a danger of over
exploitation of the fish. Though there is no precise assessment of the different
stocks, there is a strong indication that the Nile perch is being harvested in a way
which is not sustainable.
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During the late 1980’s the total amount of Nile perch exported increased and
the only fish available at the local market was damaged fish. At this time, the
processing factories began to fillet tilapia and to market this product in the
industrialized countries. Silver fish was processed into animal feeds and also
sold to industrial countries. All three of the important fish species, 98% of the
catch in Lake Victoria, have become integrated into the global market.
Effects of export oriented fisheries on women
The opening up of Uganda’s economy including the liberalisation of the
fisheries sector however has had far reaching effects. The government of
Uganda is committed to encouraging private investment both by the Ugandan
citizens and in the form of direct foreign investment, including in the fisheries
sector. Export revenue from fish has expanded and new actors have been
attracted into the fisheries business. The European Union (EU) demand for
quality fish has led to the putting in place of quality assurance mechanisms by
government and private individuals.
The new export oriented fishing industry has, in a profound way, affected
women at different levels and in different ways. This paper will only focus on
the socio economic effects of globalization on women.
Employment
Pre 1980 many Ugandan women were engaged in fish processing. Fish
smoking was one of the main means of fish preservation. The fish, which was
not sold fresh, was smoked or sun dried. Most of the processing was carried out
on the landing sites or in appropriate places close by. It was usually poor women
who alone or in small groups processed the fish; many of whom were wives of
the fishermen and also engaged in trading fish they had smoked. Today, most of
the Nile perch is transported directly to the factories where it is filleted and
frozen. Smoking is still done but on a limited scale and only on fish that has
been rejected by factory agents. Introduction of modern fish handling facilities
like freezers have reduced post harvest losses.
Uganda has been pushed into export led industrialization to generate foreign
exchange. The foreign exchange earned is either repatriated abroad as Multi
National Corporations’ profits, used up for debt repayment or used by the local
elite for expensive imports. The traditional exports from developing countries
comprised of raw material with little processing. Local governments anxious to
attract new forms of investment offer tax holidays, exemption from import
duties, unrestricted profit repatriation and special export processing zones with
requisite infrastructural to facilities to house these plants.
Though these processing companies employ both men and women in the
filleting of fish, the workforce in these export units consist largely of young
women who are single, uneducated and who have migrated from rural areas. The
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working conditions are abysmal by any standards as women accept much lower
wages than the male industrial workforce on the lowest rung.
The wage structure is designed to increase work intensity to the maximum.
The meagre basic wage is supplemented by allowances related to productivity
and overtime. Without the allowances the workers cannot survive so they are
forced to increase their working hours and work intensity in order to merely
survive.
A second niche for employment, created by processing factories, is related to
the waste products of the factories. After the Nile perch is filleted some pieces
of fish still remain on the skeleton of the fish. Due to lack of fish, a new market
has developed for the pieces of fish which are left on the skeleton. Many of the
traditional fish processors are now engaged in processing the skeleton and head
of the Nile perch. No doubt some hundred traditional fish processors have
gained employment in this processing.
Trade
In the past, women fish traders had developed relationships with particular
fishermen from whom they purchased most of the fish. The women fishmongers
also had their special markets in which they sold their fish. With the factories
taking an increasing larger share of the catch, these relationships between the
fishmongers and fisher men were severed. Some fishermen are under contract to
deliver to the purchasing agents of the factories and these agents can afford to
pay them higher price than the fishmongers and local market.
Although the catch has increased by 5 times, there is less fish available to the
traditional fish mongers. The Nile perch, with which they are left to trade in, are
the fish which is rejected by the factories and processed skeletons of the perch.
If the factories also succeed to sell tilapia abroad, the fishmongers will only be
able to trade in rejected tilapia.
The liberalisation process has continuously moved the women towards the
periphery of the fishing industry and thus reduced their earning capacity.
Greater access to the market would have a direct bearing on improving the
income levels of the women, but if they do not participate in the opportunities
which economic liberalisation creates, they cannot alleviate poverty from their
households.
Food security
The globalization-liberalization programme has sucked away surplus from
developing world through various means like exports of both manufactured and
agricultural commodities and of course debt repayment. It’s particularly among
the consumers that the effects of the export orient industry can be felt.
Increasing export of fresh fish has caused food insecurity in families both in
quality and quantity. Because fish provided cheap protein for rural communities,
its absence in the diet has resulted in decline people’s health. An increase of
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nutritional deficiencies and disorders in fisher communities could confirm the
poor diets in families.
The price of whole fish is beyond the reach even for middle class people. The
price is pushed high due to the high demand of the international market, where
1kg of Nile perch may cost as much as the daily wage of government servant.
However, even if a person has the available cash, it can prove impossible to
obtain the fish. People travelling back home has observed that the traditional
fish dish is not waiting for them when they visit their lakeside home nor are they
able, on their return to cities, to bring back fish to their friends and family as
they did regularly in the past.
The remains of the Nile perch have always been considered “the poor mans
food’ and many people, in the past would not consider eating it. However, even
this fish has increased in price and many people often cannot afford to purchase
it.
Secondary business growth has increased the population at most export
orientated landing sites while the infrastructure has not improved at the same
pace. The population pollutes the lake with its effluents from the landing sites.
Fisher communities depend on lakes water for domestic consumption. Polluted
water led the community to use surface unprotected water sources further
exposing families to contamination and water related illness. Polluted water has
destroyed breeding grounds, stunted growth in fish, resulting in decline in fish
stocks. These are some of the social impacts of globalisation on the local
communities.
Despite the rich aquatic resources in the Lake Victoria it has become apparent
that the hopes pinned on globalization were based on far too optimistic
assumptions concerning economic development .It has not been capable of
satisfying the aspirations of a large majority of men and women in the fisheries
sector. To sum up, globalization has resulted in increasing the work load on
women without adequately increasing the income available or their control
over resources.
The future
Women are a victim of the globalisation process in the fishing industry.
Women have lost their traditional means of earning income, and of feeding their
families. The policies of the World Trade Organisation, imposed on the
developing countries, defend the interests of the developed countries rather than
those of the developing countries and their people.
In a desire to minimize social disruption and benefit from the globalization
process, the typical response of our governments is to intervene and to develop
and implement policies that protect and promote the quality of women’s life.
Poverty eradication, good governance addressing the special problems of
women and youth and the elderly, promoting private sector investment, local
people’s participation are some of the principles that guide the National
Fisheries Policy. The objectives which include:-
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to increase per capita consumption of fish through production of low cost
high protein food (fish)
Increase employment opportunities in the country though fishing, fish
processing and fish trade.
To enhance the living conditions of fishermen and their families by
maximizing economic benefits to them
Incorporate gender mainstreaming and other cross cutting issues such as
HIV/AID etc.
Maximizing export and foreign exchange earning capacity.
Of all the above, objective five has received most priority because it is in line
with the objectives of the structural adjustment programmes promoted by the
World Bank and IMF. Similar emphasis should be accorded the other four
objectives in order that the level of development and implementation for
objective 5 is achieved by all objectives.
The tragedy could further be reduced by bringing together women with
common interest to organise and defend their rights and to fight the worst
excesses of capitalist exploitation. Although many fish processing companies
are foreign with no past connection with Lake Victoria and they compete over
scarce supplies of fish, the owners of the factories have joint interests and
cooperate closely. They meet often to discuss matters of common interest; their
relationships with government institutions and the conditions under which they
may import equipment and export fish.
Together the owners constitute a forceful and articulate lobby group with
substantial resources with which to influence decisions which affect them. There
is no doubt that this powerful lobby group has considerable influence in
deciding where the balance between the conflicting objectives (fish for export
and local consumption) is drawn.
Though there is limited information about the role international development
banks and bilateral and multilateral development aid organisation have played in
the support and establishment of an export orientated fishing industry, there is
no doubt that the owners of the factories have received support in terms of
finance and equipment from banks and aid organisations. The same mechanisms
could be employed to improve the well being of women affected by the
globalisation process by creating sustainable and environmentally friendly
income generating activities.
Development aid has been giving support to improve the standard and quality
of the fish product so that it can satisfy the requirements set by the EU.
Technical assistance has been given to processing factories on how to achieve
ISO 9002 standards and other quality standards. Improvements have been made
and modern and advanced processing and refrigeration equipment have been
imported to ensure that required standards are met.
The introduction of insulated fish collection boat has reduced post harvest
losses from 25% to 5%. Consequently, the fish available for local consumption
through rejection has been reduced. The available fish is further reduced by
processing skeletons into fish meal. The two main source fish for poor people
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are being lost due to the efforts made to satisfy the quality standards of
international demands.
It is important to treat women as partners and participants in the development
process rather than as passive recipients of development aid and the objects of
welfare
assistance.
Notes
1
KATOSI WOMEN FISHING & DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION, P.O. BOX 33929 KAMPALA,
TEL: 256 41 348774 , 256 77 587427, E-MAIL< katosi@utlonline.co.ug>, UGANDA
160
COMMUNICATION SUR LA RECHERCHE-ACTION
"GENRE ET CREDIT" AU BENIN, AU NIGER ET EN
GAMBIE
(PMEDP/FAO/DFID)
Chantal Dogbe Gnimadi
Consultante Indépendante, BENIN
Résumé
Les leçons tirées des interventions précédentes du PMEDP (Programme pour
des moyens d’existence durables dans la pêche) et d’autres partenaires ont
montré qu’il ne suffisait pas d’installer ou de renforcer à leur profit des
structures de micro-finance techniquement crédibles pour assurer l’accès
équitable des pauvres à ces opportunités économiques majeures pour la
réduction de la pauvreté, mais aussi développer les sciences action.
Objectifs des sciences action:
Promouvoir des partenariats stratégiques pour la mise en place et la diffusion
de dispositifs équitables et durables pour l’accès des femmes et des hommes
pauvres des communautés de pêche à des services appropriés d’épargne et de
crédit
Outils au service des sciences actions
«Analyse participative genre»: c’est la mesure de la participation relative des
hommes et des femmes par catégorie de pauvreté aux services actuels d’épargne
et de crédit et aux chaînes d’approvisionnement et de commercialisation.
Dans les communautés de pêcheurs de Gambie, du Niger et du Bénin, on
trouve des exemples de ces stratégies communautaires d’amélioration de l’accès
équitable des femmes et des hommes aux services d’épargne-crédit et aux
chaînes d’approvisionnement et de commercialisation des produits halieutiques.
Programme:
"Quels partenariats au renforcement des capacités genre des organisations
communautaires, des institutions et politiques de micro-finance pour une réduction
durable de la pauvreté dans des communautés de pêche?"1
Justification
Le Programme des Moyens d'Existence Durable dans la Pêche est un Projet
de la FAO financé par le DFID qui appuie l'autopromotion des femmes et des
hommes dans les communautés de pêche et le développement des politiques,
institutions et processus qui améliorent l'environnement institutionnel de leurs
interventions dans 29 pays en Afrique depuis 1999.
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Les leçons dégagées des acquis de ses interventions et l'analyse de la
littérature pertinente montrent que l'ouverture de nouvelles opportunités de
crédit dans un contexte de pauvreté n'implique jamais automatiquement
l'amélioration de l'accès équitable des pauvres et femmes à ces opportunités.
Objectif
Le PMEDP a initié une recherche-action participative avec différents
partenaires aux niveaux micro, méso et macro au Bénin, au Niger et en Gambie
pour promouvoir, ensemble, des partenariats stratégiques viables à l'amélioration
de l'accès équitable des femmes et hommes pauvres à l'épargne et au crédit dans
les communautés de pêche.
Méthodologie
Les étapes suivies dans la mise en œuvre de cette recherche-action s'énoncent
comme suit :
1. A la suite du Diagnostic participatif entrepris avec les communautés
de pêche d'Agbodjedo au Bénin, de Tanji en Gambie et de Tafouka
au Niger en 2002, une analyse participative des relations femmes et
hommes dans ces communautés (au niveau communautaire et au
niveau organisationnel) et de l'influence de leur contexte de
vulnérabilité sur les uns et les autres a été menée en 2003.
2. Le positionnement sur les chaînes d'approvisionnement et de
commercialisation des produits halieutiques des pauvres par rapport
aux non pauvres et des femmes par rapport aux hommes dans les
différentes catégories socio-économiques a été approfondi en 2004
avec les 3 communautés partenaires de l'étude genre de 2003
auxquelles se sont ajoutées les communautés de Kétonou au Bénin et
d'Albreda en Gambie
3. Les écarts d'accès/contrôle des femmes par rapport aux hommes aux
services d'épargne et de crédit ont été analysées avec les intéressé(e)s
dans les cinq communautés de pêche
4. Un Atelier de visualisation et de restitution des écarts genre et
pauvreté constatés sur les différentes chaînes d'approvisionnement et
de commercialisation et en matière d'accès à l'épargne et au crédit a
permis à l'ensemble des organisations communautaires de mettre le
doigt sur les inégalités et de prioriser celles dont la réduction leur
paraît possible et nécessaire à court terme
5. L'ensemble des organisations communautaires sur les 5 sites de la
recherche-action participative ont élaboré chacun leur stratégie
genre-pauvreté spécifique de réduction des inégalités aux divers
niveaux pour inspirer l'adaptation des procédures d'intervention des
institutions de micro-finance et autres intervenants d'appui et les
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amener tous à contribuer à la réduction des écarts femmes/hommes,
pauvres et non pauvres jugés non souhaitables
6. Dans le même temps, le Cadre d’analyse socio-économique genre et
micro – finance du SDWW/FAO a été parallèlement utilisé pour
établir un diagnostic organisationnel et institutionnel genre des
institutions de micro-finance à même d'améliorer l'accès des femmes
et des hommes aux services d'épargne et de crédit au niveau micro
dans les communautés de pêche, au niveau du secteur de la microfinance dans son ensemble et à celui des politiques, institutions et
processus macro-économiques d'appui
7. La visualisation des résultats du diagnostic organisationnel et
institutionnel genre mené avec les institutions de micro-finance a
conduit également à l'élaboration par ces institutions de plans
d'action et de réformes dans leur management interne pour contribuer
à réalisation de la stratégie communautaire de réduction des écarts
définie par les Organisations Communautaires de Base au point 5.
8. Un Atelier final de mobilisation de partenariats stratégiques au
niveau macro et méso a été organisé pour conclure des partenariats
stratégiques en vue de l'amélioration de l'environnement
institutionnel et macro-économique de la mise en œuvre des plans
d'actions genre des organisations communautaires et des plans
d'appuis des institutions de micro-finance.
Résultats
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Tableau 1 : Exemple de Kétonou au Bénin : Catégories socio-économiques
définies par les membres des Organisations Communautaires 2
Non pauvres
Hommes
Femmes
1 Acadja, 40 filets, 3 pirogues, Maison bâtie, moyen de déplacement
capacité financière élevée, maison sur l'eau et sur la terre ferme, acadja,
bâtie,
parcelle,
moyen
de parcelle et filets
déplacement
Moyennement pauvres :
Hommes
Femmes
30 filets, 2 pirogues, un peu d'argent, Maison bâtie, pirogue et filets
maison bâtie
Moyennement pauvres :
Hommes
Femmes
25 filets et une pirogue, très peu de Pas de maison bâtie, pirogue, filets
moyens
La mise en œuvre de ces définitions a permis de distinguer les différents sousgroupes, par catégorie socio-économique, au sein de chaque groupement comme
suit :
Tableau 2 : Distribution des catégories socio-économiques par groupements
1. Contexte de la recherche-action (Etude genre 2003)
La recherche-action "Genre et Crédit" a impliqué 5 OCB à Tafouka au Niger,
7 0CB à Agbodjedo et à Kétonou au Bénin, 20 0CB à Tanji et Albreda en
Gambie réunissant un total de 785 femmes et 900 hommes sur les 5 sites dans
les 3 pays.
Les hommes étaient majoritaires dans les OCB partenaires de Tafouka,
Kétonou et Albreda (pêche lagunaire ou amplifiée dans les mares semipermanentes) mais les femmes étaient majoritaires dans les OCB de Tanji
(pêche maritime).
Les femmes étaient majoritaires parmi les pauvres du point de vue des
revenus à Tafouka, Kétonou, Tanji et Albreda. Par contre les hommes étaient
majoritaires parmi les pauvres du point de vue des revenus à Agbodjedo en
raison du fait que leurs Activités Génératrices de Revenues étaient bien moins
diversifiées que celle des femmes face à la dégradation des ressources
halieutiques qui leur fournit les ¾ de leurs bases d'existence.
La distinction des pauvres et des non pauvres a été faite par les communautés
elles-mêmes sur la base de leurs propres critères d'appréciation comme nous
pouvons le voir dans cet exemple emprunté à Kétonou au Bénin :
Statut socioéconomique
Nadognon Ƃ
Effectifs
Non pauvres
Moyennemen
t pauvres
Pauvres
TOTAL
Ahouansou- Glégnon (mixte)
Enagnon S
TOTAL
Ahouanglan
(mixte)
% Effectifs
% Effectifs
% Effectifs
% Effectifs
%
4
5
22 %
28 %
2
7
13 %
47 %
9
18
50 %
6
15
40 %
6
43%
8 57 %
14 100 %
3
3
30 %
30 %
4 40 %
10 100 %
9
21
16 %
37 %
27 47 %
57 100 %
Dans cet exemple de Kétonou, les sous-groupes pauvres représentent un
effectif moyen de 47 % dans l'ensemble des organisations communautaires en
constituant toutefois 50 % des effectifs des groupements féminins contre 40 %
des effectifs du groupement masculin. Dans cette communauté la pauvreté
frappe donc davantage les organisations féminines que les organisations
masculines comme cela a été constaté sur 4 des 5 sites de la recherche action
participative.
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o
2. Analyse des inégalités genre et pauvreté aux divers niveaux
2.1. Forces et atouts
Au niveau du profil genre du contexte de vulnérabilité : une disponibilité de
divers intervenants d'appui technique, organisationnel et financier à travailler en
synergie à un accès plus équitable aux services de micro-finance a été mise en
évidence.
Au niveau de la demande de services d'épargne et de crédit :
x Femmes et Hommes non pauvres et moyennement pauvres épargnent de 0
à 20 % de leurs revenus, le plus souvent par les tontines informelles.
x Les pauvres (femmes et hommes) épargnent une partie
proportionnellement plus importante de leurs revenus que les non
pauvres.
x Les structures de micro-finance d'Agbodjedo favorisent davantage l'accès
des femmes à leurs guichets car elles sont demandeuses de petits crédits
sur lesquels les risques de non remboursement sont réduits au maximum
car elles maîtrisent les activités qu'elles mènent et mettent toujours leur
point d'honneur à rembourser quelle que soit l'issue de la transaction
pour laquelle elles sont venues emprunter.
2.2. Faiblesses et contraintes
Au niveau des chaînes d'approvisionnement et de commercialisation
x Les différentes chaînes d'approvisionnement et de commercialisation sont
dominées par les hommes et les femmes non pauvres
x Les femmes en général et les pauvres en général ont relativement moins
accès aux approvisionnements en ressources halieutiques. Les facteurs
qui concourent à leur exclusion périodique des circuits ont trait à :
o La réduction des prises qui entraîne une faible disponibilité de
produits halieutique et une demande supérieure à l'offre,
o Leur moindre accès relatifs aux fonds de roulement et aux crédits
d'équipements qui permettent aux nanti(e)s d'acheter de plus grosses
quantités à des conditions financières et commerciales plus
intéressantes,
o Leur moindre accès aux facilités de stockage et de conservation
offertes par les institutions communautaires ou privées d'appui (fours
pour le fumage des produits ou claies pour leur séchage, glace,
moyens de transports des produits halieutiques…)
o Leur moindre accès global aux infrastructures communautaires,
facilités de transport (possession de vélos par exemple à Tanji ou
d'argent pour payer la main d'œuvre concernée par le transport des
produits des lieux de débarquement aux lieux de commercialisation à
Tanji) et
Leur moindre accès relatif aux informations sur les prix, les marchés,
les chaînes de valeurs qui permettent aux nanti(e)s d'exploiter
favorablement les débouchés lucratifs, de réduire les pertes postcaptures et de résister aux effets de la vulnérabilité saisonnière des
activités sur leurs revenus.
Au niveau de la demande de services d'épargne et de crédit
x Les hommes non pauvres épargnent bien davantage que les femmes non
pauvres et ont des besoins en crédits d'équipement et de fonds de
roulement dix fois plus importants. Par voie de conséquence,
l'insuffisance de l'offre de crédits d'équipements touche plus cruellement
les hommes que les femmes.
x Ils dominent les montants moyens de dépôts et de crédits des institutions
formelles de micro-finance et les autres ressources productives.
x L'accès relatif des femmes aux services formels d'épargne et de crédit est
partout moindre que celui des hommes sauf à Agbodjedo.
x Les crédits de fonds de roulement disponibles sont insuffisants par rapport
aux besoins des cycles d'exploitation à financer par les femmes comme
par les hommes
Au niveau des relations femmes/hommes dans les familles :
x Le développement et la diversification des Activités Génératrices de
Revenus des femmes et des hommes est limité par une division sexuelle
du travail rigide dans les familles caractérisée par :
o Une surcharge de travail domestique et productif des femmes,
o Une très forte implication des femmes dans les dépenses familiales
(variable de 30 % dans les familles nanties à 70 % dans les familles
non nanties et à 100 % dans les familles monoparentales dirigées
par les femmes seules)
x Le développement des organisations féminines est limité par une bien
moindre disponibilité du temps que les femmes peuvent y consacrer par
rapport au temps et à l'énergie que les hommes peuvent consacrer au
développement de leurs organisations ou à la gestion des infrastructures,
ressources et institutions communautaires.
Au niveau de la gestion des pêcheries:
x Le caractère non durable de cette gestion s'est révélé à toutes les OCB
comme une contrainte majeure pour le développement durable des
activités de pêche et de transformation, de commercialisation des
femmes et des hommes, surtout à Tafouka et au Bénin. Cela les a amené
à se mobiliser pour participer davantage aux initiatives sectorielles
nationales et départementales de promotion d'une gestion plus durable
des pêcheries.
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PROCEEDINGS
Au niveau des relations femmes/hommes dans les OCB3 :
x Un analphabétisme massif a été partout mis en évidence, quoiqu'il soit bien
plus prononcé dans les OCB féminines que dans les OCB masculines
x Les hommes prédominent dans les structures décisionnelles de toutes les
OBC et dans les institutions de gestion durable des ressources
halieutiques
x Des écarts de revenus d'amplitude variable sont apparus entre
o femmes non pauvres, moyennement pauvres et pauvres
o hommes non pauvres, moyennement pauvres et pauvres
o l'ensemble des femmes et l'ensemble des hommes.
Sur chaque site, l'ensemble des organisations communautaires ont discuté et
convenu d'une stratégie communautaire de réduction des inégalités constatées
comme nous pouvons le voir dans cet exemple d'Agbodjedo dans lequel les
inégalités jouaient en faveur des femmes :
3. Stratégies de réduction des écarts genre et pauvreté élaborée par toutes les
organisations communautaires de pêche
Stratégies de réduction des écarts de revenus esquissées au Bénin à Kétonou
pour réduire la part relative des pauvres dans les OCB à 2007 et orienter les
politiques d'appui en crédit des institutions de micro-finance et autres
partenaires techniques et financiers
Tableau 3 : Stratégie de réduction des écarts genre à 2007
Mareyeuses / transformatrices
58 % - 5% = 53 %
Non pauvres
Femmes
Hommes
Pêcheurs
42 % + 5 %
Moyennement pauvres
Femmes
Hommes
= 47 %
Pauvres
Femmes Hommes
32% -11%=
23 % - 4 % =
19 % =
11 % + 6 %
7+4%
6+5%
23 %
19 %
19 %
= 17 %
= 11 %
= 11 %
54 %
46 %
52 %
48 %
50 %
50 %
Des partenariats stratégiques ont été conclus au niveau des OCB pour
x une valorisation plus équitable des activités de pêche et de mareyage,
x une stratégie de financement genre-spécifique,
x une réduction genre-spécifique de la pauvreté entre femmes et hommes
dans les OCB emportant :
o Renforcement des capacités organisationnelles consolidées et genre
sensible pour les différentes OCB
o Amélioration des résultats des Moyens d'Existence de la pêche et
diversification des moyens d'existence des acteurs et des actrices
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o
Appui à la mise en place de politiques de crédit pro-pauvres et
genre sensible dans les institutions de micro-finance.
4. Profil institutionnel genre du secteur de la micro-finance et partenariats
stratégiques d'amélioration conclus aux niveaux micro, méso et macro
4.1. Au niveau des institutions de micro-finance partenaires de la rechercheaction (micro)
4.1.1. Participation
La recherche-action sur les institutions de micro-finance a mobilisé 2
structures de micro-finance au Niger, 4 structures de micro-finance au Bénin et
2 structures de micro-finance en Gambie.
4.1.2. Forces
Toutes les structures de micro-finance partenaires se sont déclarées
disponibles à s'engager dans des partenariats stratégiques d'appui à la mise en
œuvre des plans d'actions des organisations communautaires pour
x améliorer leur accès équitable aux services d'épargne, de crédit
x améliorer leur accès équitable aux services non financiers d'appui à
la réduction souhaitée des écarts de revenus entre groupes sociaux.
4.1.3. Faiblesses
Elles ont été relevées à plusieurs niveaux comme suit :
x Inexistence de politiques d'épargne et de crédit pro-pauvres ou genre
x Pas d'organisation interne pour
o désagréger par sexe et par catégorie de pauvreté la clientèle suivant
les activités financées, les ressources accordées et les écarts de
revenus résultant de leur mise en œuvre
o organiser et faciliter la participation des femmes et des hommes à la
gestion et à la direction des structures de micro-finance.
x Primauté d'une offre de crédits de fonds de roulement à court terme
répondant davantage aux besoins de financement des activités dominées
par les femmes.
x Prépondérance numérique des femmes parmi la clientèle des bénéficiaires
de crédits et des déposants
x Montants moyens de dépôts et de crédits dominés par les hommes
x Organes décisionnels et de gestion des structures de micro-finance
partenaires dominés par les hommes.
x Performances techniques encourageantes + marges de progrès pour la
Natangueh Credit Union en Gambie.
x Aucun indicateur de performance désagrégé par sexe et par catégories
socio-économiques disponible et utilisé parmi les indicateurs de
performance des structures de micro-finance.
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167
x Conscience genre partout émergente et peu d'outils techniques de gestion
genre-sensibles.
A ce niveau également le diagnostic stratégique a été suivi de l'élaboration
par les structures de micro-finance elles-mêmes de leurs plans d'appui à
l'amélioration de l'accès équitable des femmes et des hommes des organisations
de pêche au crédit suivant les ligne de réduction des inégalités proposées par ces
derniers.
4.1.4. Plans d'appui des institutions de micro-finance aux plans d'action genre
des OCB pour la réduction des inégalités
Les principaux éléments du plan d'appui des structures de micro-finance qui
sont ressortis peuvent être présentés comme suit :
x Diversification du portefeuille de produits d'épargne et de crédit offert :
créations d'opportunités de financement des équipements et matériels de
pêche et de transformation et élargissement des opportunités d'appui à la
diversification des AGR hors pêche :
o Crédits de campagne pour la pêche, l'agriculture et l'artisanat,
o Crédits de fonds de roulement pour le commerce, l'embouche …
o Crédits à l'exportation ouverts aux femmes et aux hommes et
adaptés au cycle d'exploitation à financer,
x Nécessité de conclure des partenariats stratégiques avec les institutions qui
offrent des produits non financiers d'accompagnement indispensables
tels que les séminaires de formation et d'information des emprunteurs et
emprunteuses pauvres et non pauvres sur les marchés, les prix, les
chaînes de valeur,…
x Nécessité de formuler des partenariats stratégiques pour la promotion de
programmes de renforcement équitable des capacités techniques et
organisationnelles des groupements et des structures de micro-finance en
genre et crédit….
Les opportunités et contraintes pour la mobilisation de ces partenariats
stratégiques complémentaires ont été recherchées au niveau méso et macro
comme suit :
4.2. Diagnostics institutionnels et partenariats stratégiques d'amélioration de
l'environnement institutionnel genre au niveau méso et macro
4.2.1. Opportunités
x L'analyse des politiques nationales et sectorielles (secteur de la microfinance) de développement a permis de relever plusieurs facteurs
d'influence favorables à
o l'amélioration des impacts des interventions sur la réduction de la
pauvreté à la base et à
o l'amélioration du financement des activités des catégories de
populations pauvres et vulnérables à la base.
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4.2.2. Contraintes
Les contraintes à surmonter ont trait aux facteurs d'influence négatifs
suivants:
x Faible motivation des structures de micro-finance pour le financement de
la pêche,
x Faible application de la législation existante (lois PARMEC),
x Insuffisante concertation et professionnalisme des structures de microfinance
x Incohérence des interventions et faible coordination des politiques
d'amélioration de l'environnement réglementaire peu genre sensibles.
Au regard de ces opportunités et contraintes, les partenariats stratégiques pour
l'amélioration de la situation actuelle ont été explorés lors des ateliers nationaux
animés. Nous donnons les résultats obtenus au Bénin à l'issue de ces
concertations à titre d'exemple comme suit:
4.2.3. Partenariats stratégiques (niveaux méso et macro)
Au niveau méso
Concertations avec les réseaux d'opérateurs de micro-finance, décideurs et
opérateurs de micro-finance pour
x identifier les opportunités et les contraintes de l'environnement
institutionnel de la loi Parmec pour la mise en œuvre des plans d'actions
des OCB et des plans d'appui des MFIs
x explorer des pistes de partenariats d'appui au niveau institutionnel pour
l'ensemble du secteur de la micro-finance :
o mobilisation de subventions remboursables ou non pour le
financement de crédits à risques,
o réformes réglementaires,
o amélioration de l'accès des IMF au crédit bancaire,
o formation des responsables et agences sur le secteur de la pêche et
ses spécificités,
o facilitation des cautions bancaires,
o mobilisation de fonds de garanties et de subventions de renforcement
organisationnel et institutionnel des IMF avant 2005,
o fonds de refinancement des crédits et d'apurement des impayés,
o mise en réseau des clients défaillants,
o négociation d'exonérations de taxes et de droits de douane sur les
opérations financières avec le secteur pêche …
Au niveau macro
Concertations avec
x la Direction des Pêches pour identifier les opportunités et contraintes des
partenariats stratégiques d'appui à la mise en œuvre des plans
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169
d'amélioration de leur accès équitable au crédit par les OCB et mobiliser
des financements et compétences techniques spécifiques d'appui
nécessaires.
x Le Ministère de la Famille, de la Protection Sociale et de la Solidarité pour
o le renforcement organisationnel des OCB masculines et féminines,
o la formation aux droits de l'homme et de la femme,
o la formation à la gestion de l'épargne et du crédit
o la formation en genre des diverses parties prenantes aux partenariats
stratégiques conclus. /.
A la date d'aujourd'hui, il reste à élaborer les protocoles de collaboration et les
documents de projet relatifs aux divers concours dont le principe a été convenu
et à mettre en place le dispositif de suivi évaluation de la mise en œuvre de la
recherche action pour en dégager les leçons au fur et à mesure du déroulement
des interventions envisagées.
Je vous remercie au nom de mes collègues du Bénin, du Niger et de la
Gambie.
Notes
1
2
Programme financé par le Programme des Moyens d’Existence Durables dans la pêche FAO/DFID
Source: Etude sur le profil genre de la communauté de pêche du village de Kétonou. Version
provisoire, page 21.
3
OCB = Organisation Communautaire de Base
172
WOMEN ATTAINING FINANCIAL CREDIT IN
MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS: PERSPECTIVES FROM
LAKE VICTORIA BASIN, TANZANIA
Modesta Medard
Fisheries Community Officer, WWF/EAME,
P.O.Box 63117 Dar Es Salaam Tanzania. modentara@hotmail.com,
modesta_medard@yahoo.co.uk, mmedard@wwftz.org
ABSTRACT
In Tanzania, women account for 51% of the population. This is an important
resource to acknowledge for development in any sector of the economy.
Women, however, have been facing difficulties competing with men in the tight
labour markets of both the modern and traditional sectors partly as a result of
women’s poor educational background and the generally negative cultural
practices that exclude women from certain areas of production. This situation is
also reflected in the fisheries sector, which is an important source of livelihoods
for the poor and marginalised people.
The participation of women in micro enterprises is increasing and one reason
for this is the growing competition for resources in the fisheries sector as a result
of declining resources. The increase is partly as a result of economic crises and,
consequently both men and women feel the impact, although women tend to feel
it more. This is so because in fishing communities most men’s income does not
benefit the household adequately.
Because of the pressure that women face in meeting their family’s subsistence
they are put under additional pressure to involve themselves in micro enterprises
and thus become involved with finance institutions. However, financial
conditions, seasonality of businesses and men’s control over financial resources
and household assets are a constraint. This paper highlights the opportunities
and constraints women face in obtaining credit from microfinance institutions.
Key words: Fishing communities, women and micro financing
1. Introduction
Fisheries are an important source of food, local and foreign currency in
Tanzania. The per capita fish consumption in the country is around 12.5 g for a
population of 35 million people. Furthermore, among traditional exports it is a
leader in foreign exchange earnings. Recently, Nile perch and dagaa export
sales have increased from 28,379.34 tonnes in 1997 valued at T.Shs. 36.5 billion
to 38.286.8 tonnes in 2001 valued at T.Shs. 88.6 billion (Mapunda, 2003) and
have created significant employment in areas of fishing, transporting and
trading/processing. The resources of Lake Victoria benefit not only the
AKTEA CONFERENCE
neighbouring countries but also European markets. The fisheries resources are
undoubtedly among the most valued in terms of food security, employment and
economic development.
Lake Victoria is the second largest fresh water lake in the world, covering an
area of about 69, 000 km2. The Lake is shared by three countries namely;
Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Of the total area, Tanzania has 51%, Uganda 43%
and Kenya 6%. The shared nature and size of the lake makes the management of
the lake resources difficult and challenging.
The fishery of the lake has historically undergone a major shift in species
composition, catch rates, consumption and trading patterns. After realising the
importance of the fish trade, the government of Tanzania banned the export of
whole fish and stimulated investments in fish processing factories through
incentive packages such as tax holidays and remission of import duties and sales
tax on capital equipment. With such growing economic opportunities, the local
population is facing a number of challenges to meet the competitive situation in
terms of acquisition of capital for small scale fish businesses and livelihoods.
Savings and credit arrangements are some of the livelihood strategies
undertaken by Lake Victoria fishing communities through their traditional local
institutions, Micro Credit Funding Organisations (MCFO) and Micro Financial
Institutions (MFI-Banks). This paper summarises findings from focus group
interviews, individual in depth interviews and questionnaire surveys with
relevant institutions, which were conducted between May-July, 2003.
The paper outlines the challenges and opportunities faced by these institutions
and fishers communities. The paper emphasises the position of disadvantaged
groups particularly women in trying to realise livelihoods through financial and
social capital.
2. The savings and credits opportunities for Lake Victoria fishing
communities
2.1 The rural and urban poor traditional saving and credit systems
Generally in all surveyed communities, credit and loaning opportunities to
both rural and urban fish trading communities is an exception rather than the
norm. This is so because the credit, available to low income communities and
more so to the rural population who are the majority, is minimal. Most women
considered it an impossibility to obtain credit especially from banks. Several
time the following statements are made by women groups: ”We hear there are
credit arrangements but for us this is a new thing and difficult to get. Credits are
for big people who are better off”. The women groups said they also hear that
there are women in urban areas who get loans but they never have access.
Because of the urgent need for credit, and the difficulties associated with
obtaining credit from banks, rural communities have set up their own informal
credit systems such as the ifogong’o, wana nzengo and upatu-merry go round.
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(a) Ifogong’o: It is a revolving fund system, similar to Rotational Savings and
Credit Associations (RSCA). It is normally practiced by the Sukuma-wana
1
2
nzengo and supervised by Sungusungu group’ and is common among the
Sukuma tribe around the eastern and southern lake basin. It is a Traditional
Revolving Credit System (TRCS) whereby money is made available for
borrowing under strict repayment conditions and sometimes high interest rate.
For instance, some ifogong’o groups operate at 15% interest rate. Members of
Ifogong’o loans were men more than women. This is because of traditions and
situations where the male head of the household restricts the spouse in taking
part in the Ifogong’o and also because of the high interest rates charged. The
system has traditionally favoured men. Women who managed to take part have
been mainly female-headed households and where often involved in local brew
3
processing and other small businesses. What is interesting is there were very
few defaulters under the ifogong’o arrangement due to the fact that defaulters
were subjected to exclusion from communities’ assistance when facing
problems such as funerals, illness and so on.
(b) Upatu Merry-go-round: This type of credit and lending institution has
been growing significantly in urban and rural areas using social mobilisation and
through rotational savings or ‘merry-go-round’. It is a communal savings
practice common among urban women and has now spread to the rural areas.
Consultations with fishers’ communities revealed that the demand for credit was
generally high. Women appeared to be in dire need more than men and in an
effort to solve financial problems, women commonly use ‘merry-go-rounds’
locally known as upatu, a kind of Interest Free Revolving Fund (IFRF) for
‘survival economics’ to offer emergency ‘consumption loans’ needed by many
of the rural and urban poor to meet seasonal and short-term needs such as
payments for health services or other economic crises. Women, more than men,
combine sources of credit and loan system despite the high interest rates and
prohibitive conditions. Being poor as they were, they could not always qualify
for MFIs credits.
2.2 The Micro Credit Funding Organisations (NGOs and CBOs)
(c) Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and Community Based
Organisations (CBOs): NGOs and CBOs have also ventured into savings and
credit schemes and gained popularity with communities due to their flexibility,
fairer conditions and other advantages of their formal and informal group
organisation compared to those of banks. It is also important to note that in
Tanzania, the law does not prevent financial institutions from choosing areas of
operations. As a consequence the poorest are always the victims and frequently
left out. The following are examples of NGO financing institutions (MCFIs)
operating in the Lake Victoria basin, Tanzania.
(i) Tanzania Micro Entrepreneurship Association (TAMEA): This is an NGO
situated in Mwanza and operates both in urban and rural areas. During the study,
174
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there were about 50 fish traders who benefited under TAMEA; of those, 70%
were women and 30% were men. The loan amount set for small-scale
4
entrepreneurs ranged from T.Shs. 50,000.00-3,000,000.00 with 15% interest
rate and six-month Pay Back Period (PBP). The loans to fish traders were based
on fish seasonality which was set during the peak period for Nile perch and
5
dagaa production. Crop harvesting seasons which allow trade-off of fish and
other varieties of products were also considered. It was reported that during crop
harvesting season fish traders got more profit than fish production peak periods.
This confirms Gibbons (1995) report on marketing chain for dagaa in Tanzania
as well as Medard and Geheb (2002), Medard’s (2003), studies in Nile perch
trends and the role of women in fishing. It was reported that, training of clients
in book-keeping, marketing, planning, costing, relationship between groups and
individuals contributed to TAMEA’s success.
TAMEA issues loans to groups of five people after defining their
characteristics and each individual contributes 8% of the loan requested as
‘Loan Security Fund’ (LSF). Thereafter the group splits into 2:3. The first week
loan is issued to 2 people (T.Shs.100, 000.00) and the second week loan is
issued to 3 people (T.Shs. 150, 000, 00). In this case, each will pay T.Shs.
4,000.00 as ‘LSF’ and interest rate of 15% is remitted weekly. The loan
requirement considers; group formation, application fees and initial instalment.
(ii) Mwanza Women Development Association (MUWADA): MUWADA is
one of the prominent credit and lending institutions NGO in Mwanza. Their loan
is based on ‘group guarantee’ due to the lack of assets and other properties by
the majority of its members. Their activity focuses on disadvantaged women,
who are trying to obtain livelihoods through micro-enterprises. Their major loan
6
requirements are: organized groups, ownership of business and down payment.
If the group is big enough, they allow ‘individual loans’ by advising the group to
have a loan revolving fund in which the participants lend each other based on
their constitution. The upper limit has been increasing from time to time as a
result of competition from other NGOs.
A description of how the Group Guarantee Loans system operates by
MUWADA is given below:
1. Premise: (a) Group formation in 2:2:3 (b) the last group comprise of the
chairperson, secretary and treasurer (they receive loans last)
2. Assumptions: Paying Tshs. 10,000.00 weekly is more difficult but is much
easier if one pays Tshs. 1,000.00.
3. Financial conditions: (a) The 4th week savings is mobilized - T.Shs.
1,000.00 x 7x 4 = T.Shs. 28,000.00 (b) The loan per client was T.Shs. 50,000.00
disbursed after the 5th week to one group (table, 1). (d) A down payment of 25%
is done (e) interest rate between 25%-30 % (d) repayment to start after the 6th,
11th and 16th weeks for the first two groups (e) loan duration is 25 weeks with
interest payment of T.Shs. 300.00 weekly (f) the last group was for the leaders.
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4. Loan Disbursement Operations: Stage 1: Groupings 2:2:3, Stage 2:
Training during the first 4 weeks, Stage 3: Disbursement of the 1st loan of T.Shs.
100,000 after the 5th week with a required deposit (down payment) being in
place.
Group
1st
2nd
3rd
Week
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
.
n
Deposit
T.Shs...
7000
14000
21000
28000
35000
42000
49000
56000
63000
70000
77000
84000
91000
98000
105000
133000
Loan
T.Shs...
100000
96000
92000
88000
84000
10000+80000
96000+6000
92000+7200
88000+68000
84000+64000
150000+80000+60000
144000+76000+56000
Principal
Repayment
4000
8000
12000
16000
20000
28000
36000
44000
52000
60000
74000
Interest
Payment
600
1200
1800
2400
3000
4200
5400
6600
7800
9000
11000
Total
Repay
4600
9200
13800
18400
23000
32200
41400
50600
60800
69000
851000
Table 1: Example of MUWADA GGL 2:2:3 Disbursement Systems
It is important to mention that the GGL system could be adopted to increase
the capital base for small scale fish dealers especially for women due to its
simplicity and minimum risk.
2.2.1 Important issues for credit and loaning procedures for small scale
entrepreneurship: Lessons from NGOs and CBOs
1. NGOs and CBOs have to invest more on preparation stages and gender
based education before issuing loans if possible conduct research using
PRAs methodologies to assess the needs of the people.
2. A special study should be carried out to investigate intra-household
resource control and decision-making before credit is disbursed.
3. Training should be set for family members (father, mother and adult
children) before issuing loan to impart transparency, ‘family
understanding and accountability’ and therefore responsibility over
secured funds.
4. Regular monitoring of the activities in the field sites is strongly
recommended so as to gauge success or problems early enough.
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5. For the poor credits and loans are for short-term business gains and not
livelihood sustainability.
6. When women fail to payback the loan as a result of men’s interference
they do not reveal it.
7. Lack of transparency may cause divorce due to assets confiscation in
failing to pay the loan.
8. Both men and women should involve one another throughout the loan and
business process because sometimes women are alleged to get the money
from other men-friends.
9. Business and its seasonality should be assessed to avoid loan defaulters.
10. Establish area-zoning of clients to enhance out-reach services and lessen
loan recovery costs.
11. Investigate on proper time to issue loan due to business vulnerability and
dependency on natural resources.
12. Demand for loan is always high, but ceiling should be set to avoid loss.
13. If the wife is asking for a loan, find out if the husband is a drunkard to
avoid conflicts over money. Otherwise there is high possibility of the
money being spent foolishly.
14. Financial secrecy is both a bane and a boost to women’s business;
family/partners’ lives should be investigated. E.g Some men stop
supporting their families and leave the burden to women after realizing
their wives have acquired loans.
15. Find out if the project proposed is: separate and secret, joint, separate
depending on the situation (irresponsible/drunkard partner) or joint but the
man is the ultimate decision maker.
16. Mobile-business loan clients such as hawkers and itinerant traders, locally
known as ‘wamachinga’, are risky. The risk applies to fish traders and
processors from Islands.
In addition, NGOs mentioned general factors which make poor people fail in
loan repayments. Others were: lack of transparency, ignorance in separating
business income and other expenditures, lack of business and leadership skills,
husbands/partner interference and extended families as secret loans attainment
and mobile small business failure to make remittances.
2.3 Micro Financial Institutions (MFIs) Examples from NMB and CRDB
(a) The National Micro Finance Bank (NMB): During the study, CRDB dealt
with individuals with business with due consideration that ‘the poor had no
7
money or big asserts’. Simple asserts such as tables, chairs, houses were
considered. The loan ceiling was between T.Shs. 50,000.00-1.5 million with Pay
Back Period (PBP) of 6-12 months. The interest rate was 2.5% (flat) per month
and 0.5% refund was given for the loan paid before maturity to encourage
‘disciplined funds management’. However, special cases such as illness and
death were considered.
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A concern was raised by fisher communities of the need for outreach banks
services. Bankers mentioned several reasons against this arrangement. (i)
robbery, insecurity and piracy (ii) less monitoring, control and surveillance (iii)
fishery seasonality (iv) high follow up costs e.g. running a car (v) road and water
accessibility is poor (vi) water transport is risky and expensive (vii) fish markets
are in urbanised area (viii) migration nature of fishers (ix) need for training in
safety at sea and disaster preparedness. It was found, however, that NMB
accepted contracts-‘agency out reach services’ and all variable costs were borne
by agents.
NMB officials mentioned a number of loan requirements such as:
Box 1: National Micro Finance Bank: Some initial loan requirements
1. The client should be 18 years and above and mentally fit person
2. Must be having a business license.
3. Must be able to answer questions from loan officers
4. Must be operating the business not less than 12 months
5. Must be having durable assets and business premises (own or renting)
(Source: Manager and credit officer interview, 28.5.2003 - NMB-Mwanza )
(b) Cooperative Rural Development Bank (CRDB): This bank dealt with
‘micro finance credits’ through Savings and Credits Cooperatives Societies
(SACCOS). During the study visit, the CRDB in Mwanza had identified 22
SACCOS dealing in various business undertakings including fish processing and
trading. About 60 clients were individual male fish traders and members of
SACCOS (Mshote, pers. comm). Various initial requirements were considered
for credits and loaning such as:
Box 2: Cooperative Rural Development Bank (CRDB): Some initial loan
requirements
1. The client should be 18 years old but not very old (e.g 80 years).
2. Maximum period is 12 month more will depend on type and nature of
business.
3. Interest rates minimum was 12% negotiations depend on the amount.
4. The maximum rate is calculated based on risk factors, security of the
loan, duration of the client/customer.
5. Interest rates are paid monthly and charged based on outstanding
amount
(Source: Mshote, person comm. 29.5.2003).
From the experience of the two banks in Tanzania, it is obvious that the
system is in favour of men rather than women. This is because, in the African
setting, the head of the household controls assets used as collateral. In addition
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men control all the good sources of income such as land, cash crop farms and
animals (cow, goats etc). In this case, a woman cannot dare to start a business
and ask for a loan without the husband’s permission. As a result, the type, nature
and development potential of businesses requiring capital and loans are
controlled by men.
2.3.1 Important issues for credit and loaning procedures to small scale
entrepreneurs: Lessons from Bankers
NMB and CRDB officials indicated several factors which should be
considered before issuing loans to their clients.
1.Allow business to be established by the people asking for loans. Do not
impose idea on where to invest. The responsibility of the bank should be
to issue capital only.
2.Let the client learn the hard ways of the business-the failures and
successes.
3.Loan seekers should have financial committed behaviour with long term
investment.
4.Business should not be changed subject to loan (loan should be free and
fair).
5.Strategise on how to assist clients to improve/start the business e.g
training.
6.People who ask for a loan for one business and invest in a completely
different business should be avoided (investment diversion to other
businesses).
7.Issuance of business licenses should be strictly followed. Avoid fake
documents.
8.Establish seasons/period for loan repayment difficulties due to weather,
market vulnerability and poor infrastructure. Also make strict followups.
9.Establish legal and enforceable contract documents before issuing loan.
10. Practice transparency and operational fairness e.g all copies given to
clients.
11. Trains credit and loan officers to avoid failures in administering private
or public funds.
12. Provide incentives to loan officers, in terms of promotions, awards
according to their achievement in loan recovery. (Source: NMB and
CRDB Bank officials, Mwanza)
3. Preferred credits and loan channels by fishing communities
Having observed the savings and loan systems operated by traditional
systems, bank and NGOs, Fishers communities were asked which systems they
preferred and why? They were also asked how loans and credits should be
channelled. The main identified channels could be grouped into three categories
namely:
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1.Individual loans: It is a type of loan given to individuals by MFI,
traditional lending system and MCFOs.
2.Individual loans given after formation of group-e.g Group Guarantee Loan
(GGL): a group is taken as a guarantor. Individual members make the
loan repayment follow-ups themselves common to MCFOs.
3.Group organized loan: Loan given to a group as a separate entity. E.g a
well-organized group which has various group projects. This is common
to MCFOs.
During discussions, two possible alternatives were proposed namely: credit to
individuals and combined (groups and individuals). Table 2 presents the
findings
Interviewed groups
category
Fish landing beaches
Male group (n=7)
Female group (n=5)
Urban groups
Male group (n=6)
Female group (n=4)
MFI and MFCOs
Both men & women (n=8)
Total Groups
Channel:
Individuals (1)
Channel to
Group (2)
Combined
(1+2)
4
1
1
1
2
3
3
1
0
1
3
2
2
11
0
3
6
17
Table 2: Fishing communities preferred credit channels (Source: Field study, 2003)
The issue of disbursing the credit through the village Governments was
rejected by all groups interviewed. They referred to past experiences, one being
8
the failure of village owned cooperatives existed during ujamaa settlement
schemes. These made some village communities poorer, and debt ridden.
Community members preferred a combination of individual and group credits
55% (17). Male groups preferred individual credits while female groups
preferred combined systems (table, 2). Women confirmed that although each of
them had individual businesses to operate, there were no alternatives for them
except to form groups and get individual loans within it. They mentioned the
following advantages in forming the group other than loan facilitation:
1. Certain tasks could be performed through a combination of efforts of
individuals working together. Through experience and expertise they
had a shared knowledge.
2. The group provides companionship, a source of mutual
understanding and support from fellow group members. It helps to
ease stressful and demanding working condition.
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3. The group provides the individual with a sense of belonging and
identity.
4. The group provides protection in the sense that they collaborate to
protect group interests from outside pressures and threats such as
husband interference.
In addition to the above advantages, there were also strengths and weakness
mentioned in respect of disbursing credits to individuals and groups (Table 3
and 4).
Strengths for individuals credits
-Accountability is valued.
-More responsible, greater efficiency and
perfection.
-Greater strive and high probability of
repayment.
-Easier to meet loan conditions.
-No cheating/theft.
-Freedom to operate business.
-Borrows according to ones ability.
-Serious supervision of the project
because of ‘my property’ attitude.
-Easier to supervise and control.
-Takes precautions against losses in order
to promote business.
-Strives for profit, which brings progress.
-Provides greater opportunity for learning
for those who like progress.
- Has zeal for creating strategies.
Strength for group credits
-Gives opportunities for cross-fertilization of
ideas and assistance.
-Easier to perform activities which require
more than one person.
-Generates employment for youth.
-Joint effort and possibility for more
realization.
-Possible for individual members to borrow
from groups.
-Prevents handling of small accounts and
reduces cheating.
-Individual activities can be undertaken
within the group.
-Greater possibility of actual reporting about
use of funds.
-Group constitutions guide the business
operations.
-Repayment guaranteed and activities
continue even if one is absent or dies.
-Easy to visit project areas and monitor
progress.
-Planning is made easier.
- Enhance joint supervision and saves time
constraints.
-Easy to visit and collect credit repayment.
-Cross-checking is possible and confirmed.
-Co-management for efficiency is possible.
-Loan recovery costs is minimized.
-Men interference is avoided due to group
ownership.
Table 3: Identified strengths for individual and group credits
In discussion with women, they mentioned a number of difficulties faced by
small business people and some additional difficulties ‘if you are poor and a
woman’. Normally banks are of the opinion that poor people are not
creditworthy. They do not own anything and therefore cannot offer any security.
Another issue was that most MCFIs were located in urban centres and did not
reach the majority of the poor. The people living in the rural villages did not
have the time and money to travel to where the loans were. Another reason
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181
given by MFI was that, the costs of managing numerous amounts of small
money are high. All these factors prohibit women access to small capitals.
Individual weaknesses
-Migration causes loan defaulters.
-Greater risk in urban due to high
mobility.
-Minimum amount is always small.
-Seasonality of fish business may
cause loan defaulters.
-Recovery costs are high (visiting)
-Husband/men interference is easy.
Group weaknesses
-Delays in decisions and application
of efficient investment due to joint
decision process.
-No one feels fully responsibleattitude of dependency.
-Difficult in meeting conditions.
-Higher
probability
of
tricky
members.
-Preparation stage is costly.
-Group mixing is some how forceful
Table 4: Identified weakness for individual and group credit
It is important to note that, in the African setting especially in rural and suburban areas, husbands rarely contribute to the welfare of the households.
Women get occasional sources of income from them and as a result the majority
of women rely on their own income. This could be one of the explanations why
some women are turning to business through credit arrangements all year round
in cyclic fashion. While money was being secured from one MCFOs, another
was applied for paying to a different organisation. However, funds available did
not suffice their loan requirements.
4. Conclusion and recommendations
The women fish dealers in Lake Victoria mostly operate in low-growth and
the traditional sector. The majority of their involvement is small, and homebased with accompanying low revenue. They tend to remain micro due to family
obligations and cultural barriers that restrict their time and place. Women’s lack
of power in the households, combined with their lack of capital, technology,
business skills, exposure, markets and time all add up to low profits and low
business growth rates. The small-scale nature of their businesses dooms them to
small-scale income-generation in perpetuity. Sustainable credit system, which
would reduce the interest rate burden to rural and urban fish communities, is
highly needed. This will provide an opportunity for many women to borrow and
at the same time force them to save and purchase improved fishing gears,
processing equipment and construction of storage facilities. It is evident that,
without credit it is not possible for women to improve their activities and they
will remain poor or even get poorer.
It is important to establish a gender focused credit system, which will not
only look at the client’s ability to pay, but the prosperity of the livelihood of the
woman and the family. It is highly recommended for MCFOs to consider ‘rural
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AKTEA CONFERENCE
economics’ and design programs, which consider how they could improve the
lives of poor families through credit arrangements.
This paper provides lessons to international and local MFIs on ways in which
the poor and especially poor women can be placed in better financial positions.
It is important to direct more effort and to create greater incentives to those
MFIs working in rural areas and particularly in the areas where the poor and
vulnerable groups are to be found.
5. References
Mapunda, R. “Dhana ya kuwapa uwakala vikundi vya usimamiaji wa rasilimali
ya uvuvi” (An agenda for contracting revenue collection activity to Beach
Management Units) Paper presented at the National Workshop on Fisheries
management, 22-23, May, 2003. Ziwa Victoria. 2003
Medard, M. `The Nile perch processing industry in Tanzania: Trends, issues and
development´, African Journal of Tropical Hydrobiology and Fisheries.
Vol.10 no: 71-88, 2003
Medard, M. & Geheb, K. "We do fish as women’s groups and individuals´:
Perspectives from Lake Victoria", Paper presented at the Workshop on
Gender, Fisheries and Aquaculture in Brussels, 9-10th Dec. 2002
Gibbons, P.`The Poor Relation. A political economy of the marketing chain for
dagaa in Tanzania´, Center for Development Research Paper ( CDR) no.
97.2, 1995
Mshote CRDB credit officer, Personal communication. Mwanza Branch
(27.5.2003)
Mtagonda, L. Executive Director, MUWADA-MWANZA, Personal
communication, (26.5.2003)
The Manager NMB –Mwanza Branch. (28.5.2003).
TAMEA-An interview was held with the Executive Director on 30th May 2003
Acknowledgement:
The Author gratefully acknowledges the provision of valuable data and information from
all MFIs, MCFOs, group organisations and individuals; otherwise this work would not have
been possible. Thanks for WWF/Eastern Africa Marine Ecoregion (EAME) leader for
encouragement and allowing time for this paper while newly joined the organisation. I remain
solely responsible for the errors and omissions made herein.
x
*
+
5
x
*
x
*
+
5
x
*
2
x
*
2
*
x
x
x
x
x
x
*
*
*
x
x
x
2
+
+
+
5
3
3
4
*
*
x
+
*
*
x
*
*
+
1
5
2
*
x
*
+
5
*
+
3
+
3
*
*
x
*
*
*
*
+
*
*
x
3
3
2
x
x
x
*
*
*
3
2
1
x
x
*
*
*
3
2
Husbands for married women
Group guarantor for individual group
members (GGL)
Should have tangible asserts
Consider well managed ‘women group’
as self guarantor
5. Utilization: proposed mechanism
Should be used for what was requested
for
Monitoring and follow-ups is needed
6. Repayment: proposed mechanism
Set grace period before repayment
There should be enough period for
repayment
Disbursed and repaid on instalment
Disbursed on instalment, repaid on
small instalments
Small amount of interest rate
No interest rates for rural people
Female
Female
*
Lending conditions
Criteria
Fish Urban
lending fish
beaches traders
Male
Male
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AKTEA CONFERENCE
Female
Female
1. Individual qualities
Should be trustworthy and capable of
repaying the loan
She/he should be trustworthy and have
one guarantor.
She/he should be permanent resident of
the place
Her/his past history should be known
(hard working)
Provides genuine personal information
(confirm)
Should have fixed asserts as guarantor
She/he should have bank account
Progress should be monitored
For someone without asserts should be
in GGL
Zeal and vision for development
Age: women 20 and men 35 years
2. Group qualities: proposed criteria
Should have bank account
Should guarantee itself
Operated for more than 1yr and
certified by village
Manageable group size, homes known
3. Gender qualities: proposed criteria
Consider women trustworthy and not
possession of asserts
Consider youth from 18 years
4. Guarantors: proposed criteria
Sub –village, village based on the
borrowers reputation
His/her relatives, friends
Committed village leaders
Beach Management Units (BMUs)
based in that particular beach
Individual person financially strong
Should have bank account
Bankers/
Total
professionals scores
Male
Lending conditions
Criteria
Fish Urban
lending fish
beaches traders
184
Male
183
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x
x
*
x
*
*
*
*
x
*
Bankers/
Total
professionals scores
+
+
3
5
*
*
+
3
2
*
+
3
*
+
3
x
*
*
x
x
*
*
x
x
*
*
x
x
*
*
x
*
*
x
x
*
*
3
4
+
4
5
4
3
Appendix 1: Table 5: Proposed affordable credit and lending conditions to
fisher communities Source: Field study.
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Notes
1
Village members
Traditional vigilante group
A business which is seen to be profitable and stable in rural as well as urban centers. Female
heads of households were mainly single mothers.
4
Approximately US $ 50 – 3,000
5
A type of fresh water sardine commonly used for animal feed production but also an important
source of protein for humans.
6 Mtagonda, L. pers. comm. 26.5.2003
2
3
7
8
with or without title deed
This was a communal way of life where by the basic resources for the economy were shared
among members of the community. Private sector and privatisation was discouraged.
188
THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN NORWEGIAN FISH FARMING
Liv Toril Pettersen and Gry Agnete Alsos
Nordland Research Institute
AKTEA CONFERENCE
production and on production of fish for food, and did not include slaughtering,
processing, marketing or sales. Our main target was salmon and trout farming,
but we also have some data from farming of other marine species and shellfish.
2. Background – The Norwegian aquaculture industry
Abstract
The presentation focuses on the role of women in Norwegian fish farming
industry. The industry is growing fast, and is today considered as one of the
most expansive industries in Norway. Fish farming has always been a strongly
male dominated industry, and even today very few women take part of its
expansion, either as employees, managers, board members or owners.
The main questions in the presentation concern the development during the
last ten years regarding the number of women in various positions in the
industry, and possible reasons for this development, as well as the situation for
women in the industry today. We will also discuss feasible strategies for
increasing the number of women in fish farming for the future.
1. Introduction
Norwegian fish farming industry is growing fast, and is today considered as
one of the most expansive industries in Norway. Fish farming has developed
from being a traditional rural industry consisting of several small family
businesses to become a modern industry including an increasing number of
larger companies. The production has grown considerably despite regulations. In
1989, the production of salmon and trout was 120 000 tons, while it was 460
000 tons in 1999 (Søfteland 2001). In 2000, Norway was the eighth-largest fish
farming nation in the world, with a production of 488 000 tons, and the world’s
largest producer of salmon and trout (SSB 2001).
Fish farming has always been a strongly male dominated industry, and even
today very few women take part in its expansion, either as employees,
managers, board members or owners. In Norway equal opportunity for men and
women is the accepted norm. However, one of the largest challenges regarding
gender equality is the strongly gender divided labor market. Low women
participation in the expansive fish farming industry is one of the tasks to be
solved in this aspect.
This paper will discuss the development of women employment, during the
1990s, in Norwegian fish farming industry and their current position. Feasible
strategies for increasing the number of women in fish farming in the future will
be addressed.
The paper will draw on a study which was based on official statistics about
Norwegian fish farmers in the period 1994 to 1999, data gathered through a
postal survey among fish farmers and 30 in-depth interviews with women and
men in the industry carried out in 2000. The study focused on fry and fingerling
The Aquaculture Act of 1973 regulated the establishment of Norwegian fish
farming. It was an explicit strategy in this Aquaculture Act that fish farming
should generate jobs in areas with poor employment opportunities, and
contribute to maintenance of the population pattern. Fish farming should
contribute to regional economic development, aiming at locally controlled and
operated businesses. Until 1973 it was free access to establish fish farms. Then
salmon and trout farming became regulated by licenses. Since then the access to
fish farming has been strictly restricted.
According to the Aquaculture Act of 1981, fish farms should have local
majority ownership and it was not possible for a person to have a majority
owner-interest in more than one farm. In 1985 the legislation concerning smolt
production was loosened, and it was allowed to increase the fish farm’s
production volume from 8 to 12000m3. In 1991, the Aquaculture Act was
liberalised, and the claim for local ownership and majority owner-interest in
only one farm was revoked. This indicated a political and ideological shift, from
local control, regionally development and small-scale production to commercial
business development, profitability and market adjustment (Spjelkavik 1996).
From the beginning fish farming in Norway consisted of several small farms,
many of them family businesses with local ownership (Holm et al. 1990). Fish
farming was to a large degree a traditional rural industry where work
organisation was embedded in the household, wider family and the community,
similar to farming and inshore fishing in Northern Norway. The central unit of
production was the household and the family. The family owned the business, a
member of the family was manager and the employees were usually family
members, relatives or neighbours. Fish farming was not only an occupation or a
source of income, but also a way of living. The owner was usually involved in
all kind of work, from feeding of the fish to accounting and sales (Spjelkavik
1992).
In the beginning of the 1990s the Norwegian aquaculture industry was
marked by a crisis. Overproductions, collapse in the market and fish diseases
resulted in a large number of bankruptcies. The crises became even worse when
the Fish Farmers‘ Sales Organisation (FOS)1 went bankrupt in 1991. Together
with liberalisation in licence regulation and increasing capital requirements, this
led to a restructuring process in the industry. The ownership structure changed
dramatically during the 1990s. The licences became concentrated to fewer and
larger companies. The concentration was in the beginning regionally based, and
the horizontal integration in the industry was spread on many companies. This
led to a more diverse industry, with both small and large companies. Companies
with five licences or more controlled more than 53 percent of the licences in
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189
1998 (Berge and Bjarnar 1998). At the end of the 1990s the horizontal and
vertical integration in the industry has increased extensively, and a large and
increasing proportion of the Norwegian licences are now controlled by a
relatively small number of owners. The situation in 2001 was that companies
with five licences or more controlled 65 percent of the licences. The ten largest
companies with 15 licences or more owned 41 percent of the licences for
farming of edible fish (Alsos et al. 2003).
The fish farming industry has also been modernised and professionalized.
From being a new industry based on experience, informal knowledge,
experiments and simple, and low technology, it became an established industry,
which is capital intensive, based on modern technology and formal knowledge.
There are now more wage earners and fewer self employed. Most of the
employees are engaged in full-time jobs while part time and seasonal
employment has been reduced. The working conditions have been improved
with regular working hours, regulated shift, overtime payment, etc. Modern
technology has made fish farming more efficient, and this has led to a reduction
in employees in the industry, especially in farming of fish for food. While
farming and processing earlier was closely integrated, it has now been more
separated. Today processing is concentrated to fewer and bigger processing
plants (Berge and Bjarnar 1998).
The Norwegian fish farming industry experienced a golden era from 1997 to
2000 with high prices in the market of salmon and increased profits. From 2001
the prices of salmon have fallen dramatically, resulting in loss of profits and a
new crisis with many bankruptcies. As a result the concentration and integration
have increased, and focus on efficiency and cost reductions have become even
stronger in the industry.
3. Women’s position in fish farming
Fish farming has always been a strongly male dominated sector. The pioneers
in the industry were mainly men, and many of the employees where recruited
from traditional fisheries which have always been male dominated.
The division of labour in fish farming, as in traditional fishing, is gendered.
Women have worked in processing, while men more often have worked in
primary production. Traditional “women tasks” has been slaughtering,
processing, administration (accounting, as secretaries etc.) and cleaning.
Men usually owned, managed and worked at fish farms (Røst 1986, Sandberg
1983), but there are exceptions of women who have worked at ongrowing farms
and have been managers or entrepreneur. Women in fish farming have worked
part time and have had seasonal employment to a larger degree than men. In
1985 the percentage of women in primary production was 20% and in 1999 was
reduced to 13% (Alsos and Pettersen 2001).
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100 %
2,2 %
7,6 %
3,6 %
26,5 %
80 %
60 %
40 %
20 %
0%
Employees Employees Top manager
Fish for food
Fry &
Fingerling
Head of
board
Figure 1. Percentage of women in different employment positions in
Norwegian fish farming in 1999
There is a greater percentage of women employed in fry and fingerling
production than in farming of fish for food. This difference seems to be related
to the different types of work in these to two different forms of production.
Farming of fish for food is associated with physical strength and practical
mechanical skills such us manoeuvring a boat, making fast the netpen, operating
cranes and etc. Everything that may be associated with physical strength and
mechanical skills is given masculine qualities (Brandt 2001). This means that
farming of fish for food is looked upon as a typical masculine occupation. Fry
and fingerling production is associated with caring, accuracy and patience.
These are regarded as typical feminine qualities. Women are viewed as better
than men at taking care of the fry and fingerling, the “babies”. This production is
also conducted ashore. You do not need to know how to operate a boat and you
do not have to go out at sea in all kind of weather.
Farming of fish for food and fry and fingerling production demands different
competences. In farming of fish for food informal and practical skills are
needed, while in fry and fingerling production more technically advanced and
more formally acquired skills are desired. Women seldom have the practical and
informal competency required for farming of fish for food. It is easier for them
to acquire formal competency.
The figure shows that few women are top managers in fish farming
companies. It is usually only in family owned business that women are
represented in the board.
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64,2 %
60 %
32,5 %
40 %
20 %
0%
3,2 %
Companies
Men
Women
Figure 2. Ownership structure in Norwegian Fish Farming in 19992
As much as 85 percent of the licences are owned by companies without any
female owners. When women have ownership in fish farming companies they
usually have small equity interest and usually they are owners in small
companies.
Ownership is often important to become a member of a board or to get a job
as a manager in fish farming companies. Lack of ownership in fish farming
companies is therefore a hindrance for women to obtain other positions in the
industry.
30 %
Fry & Fingerling
20 %
Fish for food
10 %
0%
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Figure 3. The percentage of women employment in fish for food, and fry and
fingerling production 1994-1999
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The figure shows significant differences between farming of fish for food and
fry and fingerling production. The percentage of women employees has been
stable in fry and fingerling production, approximately 25% while it has been
reduced in farming of fish for food, from 15% in 1994 to 8% in 1999.
This reduction has several explanations but we will highlight two main
explanations. The first, which is the most important, is related to changes in the
fish farming industry, i.e. push factors and the second is related to pull factors.
Norwegian fish farming industry has undergone major changes during the
1990s. The industry has developed from consisting of several small family
businesses to that of a modern industry with larger companies. The industry has
also become more efficient and professional, and this has led to a reduction in
the number of employees. This reduction has been greatest among part time and
seasonal employees. These employees were usually women (Alsos and Pettersen
2001).
The structural changes in the industry have led to fewer family businesses and
this too has affected women’s positions. Small family businesses often have a
flexible organisation of work, and often all or most members of the household
are involved in the business (Baines and Wheelock 1998, Baines et al 2001,
Ljunggren et al 2000). A study from the 1980s found that 40% of the women
married to a fish farmer participated in the work at the fish farm, but this was
usually part-time commitment (Røst 1986). When the number of family
businesses was reduced during the 1990s, this contributed to a decrease of
women’s part-time work in the fish farming industry.
The second explanation is the improved opportunities for women in the
labour market in coastal areas. In the 1990s unemployment was reduced
nationally and in coastal areas. The public sector was still expanding in rural
areas in the1990s, and this created job opportunities for women, especially in
caring and social services (SSB 1998). This enticed women out of the marginal
jobs in the fish farming industry. Seasonal and part-time work in fish farming
often meant insecure income and inferior working conditions. Public sector
work often offered better working conditions and a secure and stable income.
Women had a choice of secure jobs in the public sector or the insecure jobs in
fish farming sector (Alsos and Pettersen 2001).
Women in coastal areas in Norway have always had an important role in
families business, such as fishing or farming (Fyhn 1992, Gerrard 1983, 1990,
Larsen 1980, Pettersen 1997). Women have combined work in the families
business, work as wage earners, childcare and domestic work, and they have
been flexible in their combination. They have worked in the business when they
were needed. In the beginning women efforts were required on the family fish
farms, but the restructuring of the industry has led to reductions in family
employment.
Many women still working in the industry have a strong desire to develop
their career within fish farming. These women consider fish farming as an
opportunity for an exciting career which satisfy their professional interests and
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193
desire for personal development. Many however still find themselves exposed to
distrust, conflicts and in a few cases exclusion from the industry mainly because
of their gender. The male dominance of the industry is considered a problem
both among the women and among many of the (male) industry leaders.
4. Why are there so few women in fish farming?
So far we have discussed reasons for the strong reduction of women
employment in Norwegian fish farming at the end of the 1990s. However,
women’s share of employees was low also in the beginning of the 1990, and it
has always been very low when it comes to ownership and managers. To
explanation why there are so few women in fish farming in the first place, we
need to look at other explanations than the above discussed.
Structural explanations are important to explain why there are so few women
in the fish farming industry. The Norwegian labour market is among the most
gender divided in Europe (Ellingsæter and Rubery 1997). Women and men are
working in different industries and they possess different occupations (Vikan
2000). Women, more often than men, work in the public sector, while men
working in private sector. Women are often in the service sector and in health
and caring jobs, while men are more often working in primary industry and in
secondary industry. Men and women also have different positions in the labour
market. A majority of management positions are occupied by men. This affects
what is looked upon as suitable jobs for a woman and what are suitable jobs for
a man. Certain industries, such as fish farming, are not among the natural
choices for women when they choose occupations. They are not among the
alternatives women choose from. Consequently, few women are looking for a
job in fish farming, and few women get an education within aquaculture,
especially when it comes to upper secondary education. The gender division of
the labour market is also reflected in a gender division in education.
Further, boys are being socialised into traditional fisheries and into fish
farming. The boys start working together with their father, grandfather, uncle or
friends in the industry, while the girls are being socialised to do other tasks
(Gerrard 1992, Jentoft and Wadel 1984).
Moreover, the industry’s image also contributes to masculine associations.
Fish farming is associated with physical strength and mechanical skills, you get
wet and cold and you have to go out at sea in all kinds of weather. This is work
for a “real man”. This image of the business does not attract most women. But
this “myth” of the business does not reflect the reality. The fish farming industry
have a great variety of jobs which demand different competences and skills. The
physical work has been much easier as modern technology has been introduced.
Today there are very few tasks, if any, that women are not able to manage
because of lack of physical strength (Alsos and Pettersen 2001).
Working conditions and working environment also seem to be important to
explain why there are so few women in fish farming. It has been little regular
working hours and much overtime work. It could be more difficult for women
194
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than men to combine work in fish farming and childcare, since it still is women
who have the main responsibility for children and housework. During the 1990s
this has changed to more stable regular working hours, shift work, etc. But the
working environment is still male dominated, and this could be a barrier for
women. Some women may not want to work in such a male dominated industry.
The last explanation is related to recruitment to the fish farming industry.
Mangers and employees in the industry look upon fish farming as typical male
work, and they consider certain tasks in the industry as more suitable for men
than women. It is especially production of fish for food that is considered as
better suited for men than women, while fry and fingerling production are more
suitable for women (Alsos and Pettersen 2001). These attitudes also influence
the recruitment to the industry. Recruitment to fish farming has often been
informal. Managers (usually men) have hired people they know (usually men) in
their community. Practical experience, especially from traditional fishing, has
been an important qualification, and very few women have such experiences.
Despite all the changes in the fish farming industry, the myth about the
industry as best suited for men still exists. Paradoxically, women are leaving the
industry at the same time as the work has become physically easier and more
large and “professional” companies lead to better working conditions and better
working opportunities for women. Today it is a variety of jobs that not demand
physical strength or experience from traditional fisheries.
5. A new industry – new possibilities for women?
The new industry of fish farming presented fresh opportunities for the
ideology of equal opportunities to be implemented. But instead of adopting this
modern ideology, fish farming has inherited the gender division of labour from
the traditional fisheries. We can find the same gender division and gendered
hierarchy of positions in fish farming as in traditional fishing. However, there is
also break with tradition in fish farming. The percentage of women employees
in production of fry and fingerling is higher than in many other male dominated
industries.
The increasing number of large and “professional” companies has given
women some new possibilities in fish farming. There are more jobs in
administration, and traditionally women have had such tasks also in male
dominated industries. But the increase in administrative jobs has not prevented
the general decrease in the percentage of women employees in the industry.
Many women educated in aquaculture sciences are working in public
administration, sales and marketing, research, education, finance and consulting
connected with the fish farming industry. Most of these new jobs are located in
in urban areas. This has led to a division of the labour market in the industry,
with the unskilled jobs in the rural areas and the jobs requiring competence and
higher education in the cities. To gain entry into fish farming, education has
been important for women. But as most job opportunities for women with an
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195
aquaculture education seem to be in a city, they do not return to the rural coastal
community. Women leaving rural areas create problems for rural development.
To create opportunities for women in fish farming in rural areas is a great
challenge. One of the challenges is to change the image of the industry from
being a typical male dominated industry to one that is attractive for both sexes.
In the end of this paper we discuss feasible strategies for increasing the number
of women in fish farming.
6. Feasible strategies for increasing the number of women in fish farming
To increase the number of women in fish farming is necessary to adopt
different strategies. Here these strategies will be discussed.
Setting the role of women on the agenda
Nothing will be achieved until leaders and board members of the industry and
companies regard women participation in the industry as important.
The supply of skilled and competent labour is a challenge in the industry
(Borch et al 1998, FFK 2000). Now that more women are being educated in
aquaculture it is opportune for the industry to recruit more women. In male
dominated industries women often become “invisible” as competent labour. It is
therefore important that leaders, board members and owners in fish farming
become aware of the importance of recruiting women.
The organisations and companies in the industry must play an import role in
setting the role of women on the agenda and the changes of attitudes in the
industry, but the Government should also be proactive. It is important to include
the role of women in political statements, reports to the Parliament, Royal
Propositions, political documents and plans.
Changing the image of the industry
It is necessary to put an end to the myth about fish farming as work for “real
men”. The image of the business does not attract most either women or men.
The myth maintains the idea that work in fish farming should be undertaken by
strong men, and this contributes to the exclusion of women.
It is important to highlight the variety of job opportunities in fish farming, the
type of competences required and to present a more accurate image of the fish
farming occupations.
Adjusting the working conditions in the industry
The industry needs to improve the working conditions (maternity and sick
leave, flexible working hours, etc…) to attract workers (men and women). It
must be possible to combine family life and the job. A better working
environment should attract skilled and competent labour. A majority of the
companies in the industry think that the working environment becomes better
when it has both men and women in the workplaces (Alsos and Pettersen 2001).
196
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Make women more visible in the industry
Fish farming is not an obvious choice for women. To make women in the
industry more visible and create role models could contribute making more girls
and women aware of the job opportunities in fish farming.
Women participation to training
When seeking jobs in fish farming, practical experience is still very
important. Women have to a lesser degree than men such relevant experiences,
even if they have the same education (Alsos and Pettersen 2001). To give
women relevant experience one effort could be cooperation between companies
and the educational system, for instance work placement for female students.
Companies could also be more proactive in their recruitment of women. They
could for instances visit colleges and universities and offer female student jobs.
Networking and improving women’s competence
It is important to create meeting places and network opportunities for women
in fish farming to maintain women in the industry. Improving women’s
competence could also have the same effect. Courses for women in shellfish
farming have been arranged by the “Fiskerinæringens kvinneutvalg”.
Special allocation of quota for licences for women
When new licenses are allocated, equal opportunity could be one of the
criteria used. Companies with female owners, with a female top manager, with a
majority of female shareholders, board members or employees should take
advantage of this and get easier access to new licenses.
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om kvinner rolle i oppdrettsnæringen. NF-rapport nr. 1/01.
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Havbruksnæringa fra et regionalt ståsted. Verdiskaping og utvikling i
tilknytning til lakseoppdrett i Nordland. NF-rapport nr. 7/03.
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Magnussen, T. Svenska social ock kommunalhögskolan vid Helsingfors
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Strukturendring, ledelse og kompetanse i norsk havbruk på 1990-tallet.
Rapport nr. 9806. Møreforskning, Molde. 1998
Borch, O. J. , Kjensli, B. og Pedersen, E., Norsk havbruksnæring mot år 2005 –
en analyse av fremtidige utfordringer og barrierer for videre vekst. NFrapport 14/1998, Nordlandsforskning, Bodø. 1998
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fra arbeidsgruppe utnevnt av Kirke- utdannings-, og forskningsdepartementet.
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Gerrard, S., "Fiskerkona som begrep og institusjon i samfunnsvitenskapelige
fiskeristudier" i "Svolvær-seminaret 1990". NIBR-notat 1990:137., 1990
Gerrard, Siri (red.) Skårunge, skoleelev eller arbeidssøker? Fiskeriforskning.
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oppdrettsnæring. Resultater fra en spørreskjemaundersøkelse. I Holm, Jentoft
og Steene: Norsk oppdrettsnæring ved inngangen til 90-årene. Et prosjekt for
kystkompetanseutvalget. Vedlegg til handlingsplan. Norges Fiskerihøgskole,
Universitetet i Tromsø 1990.
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Sysselsettingssystemer i fiskerinæringen. Oslo 1984
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kafebord. Trondheim 2000
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fiskerikrisen. Hovedoppgave i sosiologi. NTNU. Trondheim 1997
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kulturgeografisk serie, 16. Oslo 1986
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yrkeskombinasjon, arbeidsdeling og sosial endring." Tidsskrift for
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Fish Farmin in Herøy and the Western Isles, Resume Des, 1996. Paper AFI,
1996
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Oslo-Kongsvinger 2001
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Gerrard, S. og Balsvik, R. R. (red.): Globale kyster. Liv i endring - kjønn i
spenning. Kvinnforsk, Universitetet i Tromsø 1999
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Notes
1
From 1978 onwards, by applying the Fresh Fish Act to fish farming, The Fish Farmers` Sales
Organisation (FOS) were given a monopoly of the first-hand trade of farmed salmon in Norway. A
licence provided by FOS was required to purchase salmon from farms, and the sales organisation
also decided on minimum prices.
2
This figure shows the ownership structure in farming of fish for food. Most licences are owned
by companies, and most of them are limited companies. The figure shows the ownership in these
companies, and that most of the companies (64.2%) are owned by other companies.
200
A PARTICIPAÇÃO DA MULHER NA PESCA EM
MOÇAMBIQUE
Eulalia Vales
IDPPE – Institute for Development of Small- Scale Fisheries
Mozambique
AKTEA CONFERENCE
compreender as diferentes dimensões da sua participação, desenhar e orientar
melhor as intervenções. O enfoque, é a participação da mulher na pesca
artesanal em particular, mas procura-se estender a abordagem ao envolvimento
da mulher em todas actividades ligadas à vida sócio-económica da comunidade
como contribuição na produção alimentar, no abastecimento de produtos
pesqueiros, na economia familiar e na redução da pobreza absoluta no país. A
informação apresentada resulta de uma compilação de estudos e documentos do
sector pesqueiro de modo geral.
Abstract
The fish trade in Mozambique is an important activity as it plays a significant
role in the supply of fish products to the population and in the providing
incomes for several families. The participation of the woman in this activity is
significant but there are no studies referring to it. Besides (Moreover), there are
no attention/initiatives from the government and other organisations involved in
development to help them. In this context, a study were undertake to understand
and describe the woman place and constraints in this activity in order to draw
actions and interventions to help this group. This is a desk study supported by
field knowledge from the Institute for The Development of Small-Scale
Fisheries (IDPPE). It is focused in the following aspects: the socio-economical
conditions of the women, the mains products and technological environment,
constraints and opportunities, mains lines for action. It was found that the level
of involvement of women in the commercialization of fish products is different
from region to region, being more important in the south. Mainly these are
single or divorced women who are more concerned by the activity that has a
place in the livelihood, particularly in the education of the child. Also, the work
conditions are still poor as women have no financial and technical support and
appropriate equipment for good performing. This study recommend support to
the women in the organisational aspects, fish handling and processing training
and credits schemes for purchase small working material. It suggests that a pilot
intervention can be implemented in a specific area.
Introdução
Moçambique é um país costeiro, com uma vasta extensão de costa. A pesca
ocupa assim um lugar chave na economia nacional, sendo a pesca artesanal a
que mais se destaca na vida sócio-económica de grande parte da população
costeira e ribeirinha, quer em termos de emprego directo em actividades de
pesca e recolecção, quer indirectamente através do envolvimento em actividades
complementares como processamento, comercialização de pescado e construção
naval. A participação da mulher nesta actividade é marcante, mas o seu
acompanhamento e assistência por parte das instituições do sector pesqueiro e
outras organizações é fraco.
O presente documento, é uma descrição dos principais aspectos ligados a
situação da mulher na pesca em Moçambique com perspectiva de melhor
Contexto Geral da Pesca Artesanal em Moçambique
Contexto Geográfico e Sócio-económico
Moçambique é um país situado no extremo oriental do continente Africano e
banhado pelo oceano Índico. Possui uma extensão territorial de cerca de 800.000
Km2 e uma linha de costa de aproximadamente 2.700 km. Para além de águas
marítimas possui importantes massas de aguas interiores, estimadas em 13.000
km2. A população é de 18.000.000 de habitantes dos quais 52% são do sexo
feminino, 70% são da zona rural e perto de 40% corresponde à população
economicamente activa. Do total da população, parte considerável vive na zona
costeira, na sua maioria concentrada nos principais centros urbanos.
As principais potencialidades económicas do país são os recursos agrícolas,
pesqueiros, florestais, minerais, turísticos, entre outras, que garantem o
desenvolvimento económico e social do país. A agricultura e a pesca, na zona
costeira e águas interiores, são duas das actividades económicas de expressão e
juntas chegam a absorver maior parte da população em termos de proporção de
postos de emprego para a sua sobrevivência. Ao nível do sector pescas, sector
que contribui com cerca de 8% no Produto Interno Bruto (PIB), os principais
segmentos produtivos são a pesca artesanal, semi-industrial e industrial.
Contexto Geral da Pesca Artesanal e a Participação da Mulher
A pesca artesanal desempenha um papel importante para o país do ponto de
vista alimentar, social e económico. Ela ocupa um lugar vital para grande parte
da população moçambicana como fonte de emprego, rendimento e alimentos. A
actividade é praticada em toda a zona costeira e águas interiores envolvendo
directamente cerca de 90.000 pescadores (excluindo recolectores e
mergulhadores ), sendo 70.000 de águas marítimas e 20.000 de águas interiores e
indirectamente um número ainda maior de pessoas, que participam em
actividades complementares tais como processamento, comercialização de
pescado e construção naval. Com uma produção anual estimada em torno de
100.000 toneladas, ela constitui uma importante fonte de fornecimento de
alimentos proteicos às populações, em particular aquelas com fracos recursos
financeiros.
Como em vários países africanos, a pesca em Moçambique é uma actividade
predominantemente masculina, principalmente nas actividades de captura no
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201
mar e mesmo nas de processamento e comercialização. A opinião tradicional é
de que os homens vão a pesca para conseguir um rendimento monetário,
enquanto as mulheres cuidam da família fornecendo alimentação através de
pequenas actividades produtivas agrícolas ou de pesca de subsistência, mas a
pressão actual obriga a muitas mulheres a desenvolverem também actividades de
rendimento. A presença da mulher nas actividades ligadas a pesca é já um facto
importante, quer de forma directa na esfera produtiva, de captura e
processamento e comercialização, quer de forma indirecta ou “escondida” nas
actividades domésticas, sociais e comunitárias que contribuem para o bom
desempenho do homem na pesca.
A participação da mulher na actividade, apesar de notória e cada vez
crescente, ainda é pouco acompanhada e assistida pelas instituições e
organizações ligadas ao desenvolvimento do sector. De facto, as diferentes
intervenções só beneficiam directamente os homens e quase nunca as mulheres,
sendo raros os projectos implementados tendo as mulheres como grupo alvo
directo. A pouca atenção e atendimento a participação da mulher na pesca é
também notória ao nível de estudos sobre o sub-sector que pouco têm visado
essa questão. Dos diferentes estudos feitos muito poucos se orientam ou
abordam o assunto.
As mulheres são muitas vezes marginalizadas e esquecidas nas intervenções e
elas próprias desconhecem o potencial que representam no desenvolvimento da
actividade pesqueira. A consciência crescente do papel da mulher tanto pelas
instituições promotoras do desenvolvimento como pelas próprias mulheres como
actoras do desenvolvimento, sugere a necessidade de um apoio e enquadramento
adequados.
A Perspectiva de Abordagem da Participação da Mulher na Pesca
Nestes últimos anos a aposta do sector pesqueiro é a consolidação e
materialização das políticas já definidas para sua comparticipação no
desenvolvimento e na redução da pobreza absoluta no país. O desenvolvimento
da pesca artesanal aparece como um dos grandes desafios do sector pesqueiro do
país, e reflectido nos principais instrumentos de política e estratégias, orientação
do sector. Embora claros quanto à orientação do sector em geral, estes
instrumentos são praticamente omissos quanto à participação da mulher neste
processo. Com efeito, uma grande fraqueza nas políticas é a falta de atenção ou
referência à promoção da participação e condição da mulher na pesca ou
comunidades pesqueiras.
O sector pesqueiro adoptou a abordagem integrada como via para o
desenvolvimento da pesca artesanal onde a pesca é vista como um todo, de
forma abrangente nas suas diferentes vertentes principalmente a produtiva e
social. Desta feita a questão da participação da mulher deve ser abordada na
mesma perspectiva, em todas as esferas económico-produtiva, socioorganizacional, e mesmo institucional. Portanto, ao se procurar espelhar a
situação da participação da mulher na pesca, não se deve olhar apenas para a
pesca propriamente dita e nas actividades domésticas e sociais onde ela assume
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como a principal figura do desenvolvimento e base das relações sociais e
familiares (estabilidade das famílias). A sensibilidade das mulheres comparada
com a dos homens parece ser mais forte em relação aos aspectos sociais da
família. As mulheres referem-se muitas vezes aos problemas dos filhos e dos
homens, mas estes pouco se lembram das mulheres. Estas e outras qualidades
são aspectos a capitalizar no desenvolvimento da pesca artesanal e justificam a
necessidade de uma atenção particular.
Dado a questão da participação da mulher ser recente, a inexperiência na sua
abordagem, os poucos estudos feitos e direccionados á pesca artesanal são pouco
abrangentes e profundos na análise e abordagem do assunto. Mas produziram já
algumas ilações com vista ao estabelecimento de uma estratégia de intervenção
e orientação para a promoção da participação da mulher no sub-sector.
A mulher no Sector Pesqueiro
A mulher na Pesca em Geral ou a Mulher nas Actividades Produtivas
Apesar de a pesca ser vista como uma actividade fundamentalmente
masculina, a presença da mulher é hoje notória e tende a crescer em muitas
zonas do país. Embora a dimensão numérica seja pouco conhecida, calcula-se
que do total global estimado de 90.000 a 100.000 pessoas que trabalham na
pesca artesanal e suas actividades conexas, 20% sejam mulheres. Elas estão
envolvidas em actividades como a pesca, recolecção de mariscos,
processamento e comercialização de pescado, sendo a recolecção e a
comercialização (pescado fresco) aquelas que abarcam maior proporção de
mulheres.
120
100
80
Mulheres
60
Homens
40
Outras
10%
Comer
cializa
cao
25%
20
0
1995
2002
Proces
sament
o
Pesca
15%
Recole
cao
35%
Gráfico A
Gráfico B
Fig. 1: Comparação entre homens e mulheres na pesca
O gráfico A, à esquerda, mostra uma tendência de crescimento em numero, de
mulheres envolvidas na pesca, desde 1995 a 2002. No entanto a predominância
continua a ser de homens na actividade de pesca.
No gráfico B à direita, nota-se que deste crescimento no envolvimento da
mulher na pesca, as actividades de recolecção (35%) e comercialização (25%)
são praticadas basicamente por mulheres, sendo a pesca e processamento ainda
pouco significativo.
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III.1.1. Mulher nas Actividades de Captura e Recolha de Mariscos
Em geral estas duas actividades, juntas, envolvem um número significativo de
mulheres, sendo o número mais importante na recolecção de mariscos que é uma
actividade predominantemente feminina.
Na pesca propriamente dita a participação da mulher é ainda pequena, pois
são ainda muito poucas as que vão a pesca no mar. A presença da mulher ocorre
principalmente na pesca costeira e estuarina do que na pesca em mar aberto. Ela
é visível na pesca de arrasto com redes pequenas de captura de peixe e camarão
miúdos e no arrasto de praia para a terra onde algumas mulheres ajudam a
arrastar ou puxar a rede juntamente com a tripulação masculina. Outras, ainda
ajudam a remar o barco para a pesca no alto mar. Ainda na pesca, nos últimos 5
a 8 anos, principalmente em Maputo, no sul do país, regista-se também o
surgimento de um número considerável de mulheres patroas, ou seja,
proprietárias de unidades de pesca, entre redes e embarcações, operadas pelos
homens. Como exemplo, em 5 anos, no centro de pesca de Costa do Sol,
arredores da cidade de Maputo, o numero de patroas subiu de 5 para 15,
correspondendo actualmente 25% dos proprietários. São mulheres com um
poder económico relativamente forte e muitas delas, começaram como
comerciantes de pescado. Apesar do seu relacionamento com os homens ser
satisfatório, parte delas é muitas vezes prejudicada por não embarcarem com os
seus trabalhadores e por desconhecerem o próprio processo de pesca no mar,
mas mesmo assim conseguem fazer a gestão completa da actividade. As que
tentam embarcar com os homens para o mar e melhor acompanhar e participar
na pesca encontram barreiras por parte dos homens que não querem
«interferências» das mulheres no mar, chegando mesmo a ser ameaçadas de
serem abandonadas no mar.
A recolecção de amêijoas, ostras e polvo é a actividade onde a participação da
mulher é massiva em todo o país, por ser a actividade mais acessível para a
sobrevivência das famílias, envolvendo mulheres de todas as faixas etárias. É
feita, usando ou não instrumentos simples para o processo. Exceptuando a
recolha de polvo, é uma actividade que não requer nenhum investimento
particular em meios de produção como na pesca além de que o seu exercício
começa desde criança. A recolecção assume-se como uma actividade de
subsistência, para alimentação da família, e é muitas vezes complementar a
pesca feita pelos homens. Em alguns casos ela tem um carácter comercial, em
que o objectivo é a venda dos mariscos, geralmente amêijoas no sul e ostras e
polvo no norte do país. Na zona costeira, as mulheres representam 71% dos
cerca de 23.500 recolectores estimados.
Quer para a pesca como para a recolecção, os grandes constrangimentos
enfrentados pela mulher resumem-se em:
x Dificuldade na aquisição de tecnologias de frio;
x Dificuldade nos meios de transporte para a comercialização da sua
produção;
x Dificuldade na obtenção de créditos para as suas actividades;
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III.1.2. A Mulher no Processamento e Comercialização
O processamento e a comercialização de pescado são outras actividades em
que a mulher participa, mas com uma taxa de presença consideravelmente baixa.
Com efeito, nestas actividades as mulheres representam uma pequena proporção
dos operadores, sendo o numero maior na comercialização, principalmente do
pescado fresco, do que no processamento.
O processamento de pescado é uma actividade mais importante no norte
(Cabo Delgado, Nampula, Zambézia e Sofala) do que no sul do país
(principalmente nas províncias de Maputo e Gaza). Baseia-se no uso de técnicas
artesanais rudimentares como a secagem, salga-secagem, fumagem e fritura. Nas
zonas onde se pratica, as mulheres participam mais no apoio aos esposos do que
como donas da actividade ou negócio. Apesar da facilidade para se adaptarem e
se integrarem no processamento de produtos pesqueiros, poucas são as mulheres
que nele participam. De um universo de 6.000 intervenientes apenas 7% são
mulheres. No norte, Nampula e Cabo Delgado, a participação é mais através de
agrupamentos e associações de processadores, mas sempre em menor número
que os homens.
Na comercialização de pescado, a presença da mulher é mais significativa,
embora difícil de estimar quantitativamente dada a grande mobilidade dos
intervenientes. Ela é mais destacável e dinâmica na venda de pecado fresco
como peixe, camarão e moluscos do que na comercialização de pescado
processado que é essencialmente feita pelos homens. A comercialização de
pescado fresco pelas senhoras regista-se principalmente nas próprias zonas de
pesca e nas principais cidades do centro e sul do país, com o uso de meios
domésticos para a conservação do pescado. A maioria das mulheres são
vendedoras retalhistas que fazem quer a comercialização local (nos centros de
pesca ou mercados) ou de proximidade (saindo dos centros de pesca aos
mercados mais próximos), como a comercialização distante, isto é, de entre
cinquenta, cem a até oitocentos quilómetros de distância para a compra e venda
de pescado. Neste último caso a actividade pressupõe a deslocação frequente e
por vezes prolongada das mulheres, o que é pouco compatível com a
representação dos homens, de que as mulheres devem ficar em casa cuidando
dos filhos. Daí que muitas das mulheres envolvidas sejam mulheres divorciadas,
viuvas ou mães solteiras que dependem delas próprias para o sustento da casa.
Em ambos os casos a venda é em mercados, estabelecimentos de restauração
alimentar, ou ambulante porta a porta ao domicilio.
O envolvimento e participação da mulher nesta linha é determinante em
Moçambique porque a mulher serve de ponte principal entre o produtor e o
consumidor e ainda como agente de intervenção na diversificação da dieta
alimentar.
Os principais constrangimentos encontrados pelas mulheres nestas actividade
referem-se a falta e precariedade dos meios de conservação, dificuldades de
transporte, fraqueza organizacional, entre outros.
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III.1.3 A Mulher na Aquacultura (algas / piscicultura)
A aquacultura é uma actividade que vai ganhando expressão no país, e com
uma significativa participação da mulher. Em Moçambique são praticadas a
aquacultura marinha de algas e a piscicultura de água doce. Enquanto a
aquacultura de algas é praticada no norte do país contribuindo na renda familiar,
piscicultura é de importância considerável na alimentação das famílias nas zonas
do interior.
A aquacultura é uma actividade de rendimento que parece alternativa á
sobrevivência das comunidades pesqueiras e com aceitação, pois já envolve
grande número de mulheres na sua produção nas zonas onde oferecem
condições para o seu cultivo. Só na província de Cabo Delgado, a mais
expressiva na aquacultura, das cerca de 3.600 pessoas actualmente envolvidas
em 2004, 71% são mulheres. Muitas das farmas de cultivo pertencem às
mulheres, e são elas que se relacionam directamente com as empresa promotora
e compradora das algas. Quanto à piscicultura, a presença da mulher é muito
pequena. A sua participação na actividade ocorre mais no acompanhamento e
ajuda aos seus maridos.
A mulher participa ainda em outras actividades ligadas a pesca, tais como
construção naval artesanal bem como no fornecimento de serviços de
restauração (alimentação) aos pescadores.
III.2. A Participação da Mulher na Gestão das Pescarias
A gestão das pescarias e recursos pesqueiros, com a participação comunitária
é uma prática recente e em expansão na pesca artesanal. A constituição de
estruturas organizativas comunitárias de gestão de recursos chamados Conselhos
Comunitários de Pesca (CCP) é uma das estratégias definidas pelo sector
pesqueiro para garantir a utilização racional dos recursos. Até agora, esses CCP
são constituídos basicamente por homens, sendo a presença da mulher quase
nula. A mulher, apesar de ser uma das grandes utilizadoras dos recursos, ela
aparece excluída de forma automática, provavelmente porque as suas
actividades são vistas como marginais no desenvolvimento do sector, embora
algumas tenham muita interacção com outras pescarias. Com efeito, o arrasto de
camarão e peixe miúdo com pequenas redes mosquiteiras é praticamente feito
pelas mulheres, muitas vezes confrontadas com a necessidade de sobrevivência,
pelo que elas devem ser consciencializadas sobre as implicações ecológicas
dessa actividade. Acredita-se que, o papel educador da mulher na família e na
sociedade pode ter uma repercussão positiva na gestão dos recursos pesqueiros
quando ela estiver devidamente envolvida no processo.
III.3 A mulher nas (noutras) Organizações de Base Comunitária e Produtiva
Ao nível da comunidade ocorrem várias acções e iniciativas que
para o desenvolvimento da própria comunidade e actividade
consideradas estratégicas para a melhoria das condições de
comunidades pesqueiras. Estas iniciativas enquadradas e integradas
concorrem
pesqueira
vida das
através de
206
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organizações das comunidades, são chamadas Organizações de Base
Comunitária (OBC).
Existem vários tipos de OBC ligadas à pesca, que são associações
relacionadas com outros aspectos da vida da comunidade como os grupos de
poupança e credito rotativo, os comités de água, comissões mãe dos projectos
comunitários e alfabetização, cujo impacto é positivo na tomada de decisões
relativas á gestão das acções comunitárias. Em muitos destes exemplos positivos
(organizações), já é notável a participação da mulher.
No associativismo, embora ainda em menor grau, a mulher tem vindo a
ganhar espaço. Existem aproximadamente 173 associações de pescadores ou
afins na pesca artesanal, entre formalizadas e não formalizadas. Destas, apenas
10 (5,7%) são especificamente ou de predominância femininas. No total das
associações conhecidas as mulheres correspondem a 14% do total dos membros.
Mas mesmo sendo baixa a percentagem das mulheres, a sua participação tem se
revelado de positiva em termos de dinamismo. A mulher tem sido a principal
força dinamizadora nos Grupos de Poupança e Crédito Rotativo (PCR), que se
dedicam à poupança, geralmente semanal, de pequenos valores monetários.
Parte considerável dos membros desses grupos são mulheres (33%) e os valores
poupados são posteriormente redistribuídos pelos membros ou investidos em
actividades produtivos.
Outras frentes em que a mulher está activamente presente nas comunidades
pesqueiras são os comités de gestão de fontes de água, comités de projectos
comunitários e na alfabetização. Nestas estruturas, ela encontra o espaço para
decidir sobre muitas questões principalmente sociais que a ela, directamente diz
respeito.
Na maioria das actividades de pesca envolvendo a mulher, ela participa com
os seus próprios recursos. Em geral, os programas e projectos de
desenvolvimento do governo e da comunidade internacional nas pescas, não têm
tido intervenções direccionadas à participação e envolvimento activos da mulher
no processo da actividade pesqueira, em igualdade de oportunidades (homens e
mulheres). Esta situação constitui o principal obstáculo e limitante para o
aproveitamento das potencialidades e capacidades adormecidas da mulher no
desenvolvimento da pesca artesanal em Moçambique. Iniciativas pontuais
promovidas pelo IDPPE nas comunidades pesqueiras concedendo apoios
técnicos e financeiros direccionados para agrupamentos de mulheres pescadoras
mostraram resultados positivos. Em dois contextos diferentes, crédito e
donativo, foi possível registar o aumento da capacidade produtiva e rendimento
das mulheres. No caso do apoio em crédito houve um retorno satisfatório dos
valores emprestados. Já nos donativos, revelaram-se alguns problemas,
principalmente de gestão por parte das associações de mulheres.
A apreciação global é que muitas vezes as actividades das mulheres são
pouco visíveis porque os homens pouco espaço lhe dão para se revelar. Quando
se lhes dá o espaço elas participam activamente, mas tal participação é maior
ainda nos casos em que a sua actuação é em separado da dos homens.
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207
III.4 A Mulher nas Instituições das Pescas
No sector pesqueiro actuam, além do Ministério das Pescas e suas diferentes
direcções, quatro instituições tuteladas, nomeadamente o Instituto de
Investigação Pesqueira, para a área de investigação sobre recursos pesqueiros, o
Instituto de Desenvolvimento da pesca de Pequena Escala (IDPPE) na área de
extensão pesqueira e desenvolvimento, o Fundo de Fomento Pesqueiro (FFP)
para a gestão e mobilização de fundos e a Escola de Pesca para a vertente de
formação do pessoal em matérias de pesca. Todas juntas, estas instituições
contam com um efectivo de 600 funcionários, do quais 27,5% corresponde à
mulheres. Dessas, 4% ocupam cargos de direcção. Comparativamente aos anos
passados em que eram poucas as mulheres nas instituições do sector, a situação
actual mostra que houve uma melhoria substancial no nível de participação da
mulher nas instituições. Isso revela também a tomada de consciência da
importância da mulher e oferece oportunidades para melhor intervenção do
sector no apoio às mulheres das comunidades pesqueiras.
Os Grandes Constrangimentos que Limitam a Participação da Mulher
Como foi atrás referido, a mulher aparece em muitas frentes ligadas à pesca, e
com um papel preponderante. Mas em todas elas, ela se impõe graças a sua
iniciativa e coragem de enfrentar os desafios que encontra para a sua própria
sobrevivência. As actividades e participação da mulher nas diferentes
actividades ocorrem no meio de uma série de constrangimentos. Um dos
constrangimentos é o reduzido espaço de actuação a que a ela se dá. Muitas
vezes ela não é ouvida e não participa das grandes decisões que à ela afectam.
Outros constrangimentos que ela encontra relacionam-se com a escassez e
precariedade dos meios de trabalho e produção, por um lado e por a falta de
apoio e assistência por parte das instituições do sector e outras organizações de
desenvolvimento. Na actividade de comercialização a falta de meios de
conservação e a baixa capacidade de negociação também são constrangimentos
a considerar. Outras limitantes a referir são:
x
x
x
x
Ausência de uma estratégia de intervenção institucional na promoção
do género com ênfase para a participação da mulher na pesca;
Desigualdade de oportunidade em programas e/ou projectos de
desenvolvimento da pesca em geral e particularmente na pesca
artesanal prejudicando significativamente a motivação do
envolvimento e participação da mulher no processo da pesca;
Capacidade técnica institucional frágil para levar a bom cabo as suas
responsabilidades nesta linha de abordagem sobre a mulher na pesca;
Programas e/ou projectos de desenvolvimento sem acções específicas
para a promoção do envolvimento e participação da mulher na pesca.
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Desafios e Perspectivas
Principais lições:
Embora poucos estudos e levantamentos específicos tenham sido realizados
no âmbito do envolvimento e participação da mulher na pesca, experiências dos
últimos anos de intervenção institucional, levam ao destaque das seguintes
lições que podem ser referenciadas como lições do envolvimento e participação
da mulher na pesca artesanal em Moçambique, nomeadamente:
x Implantação institucional no terreno vocacionada ao desenvolvimento da
pesca artesanal junto á comunidade pesqueira como alvo primário, onde a
mulher é parte integrante. Esta implantação é um garante para a prossecução
dos objectivos institucionais e promoção de actividades para com diferentes
formas de organização comunitária com destaque aos grupos organizados de
senhoras;
x Relacionamento consolidado junto ás comunidades através de
implementação de programas e/ou projectos de desenvolvimento virados
essencialmente para as comunidades pesqueiras beneficiando, sobremaneira,
a mulher;
x Promovidas acções direccionadas para o envolvimento e participação da
mulher na pesca que resultaram em êxitos (abastecimento de água,
construção de postos de saúde, promoção de grupos de poupança e crédito
rotativos, treinamento em técnicas de processamento de pescado, cultivo das
algas, entre outras);
x Participação activa da mulher com o seu envolvimento directo na pesca,
em actividades conexas, na tomada de decisão na gestão sustentável dos
recursos através de sua participação nas organizações de base comunitária
(associações, conselhos comunitários de pesca e outras formas);
x Valorização e tomada de consciência do governo sobre o estatuto da
mulher nas intervenções de desenvolvimento.
210
DE LA INVISIBILIDAD AL RECONOCIMIENTO: EL
RECORRIDO DE LAS MARISCADORAS GALLEGAS HACIA
SU PROFESIONALIZACIÓN
Begoña Marugán Pintos
Socióloga del Instituto Social de la Marina, España
begona.marugan@ism.seg-social.es
En un mundo liberalizado, globalizado y violento me gustaría contarles un
cuento.
Erase una vez, no hace mucho tiempo, que en un país de rías, situado al Norte
de España, las cerca de 10.000 mariscadoras a pie se organizaron como
ciudadanas y con ello lograron valorar su trabajo y a sí mismas.
El País al que me refiero es Galicia, un lugar maravilloso por su paisaje, su
música, su comida y sobre todo su gente. Pero sucedió que, en este lugar que
siempre miró al mar y reconoció el duro faenar de sus gentes, había grupos de
trabajador@s que eran invisibles. Uno de estos grupos eran las mariscadoras. Y
cuando digo que eran invisibles no me refiero a un hechizo mágico,
sencillamente no existían porque a pesar de ser el 90% de ellas mujeres siempre
se hablaba de mariscadores; además tampoco figuraban en las estadísticas
oficiales, entre otras razones porque con 1.200 Euros que obtenían de beneficio
al año les resultaba muy gravoso cotizar a la Seguridad Social. Así mismo, el
sector tampoco recibía la atención que requería por parte de las
Administraciones y por si esto fuera poco, las mariscadoras estaban
discriminadas dentro de las cofradías de pescadores. Sólo había dos patronas
mayores en las 66 cofradías gallegas. Y, lo peor de todo, ellas tampoco se veían
como otra cosa que no fuera “una ayuda familiar”. Sin embargo, de repente algo
cambió. La Administración pesquera gallega decidió reunir a las mariscadoras.
Corría el año 1995, cuando en Vilagarcía de Arousa, unas cien mujeres,
provenientes de todas las Rías gallegas se encontraron y empezaron a dialogar.
Desde aquel 14 de noviembre todo empezó a cambiar y aquí comienza la
historia que les quiero contar. Una historia de cómo se logró pasar de la
invisibilidad al reconocimiento y la valoración. Una historia que habla de
afortunadas coincidencias.
Afortunadas coincidencias en el origen de la transformación
A pesar de los intentos de ordenación podemos decir que, a mediados de los
noventa, aunque generaba 2.500 millones de pesetas, el marisquero era
subsector marginado y marginal que tenía graves problemas de furtivismo y
comercialización y las mariscadoras sólo eran visibles cuando había
enfrentamientos en las playas, siendo el resto del tiempo invisibles como el
AKTEA CONFERENCE
cuento trata de reflejar. Sin embargo, a pesar de la difícil situación del sector, la
posición de subordinación del sector a la pesca y la discriminación de las
mariscadoras hacía muy difícil una transformación incida internamente. Estas
trabajadoras tenían poca autoestima y conocimiento de sus derechos para luchar
contra su discriminación. Además estaban muy coaccionadas en sus cofradías.
¿Qué sucede entonces para que el marisqueo inicie un camino de
transformación? ¿Cuáles fueron las situaciones desencadenantes?
La transformación se gesta, en 1995, en el I Encuentro de Mujeres
Mariscadoras y es el resultado de la coincidencia espacio-temporal de varios
factores:
1.- El primero y fundamental fue el cambio de actitud de la Consellería de
Pesca, Marisqueo y Acuicultura. Si hasta entonces se habían aprobado una
serie de normas para regular el sector sin contar con el sector, ahora, se
escucharía al sector para hacer lo que éste aconsejara.
Se va a hablar con las mariscadoras en lugar de con los patrones de las
cofradías. Se establece un dialogo entre el colectivo y la Administración.
Pero, como decíamos antes, para que esto suceda alguien debe promoverlo.
Esta nueva relación se inicia con la llegada de una nueva Jefa de Sección al
Servicio de Extensión Pesquera (Pencha) con bagaje en la gestión y la
organización de recursos humanos, a la que respaldan en sus iniciativas sus
Jefes. Entre las que se encontraban dos mujeres -la Directora General (Ana
Gallego) y la Jefa de Servicio de Marisqueo (Rosa Quintana)- que
entendieron que era necesario acabar con una discriminación directa tan
evidente.
El hecho de que confluyeran en ese momento varias mujeres en puestos
directivos importantes contribuyó a crear un ambiente de confianza entre la
Administración y las mariscadoras. Ya que es más fácil comunicarte con
aquellos que creemos más iguales. Y en este caso todas eran mujeres. La
sororidad femenina en esta caso funcionó como elemento de activación del
proceso de cambio.
Vista la situación de discriminación inicial y con esta nueva actitud de
acercamiento por parte de la Consellería, la Dirección General de Formación
e Investigación organiza el I Encuentro de Mujeres Mariscadoras al que
convoca a 2 mariscadoras por cofradía.
2.- También asisten al encuentro los nuevos Agentes de Extensión Pesquera. Se
aumentaba así el personal para poder trabajar con las mariscadoras y eso se
notaría a largo plazo. La Administración autonómica aportó medios
técnicos, económicos y humanos para que la mejora fuera viable.
3.- En este Encuentro la Administración consiguió un diagnóstico claro de la
situación y las mariscadoras se conocieron e intercambiaron experiencias a
cerca de sus técnicas y métodos de trabajo. Entre ellos estaban los nuevos
planes experimentales de semicultivo de almeja fina y ostra que se estaban
llevando a cabo en Vilaxoán y Vilanova. Y aquí está la segunda de esas
coincidencias espacio-temporales de las que hablábamos.
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El plan experimental de semicultivo que se llevaba a cabo por el Centro de
Investigaciones Mariñas de Coron (CIMA) y las Agrupaciones de
Mariscadoras de Vilaxóan y Vilanova, consistía sembrar cría de almeja fina
y al año la recogían con un tamaño legal, pero para ello había que participar
en labores de limpieza y preparación de las playas. Lo que obligaba a
mantener turnos de trabajo y cierta organización para realizar las tareas. Por
tanto, estaría aquí la tercera coincidencia.
4) La evaluación y los resultados de los planes experimentales de semicultivo
resultaron altamente positivos, de modo que la Consellería eligió 10
cofradías para poner en práctica el Programa de Desarrollo Productivo,
Profesional y Organizativo del Marisqueo a pie pasó a denominarse Plan 10.
Lo que luego extendió a otras 21 más. De este modo se actuó sobre el 60%
del censo de las mariscadoras y empezar a diseñar la formación, ya que la
quinta coincidencia fue esta.
5) En el Encuentro se les ofreció la posibilidad de formarse e informarse a través
del Proyecto NOW (Nuevas Oportunidades para Mujeres) “La mujer del
sector marisquero en Galicia” porque había unos dineros para este programa.
Factores de consolidación Éxitosa del proyecto.
En I Encuentro, cuando las mariscadoras estuvieron juntas vieron clara su
discriminación y sus problemas. Se dieron cuenta de que uno de sus problemas
era la falta de formación y por eso estuvieron de acuerdo en aceptar el curso
básico que se las ofrecía.
El Curso Básico de formación de mariscadoras formaba parte de un Programa
NOW de igualdad de Oportunidades que funcionó muy bien porque
1. Se partió de unos organizadores, básicamente Pencha y Tino Gago, que
sabían que el curso tenía que ser práctico y participativo, en el que se les
enseñaran las cuatro cosas básicas que ellas precisaban: producción, cultivo,
comercialización y sobre todo organización.
2. Además, las personas que se ocuparon de impartir la formación fue un equipo
de gente joven, competente y comprometida con el proyecto que se creyó el
proyecto y apostó por él.
3. Este equipo, coordinado con los agente de Extensión hicieron un curso PARA
LAS MARISCADORAS. Se crearon ejercicios didácticos nuevos y
adaptados a sus necesidades.
4. El curso Básico se ofertó en toda Galicia. Se realiza en sus localidades y se
tuvo en cuenta el tiempo disponible de las mujeres.
5. Como se había creado una relación de confianza mutua entre las mariscadoras
y la Administración las mariscadoras, en la mayoría de los casos, entienden
que lo que les ofrecía la Administración iba a ser bueno para ellas y además,
como los cursos se impartían cómo y cuando ellas podían, un número
importante de mariscadoras asistieron a los mismo. Se impartieron 152
cursos, a los que asistieron 2.888 mariscadoras.
6. Al mismo tiempo, en el curso se les formó teóricamente sobre cuestiones
relativas al cultivo y sus ventajas, lo que podían comprobar en la práctica
212
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asistiendo a las localidades donde se había puesto a funcionar el Plan de
semicultivos. E incluso, en algunas cofradías recibían los cursos por la tarde
y las enseñanzas teóricas las aplicaban al siguiente en la playa.
Cursos
Número
Básico de Formación
124
Jornadas de
16
Intercooperación
Formación Directiva
12
TOTAL
152
Tabla 1. Cursos y asistentes
Horas
3720
128
Mariscadoras
1747
501
36
4208
640
2888
El Programa de Desarrollo Productivo (Plan 10 y después Plan Galicia) con el
que se pretendía introducir el cultivo en las playas resultó muy positivos desde
el punto de vista organizativo, porque para que el semicultivo funcionara alguien
tenía que meter la semilla en bolsas y hacer el seguimiento de la misma. Sacar
las crías muertas, limpiar las bolsas, desdoblarlas y, cuando tuvieron el tamaño,
sembrarlas en la playa. Claro antes de sembrar había que preparar y limpiar la
zona, protegerla de depredadores, etc. Procesos que requieren de un cambio de
mentalidad, un cambio de modo de trabajo y un elevado nivel organizativo.
Además del interés organizativo del Plan Galicia habría que valorar los
beneficios productivos ya que las mariscadoras aumentaron la producción – el
descenso a partir de 1999 fue efecto de las riadas)- con el consiguiente
crecimiento de las rentas individuales.
10000000
8000000
6000000
4000000
2000000
0
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
Gráfico 1: Evolución de la producción marisquera (cantidad)
Fuente: Consellería de Pesca y Asuntoa Marítimos, elaboración propia.
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213
1.995
2.000
FUENTE: Informe Plan Galicia, 2001. Elaboración propia.
Los cursos de formación del Programa NOW y el Plan 10 fueron dos factores
fundamentales de la transformación porque contribuyeron a cambiar una
mentalidad extractora hacia otra cultivadora. Las mariscadoras comprobaron por
ellas mismas que no era ir a la playa y coger mucho, si no que era ir a la playa y
coger lo que pudieran vender mejor. Empezaron a valorizar su profesión y saber
valorar su producto.
Al valorar su profesión, y conocer sus derechos empiezan a exigir
representación en las cofradías, para lo cual cuentan con el apoyo y las
orientaciones del personal de la Consellería, y de modo especial de los agentes
de extensión.
Vistas las ventajas de la organización y el apoyo de la Administración ellas
van creando agrupaciones. En 1995 sólo había 7 agrupaciones constituidas,
mientras que en el año 2000 había 21.
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En las cofradías marisqueras, e incluso en los municipios y las parroquias de
1996 al 2001 hubo una verdadera convulsión. Muchos patrones mayores
perdieron un puesto que empezaba a ser vitalicio cuando las mariscadoras
crearon su agrupación. Si en 1995 sólo había 2 patronas mayores, en la
actualidad hay 351 mujeres en los órganos de gobierno: 4 patronas mayores, 227
mariscadoras en las Juntas Generales y 120 en los cabildos.
Este cambio fue muy importante para la autoestima de las mujeres, sobre todo
si pensamos que hablamos de pequeñas localidades donde todo el mundo se
conoce y muchos son familia.
Las mariscadoras empezaban a ser profesionales. Se habían dado cuenta de
que su producto era valioso y que sólo ellas debían acceder a él por tanto debían
cuidar las playas. Los furtivo ya no tenían cabida, pero para ello no sólo debían
dedicarse a la extracción también debían organizar vigilancias. Por tanto además
de la extracción y el cultivo se dedicaron a vigilar tanto de día como de noche,
en invierno y en verano.
La vigilancia la incorporan a su actividad y pueden llegar a contabilizar como
días de playa. Con estas vigilancias evitaban el furtivismo externo, pero además
intentaron y consiguieron controlar el interno, el de ellas mismas. Primero
empezaron por poner menos días de extracción en los Planes de explotación.
Los días de trabajo que ahora figuran en los planes de explotación están mucho
más próximos a los que la naturaleza de la actividad permite. Y poco a poco lo
cumplieron. Pero además, para controlar el furtivismo interno establecieron
puntos de control, impusieron topes y tallas mínimas, e incluso se ocuparon de
sancionar a quienes dentro de su agrupación incumplían y cogían más del tope o
intentaban vender almeja por debajo de la talla.
De este modo no sólo respetaron el medio y están realizando un desarrollo
sostenido, si no que han sido capaces de entender algo tan complejo como el
mercado, y sacar beneficios. Ahora seleccionan y clasifican por tamaños y
aunque extraen menos lo venden a mejores precios que antes. De modo que,
aunque la obtención de beneficios siguió aumentando, la producción disminuyó
como se observa en el siguiente gráfico.
EVOLUCIÓN DE LA PRODUCCIÓN MARISQUERA
50000000
40000000
30000000
20000000
10000000
0
1996
1997
1998
CANTIDADES
1999
2000
IMPORTES
2001
215
PROCEEDINGS
Con menor producción obtenían una mayor cantidad de pesetas. Y esto se
debía a la elevación del precio del producto.
EVOLUCIÓN PRECIO BERBERECHO
4
3,5
3
2,5
2
3,7
1,5
1
2,6
1, 4
1, 6 1
1, 7 8
0
1994
1996
1997
0,5
2,2
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Lo que lógicamente repercutió en la elevación de las rentas medias. Las
rentas aumentaron no sólo porque subió el precio del producto, si no también
porque se impuso la obligatoriedad de cotizar a la Seguridad Social. Si querían
ser trabajadoras debían serlo como todo el mundo. Cotizar a la seguridad social
suponía un pequeño esfuerzo económico, que generó la oposición de algún
sector, pero garantizaba una serie de prestaciones sociales en caso de
enfermedad, y sobre todo les otorgaba una autonomía futura para cuando se
jubilaran.
En el año 2000 todas las mariscadoras en activo estaban dadas de alta en la
Seguridad Social, y la población marisquera se redujo. Aquellas que eran muy
mayores para empezar a cotizar o aquellas otras que no entendían esto como una
profesión lo abandonaron. De modo que la población de mariscadoras se redujo.
2,04
EVOLUCIÓN DEL NÚMERO DE MARISCADORAS
1998
1999
EUROS/KG
2000
2001
10000
Fuente: Subdirección de Relaciones, Planificación y sistemas de Información.
Elaboración propia.
8000
El precio de cualquier tipo de almeja se ha duplicado y el del berberecho se
ha triplicado.
2000
EVOLUCIÓN PRECIO ALMEJA
7852
8349
8072
6153
6534
6497
6079
5653
6000
4000
0
96
19
97
19
98
19
99
19
00
20
01
20
02
20
03
20
20
15
Fuente: Servicio de Marisqueo, Xunta de Galicia, Elaboración propia.
10
5
0
1994 1996
1997 1998
XAPONICA
1999 2000
2001
BABOSA
ALMEJA FINA
Fuente: Subdirección de Relaciones, Planificación y sistemas de Información.
Elaboración propia.
Si había menos mariscadoras y las playas producían más la conclusión lógica
es sus rentas subieron. En el año 2000 las rentas medias eran de 3.000 Euros al
año. Luego esto oscila mucho entre Rias Altas y Bajas, pero que esta media se
consigue con 10 o 12 días al mes, trabajan entre 2 y 4 horas. Si se hace la
proporción horas/euros están a un nivel mucho mayor que el salario mínimo
interprofesional.
217
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357.329
b) En el sector. Las mariscadoras han demostrado que son capaces de
organizarse y funcionar organizadas y esto es un logro que el sector les ha
reconocido. Al ganar autoestima decidieron asumir cargos en los órganos de
gobierno del sector pero también, en algunas ocasiones se lanzaron al ámbito
público asumiendo responsabilidades en otros órganos de representación.
Pero aunque no quieran asumir estas responsabilidades en muchos casos son
invitadas a participar en las listas lectorales de los partidos que concurren a
las elecciones. Y se las ha visto acompañadas del Presidente de la Xunta o
estuvieron presentes cuando el Rey visitó Galicia.
1998
c) En la comunidad. Empiezan a hacer muchas demandas a nivel colectivo. Por
ejemplo hubo la demanda de un horario distinto en la guardería para las
mariscadoras que se levantaban a las siete de la mañana porque la marea era
a las ocho y media y tenían hijos pequeños.
600.000
546661
457.379
500.000
300.000
265.973
195.255
200.000
100.000
0
1996
1997
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a) En la familia. Hay algunas mariscadoras que están alcanzando los ingresos de
los maridos. Lo cual quiere decir que la relación de dependencia cambia y de
respeto por el trabajo. Ya nadie cuestiona que vayan a mariscar. Y empieza a
darse un reparto más equitativo de las tareas domésticas.
EVOLUCIÓN DE LAS RENTAS MEDIAS
400.000
218
1999
2000
Fuente: Informe Plan Galicia, 2001, Elaboración propia.
Ahora que ganaban más podían permitirse dejar un fondo de capitalización
porque muchas también querían conseguir autonomía financiera. En el año
2000, el 50% de las Agrupaciones que estaban en el Plan Galicia tenía fondos de
capitalización, cuando en 1995 sólo 6 agrupaciones los tenían.
Una vez dadas de alta como profesionales y con conciencia de ello debían
tener autonomía financiera y hacer su trabajo sin que éste dependiera de
subvenciones o de otros agentes externos a ellas mismas.
Como vemos iban solucionando algunos de sus problemas. Poco a poco veían
que se reducía el furtivismo, se mejoraba la protección social y se incrementaba
la rentabilidad, por ello empezaron a plantearse que para solucionar otros
problemas requerían de una agrupación de todas las mariscadoras gallegas.
Puesto que había objetivos comunes si se juntaban les sería más fácil
conseguirlos. Vistas las ventajas, en abril se debatieron los estatutos, y en
noviembre de 2002, se constituyó la Asociación de Profesionales de Marisqueo
a Pie de Galicia (AREAL).
AREAL se constituyó por 24 agrupaciones de mariscadoras de 44
constituidas o en vías de constitución, que representan a más del 50% de las
5490 mariscadoras existentes.
Con la creación de AREAL entiendo que se cierra una etapa y comienza otra
que no puede ser igual que la anterior porque aunque me he centrado en el
aspecto profesional muchas cosas han cambiado en estas mujeres.
d) Y sobre todo, a partir de recuperar el orgullo de su profesión han conseguido
un nivel de autoestima que les otorga una autonomía personal importante.
Algo que se refleja en su imagen física y el cambio de imagen que han
impuesto al resto del mundo porque en los siete años que se describen, el
marisqueo en Galicia pasó de ser una actividad marginal a ser un referente
simbólico de la economía, la sociedad y la cultura gallega como sus
apariciones públicas muestran.
En definitiva, las mariscadoras han logrado a través de una mejora laboral
mayores cuotas de libertad y de poder, y esto es una enseñanza para otros
colectivos como las rederas o las percebeiras que ahora han iniciado la
transformación hacia su profesionalización. A todas ellas mucha suerte porque
como vemos la unión hace la fuerza y hay que hacer que el pasado de
invisibilidad sea un cuento del pasado que contar y el empoderamiento de las
mujeres y la igualdad una realidad actual.
220
WOMEN’S ROLE IN FISH HEALTH RESEARCH AND
FIELDWORK IN THE U.K1.
Wenche M.Kjæmpenes
Finnmark University College, Norway
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this first stage, extensively involved in fish disease research. Using findings
from my ongoing comparative research, I will give you a brief introduction to
the involvement of some female professions in fish disease work in the UK and
Scotland.
Theoretical perspectives- some brief comments
Abstract
In the early days of aquaculture it was not obvious which institutions of State
and professional groups should play the principal administrative role in relation
to the health of aquaculture animals. My comparative study of the complex
relationships between the various actors who have participated in the area of fish
health and aquaculture, has provided a unique opportunity to better understand
how knowledge has developed in this field, providing insights into the key role
of different professional groups. I was surprised by the significant role some
female scientists had in the first phase of developing a body of knowledge about
fish diseases. From the dominant discourses this was not expected. I will in this
paper highlight the women’s contribution in the field of fish health, and the a
body of knowledge that became a key foundation for the success of aquaculture.
The study is based on qualitative interviews and document analysis. By
combining historical institutional perspectives and professional theories, the
complex relationships between state, professional groups and the body of
knowledge are identified. My findings reveal that in the first phase of
aquaculture in Great Britain and in Norway, women from different professional
groups were extensively involved in fish disease research and fieldwork.
This paper will highlight British female researchers’ contributions in the field
of fish health. I will use findings from an ongoing study where the role of
veterinarians and fish biologists/scientists in the aquaculture industry in Norway
and Scotland is scrutinized.2 In the early days of aquaculture it was not obvious
which institutions of State and what professional groups should play the
principal role in the relation to the health of aquaculture animals. In Norway
there were disputes for example about whether aquaculture was related to the
agriculture industry or the fish industry, and parallel disagreements could be
found both in Norway and the UK in the veterinarian and fish science. It was
obvious that this new industry needed a body of knowledge about fish health, a
decisive factor for further development of the salmon and trout farming industry.
It was not obvious; however what professions should take part in the
development of this body of knowledge, and what professions should be
involved in ensuring that fish health legislation was implemented. I was
surprised by the significant role some female scientists played in the first phase
of acquiring a body of knowledge about fish diseases, and how their
involvement has had an impact on institutions involved in research, diagnostic
work and public administration. This was not expected from the dominant
discourses. My findings reveal that women from different professions were, in
The gender perspective is not dominant in the discourses of profession
theories. There has been surprisingly little research specializing on the
feminisation of high-level occupations. According to Nicky Le Feuvre (1998)
feminisation is usually seen, in the few cases where the question has been
addressed, as a marginal phenomenon in relation to the dynamic forces
underpinning the evolution of women’s employment throughout the 20th
Century. Le Feuvre states that it is possible to see occupational groups as an
arena where wider social power relations interplay to produce historically
specific forms of occupational stratification and organisation (Le Feuvre,
1998:237). It has according to Grossin (1984), “(...) long been argued, for
example that, largely because of the specific time constraints placed on women
in the domestic sphere, the feminisation of higher-level occupations brings about
a transformation of the working-time patterns and norms for both men and
women ( Le Feuvre 1998:237).”
In welfare state research the new institutional approaches, (Powell and
Dimaggio 1991, Steinmo and Thelen 1992) take into account, the way in which
dominant coalitions and values of the past become embedded into present
institutional structures (Erichsen 90). According to Erichsen a logical extension
of the new institutional approaches, would be to develop an approach, with its
primary concern being the variation in professionalisation, studying the ways in
which professional ideas, knowledge, structures and practises become embedded
into state policy-making machineries in very different ways in different
countries.
Theda Skocpol has been using state-oriented historical institutional
approaches in her work. Her article about "Gender and the Origin of Modern
Social Policies3 " shows how it is possible to use a policy-oriented theoretical
framework that incorporates gender roles, identities and relationship. Her
opinion is that if states are considered as sets of changing institutions,
influencing which groups become politically conscious and effective, this may
enrich the explanations we can offer for national variations in social policies in
the Western nations between the 1880s and the 1920s. Skocpol states that we
cannot explain public policy-making simply in terms of the values of the
interests of the social groups themselves; we must take into account the
institutional context within which such groups find themselves and must
operate.
PROCEEDINGS
221
Scottish fish health admininistration
First, for those unfamiliar with fish farming in Scotland I will give a short
introduction to the context of the fish disease work practised in Scotland.
Commercial fish farming (aquaculture) began in Scotland in the 1970s. Today
it directly employs about 2,000 people and between 4,000 and 5,000 people in
supporting sectors, with 75 per cent of the jobs in the Highlands and Islands.
The industry generates over £500m from production and secondary processing,
and accounts for around 50 per cent, in monetary terms, of all Scottish food
exports. Production in 2001 was some 139,000 tonnes of salmon, almost 5,500
tonnes of rainbow trout and 3,000 tonnes of cultivated shellfish
(http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Topics/Fisheries/Fish-Shellfish, September 2004).
In Scotland today the Scottish Executive Environment and Rural Affairs
Department (SEERAD) is responsible for advising Ministers on policy relating
to agriculture, rural development, food, the environment and fisheries, and for
ensuring the implementation of those policies in Scotland. The same Department
administers agriculture and fisheries. The Fisheries Research Services (FRS) is
an agency of the Scottish Executive Environment and Rural Affairs Department
(SEERAD).
The FRS became a government agency in April
1997, incorporating the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen, the Freshwater
Laboratory in Pitlochry and outstations throughout Scotland. It employs over
300 staff. The FRS is headed by a Chief Executive and Director who is
responsible to Scottish Ministers, and provides expert scientific and technical
advice to Government on marine and freshwater fisheries, aquaculture and the
protection of the aquatic (http://www.marlab.ac.uk/, September 2004). The Fish
Health Inspectorate (FHI) Group ensure that current fish and shellfish health
legislation is implemented in Scotland, that mortality incidents are investigated
and that suspected disease is diagnosed wherever possible.
After this brief introduction to Scottish Aquaculture industry and the
implementation of fish and shellfish health legislation I want to go back to the
first stage of fish health regulation. The U.K. was the first country in Europe to
have a fish disease act. The Diseases of Fish Act of 1937 was passed long before
they thought of fish farming as an industry. And it is the history behind this act
that I want to look into. Who were the institutions and actors involved in the
promotion to enact this Bill? And why did U.K. get such an early act regulating
and focusing on fish diseases long before any other country in Europe?
Female bacteriologists in edinburgh and the marine laboratory in aberdeen
The Marine laboratory in Aberdeen is one of two institutions in Scotland that
have a significant role in fish disease research and fish health work. The other
institution is the Institute of Aquaculture at the University of Stirling, to which I
will return later.
The Fisheries Research Services became a government agency in April
1997, incorporating the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen. From the beginning of
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the 1960s, until he retired in the 1990s Professor Alan Munro (microbiologist)
had a significant role in diagnostic work of fish diseases at The Marine
Laboratory in Aberdeen. Dr. Munro was, for several years, Senior Principal
Scientific Officer for Fish Cultivation at the Marine Lab, including field
investigation and virology. It was Dr.Munro who made me aware of the role of
Dr. Isobel Smith in diagnostic work on fish at the Marine Laboratory in
Aberdeen. Dr. Smith, in turn, pointed my attention to the work done by the
female staff at the University of Edinburgh, Bacteriology Department for the
Furunculosis Committee. I will now tell you this story, starting with the
appointment of the Furunculosis Committee.
In July 1929 the Furunculosis Committee4 was appointed by The Rt.Hon.
William Adamson, One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State and by
the Rt.Hon. Noel Buxton, Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries. The
Committee's declaration of purpose was:
“To investigate the origin, predisposing causes and mode of dissemination of
furunculosis and similar infectious diseases among salmon, trout, and other
freshwater fish in England and Scotland, and to conduct experiments with a view to
ascertaining methods of combating the disease, and to report the results of their
proceedings (Interim report March 1930).”
All the members of this Committee were men, and Professor T.J. Mackie
(M.D.) from the Bacteriology Department of the University of Edinburgh was
appointed to be chairman. The Committee submitted its third and final report in
July 1935. The Committee’s term of reference was formulated as a research
project and the chairman of the committee supervised the research work done
for the Committee.
When I read the Furunculosis Committee's reports carefully I was surprised to
find that except for the supervisor, all graduate workers were women. In
addition to Dr. Isobel Blake who had been a full time investigator, the
Committee had the following graduate workers in their employment:
Miss E. J. M. Anderson, B.Sc., Ph.D., 3 months, 1929.
Miss J. Cowan Clark, B.Sc., 18 months, 1930-31.
Miss A. S. R. Lowden, B.Sc., 1 month, 1931.
Miss Grizel Borthwick, B.Sc., 3 months, 1932-33.
Miss M. H. Christison, B.Sc., Ph.D., 1 week, 1934.
It is interesting in itself that the first phase of fish disease research is
dominated by female scientists. And I was also surprised to find that it was a
laboratory at a Medical School which plays the most important role at the
beginning of the history of fish disease research. Thorough investigation of the
sources, however, shows that the Furunculosis Committee took over the research
organisation of the informal committee that had its laboratory at the
Bacteriology Department. This research work had been under direct supervision
of the Chairman of the Committee Professor T.J.Mackie. Mrs. Isobel Blake
(B.Sc., Ph.D.), who as
Miss I.J.F.Williamson first undertook duty for the informal committee, was a
full-time investigator. In the Furunculosis Committee's first report Miss
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223
Williamson research work is mentioned several times. And in the final report the
Committee gives credit to her for her abilities in this particular branch of
biological investigation.
The Diseases of Fish Act was enacted in 1937; two years after the
Furunculosis Committee in its final report urged the need for legislative action.
After the law was implemented all the diagnostic work on fish was done at the
Bacteriology Department. There may be several explanations why the Scottish
Office asked the Bacteriology Department to do diagnostic service on fish
disease. It may be relevant to ask why they did not involve the veterinary
service, as they later did in the other European countries. The reader, however,
must keep the historical context in mind that this is something that happened in
the 1920s and 1930s, long before any other country in Europe perceived a need
to take legislative action when it came to fish diseases. It was to be 40 -50 years
before salmon farming became an interesting commercial industry.
I will now return to the 1920s. In addition to doing hospital diagnostic work,
the Department was a Public Health Laboratory and as an extension of the work
they were already doing on environmental issues like water and milk testing,
diagnostic work on fish was included. Another reason why they asked the
Department to do the diagnostic work for the Scottish Office could be that
Professor Mackie was very much in touch with the Scottish Office and from
1926 he acted as a consultant to the Fisheries Board for Scotland. According to
Isobel Smith the staff at the Department included known bacteriologists, and she
presumes that at that time they may have been viewed as better investigation
officers. Relative speaking, she says, there has always been several female
microbiologists amongst the staff at the Department (Dr. Smith in interview 23.
of May 1993).
Dr. Isobel Smith is herself educated as microbiologist. She is of the opinion
that the reason why there have been so many female microbiologists at the
Department is that for female medical doctors it has been possible to combine
microbiological diagnostic work with family life. It is almost like a 9 to 5 job, it
is not like a clinician on call. This implies that these female researchers made a
strategic career choice in order to combine job and family; a career choice which
has influenced the development of the institutional arrangements of fish health
management in Scotland.
The engagement of Dr. Isobel Smith may itself have been very important. In
1953, the statutory responsibility for diagnostic work and research work on fish
diseases was taken over by the staff at the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen.
Dr.Smith, who had done this work at the Medical School in Edinburgh, moved
to the Marine Lab. and continued her work.
Dr.Smith supposes that the reason why they set up the new laboratory to do
diagnostic work on fish in Aberdeen was that the Scottish Office wanted more
work done and Professor Mackie was unable to accommodate this in his
department.
First, diagnostic work on fish was done under the Fresh Water Fisheries
Laboratory in Pithlochery, but there Dr.Smith felt she was too far away from the
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problem. She remained working there, however for about three years while she
was setting up a new laboratory at the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen. Dr.
Smith worked at the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen from 1953 to 1962, when
she finished in fisheries and moved back to work at the Department of
Bacteriology in Edinburgh. One of the reasons why she gave up fish disease
work was because she felt that she was on her own in those days, and that there
was no hope for treatment, because they were not allowed to use antibiotics. She
encouraged Alan Munro’s interest in fish diseases, and he took over her work at
the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen.
In my opinion, the pioneering research on fish diseases for the Furunculosis
Committee by female researchers from the Bacteriology Department, and the
work did by Dr. Smith have been important for today’s administrative
arrangements at the Fish Health Inspectorate (FHI). This work is still done by
staff at the Marine Laboratory. One hypothesis could be that the female
researchers were employed to do this work because, at that time, few had an
economic interest in the field and, as a result, few took a scientific interest in it.
This combination of factors opened the way for female involvement. In my
opinion it is possible that if it were not for the peculiar organisation of work at
the Medical School in Edinburgh which had several women working at the
Bacteriology Department involved in fish disease research and diagnostic work,
the Marine Laboratory may ultimately not have become responsible for fish
health management. It should also be added that Professor T.J.Mackie’s contact
within the Scottish Office and the Fisheries Board for Scotland was important as
a starting point for fish disease work at the Medical School, where he had a staff
of outstanding female microbiologists to whom he entrusted investigation. If this
not had happened it might well have been the Veterinary Service which took
care of this task as happen in the rest of Europe.
The veterinarian mary brancker and the institute of aquaculture
In the U.K. outbreaks of furunculosis in the 1920s and work done by the
Furunculosis Committee leading to the Fish Diseases Act of 1937 has affected
the role of veterinarians in fish health work. It was bacteriologists at a Public
Health Laboratory that first started doing diagnostic work on fish diseases. Later
in the 1950s their work was transferred to the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen.
Since the 1920s the Fisheries Authorities have been involved in fish diseases.
The U.K. established government funded research on fish diseases 10 to 15
years before Norway, and the rest of the U.K adopted the Scottish model. In
1969, the Fish Diseases Laboratory in Weymouth was established, but no
veterinarians were involved.
It was not until 1991 that the first policy statement from the British
Veterinary Association (BVA) was given on the veterinary profession and fish
disease work. However, there has been an active Fish Group in the BVA since
1974. Although there is no law regulating veterinarian involvement in fish
health work, except for the Medicines Act, veterinarians are involved in fish
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health work. The Fish Veterinary Society, established in 1990, with a current
membership of 90 people involved in the veterinary care of finfish in the U.K.
and Ireland, is a case in point.
It is noteworthy that a centre for fish health education was established very
early in Scotland. The establishment of the Unit of Aquatic Pathobiology in
1971 at Stirling University was a result of collaboration between a biologist
from the White Fish Authority and two veterinary surgeons. Contacts were made
with the Nuffield Foundation. Discussion groups were organised and resulted
among other things, in a unit lead by veterinarian R.J.Roberts, with the remit to
carry out both research and teaching on fish husbandry and fish diseases (VR.
Aug.15, 1992 p.138 and personal information from veterinarian Mary
Brancker).
R.J. Roberts was the Director for the Institute of Aquaculture, University of
Stirling for several years until he left in mid 1990s. In 1992, Professor Roberts
was elected fellow of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons for his work
within the fish farming industry and for articulating the need for the veterinary
profession to take the emerging fish farming industry seriously (VR, August 15,
1992, p.138).
I tried repeatedly to get into contact with Professor Roberts while he was the
Director for the Institute of Aquaculture, but he was a very busy man and I did
not succeed in arranging an interview with him. At first I thought he was one of
the persons who took the initiative to establish the Institute, but through personal
information from the veterinarian Peter Southgate,5 I became aware of the role
veterinarian Mary Brancker had had in veterinary fish health work. The
connection between Mary Brancker and R.J. Roberts is not very visible in public
documents and other written sources.
Mary Brancker, was one of the veterinarians behind the initiative to contact
the Nuffield Foundation. She did not want the profession to lose out again as it
had in poultry farming in the 1930s. In the late 1960s she tried to stimulate an
interest in fish work, but the veterinary profession as a whole showed little
enthusiasm (personal letter from Mary Brancker dated 11.11.01). Her
involvement in the initiative of establishing the Institute of Aquaculture was
very important, not only for fish veterinarians in the U.K., but for fish
veterinarians and other scientists abroad as well.
In 1966, the Veterinary Surgeons Act (1948) was reopened. The Act's
passage through the House of Commons and the House of Lords was followed
with great attention in the Veterinary Record. In January 1966, representatives
of the British Veterinary Association met officials of the Ministry of Agriculture
and Fisheries and Food to discuss fully the implementation of the Veterinary
Surgeons' Bill. Among several proposals, the BVA requested that fish should,
according to clause 27, be included in the definition of “animal.” It was
suggested that a better definition would be “all vertebrates.” The Ministry
agreed to look into this (VR.January 15th, 1966,p.109).
Lord Balerno, a good friend of the veterinary Profession, pleaded for the
inclusion of fish in the Bill. Lord Champion, who introduced the Bill, stated that
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including fish could appear to be a takeover-bid by vets, - a takeover from the
fish scientists (VR, February 1966,p.207). This seems to be the first time the
different interests of occupational groups were debated in Parliament. At the end
of the debate, Lord Balerno withdrew the Amendment because of a lack of
support and Lord Champion’s last comment on the proposed Amendment was:
“It is because the Government appreciates the noble Lord's argument for
enlightment and progress in the scientific field, that we are not including fish. This is
the way to ensure not only that veterinary surgeons may treat fish, diagnose diseases
in fish or give advice about fish, but also that other experts, in particular the various
fishery scientists, may do work on this kind. With the advent of fish-farming,
disease among fish may become a greater problem, and I think that we should leave
this matter open so that both fishery scientists and veterinarians may be permitted to
work in this field (VR, June 4th, 1966, p.816).”
Mary Brancker gave me some comments on this in a personal letter were she
writes;
“There is one interesting fact which might have changed the situation in England.
When the Veterinary Surgeons Act went through Parliament in the early part of
1966 I had no interest in fish. Although I was on the Council of the British
Veterinary Association, I was not directly involved with the Bill. It was late 1966 or
early 1967 when I learnt that a Plaice egg had been hatched and reared at the
Ministry of Agriculture Marine Research Laboratory at Bangor in North Wales. I
realised that this opened the way to the development of marine species. This in turn
meant that the veterinary profession needed to become involved in spite the fact that
there was little enthusiasm. If I had realised this a year earlier it is possible that the
BVA would have urged Lord Balerno to continue fighting and he might have won.
A few years later there was a talk of the Act being re-opened and at that time there
were amicable discussions with a large number of the fish biologists on the way
forward. The proposals were that those biologists already working in the field
should be given legal rights to continue but that no new biologists should be added
to the list. However the Act was not reopened (Mary Brancker in a personal letter
11.11.01).”
In my opinion, this shows that Mary Brancker played a significant role in
involving the veterinary profession in fish health work. It is also noteworthy that
the U.K. had a debate about different occupational groups’ involvement in fish
health work two years before Norway approved the Fish Diseases Act of 1968.
At this time Norway had no such discussion about the involvement of different
expert groups. It is my opinion that one of the reasons why fish were not
included in the U.K. Veterinary Surgeons Act was due to the fact that fishery
scientists were already heavily involved. Their involvement had developed as a
consequence of the central role of microbiologists at the Department of
Bacteriology, Edinburgh.
In the late 1960s Mary Brancker tried to stimulate an interest in fish work.
According to Mary Brancker, the Nuffield Trust Foundation emphasized that it
was not interested in building an institution for veterinarians only. It was Mary
Brancker who involved the veterinarian Ronald Roberts in the establishment of
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227
the Institute of Aquaculture. Roberts had retained interest in fish throughout his
veterinary studies (Lannon, 89). According to Brancker he was “ a very unhappy
man at the (Veterinary) Pathology Department in Glasgow and I used to ring
him up and say; For heaven’s sake stay were you are because we shall have a
job for you in a years time ( Mary Brancker in interview 1st of March 1993).”
Veterinarian Mary Brancker’s involvement in the establishment of the
Institute of Aquatic Pathobiology (now named Institute of Aquaculture) was,
however, very important: not only for fish veterinarians in the U.K., but for fish
veterinarians and other scientists abroad too. However, it has up until the late
1990s, been difficult to find evidence for her significant role in fish veterinarian
work, and the establishment of the Institute of Aquaculture in written sources. In
the Veterinary Record ( VR, August 15,1992) for example the following is
stated about the role of Professor Ronald Roberts in veterinary involvement in
the fish farming industry: “Because of his interest in this field, he was
approached by the Nuffield Organisation in 1969 to discuss the establishment of
a centre where research appropriate to the industry could be carried out.” And in
a historical publication about Howietoun Fish Farm at Bannochburn, Stirling,
the world's first scientific research fish farm the following is written;
“In 1969 the Nuffield Foundation, acting in response to stimuli from such notable
scientists as Sir Maurice Yonge, FRS, Dr.C.F.Hickling of the Foreign
Commonwealth Office, and Sir Cyril Licas, FRS, the Director of Fisheries Research
for Scotland, approached Dr.Roberts and asked him if he would be interested in
establishing a research unit in fish diseases, either at the University of Cambridge or
at Reading. Roberts demurred and insisted that since the industry was developing in
Scotland, he should work in Scotland, and ideally at the new University of Stirling
(Lannon, 89:47).”
The two written sources that I have just quoted do not mention the
veterinarian Mary Brancker. I have her version of it through interview and
personal letters. There is no doubt that Mary Brancker has had a significant role
in involving veterinarian in fish health work. Her role in getting the Nuffield
Foundation to fund the Institute of Aquaculture is not very visible in written
documents. However, in 1996 Mary Brancker was honoured with a Doctorate by
the University of Stirling. There are two possible explanations why Brancker is
“invisible” in written sources, either it is due to historical omission or to the fact
that Brancker herself wanted to stay in the background.
Conclusion
I did not have any gender perspective when I started my research work within
fish health work in Norway and Scotland, therefore it took a while before I
became aware of the role women had had in fish disease work. It has
nevertheless been difficult to know what to do with this information. Was this
female involvement fundamental to the establishment of the institutional
arrangements or was it merely a coincidence? In this paper, I have tried to show
that women’s role in fish disease research and fieldwork is underestimated. I am
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now of the opinion that the prominent role played by female scientists at the
University of Edinburgh’s Bacteriology Department has been significant for the
central administrative role the Marine Laboratory in Aberdeen has played in the
field of fish health research and diagnostic work. It is also possible to state that
is has influenced the division of work between scientists and veterinarians in the
U.K.
When, as in this case, the history of the developments of a new body of
knowledge and the establishment of new institutions are told, it is possible there
are historical omissions. In order to uncover these, detailed empirical research is
needed where several types of sources are combined. Without such a
combination of sources I would not have become alerted to the influence of
veterinarian Mary Brancker on the establishment of the Institute of Aquaculture.
I believe that several researchers have made similar findings in relation to
women’s role in this field. However, because of a lack of capacity, or a choice
of theoretical perspectives that make such findings appear irrelevant, these
discoveries become marginalized. The result is that researchers may risk
actually colluding with the historical omissions instead of uncovering findings
that may contribute to a better understanding of an event.
References
Le Feuvre, Nicky, `The Feminisation of Professional Groups in a Comparative
Perspective: Some Theoretical Consideration´, in Olgiati et al. Profession,
Identity, and Order in Comparative Perspective, A publication of the
International Institute for the Sociology of Law. Oñati 1998
Erichsen, V.. Professionalisation and Public Variation. The Case of dental care
in Britain and Norway. Department of Administration and Organisation
Theory, University of Bergen, 1990
Furunculosois Committee. Interim Report, March 1930, HMSO:Edinburgh
Furunculosis Committee. Second Interim Report, June 1933.HMSO: Edinburgh
Furunculosis Committee. Final Report, July 1935, HMSO: Edinburgh.
http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Topics/Fisheries/Fish-Shellfish. (Sept.2004).
http://www.marlab.ac.uk/ (Sept.2004).
Innstilling fra arbeidsgruppe for vurdering av veterinærutdanningen, mars 1988.
Jakt og fiske nr.10, 1992.
Kjæmpenes, W.M. How can knowledge transform policy? Professionalisation
and fish health policy in Norway and Scotland. Unpublished PhD. work.
Lannon, Tom. The Story of Howietoun. Institute of Aquaculture publications,
University of Stirling.1989.
Powell and Dimaggio, `The New Institutionalism in Organisational Analysis´ in
Steinmo, Thelen & Longstreth (Eds), Structuring politics. Historical
institutionalism in comparative analysis. Cambridge University Press, 1991
Skocpol, T. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. The Political Origins of Social
Policy in the United States, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,
1992
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229
Skocpol, T. Gender and the Origin of Modern Social Policies. Vilhelm Aubert
Memorial Lecture 1992. Institutt for Samfunnsforskning, Universitetet i Oslo.
ISF report 93, no.6. The Veterinary Record. 1993
Thelen, Kathleen & Steinmo, Svein. `Historical institutionalism in comparative
politics´, in Steinmo, Thelen & Longstreth (Eds), Structuring politics.
Historical institutionalism in comparative análisis, Cambridge University
Press, 1992
Notes
1
Scotland is by far the largest producer of salmon in the UK, and I will therefore use findings
from Scotland. The two important institutions discussed in this paper are situated in Scotland.
When it comes to the veterinary profession, however it is necessary to include the British veterinary
profession. Therefore I sometimes switch between Scotland and the UK.
2
This ongoing study is titled; How Can Knowledge Transform Policy? Professionalisation and
Fish Health Policy in Norway and Scotland. In this research work I follow a research tradition that
focuses on historical institutional processes in order to understand public initiative. The idea is that
professional development relate in systematic ways to particular national experiences. By
combining historical institutional perspectives and professional theories, the complex relationships
between state, expert groups and knowledge can be identified. The following presentation of
women’s role in fish health work would not have been possible without using these perspectives as
analytical tools.
3
ISF report 93:27
4
Furunculosis is caused by the bacterium Aeromonas salmonicida subspecies salmonicida. The
bacterium is located worldwide (except Australia) and may cause serious diseases both in wild and
farmed fish.( My translation of Poppe & Mo, i Jakt & Fiske 10.92).
5
Veterinarian Peter Southgate, Secretary of the Fish Veterinary Society, interviewed 31st of
March 1993.
232
PARTICIPACIÓN DE LAS MUJERES EN LA
PRODUCCIÓN DE MEJILLÓN EN GALICIA. ASPECTOS
DIFERENCIALES EN EL MARCO DEL SECTOR PESQUERO
GALLEGO
Gonzalo Rodríguez Rodríguez
Maria do Carme Garcia Negro
Xoán Ramón Doldán Garcia
María Luisa Chas Amil.
Grupo de Investigación de Economia Pesqueira e Recursos Naturais
Dpto. de Economía Aplicada, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela
Resumen
En las actividades productivas relacionadas con la explotación de los recursos
marinos en Galicia han existido tradicionalmente ámbitos fuertemente
masculinizados, como puede ser la propia pesca extractiva o el marisqueo a
flote, y ámbitos fuertemente feminizados, como la elaboración de conservas o el
marisqueo a pie. En este escenario, la aparición y desarrollo de la miticultura a
lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX supone un espacio de ruptura con este
modo de compartimentación del trabajo, en el que, si bien el empleo masculino
sigue siendo mayoritario, existe una participación de las mujeres en todas
aquellas actividades que en otros sectores de la pesca son predominantemente
masculinas, como pueden ser las actividades a flote.
El desarrollo de esta línea de análisis viene derivado de la explotación
estadística de la información contenida en las encuestas empleadas para la
confección de las Tablas Input-Output de la Pesca-Conserva Gallega de 1995 y
1999. Información que nos permite definir las características y estructura por
sexos de las relaciones laborales en la miticultura, así como insertarlas en un
marco global en el que puedan ser comparadas con el tipo de relaciones
caracterizadoras del territorio en el que se realizan estas actividades y del propio
sector pesquero.
Introducción
Hasta mediados del s. XX, con la instalación de las primeras bateas en la Ría
de Arousa, la recolección de mejillón era una labor que realizaban las mujeres
de las comunidades costeras. Esta labor, considerada no productiva, por cuanto
formaba parte de las labores domésticas dirigidas a completar las fuentes
proteínicas de que disponía la familia, se realizaba, sobre todo, ante la escasez
de otras fuentes, como ocurría cuando, a causa de los temporales, los barcos no
podían salir a faenar.
Con el inicio de las prácticas de cultivo se produce un doble proceso de
desposesión del recurso que pasa de las comunidades costeras a los industriales
de la conserva y la salazón, propietarios de las bateas que comienzan a poblar
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las rías, y de las mujeres a los hombres. El destino comercial que ahora
identifica este producto, determina el carácter productivo de las actividades
relacionadas con su cultivo, y con él la exclusión de las mujeres de la posesión
real, siendo una constante a lo largo de la historia la marginación de las mujeres
cuando el producto alcanza valor de mercado.
Tal proceso resulta ilustrativo de la invisivilización que sufren las mujeres, de
modo que la ausencia de datos estadísticos es la expresión de causas profundas,
como puede ser el hecho de que no se considere producto la parte del trabajo de
la mujer que no llega al mercado o, incluso, que llegando al mercado, estas
actividades computen en el ámbito doméstico (no productivo) si son realizadas
por mujeres.
Esta situación determina los objetivos de nuestro trabajo: registrar los
múltiples ámbitos de participación de las mujeres en la miticultura, como paso
previo en un proceso de emergencia hacia la plena equiparación laboral y social
en la sociedad gallega. Para ello centraremos nuestra atención en tres ámbitos de
participación: como trabajadoras, como propietarias y como gestoras.
No por ello debe deducirse que el papel de las mujeres esté reducido a estos
tres aspectos, sino que contituyen tres ejes estructuradores del proceso de
equiparación. De hecho, su actuación abarca campos que van desde la
transmisión de conocimientos (sobre la naturaleza marina, sobre el carácter de
alimento de los recursos, etc) a la prestación de mano de obra barata, flexible y
disciplinada que permitía tanto viabilizar la explotación como sostener la casa
ejerciendo de nexo entre ambos. Por supuesto también, pescando, cultivando,
comercializando, etc.
Metodología.
Nuestra fuente principal de información la constituyen las encuestas para la
elaboración de las Táboas Input-Output da Pesca-Conserva Galegas, tanto de
1995 (TIOPC-95) como de 1999 (TIOPC-99). En ellas se recababa, no sólo la
información que finalmente se utilizó en la elaboración de las tablas, sino
también otra información complementaria, como la relativa al empleo, utilizada
en diversas investigaciones realizadas por el Grupo de Investigación en
Economía Pesquera y de los Recursos Naturales de la Universidade de Santiago
de Compostela, de cuyo trabajo es deudora esta ponencia.
Adoptando como punto de enfoque la miticultura gallega, decidimos
comparar esta, a efectos de acotar con precisión sus propiedades específicas, con
los distintos subsectores que en en las TIOPC se definen como pesca extractiva
(Marisqueo a flote, bajura, litoral, altura y gran altura), ya que, a nuestro juicio,
reunen una serie de propiedades que los hacen particularmente aptos para la
comparación. Entre éstas cabe destacar el hecho de constituir unidades
productivas homologables, de modo que se pudiera realizar una comparación
realista; así como el hecho de que apriorísticamente comparten un grado de
incorporación de las mujeres claramente inferior a la de los hombres, aunque
con distintos grados y especificidades, cuya comparación nos podría ayudar a
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233
delinear una anatomía propia de cada uno de ellos mediante las que ponderar las
proporciones específicas que hallamos en la miticultura.
En cuanto al origen y tratamiento de la información empleada, cabe indicar
que la población estudiada está constituida por 8.237 empresas en el caso de la
pesca extractiva y 2.064 explotaciones en el de la miticultura, definidas y
estratificadas de acuerdo a la información que figura en las Tablas 1 y 2.
Tabla 1. Estratificación en el Subsector de la Pesca Extractiva. 1999
Estrato
Estratificación
Tamaño de la
Arqueo
población
Pesca 1: Bajura I
0-5 TRB
6.512
Pesca 2: Bajura II
5,01-30 TRB
1.025
Pesca 3: Litoral
30,01-150 TRB
354
Pesca 4: Altura
150,01-500 TRB
316
Pesca 5: Gran Altura
> 500 TRB
30
Total
8.237
Fuente: TIOPC-99.
Se consideró que estos cinco estratos dividen a la población en grupos
heterogéneos entre si con ciertas características comunes entre elementos del
estrato. El estrato Pesca 1 está constituído por empresa que realizan una pesca
artesanal del día, en la que predominan artes como el marisqueo a flote y la
utilización de nasas. Las empresas del estrato Pesca 2 son aquellas que hacen
una pesca artesanal del día simultaneando varias artes. Pesca 3 incluye las
empresas que realizan capturas de pescado para vender en fresco, compuestas
por unidades de captura fuera de las rías, en el litoral. Pesca 4 se corresponde a
la altura, que es una pesca de tipo industrial que faena en Gran Sol y en el Banco
Canario-sahariano. Por último, el estrato Pesca 5 está constituído por aquellas
empresas que tienen un arqueo medio de más de 500 TRB y que se dedican a la
pesca industrial de gran altura.
En el caso de la miticultura la estratificación se realizó considerando que el
número de bateas pertenecientes a cada propietario es una variable adecuada
para distinguir dentro de la población grupos con características comunes. Cabe
indicar que el caso de la Ría de Sada fue tratado de forma individualizada,
debido a la fuerte concentración de la producción en una sola empresa.
Tabla 2. Estratificación del Subsector Mejillonero. 1995, 1999.
Tamaño de la población
1995
1999
Estrato 1 (E1): 1 a 2 bateas
1894
1.817
Estrato 2 (E2): 3 a 9 bateas
180
221
Estrato 3 (E3): más de 10 bateas
20
25
Total
2.094
2.064
Fuente: TIOPC-95 y 99.
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Es bien cierto que la imagen que, finalmente, logramos componer, aun siendo
dinámica, es de carácter netamente contemporáneo, lo sucedido entre 1995 y
1
1999, debido a la ausencia de estadísticas homologables (ni siquiera de
cualquier tipo de estadísticas, sobre todo si lo que procuramos son
desagregaciones por sexo) que pudieran servir para prolongar hacia atrás en el
tiempo los análisis aquí realizados. No obstante, de ellos se derivan
generalizaciones validas más allá de tal período.
Distribución de la ocupación por sexo en el entorno territorial
El modo específico en que una determinada actividad se organiza y articula
para producir no es sólo fruto de su dinámica interna, como si constituyera una
estructura completamente aislada del exterior, sino que, al contrario, refleja
aspectos integrantes de la sociedad en la que participa. Tal relación se
materializa en los más diversos planos: cultural, organizativo, técnico, etc.
En consecuencia resulta relevante, a la hora de tratar las características de
cualquier actividad, conocer los rasgos definitorios del entorno territorial al que
pertenece. En el caso de la miticultura el ámbito territorial está referenciado en
tres niveles: la comunidad autónoma, las provincias en las que se registra
actividad miticultora (A Coruña y Pontevedra) y los municipios costeros de la
Ría de Arousa. Tomamos esta última referencia como ejemplo representativo de
la dimensión comarcal fundamentalmente debido a la elevada concentración de
bateas que se produce en esta ría, alcanzando las dos terceras partes del total, de
modo, que las relaciones que se verifican en este espacio pueden aportar luz al
análisis no solo de este territorio, sino también de otros en los que la miticultura
o incluso la pesca resulten menos relevantes.
Tabla 3. Distribución del Total de Ocupados por sexo y territorio. 2001.
Galicia
Coruña (A) Pontevedra
Ría de Arousa
Varón
59,99%
59,88%
60,58%
60,34%
Mujer
40,01%
40,12%
39,42%
39,66%
Fuente: Elaboración propia sobre Censo 2001, INE.
En la tabla anterior se observa que apenas existen diferencias entre los
distintos ámbitos territoriales en cuanto a la proporción de mujeres en el
mercado laboral, situándose en todos los casos en torno al 40% para el conjunto
de las actividades económicas, definiendo así el término general de participación
de las mujeres en el mercado laboral.
Consideramos que, en esta ocasión, no es necesario aportar otros datos
relacionados, ya que, por un lado, los recogidos en la Tabla 3 posibilitan una
comparación (o, cuando menos establecen una referencia ) con el tipo de datos
de que disponemos para la pesca gallega. Por otro lado, otros datos como taxas
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de actividad, ocupación o paro, no harían sino apuntar en el mismo sentido en el
que lo hace la información ya expuesta.
Evolución y distribución del empleo en la miticultura.
Los cambios producidos en el empleo femenino en la miticultura entre 1995 y
1999 tienen lugar en un contexto en el que el empleo total pasa de 5.128
efectivos a 7.139. Tal resultado no obedece al incremento de la capacidad
instalada, que era la misma en los dos momentos considerados, sino a que en
1995 una buena parte de los polígonos de bateas se vieron afectados por
prolongados cierres debido a las mareas rojas, que impidieron la salida al
mercado de la producción, provocando una reducción de la necesidad de trabajo.
En un contexto en el que el trabajo no asalariado era predominante y,
consecuentemente, la flexibilidad de la mano de obra muy elevada es
comprensible que en las explotaciones se redujera el personal al mínino
imprescindible.
No obstante, el aumento del empleo no afectó equitativamente a hombre y
mujeres, ya que mientras la presencia de los primeros se incrementa en un
47,17%, la de las segundas lo hace en un 20,58%, viendo reducida su presencia
relativa.
Tabla 4. Distribución del Empleo en la Miticultura por Sexo y Estrato. 1995.
E1
Hombre
E2
E3
Mujer Hombre Mujer
Hombre
TOTAL
Mujer Hombre
Mujer
AMBOS
Fijos
5,94%
0,00% 3,51% 1,40%
0,97% 0,39% 10,43%
1,79%
Eventuales
2,46%
0,13% 0,70% 1,05%
1,07% 1,02%
4,24%
2,20%
12,22%
6,44%
Autónomos
28,49% 15,83% 3,16% 0,35%
0,10% 0,00% 31,75%
16,18%
47,93%
Ayuda
21,10%
9,50% 0,35% 0,35%
0,00% 0,00% 21,45%
9,85%
31,30%
2,11%
0,00% 0,00% 0,00%
0,00% 0,00%
0,00%
2,11%
Otros
Total
60,11% 25,45% 7,72% 3,16%
2,11%
2,14% 1,41% 69,98%
30,02% 100,00%
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas para la elaboración de las
TIOPC-95.
Tabla 5. Distribución del Empleo en la Miticultura por Sexo y Estrato. 1999.
E1
E2
Mujer
Mujer Hombre
Mujer AMBOS
8,94%
3,44%
0,62% 0,62%
0,88%
0,68%
10,44%
4,75%
15,19%
Eventuales
18,22%
0,00%
3,04% 0,21%
0,53%
0,49%
21,78%
0,70%
22,48%
Autónomos
26,81%
13,75%
5,21% 1,87%
0,35%
0,14%
32,37%
15,76%
48,13%
8,77%
4,39%
0,62% 0,42%
0,00%
0,00%
9,40%
4,80%
14,20%
0,00%
0,00%
Ayuda
Mujer Hombre
TOTAL
Hombre
Fijos
Hombre
E3
Otros
0,00%
0,00%
0,00% 0,00%
0,00%
0,00%
0,00%
Total
62,74%
21,57%
9,49% 3,12%
1,76%
1,31%
73,99%
26,01% 100,00%
Fuente:: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas para la elaboración de las
TIOPC-99.
236
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Este retroceso cuantitativo se acompaña, en cambio, de un proceso cualitativo
mediante el cual se consolida y estabiliza una fracción del empleo femenino,
fenómeno más claramente observable en términos absolutos (Tabla 6).
Tabla 6. Distribución del Empleo en la Miticultura Gallega por Tipo de
Vinculación Laboral y Sexo. 1995, 1999.
1995
1999
Hombre
Mujer
Total
Hombre Mujer Total
Fijos
535
92
627
745
339 1084
Eventuales
217
113
330
1555
50 1605
Autónomos
1628
830
2458
2311
1125 3436
Ayuda
1100
505
1605
671
343 1014
Otros
108
0
108
0
0
0
Total
3589
1540
5128
5282
1857 7139
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas para la elaboración de las
TIOPC-95 y 99.
La estabilización de la contratación es generalizable a ambos sexos, siendo
observable a través de la reducción, tanto en uno como en otro caso, de las
ayudas familiares, categoría que en conjunto y en un contexto de incremento del
empleo, pierde casi 600 efectivos. Es probable que una buena parte de los que al
inicio del período eran ayudas familiares, dadas la mejor situación2 y
expectativas del sector, hayan evolucionado hacia situaciones regularizadas
como es la de autónomo.
Sin embargo, a partir de este punto, la pauta seguida difiere para cada uno de
los dos sexos. Mientras que en el caso de los hombres el incremento del trabajo
asalariado se produce fundamentalmente mediante la contratación eventual, en
el caso de las mujeres son los contratos fijos los que más aumentan, un 268%,
mientras paralelamente se produce un descenso, tanto en términos absolutos
como relativos, de la contratación eventual.
Debemos indicar que las causas para este incremento de la regularización y la
estabilidad laboral no podemos buscarlas tan solo en factores organizativos sino,
más bien, en los condicionantes sociales o asistenciales. Resulta llamativo como
el incremento tanto del empleo, como de la estabilidad laboral no sólo no
conllevó un aumento de la remuneración de asalariados, sino que ésta se redujo,
pasando de 10,52 millones de euros en 1995 a 8,78 millones en 1999. La
explicación a este fenómeno no puede ser otra que la realización de contratos
con el objetivo de acceder a mayores prestaciones asistenciales, particularmente
pensiones. Situación que, aún afectando también a los hombres, incide en mayor
medida en las mujeres, ya que como consecuencia de su menor participación en
el mercado laboral les resulta más dificil sumar un número suficiente de años
cotizados. De hecho los contratos fijos unicamente aumentan entre las
explotaciones de menor dimensión (Estrato I), mientras que el computo conjunto
de las restantes incluso se reducen. Es de reseñar que en 1999 se registraban en
237
PROCEEDINGS
el Estrato I 578 contratos fijos más que en 1999, siendo ligeramente superior el
porcentaje de los que correspondieron a hombres frente a los que
correspondieron a mujeres, aunque con la particularidad de que al inicio del
período no existía ningún contrato fijo femenino en este estrato.
Así las cosas podemos entender por que incrementándose el empleo no se
incrementa la remuneración de asalariados, ya que el objetivo de algunos de los
contratos no es garantizar un salario, sino alcanzar mayores prestaciones
sociales, realizándose igualmente la remuneración a través de las rentas mixtas,
es decir, del ingreso familiar conjunto (Rodríguez, 2003).
Por tanto, si bien el empleo femenino se reduce entre los dos períodos
comparados, también una fracción de él se estabiliza mediante el acceso a
modalidades contractuales o laborales más estables y que evidencian la
consolidación de su participación en los procesos productivos.
En definitiva, se configura una situación en la que van unidos el incremento
de la estabilidad del empleo femenino y la reducción de de la proporción de
mujeres ocupadas. Del mismo modo, por un lado se produce la emergencia del
trabajo de las mujeres mediante la regularización de su trabajo, mientras que
prevalece a la vez la ocultación mediante la ausencia de salario.
La miticultura en el marco de la pesca gallega: el empleo femenino
A efectos de profundizar en la cuestión específica de la incorporación de la
mujer a las actividades extracción y cultivo de recursos marinos, decidimos
concentrar nuestra atención en aquellos sectores en los que la presencia
femenina resulta más reducida, como son las distintas flotas pesqueras, frente a
aquellas en las que el trabajo de las mujeres es claramente predominante, como
es el caso del marisqueo a pié, donde está generalmente aceptado que su
participación ronda el 90%, comparando estos resultados con los obtenidos en
la miticultura.
Tabla 7. Distribución del Empleo por Género en la Pesca Extractiva y la
Miticultura. 1999.
Marisqueo a
flote
Hombre
Pesca de
bajura
Mujer Hombre
Pesca de
litoral
Mujer Hombre
Pesca de altura Pesca de gran
altura
Mujer Hombre
Mujer Hombre
Miticultura
Mujer Hombre
Mujer
Asalariados
Fijos
Eventuales
35,00% 0,00% 34,88% 0,00% 80,15% 0,00% 85,97% 0,67% 92,98% 1,37% 10,44% 4,75%
0,00% 0,00% 13,95% 13,95% 8,78% 3,82% 9,58% 0,00% 5,49% 0,08% 21,78% 0,70%
No asal.
Autónomos
55,00% 5,00% 32,56% 2,33% 6,11% 0,38% 2,56% 0,33% 0,08% 0,00% 32,37% 15,76%
Ayuda
familiar
5,00% 0,00% 2,33% 0,00% 0,38% 0,38% 0,22% 0,67% 0,00% 0,00% 9,40% 4,80%
TOTAL
95,00% 5,00% 83,72% 16,28% 95,42% 4,58% 98,33% 1,67% 98,55% 1,45% 73,99% 26,01%
FUENTE: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas para la elaboración de las
TIOPC-99.
238
AKTEA CONFERENCE
En la tabla anterior (Tabla 7) son varios los aspectos reseñables. Como
conjunto nos permite extraer un escenario jerarquizable en función de la
presencia de las mujeres (Ilustración 1). En él destaca la mayor proporción de
empleo fememino en la miticultura, alcanzando un 26% del total de efectivos,
cifra claramente superior a cualquiera de las otras actividades consideradas.
Ilustración 1. Clasificación de los distintos subsectores de las pesca gallega en
función del porcentaje de empleo femenino. 1999.
% de empleo femenino
+
Gran
Altura
Litoral Marisqueo Bajura Miticultura Marisqueo
a flote
a pie
altura
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas para la elaboración de las
TIOPC-99.
La composición que la ilustración recoge, podría contar con dos grandes
elementos explicativos: la presencia del barco y el papel desempeñado por el
núcleo familiar en la explotación.
En relación al primero de los factores, es llamativo que en aquellas
actividades que no requieren de embarcaciones, caso del marisqueo a pié, la
participación femenina es casi hegemónica. Por el contrario en aquellas otras en
las que el barco constituye el principal instrumento productivo (pesca extractiva)
el empleo femenino es bajo o poco significativo (con la excepción de la pesca de
bajura). En realidad, el barco es el elemento que simboliza la dominación del
mar por el hombre y de este carácter deriva la exclusión (el tabú) de las mujeres.
La miticultura ocupa un lugar intermedio. En este último caso el barco juega
un papel auxiliar o de apoyo de las actividades productivas, compartiendo
protagonismo con el principal bien de capital que es la batea. De hecho, a
diferencia de la pesca, no en todas la unidades productivas se dispone de al
menos un barco. El cultivo de mejillón define un mar que ya no es libre y
tampoco masculino, es decir, expresa una construcción cultural distinta a la que
es propia de la pesca extractiva en la que la mujer es más visible.
En la bajura, en la que se registra la participación femenina en el empleo más
elevada del sector de la pesca extractiva y en la miticultua, aparece un rasgo
compartido: el papel crítico que juega el núcleo familiar en la producción. En
estos casos, en los que predominan pequeñas explotaciones o empresas, el
principal recurso del que disponen las familias para explotar su medio de vida es
su propia fuerza de trabajo, de modo que las mujeres han de participar aportando
mano de obra barata y flexible, que, a la postre, resulta determinante para la
viabilidad de la explotación.
Finalmente, otro aspecto a destacar en relación al empleo femenino se refiere
al tipo de contrato, en particular a la contratación fija. As este respecto
observamos como en la miticultura la contratación fija de mujeres, aún
representando tan solo en 4,75% de los empleos totales, supera ampliamente a la
PROCEEDINGS
239
que se registra en los restantes subsectores considerados. Tal expresión es reflejo
de una mayor presencia de empleo estructural femenino, al que, además, habría
que sumar la tipología de autónomos, a través de la que en la miticultura se
produce un importante número de incorporaciones femeninas al empleo.
Más allá de las expresiones cuantitativas a las que acabamos de hacer alusión,
existen outros aspectos de carácter más cualitativo que también podemos poner
de manifiesto. En este sentido, indica que en los dos únicos subsectores, además
de la miticultura, en los que existen contratos fijos a mujeres (la pesca de altura
y de gran altura), el papel que éstas juegan se ciñe en su totalidad a labores
administrativas o de secretariado, por tanto no involucradas en el objetivo
productivo principal: la extracción de recursos pesqueros. En cambio, en el caso
del cultivo de mejillón las mujeres participan activamente en las labores
productivas y esto no solo ocurre en aquellas unidades de pequeña dimensión,
cuya escasa división del trabajo puede hacerlas poco homologables con las más
jerarquizadas empresas de pesca industrial, sino que el empleo femenino fijo
está presente también entre las mayores explotaciones mitícolas (estrato III),
donde alcanza más del 42%3 del empleo total del estrato. Esta cifra sin duda
incluye tanto empleo administrativo como empleo en las labores de cultivo.
La participación de las mujeres en las labores de gestión. Titularidad y gestión
efectiva de las explotaciones mitícolas
A lo largo de los apartados anteriores pudo constatarse la aportación de las
mujeres a la fuerza de trabajo que participa en el cultivo de mejillón en Galicia,
sin embargo su papel no se reduce a este ámbito, sino que también se desarrolla
en tanto que propietarias y gestoras.
No existiendo ningún censo, encuesta o estadística destinada específicamente
a ilustrar el papel gerencial de las mujeres, utilizamos el porcentaje de respuesta
a los cuestionarios como identificador de un grado de conocimiento de los
distintos aspectos productivos que van desde el cultivo a la comercialización y
que pueden ser identificados como propios de aquellos que, en la práctica,
gestionan la explotación.
Disponemos del número de mujeres titulares, a través del Censo de
Explotaciones Mejilloneras de la Consellería de Pesca y Asuntos Marítimos así
como del censo de empresas pesqueras elaborado para la confección de las
TIOPC-99, lo cual nos proporciona una referencia relevante y valiosa, aunque
incompleta, de la participación femenina a través de la propiedad, ya que
desconocemos que parte les corresponde en las sociedades titulares de
explotaciones. El problema es más cualitativo que cuantitativo ya que si bien es
cierto que las distintas personas jurídicas representan una porción modesta del
total de titulares (un 3,7% en el caso de la miticultura y un 6,3% en el caso de la
pesca extractiva), también lo es que precisamente bajo la forma de sociedades
limitadas y, sobre todo, sociedades anónimas, actúan las empresas más
desarrolladas y estructuradas del sector (Tabla 8).
240
AKTEA CONFERENCE
En cualquier caso, el hecho de ser titulares es relevante por dos grandes
razones. En primer lugar, por que es indicativo de una de las condiciones de
partida de las mujeres de cara a su plena equiparación en la sociedad gallega
(García, 2004). En segundo lugar, por que la propiedad no sólo conlleva
derechos dominicales, sino que también representa el acceso ál ámbito
decisional.
Tabla 8. Distribución de los Titulares de Explotaciones Mejilloneras y
Pesqueras en Galicia según su Personalidad. 1999.
Titularidad de explotaciones mejilloneras
No consta
Hombres
Mujeres
Comunidad de
bienes
S.C.
S.L.
S.A.
S.C.L.
Asociaciones
ConfederCooperativas
Total
Frecuencia Porcentaje
1
0
1.353
65,6
632
30,6
2
0,1
3
49
16
1
4
0,1
2,4
0,8
0
0,2
2
0,1
2.063
100
Titularidad de empresas pesqueras
(Todos los estratos)
Frecuencia Porcentaje
No consta
1
0
Hombres
7.416
90,0
Mujeres
299
3,6
Comunidad de
bienes
150
1,8
S.C.
24
0,3
S.L.
213
2,6
S.A.
133
1,6
S.R.L.
1
0
Total
8.237
100
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir del censo de explotaciones mejilloneras y
pesqueras utilizado para la elaboración de las TIOPC-99.
Hechas las anteriores salvedades, son dos los aspectos que pueden subrayar.
En primer lugar el incremento de la presencia femenina a través de la propiedad,
ya que el número de mujeres titulares pasa del 28,3% (Rodríguez, 2003) al
30,6%. Incremento que si bien no es muy significativo apunta hacia un escenario
en el que se consolida la presencia femenina en esta actividad. Esta proporción
de mujeres titulares resulta inferior a la proporción de trabajadoras, sin embargo,
si observamos esta relación en términos absolutos vemos que el número de
empleos femeninos es tres veces superior al número de titulares del mismo sexo,
por lo que resulta bastante razonable pensar que la mayor parte de las titulares es
a la vez mano de obra en los procesos productivos.
Un segundo aspecto a destacar es la diferencia respecto a la proporción de
titulares varones, que con un 65,6% del total duplica la femenina. Se vislumbra
así un escenario patriarcalizado aunque permeable a la participación femenina.
La información relativa al grado de respuesta a los cuestionarios por parte de
mujeres se sintetiza en la Tabla 9. De ella podemos extraer distintas
Mujer
1995 Hombre
Mujer
Altura
Gran
Altura
Miticultura Miticultura Miticultura
I
II
III
92,31% 83,33% 96,15% 89,83% 73,08%
73,08%
88,24%
100,00%
7,69% 16,67% 3,85% 10,17% 26,92%
26,92%
11,76%
0,00%
78,38%
90,00%
100,00%
21,62%
10,00%
0,00%
FUENTE: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas para la elaboración de las
TIOPC-99.
La comparación temporal por estratos en el ámbito de la miticultura nos
permite observar fundamentalmente dos aspectos. En primer lugar, podemos
confirmar, también desde esta perspectiva, el proceso de consolidación e
incremento de la presencia femenina en las labores de gestión, que, como
indicábamos anteriormente, identificamos con la capacidad de responder al
amplio conjunto de informaciones que requerían los cuestionarios. Tal
incremento resulta particularmente apreciable en en Estrato I, constituido por las
explotaciones de menor dimensión, donde la proporción de las respuesta
proporcionadas por mujeres pasa del 21,62% al 26,92%. De hecho, estas
pequeñas explotaciones familiares constituyen el gran portal de acceso de las
mujeres a las labores de gestión.
Por el contrario, y en segundo lugar, es reseñable la completa ausencia de
respuestas proporcionadas por mujeres en el Estrato III, donde se agrupan las
mayores unidades empresariales.
La comparación con otros sectores de la pesca extractiva nos permite
diferenciar tres tipos de situaciones:
x Aquellos sectores de la pesca industrial, donde el grado de respuesta
por parte de mujeres es elevado (particularmente en el caso de la
Pesca de Gran Altura). En este caso la razón de la participación
femenina no es tanto que las mujeres participen del núcleo decisional
y gerencial de la empresa, como en hecho de que dentro de una
estructura empresarial compleja, con un cierto grado de división del
trabajo y especialización, sean las mujeres las que realicen trabajos
administrativos y de secretariado.
x Sectores con un bajo grado de respuestas femeninas, como son el
Marisqueo a flote y la Pesca de Litoral, caracterizados por una escasa
participación de la mujer también en la fuerza de trabajo, de modo
que constituyen actividades fuertemente masculinizadas y en las que,
probablemente, predomine una componente cultural más tradicional.
Ilustración 2. Participación de la Mujer en la Pesca Extractiva y la Miticultura
a través del Empleo, la Propiedad y la Gestión. 1999
45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%
0%
% informantes
mujer
% empleo
femenino
% de titulares
mujeres
a
flo
Ba te
ju
r
Li a
to
ra
G Alt l
ra u
n ra
M Alt
iti ur
c
M ultu a
iti
cu ra
M ltu I
iti
cu ra
ltu II
ra
III
1999 Hombre
Litoral
eo
Marisqueo a Bajura
flote
Finalmente, tendríamos sectores con un grado de respuesta femenina
medio (Pesca de Bajura o Estrato II de la miticultura) o elevado
(Estrato I de la miticultura). Estos subsectores, o más propiamente
estratos, tienen además en común una participación de las mujeres
como mano de obra relativamente elevada, siendo, muy
probablemente el factor explicativo de esta participación femenina
tanto en la gestión como en la producción, el hecho de que la
organización del trabajo no se produzca en estos casos respecto a la
explotación sino respecto a la unidad familiar. Es decir, es la familia
el ámbito en el que se distribuye las distintas funciones, incluidas
aquellas que contribuyen a completar es presupuesto familiar, de
modo que se produce una actuación solidaria en la que cada miembro
debe tomar parte y ayudar en las diversas actividades que realizan.
Es, por tanto, a través de estas relaciones familiares-productivas por
donde se produce el acceso de la mujer tanto al trabajo, como a la
gestión.
Fijando en un mismo cuadro las diferentes formas de participación de la
mujer que hasta ahora hemos analizado (Ilustración 2), podemos razonablemente
abordar las relaciones existentes entre ellas, siendo dos las más relevantes.
En primer lugar, podemos observar como el papel de gestoras y el de
trabajadoras está relacionado. Con excepción de los subsectores de carácter
industrial, donde las respuestas a los cuestionarios por parte de mujeres son fruto
de funciones administrativas o no existe tal respuesta (Miticultura III), la
participación en la gestión (el grado de respuesta) guarda proporción con la
participación en el trabajo.
x
qu
Tabla 9. Distribución de los Informantes de las Encuestas por Sexo. 1995, 1999.
AKTEA CONFERENCE
ar
is
valoraciones tanto respecto a la evolución seguida por la miticultura, como en
relación a la comparación con otros sectores de la pesca.
242
M
241
PROCEEDINGS
Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de encuestas empleadas para la elaboración
de las TIOPC-99.
PROCEEDINGS
243
Más relevante resulta el hecho de que (de nuevo con la excepción de la pesca
industrial en lo referente a las respuestas) la mayor participación femenina en el
trabajo y la gestión se produce en relación a la mayor participación en la
propiedad, es decir, la participación en el trabajo y la gestión es más alta en
aquelas actividades en las que la propiedad también lo es. Por tanto, la
relevancia de la propiedad va más allá de la mera posesión o dominio,
representando, también, la posibilidad de gestionar por derecho propio.
Diferencias en la cultura productiva de la miticultura y la pesca extractiva
Los resultados expuestos en los apartados anteriores son fruto de un proceso
evolutivo y de unas necesidades y retos, distintas a las de otros subsectores de la
pesca gallega, constituyendo un sistema cultural que, aún compartiendo
determinados valores o componentes con el conjunto de sector, también expresa
elementos diferenciales. Por tanto, esa mayor presencia femenina tanto en la
producción como en la gestión y la propiedad, no es una expresión aislada o
casual, sino vinculada a un sistema cultural específico cuya caracterización se
completa con otros rasgos.
La miticultura, dentro de esa gran cuenca cultural constituida por las
actividades de explotación de los recursos marinos, surge de la raíz común,
aunque desarrollándose de modo específico. El cultivo de mejillón en bateas
significó una técnica de producción radicalmente nueva en las costas gallegas,
provocando la necesidad de nuevos instrumentos y de transformaciones de tipo
cultural, lo que conlleva instituciones, códigos, reglas, etc, además de
conocimientos tecnológicos apropiados.
Así se definen una serie de elementos inmateriales estructurantes que
constituyen una cultura productiva de la mitcultura gallega, elementos que
relatamos a continuación (Rodríguez, 2003).
x Una forma de producción específica situada entre el marisqueo y la pesca.
Esta posición intermedia no se refiere unicamente a aspectos
conceptuales, sino que estos se derivan de la ocupación de un espacio
físico en las rías que lleva asociado un espacio cultural.
x La existencia de relaciones de propiedad sobre el recurso y el área
productiva. Frente al paradigma de mar libre, aún hoy presente en la
cultura marinera, la miticultura introduce relaciones de propiedad sobre
determinadas áreas y, en consecuencia, habilita la posibilidad de
exclusión. La relevancia de este paso es tal que García (1998, 23) lo
califica como el paso al neolítico marino.
x Una forma de gobernación específica basada en el consenso y la
cooperación. Si bien las figuras asociativas o gremiales alcanzan una gran
presencia en el ámbito de la pesca en general, en pocos casos éstas
constituyen la piedra angular para el desarrollo y supervivencia de la
actividad como lo hacen en la miticultura las centrales de ventas.
244
AKTEA CONFERENCE
x Mientras en los sectores de la pesca existe una baja participación de las
mujeres, que se convierte en tabú en el caso del acceso a los barcos, en el
cultivo de mejillón éstas participan en todas las actividades relacionadas
con la explotación, desde la gestión al cultivo, incluyendo, asimismo,
relaciones de propiedad. Si bien en determinadas actividades relacionadas
con el manejo de embarcaciones, como es el caso del patronaje, la
presencia de mujeres es aún reducida (Rodríguez, 2001a). Esta mayor
presencia femenina puede ser identificada con la existencia de códigos o
normas más avanzadas y mejor adaptadas al contexto social actual,
siendo, así expresivas de una mayor permeabilidad y predisposición al
cambio.
x Finalmente otro elemento destacable, es el carácter social de la producción,
provocado por la elevada redistribución de la riqueza que provoca la
participación en la producción de un elevado número de pequeñas
empresas familiares, que, a su vez, se articulan mediante la densa malla
asociativa que caracteriza a esta actividad.
Conclusiones
De los análisis practicados emerge un panorama poliédrico configurado por
los múltiples factores que influyen en la participación de la mujer en la
producción. El carácter familiar de la empresa, las relaciones de propiedad, la
presencia de valores tradicionales, la trayectoria evolutiva de la actividad, la
cultura productiva, etc, se conjugan para dar lugar a múltiples expresiones
específicas aunque con un denominador común: el oscurecimiento del trabajo de
las mujeres.
En Galicia la presencia de las mujeres ha sido determinante (imprescindible)
en el desarrollo de las actividades pesqueras, preservando y difundiendo
conocimiento, proporcionando mano de obra barata y flexible, comercializando,
etc. Haciéndolo, además, sin que esto haya conllevado el reconocimiento social
que, en cambio, si obtuvieron actividades equivalentes realizadas por hombres.
En la miticultura el carácter estructural del empleo femenino se refleja en las
cifras empleo, sin embargo, persiste el fenómeno de la invisibilidad a través de
la ausencia de salario. No se trata de una mera formalidad contable, sino de que
el salario es la forma en la que en una economía de mercado se reconoce
socialmente el valor del trabajo. Aún así, el incremento de la contratación
regular representa un avance en la emergencia del trabajo de las mujeres.
Pese a la estabilización y regularización registrada, no deja de llamar la
atención que ante la mejora en las perspectivas de la actividad, la proporción de
fuerza laboral femenina se vea reducida, del mismo modo que en las
explotaciones con una estructura empresarial más desarrollada, la participación
de las mujeres en la propiedad y la gestión es más reducida. Se reproduce así
una constante histórica por la que el éxito económico de una actividad y su
mayor prestigio social arrastra un corolario de masculinización.
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En este contexto existen dos factores que abren vías de acceso a la
participación de la mujer: las pequeñas explotaciones familiares, como
consecuencia de su propia necesidad de supervivencia; y los derechos de
propiedad, ya que no sólo implican titularidad, sino también capacidad
decisoria.
Bibliografía
Andreu, B. `Sobre el cultivo del mejillón en Galicia´, in Escolma de traballos
sobre o mexillón en Galicia (1955-1989). Xunta de Galicia. 1989
García Negro, M. C. (Dir.), Táboa Input-Output da Pesca-Conserva Galega,
1995. Xunta de Galicia. Santiago de Compostela 1997
García Negro, M. C. Modelo de crecimento económico desde un sector
considerado tradicionalmente primario. Inédito. 1998
García Negro, M. C (Dir.), Táboa Input-Output da Pesca-Conserva Galegas,
1999. Xunta de Galicia. Santiago de Compostela 2003
García Negro, M. C. `Participación das mulleres na pesca actual. Forza laboral e
papel económico´, en Simposio La mujer en la pesca, la acuicultura y el
marisqueo: Galicia y España.. Inédito. Santiago de Compostela 2004
Maillat, D. `Desarrollo Territorial, Milieu y Política Regional´ in A. Vázquez
Barquero y G. Garófoli (Eds), Desarrollo Económico Local en Europa.
Colegio de Economistas de Madrid. 1995
Martínez Ferreiro, R. ; Penas Patiño, X. Torres Reino, X. M. `Síntese histórica
do marisqueo en Galicia´, en: Marisqueo en Galicia. 3ªs xornadas de medio
mariño e acuicultura. Sada, 1994, Edicións do Castro, A Coruña 1998)
Pérez Sánchez, J.A. Las actividades agropecuarias y pesqueras en la Ría de
Arousa. Dinámica e incidencia territorial, Diputación de Pontevedra,
Pontevedra 1996
Rodríguez Rodríguez, G. `O papel da muller na miticultura galega´.
Cooperativismo e Economía Social, nº 23, curso 2000-2001 Servicio de
Publicacións da Universidade de Vigo, 2001
Rodríguez Rodríguez, G. O modelo de crecemento na miticultura galega.
Documento de Traballo do Departamento de Economía Aplicada número
16/2001. Servicio de Publicacións e intercambio científico da USC. Santiago.
2001
Rodríguez Rodríguez, G. (2003). Dinámica Productiva na Miticultura Galega.
Mecanismos de Innovación e Cambio Estructural na Actualidade. Tese de
Doutoramento. Servizo de Publicacións e Intercambio Científico da
Universidade de Santiago de Compostela.
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Notes
1
Ni siquiera el desaparecido Anuario de Pesca Marítima consideraba este tipo de desagregación
(García, 2004). Por otra parte, la información relaciva a las actividades de la pesca que proporciona
el Censo de población y vivienda de 2001 es poco homologable y con agregaciones en unos casos y
desagregaciones en otros poco adecuadas.
2
En 1999 no solo las mareas rojas habían tenido una incidencia reducida, en comparación con
1995, sino que además la evolución al alza de los precios en los sucesivos ejercicios que median
entre uno y otro año, había provocado una situación mucho más desahogada del sector (Rodríguez,
2003).
3
Debemos indicar, no obstante, que esta cifra puede estar sobredimensionada debido al efecto
que provocan aquellas empresas que combinan la explotación mitícola con la tenencia de
depuradoras, aplicando la fuerza de trabajo disponible a estas dos actividades en función de la carga
existente en cada período de tiempo, resultando difícil, a efectos de una estimación, descontar el
efecto de escala que provoca la compatibilización de las dos actividades.
248
Mujeres, reservas marinas y estrategias de diversificación en las
poblaciones litorales: el caso de los restaurantes de pescado1
Jose J. Pascual-Fernández
Raquel de la Cruz Modino
Instituto U. de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, U. La Laguna
Abstract
En las poblaciones pesqueras de Canarias, al igual que en muchas otras zonas
del mundo, las estrategias de diversificación económica en las unidades
domésticas han sido habituales a través del tiempo, por ejemplo combinando
actividades con la agricultura, en empaquetados de fruta, en factorías de pescado
o en el sector servicios. Sin embargo, los papeles de hombres y mujeres, jóvenes
o mayores, han ido cambiando a través del tiempo.
En las últimas décadas la combinación de actividades con el sector servicios y
el turismo es la tendencia dominante, especialmente cuando es posible la
creación de pequeñas empresas locales. El caso de los restaurantes de pescado es
una de estas opciones abiertas a las familias vinculadas con la pesca. En este
trabajo analizaremos el caso de San Miguel de Tajao, un pueblo del que tenemos
información etnográfica desde hace más de 20 años y en el que los restaurantes
de pescado se han multiplicando desde finales de los noventa, comparándolo con
otras zonas en las que se encuentran implantadas reservas marinas.
Nuestra intención es ver cómo estas opciones afectan a las estrategias
pesqueras, a la distribución de tareas en las familias, a las redes establecidas
entre parientes, o al status de las mujeres, entre otros muchos aspectos.
Planteamos como hipótesis que las mujeres han tenido un papel importante en el
desarrollo de tales iniciativas, y que las redes de apoyo, vinculadas
frecuentemente al parentesco y mantenidas a nivel local en torno a las mujeres,
han sido también muy relevantes.
Introducción: Procesos de cambio en las poblaciones litorales e impactos del
turismo
El desarrollo de muchas zonas de las Islas Canarias, en lo referente a
parámetros económicos como renta o producto interior bruto, ha ido aparejado
con muchas otras transformaciones. Quizás una de las más significativas sea la
demográfica, con unos niveles de crecimiento en la franja litoral, tanto de
población flotante como estable, realmente importantes. Especialmente en el
sudoeste de Gran Canaria, Tenerife o Fuerteventura, zonas que eran previamente
eriales se han convertido en urbanizaciones que acogen a muchos miles de
personas. El turismo y la construcción, elementos indisociables en muchos
contextos, han constituido el motor de estos procesos de cambio, que han
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incidido en múltiples niveles. Por ejemplo, han conducido a una creciente
presión sobre los recursos naturales, especialmente el agua, pero también la
costa o los recursos marinos. La mano de obra previamente vinculada al sector
primario será pronto atraída por estas nuevas actividades, primero en las
cercanías, posteriormente el mercado de trabajo va cobrando cada vez una
dimensión más global, contribuyendo al decaimiento de la agricultura y de la
actividad pesquera en muchas zonas de las islas (Santana Talavera, 1997).
Con estos cambios estructurales se fue alterando progresivamente el medio
ambiente de los espacios litorales. Las masivas construcciones en la costa, bien
de urbanizaciones, paseos marítimos, playas artificiales o muelles,
transformarán con rapidez algunos de los ecosistemas más importantes para la
reproducción de las especies de interés para los pescadores litorales. La
contaminación orgánica o química producto de este desarrollo incrementará aún
más el efecto de estas transformaciones físicas, generando ecosistemas nuevos,
más pobres, con menor variedad de especies y menos valiosos para la actividad
pesquera (Pascual Fernández; Santana Talavera et al., 2001).
Estos nuevos usos del espacio no sólo afectarán al medio ambiente. En
realidad, el proceso que estamos describiendo sobre todo impuso nuevos usos
del territorio, marginando progresivamente a la agricultura y a la pesca. Muchos
de los espacios litorales, así como las mismas casas de familias vinculadas a la
pesca adquirirán un valor muy elevado en este nuevo contexto, y cambiarán a
manos de foráneos. Otros elementos del espacio urbano se modifican también, o
se transforma su uso. El litoral o la playa se convierten en paseo marítimo, y la
avenida sobre la playa se transforma en una sucesión de terrazas de restaurantes
para comer pescado fresco, como ocurre en el Puerto de Las Nieves (Gran
Canaria). Estos espacios, ocupados tradicionalmente por la población local, van
a ser utilizados ahora, sobre todo, por foráneos.
Los efectos de estas transformaciones tendrán una incidencia importante
sobre las poblaciones litorales, aunque algunos de los procesos a los que
conducirán no son totalmente nuevos. La actividad pesquera no ha estado
aislada de otras labores productivas a través del tiempo. De hecho, ha sido
combinada en las islas con muchas otras labores para conseguir el sustento. En
ocasiones, los propios pescadores trabajaban en otros sectores alternativos. Bien
en la agricultura, en el cabotaje o en la construcción (de bancales, edificios y
hasta carreteras) (Pascual Fernández, 1991). En el seno de la familia, las esposas
podían hallarse también vinculadas a la pesca, realizando la venta del producto,
o bien trabajando en las factorías de procesado, que durante muchas décadas
ocuparon a un volumen de población femenina significativo. Otras veces, las
mujeres preferían dedicarse a ocupaciones como la agricultura, para reducir la
incertidumbre, y compensar las fluctuaciones de la actividad extractiva, en la
que podían sucederse años buenos con otros muy malos. Los hijos e hijas
jóvenes podían integrarse también en todas estas actividades, los varones con
preferencia en el barco familiar, o en la unidad productiva en la que participaba
el padre. Las hijas podían utilizar las mismas opciones que sus madres. Toda
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249
posibilidad era válida para utilizar al completo la fuerza de trabajo de la unidad
doméstica.
En las últimas décadas las opciones de diversificación de actividades han ido
apuntando, cada vez con mayor intensidad, al binomio servicios-construcción.
El desarrollo turístico de las islas y la expansión económica que originó abrieron
muchas oportunidades laborales, primero en la construcción de las
infraestructuras y, después, en los servicios que habían de ser prestados a los
visitantes. Con frecuencia, los varones de las poblaciones litorales tenderán a
combinar sus actividades con la construcción, mientras que las mujeres entrarán
con mayor facilidad a trabajar en hoteles, apartamentos o comercios. La
capacidad de absorber fuerza de trabajo de estos sectores, especialmente en lo
referente a la población joven, tanto masculina como femenina, ha sido
importantísima. Condiciones laborales distintas, en cierta forma más atractivas
por los horarios, días libres, estabilidad en la retribución, y condiciones de
trabajo (la percepción de la incomodidad de estar un barco, mojados), han
desangrado progresivamente a la actividad pesquera litoral.
La estima del oficio de pescador ha ido cambiando con el tiempo. En el
pasado, un agricultor, sobre todo aquellos que eran propietarios de tierras, podía
infravalorar o despreciar a los pescadores, desposeídos de la propiedad de
medios de producción valiosos como la tierra. Con la progresiva crisis de la
agricultura, especialmente la vinculada a las medianías e incluso a algunos
cultivos de exportación como el tomate y el plátano en varias islas, pudo
pensarse por un momento que quizás la situación se había invertido. Sin
embargo, el paso del tiempo ha dejado cada vez más claro que la valoración
tanto de la pesca como de la agricultura ha decaído de forma sustancial en las
preferencias laborales de los jóvenes canarios, en un proceso que no es
totalmente exclusivo de nuestra comunidad autónoma, sino que comparten otras
como Andalucía, Cataluña o el País Vasco, donde el embarque de inmigrantes
en ciertas flotas es también cada vez más frecuente. Primero ocurrió con la flota
pesquera del banco sahariano, que desde comienzos de los ochenta fue
perdiendo efectivos, en una tendencia que todavía se ha acentuado con mayor
claridad desde 1991. Al mismo tiempo, en muchas poblaciones de pescadores
litorales se ha producido también un éxodo desde la pesca hacia otras
actividades vinculadas al turismo y la construcción. Primero los jóvenes,
después los adultos de mediana edad, serán los que probarán suerte en otros
sectores. En algunos casos se abandona totalmente el sector extractivo, en otros
de forma solo temporal, y otras veces se intenta combinar a un tiempo ambas
labores, aunque el marco administrativo genera muchas dificultades para ello.
En este sentido, resulta curioso el concepto de furtivo habitual en las
poblaciones de pescadores: con frecuencia no se calificará así al antiguo
pescador profesional que ahora no tiene sus papeles en regla, pero a lo mejor
sale incluso a levar nasas en el barco (de lista tercera) de un amigo. Los papeles
no siempre se consideran como un factor esencial a la hora de juzgar estos
comportamientos, que si fueran realizados por un foráneo serían calificados
como furtivismo y posiblemente denunciados. La combinación más o menos
250
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coyuntural de actividades permite justificar en cierta medida tales
comportamientos.
Las transformaciones que acaecen en estas poblaciones van a tener todavía
mayor calado del que hemos comentado. Afectarán directamente a dos
elementos más: a las estrategias de las unidades productivas y a los patrones de
inversión de los excedentes. La escasez de mano de obra dificultará, entre otras
cosas, la inversión en barcos mayores que necesitan de varios marineros, al igual
que afectará al empleo de las técnicas que precisan de mucha fuerza de trabajo.
No es fácil conseguir marineros preparados fuera de la familia, y mucho menos
formar a “gente de tierra” para estas labores. El envejecimiento de la población
pesquera y la falta de renovación generacional pueden constituir factores
limitantes muy claros para cualquier estrategia de reinversión y adquisición de
embarcaciones más capitalizadas. Los excedentes del producto del trabajo
familiar, en este contexto, tienden a ubicarse en otros sectores, que ofrezcan
mayor seguridad y rendimientos complementarios a la pesca. La inversión en
bares-restaurantes se convierte en una estrategia significativa para incrementar
el valor añadido del pescado fresco, permitiendo utilizar la fuerza de trabajo de
toda la familia, especialmente la femenina. La inversión inmobiliaria se
convierte también en una alternativa relevante por la seguridad de la inversión,
los beneficios a corto plazo de los arrendamientos y la revalorización a medio
plazo de las viviendas o locales. La inversión en apartamentos se convierte, de
esta forma, en una opción especialmente apreciada por los buenos rendimientos
y la escasa inversión de trabajo que hay que emplear en su mantenimiento.
Sobre la casa, en las cercanías cuando hay terreno disponible, se construirán de
esta forma viviendas para alquilar a los foráneos. El factor limitante en este caso
será la disponibilidad de suelo, lo que conduce a que sea una estrategia habitual
en algunas poblaciones, y rara en otras donde resulta mucho más difícil
conseguir terreno para construir (Pascual Fernández; Santana Talavera et al.,
2001). Tanto en lo referente a los restaurantes como en el caso de los
apartamentos la labor de las mujeres en las unidades domésticas vinculadas a la
pesca resulta esencial, tanto en el trabajo cotidiano en estas nuevas empresas
como en la iniciativa para comenzar la nueva actividad.
La acuicultura podría ser una opción para invertir parte de los excedentes,
pero tiene varios inconvenientes. En primer lugar, el volumen de capital
necesario para emprender la actividad es muy importante, y el riesgo de invertir
tal volumen de dinero en instalaciones y peces sujetos a las inclemencias de la
mar puede juzgarse como excesivo, sobre todo para aquellos pescadores de
cierta edad y baja formación que están buscando una alternativa segura, y que
exija pocos esfuerzos, para invertir sus ahorros. Iniciativas cooperativas en este
terreno serían posibles, pero hasta ahora no se han concretado en las islas. La
formación necesaria para gestionar una empresa de este tipo, tanto en lo
referente a los aspectos técnicos de los cuidados a los peces como respecto a la
gestión empresarial, superan la capacidad y la formación habitual en las
poblaciones de pescadores (Pascual, 2004).
Estos datos indican que la demanda de pescado se ha incrementado en las
islas en los últimos años. Además, el cambio cultural y del nivel de vida
conducen también a que el hábito de comer fuera de casa sea cada vez algo
más generalizado en la población de las islas. Un claro indicador de este
fenómeno es el incremento de restaurantes que ha experimentado el
archipiélago en los últimos diez años, pero especialmente a partir de 1998.
Por ejemplo, en Tenerife se ha incrementado la cifra total en más de un
cincuenta por ciento, con un crecimiento especialmente espectacular en los
últimos años. El pescado constituye actualmente uno de los objetivos
preferentes de estos servicios de restauración, ya que las ventajas de la dieta
mediterránea son cada día más evidentes, aunque por otra parte también
podríamos encontrar probablemente un incremento significativo de los
enfocados a la comida basura.
Restaurantes en la Isla de Tenerife
3400
2965
3200
3000
2800
2000
1800
2185
2200
2185
2383
2315
2400
2259
2600
2185
Entre las estrategias de combinación de actividades desarrolladas por los
pescadores en las poblaciones litorales hemos de citar una que en los
últimos años se ha convertido en especialmente visible: los restaurantes de
pescado fresco.
Esta actividad permite obtener un valor añadido considerable sobre el
producto de la pesca, que se convierte en un reclamo fundamental para el
consumo de otros bienes y servicios. Podríamos seleccionar varios factores
que conducen a que este sector haya cobrado un auge importante en los
últimos años.
En primer lugar, la producción de la flota litoral, limitada y con muchos
problemas de distribución, no alcanza a todas las zonas de las islas, ni
puede satisfacer toda la demanda. Además, a estos procesos de distribución
llegan cantidades muy limitadas de las especies más apreciadas (vieja,
bocinegro, abade, alfonsiño, etc.). Muchas de las capturas, especialmente de
estas especies, quedan en los bares y restaurantes que tienen concertada la
adquisición de toda la producción de ciertos barcos, lo que constituye una
práctica habitual en muchos lugares de las islas. En algunas zonas, por
ejemplo en Garachico, casi todas las capturas van a parar a los restaurantes,
siendo incluso muy difícil comprar pescado fresco a la llegada de los
barcos, ya que “está todo comprometido”. Además, en islas como Tenerife,
el número y la actividad de las pescaderías ha decaído significativamente,
quedando las grandes superficies y los supermercados como las dos vías
más características para la circulación del pescado fresco. Muchas veces,
además, la frescura de este producto no es la deseable y se confunde la
producción del litoral insular con la procedente de otros caladeros bien
españoles (zona norte de la península) o extranjeros (Marruecos,
Mauritania, Senegal, Cabo Verde, etc.). En alguna de las grandes
superficies se identifica la procedencia del pescado, pero no su frescura de
una manera clara. Este conjunto de elementos conduce a que muchos
consumidores aprecien la posibilidad de comer pescado en un restaurante
costero, de pescadores si es posible, donde se supone que la calidad se halla
garantizada.
En segundo lugar, los cambios culturales y del mercado de trabajo han
afectado también a los patrones de consumo de pescado en Canarias. Según
las encuestas, hay un claro incremento de la participación en la dieta, tanto
del fresco como del congelado, pese a las dificultades de circulación del
producto. Respecto al pescado congelado el incremento del consumo resulta
especialmente importante. Aquellos que declaran no incluirlo en la dieta
han disminuido en más de un 55% entre 1994 y 2000 (Instituto Tecnológico
de Canarias (ITC), 2000), y en casi todos los restantes apartados también se
reflejan incrementos en el consumo.
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2127
El valor añadido: restaurantes de pescado fresco.
252
2127
251
1869
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1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
Fuente: Consejería de Turismo y Transportes
Gráfico 1: Restaurantes en la Isla de Tenerife
Por otra parte, las dificultades de conseguir materia prima de calidad para
el consumidor final son elevadas en muchas zonas de las islas. A la vez,
quizás podamos decir que resultan significativas las ventajas de consumir el
pescado “fuera de casa”. Hay diferencias importantes en la conducta de la
gente “del interior” respecto a las poblaciones litorales en las actitudes
sobre el pescado fresco. Estos últimos, que van a comprar el pescado a pié
de playa, están acostumbrados a comprar piezas enteras, incluso bonitos o
atunes, conocen los indicios de frescura (ojos, agallas, etc), identifican
muchas especies y tienen criterios propios sobre su calidad. Los “del
interior” y las poblaciones urbanas muchas veces carecen de tales
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253
habilidades, y en ellas se refuerza muchas veces el rechazo a las
características “impuras” del pescado fresco, entero, recién sacado del mar:
genera olores penetrantes, hay que limpiarlo, deshacerse de sus vísceras,
saber cómo prepararlo... Hacia este mercado se orienta la labor de
pescaderías, supermercados y grandes superficies, que siempre ofrecen el
servicio de limpiar el pescado para darle forma aceptable, a la vez que
ofrecen múltiples formas de elaboración de estos productos (filetes, tacos,
rodajas, etc.).
Los restaurantes de pescado fresco ocupan este mismo nicho, haciendo
todavía más sencillo el consumo de este producto, a la vez especialmente
valorado y poco accesible. Recordemos que el pescado fresco constituye,
prácticamente, el único alimento natural, no domesticado ni penetrado por
procesos industriales, directos o indirectos, que nos queda. Después de las
crisis de la alimentación animal y del uso sistemático de pesticidas en la
agricultura, el mar, pese a los casos puntuales de contaminación, es
prácticamente la única fuente de alimentos naturales.
Para muchas cofradías este proceso ha supuesto una oportunidad
significativa. Muchas de ellas disponen de locales privilegiados, cercanos a
la costa o a la playa, que pueden ser utilizados como bares o restaurantes.
Para la economía de estas instituciones el hecho de contar con una entrada
fija procedente del alquiler de estos locales, o de su explotación directa, lo
que es un caso menos frecuente, supone un desahogo económico
importante. En algún que otro caso, sobre todo antes del proceso de
renovación de los cargos electos que se inicia en 1997 (Decreto 109/1997,
de 26 de junio, BOC 25 jul. 1997) con la aplicación de la legislación
autonómica que renueva la figura de estas instituciones de derecho público
en las islas, existían cofradías que a pesar de contar con locales
especialmente apropiados para este fin, apenas recibían financiación por su
alquiler. El caso de la Cofradía de San Andrés, donde su Patrón Mayor
actuaba a la vez de concesionario del servicio resulta en tal sentido
paradigmático. Un restaurante instalado en locales de la cofradía justo a la
vera de la única playa de Santa Cruz de Tenerife abonaba una renta a la
institución meramente simbólica. Algunas de estas instalaciones,
especialmente las que se encuentran en zonas privilegiadas, muy pobladas o
con gran afluencia turística, generan actualmente alquileres que pueden
suponer una buena parte del presupuesto anual de estas instituciones.
Los pescadores y los restaurantes de pescado.
En muchas poblaciones de pescadores litorales, desde tiempo atrás, una
de las vías de diversificación de la economía de las unidades domésticas ha
sido instalar pequeñas tiendas (Tajao), bares (el Pris), o restaurantes (La
Restinga, Las Nieves, El Pris, Tajao, etc.). Los dos primeros modelos a
pequeña escala no son demasiado exigentes en fuerza de trabajo ni en
capital, ya que el espacio que precisan no es demasiado amplio. Sin
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embargo, el implantar un restaurante ya implica una inversión mucho más
elevada y unas instalaciones más o menos amplias diseñadas
específicamente para tal fin. También, desde hace muchos años, podemos
encontrar ejemplos de esta estrategia de diversificación.
Quizás el más antiguo que conocemos sea un restaurante del Puerto de
Las Nieves, instalado por un pescador, dueño de chinchorro y sardinal, a
finales de la década de los cincuenta. Comenzó trabajando un bar arrendado
por 250 pesetas de la época al mes (el primer bar-restaurante de la zona),
que había fracasado poco antes y que retomó con el atractivo fundamental
del pescado fresco, siendo visitado incluso por el mismo presidente del
cabildo, Matías Vega. La casa de este pescador estaba justo frente al bar, y
contaba con un atractivo patio, como todas las “casas baratas” de Las
Nieves, que se convertiría ocasionalmente también en comedor improvisado
cuando afluía mucho público. El atractivo fundamental del establecimiento
era el pescado fresco, que provenía de las nasas, sardinal y chinchorro que
poseía este pescador, uno de los que más capital habían acumulado
combinando diferentes técnicas, gracias a contar con una unidad productiva
en la que trabajaban más de veinte personas, necesarias para las labores del
chinchorro. Hacia 1958 consigue, por la buena fama de su establecimiento,
el préstamo de un banco para adquirir un solar y construir un nuevo
establecimiento, ahora de su propiedad. Este fue un hecho providencial:
Pero todos no tuvieron la suerte que tuvimos nosotros de darte el
dinero para que trabajares... Se pagó, porque se pagó (...) Y de cara a
cara, ahí no hubo ni fiadores ni nada
Toda la familia quedaba implicada en la empresa. La esposa por supuesto
también: “El buscaría el dinero, pero quien trabajó como una negra fui yo
ahí dentro”. Su hijo también trabajó en el bar, pescando, e incluso en la
construcción del nuevo restaurante, que terminaron en apenas siete meses.
Prácticamente en todos los restaurantes vinculados a familias de pescadores
las mujeres tienen la función vital de estar a cargo de la cocina, y muchas
veces también del seguimiento y la gestión general del negocio:
Y la clientela de tantos años... Toda la vida... Yo no estoy en el bar y
vienen conocidos a buscarme... que quieren verme en la cocina... Voy,
me pongo en la cocina porque me gusta de ir, es que me gusta y me
pongo a trastear ahí dentro...
Este nuevo bar sería arrendado un par de veces, pero siempre por cortos
periodos de tiempo, pues sin la gestión directa de sus promotores nunca
llegó a mantener su éxito. Probablemente el atractivo de ser un bar “de
pescadores”, y la garantía que ello podía ofrecer sobre la materia prima
constituía un factor especialmente importante.
El hijo del propietario original heredó la gestión desde la jubilación del
padre. Llegaron a trabajar en él hasta once personas, pero según las épocas
se reduciría el personal hasta seis o siete. La clientela del establecimiento
estaba compuesta por gente de Las Palmas, que llegaba a la zona los fines
de semana en busca de tranquilidad y buena comida. También durante la
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semana, sobre todo tiempo atrás, podía ser significativa la presencia de
marineros que celebraban las buenas jornadas de pesca.
Algunos de los factores que se hallaban detrás del origen de este
restaurante siguen presentes en las iniciativas similares desarrolladas en
otras zonas de las islas. En primer lugar supone la posibilidad de utilizar
toda la fuerza de trabajo de la unidad doméstica, más allá de las jornadas
habituales en la actividad pesquera. Cuando el pescador vuelve de la mar
muchas veces es precisamente cuando comienza la actividad del restaurante.
Las tareas que antes debía realizar la esposa para comercializar el pescado
ahora se transforman en labores para cocinarlo y organizar el bar. Los hijos
o hijas, yernos o nueras, e incluso nietos, se integrarán también en estas
labores, así como la familia extensa. Esta última constituye un recurso
especialmente importante, pues en los momentos álgidos de la actividad
(fines de semana, días de fiesta) cuando hace falta un gran volumen de
fuerza de trabajo, se puede captar ayuda entre hermanas o cuñadas de “la
dueña”, quienes de esta forma obtienen unos ingresos puntuales.
Recordamos por ejemplo el caso de un restaurante especialmente exitoso en
Tajao donde la dueña tenía seis hermanas, y era frecuente ver a varias
colaborando los domingos en la cocina. Muchas veces estas relaciones no se
formalizaban en contratos ni con altas en la seguridad social, entre otras
cosas ya que las inspecciones de trabajo en tales días de la semana son
raras, y porque la posibilidad de denuncias por parte de familiares tan
cercanos es reducida.
En segundo término, en ocasiones se aprovecha la vivienda ya
existente para en la parte baja comenzar con un bar, que puede
posteriormente reconvertirse para servir comidas. Por ejemplo, el patio de la
casa podía transformarse en comedor. En otro caso recordamos cómo la
parte baja ya era utilizada como bar, y se reestructuró la vivienda de la parte
alta para instalar un comedor con el que satisfacer la demanda de la gente
que llegaba por el pueblo. Habitualmente esto implica que las zonas en
cuestión no han alcanzado un desarrollo turístico intensivo, que aleja
progresivamente de los espacios privilegiados más cercanos al mar a las
familias de pescadores. En este sentido, el ritmo del desarrollo turístico y de
los servicios en la zona constituye un factor esencial para facilitar o
dificultar estas iniciativas entre las familias vinculadas a la pesca. Cuánto
más lento sea, y mejor acceso tengan a la propiedad de la tierra, más fácil
será que puedan desarrollar estas estrategias diversificadoras.
En tercer lugar, las habilidades para preparar el pescado de las mujeres
de estas familias cobran también una especial importancia. En algunos
casos los hombres todavía arreglan las capturas a la orilla del mar, en la
misma playa, para después llevarlos al bar, pero una vez dentro la cocina se
convierte en una labor femenina en gran parte de estas explotaciones
familiares. Esto no se produce de forma universal, ya que en algunos de los
casos que hemos estudiado también hombres se han convertido en
cocineros. En restaurantes dedicados al pescado cuyo propietario o
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concesionario no es pescador se aprecian también con frecuencia tales
habilidades. Por ejemplo, las tres cocineras del restaurante Casa del Mar de
Tazacorte, muy visitado por los naturales de la isla, provienen de familias
de pescadores (datos de 2000) (Pascual Fernández; Santana Talavera et al.,
2001).
En cuarto lugar, estos restaurantes venden productos con garantía de
frescura por la misma actividad de sus dueños y/o familiares. El pescado
siempre está visible, y sus dueños se precian de no servirlo cuando no lo
consiguen fresco –aunque no siempre esto es cierto–. No siempre se
adquiere en la misma comunidad, bien por los azares del tiempo o por la
escasa producción. Por ejemplo, restaurantes de la zona norte de Tenerife
cuando el mar está malo por esta vertiente se dirigen al sur o al suroeste
para conseguir materia prima. Las redes sociales de los pescadores se
extienden “entre los del gremio” mucho más allá de la comunidad local, y
con frecuencia mantienen contactos con unidades productivas en otras zonas
de la isla, lo que compensa estas variaciones. El recurso al pescado salado
también está presente en estos momentos de bajas capturas, para continuar
ofreciendo a la clientela productos de la mar.
Por último, mediante el restaurante se le da un valor añadido al
producto importantísimo. Los visitantes, es cierto, van a comer pescado
fresco, y eso es precisamente lo que les atrae al negocio. Pero una vez en él
van a consumir muchos otros productos, sobre los que los márgenes de
ganancia son probablemente mayores que en muchas especies de pescado.
Además, frecuentemente, especies que no se venden al público con mucho
éxito salen en el comedor sin problemas. Se les vende un servicio, para el
que se utiliza en principio toda la fuerza de trabajo disponible en la unidad
doméstica, y sólo cuando la empresa supera sus posibilidades se contrata a
trabajadores “de fuera”.
Los clientes en estos restaurantes quedan atraídos por la imagen del
consumo de un producto salvaje, natural, que no ha tomado alimentos de
dudosa procedencia. Ver entrar el pescado en el restaurante de la mano de
un pescador, verlo sacar del barco y llevarlo hasta aquel, se convierten en
símbolos de garantía, de su pureza todavía no industrializada y por tanto
degradada. Esta imagen se refuerza con toda la información negativa que se
recibe de otras fuentes de proteínas alternativas como la carne de res, pollo,
cerdo, etc. Junto al auge del consumo de pescado en esta coyuntura, es de
resaltar la difusión de carnes hasta ahora desconocidas en Canarias. Resulta
cuando menos curioso acudir a un restaurante decorado al estilo y con
platos tradicionales canarios, y que ofrezcan carne de canguro, avestruz, o
caballo, como sucede actualmente en Tenerife. Pero ninguna de ellas es
culturalmente aceptada, y mucho menos puede contar con los atributos de
naturaleza incontaminada como el pescado. La clientela de estos
restaurantes de pescado fresco está compuesta por un porcentaje elevado de
canarios y peninsulares, que incluso acuden o invitan a estos restaurantes en
busca de imagen. Dado su precio y escasez, invitar a comer pescado fresco
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aporta más prestigio que hacerlo a muchos de los restaurantes más comunes
enfocados al consumo de carne u otros platos.
Para que sea posible instalar un restaurante de este tipo, vinculado a
una unidad productiva de pescadores, analizando la evidencia de los casos
que conocemos en las islas, deben darse varios factores. En primer lugar,
debe haber fuerza de trabajo disponible en la unidad doméstica o en la
familia extensa que pueda ser activada bien para las faenas cotidianas o para
momentos excepcionales. Además, deben estar dispuestos a trabajar muchas
horas, sobre todo aquellos que van a la mar y desarrollan posteriormente
faenas en el restaurante. Debe contarse con un local, o tener posibilidad de
conseguir el capital necesario para construir uno o arrendarlo. Puede
iniciarse la actividad con un local pequeño, como bar, incluso en los bajos
de la casa, para posteriormente ampliar el negocio como restaurante.
Resulta imprescindible que el desarrollo turístico en la zona sea
relativamente incipiente. Hay pescadores que cuentan con restaurantes en
zonas turísticas actualmente desarrolladas (Morro Jable), pero los casos que
conocemos comenzaron la actividad tiempo atrás, previamente a que la
especulación y la actividad económica vinculada al turismo desplazaran
espacialmente a los pescadores y establecieran barreras de entrada difíciles
de superar. Además, en estas zonas con el turismo plenamente implantado
el capital necesario para poner en marcha uno de estos negocios es muy
elevado, y la competencia de otros establecimientos de foráneos puede ser
muy dura. En el Puerto de Las Nieves fuimos testigos de cómo una unidad
doméstica vinculada con la pesca intentó poner en marcha hacia el 95 un
restaurante de pescado fresco, pero el capital con el que contaban no les
permitió acceder a un local en “primera fila”, lo que limitó enormemente
sus posibilidades de éxito y se vieron abocados a cerrar. La competencia de
los muchos restaurantes mejor situados y con vistas al mar fue imposible de
sostener.
Sin embargo, en otras zonas donde la actividad turística es todavía
incipiente, como en Tajao, recientemente se han multiplicado los
restaurantes de pescado, varios de ellos gestionados directamente por
familias vinculadas a la pesca. La situación de esta población entre la
capital de la isla y la zona Sur probablemente ha colaborado en este
proceso. La posibilidad de acceso a terrenos, a locales ya construidos y la
presencia de fuerza de trabajo familiar que puede implicarse en las labores
de la empresa seguro que ha influido en este proceso. A largo plazo resulta
difícil mantener la misma dedicación a la pesca y a la restauración. Con
frecuencia, se privilegia una de las dos labores, o incluso se abandona
temporalmente en favor de la otra. En La Restinga, por ejemplo,
encontramos casos que sirven de muestra para cada una de estas
posibilidades. El primer ejemplo es de una unidad doméstica en la que
padre e hijo se dedican a la pesca, mientras que el resto de la familia lleva
un bar y varios apartamentos. Normalmente ello implica disponer de
bastante fuerza de trabajo en la familia, que el trabajo esté bien organizado
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y que no se produzcan tensiones por la distribución de tareas. En El Pris o
en Tajao hemos visto ejemplos similares. Entre los puntos débiles de este
modelo podemos citar la gran cantidad de trabajo que se debe asumir, y la
transición a la segunda o tercera generación, que no siempre resulta
sencilla.
Este modelo no es estable por naturaleza. Con frecuencia, en virtud de
los problemas que pueden surgir para combinar ambas actividades puede
optarse por uno de los sectores en detrimento del otro. De nuevo en La
Restinga un pescador, propietario de un restaurante y saliendo
esporádicamente a la mar, terminó por
vender el barco ante la
imposibilidad de atender ambas cosas. Igualmente se ha dado en esta
población exactamente el caso contrario, de un pescador que puso un bar
con su mujer y sus hijos a la vez que continuaba saliendo a pescar, pero, al
cabo de dos años, terminó cerrándolo y derivando todos sus esfuerzos a la
mar. En Playa Santiago se han dado fenómenos similares, incluso un
antiguo patrón mayor abandonó la pesca para gestionar junto con su hijo un
bar restaurante. En ocasiones se dan posiciones intermedias, como por
ejemplo arrendar el bar por un cierto tiempo para atender a la pesca, o
simplemente para descansar. Muchas veces se vuelve a tomar el control del
bar, que pierde buena parte de su atractivo sin la familia de pescadores al
frente. Por todo ello, aunque esta actividad puede suponer un complemento
importante para muchas unidades domésticas, no es una actividad
fácilmente combinable, por el volumen de trabajo que implica, ni fácilmente
accesible hoy en día en muchas zonas donde el turismo ya se encuentra
implantado por el volumen de capital con el que hay que contar para poner
en marcha un establecimiento con las mínimas garantías de viabilidad. De
cualquier manera, en determinadas áreas puede constituir una interesante
alternativa para varias unidades domésticas vinculadas a la pesca (Pascual
Fernández; Santana Talavera et al., 2001).
Las reservas marinas en Canarias
Actualmente en Canarias hay tres reservas marinas en funcionamiento, una
alrededor de la Isla de La Graciosa, otra en el Suroeste de El Hierro y la última
de reciente creación en el Sur de La Palma. La implantación de estas reservas ha
sido realizada con un cierto acuerdo por parte de las cofradías implicadas.
Además, en varios de los decretos que marcan su creación se hace referencia
explícita al deseo de los pescadores de establecer la reserva (62/1995, BOC) o a
que se ha dado audiencia al sector pesquero afectado (Orden de 18 de julio de
2001, BOE 3 de Agosto). Sin embargo, su creación parece obedecer más a la
necesidad de regenerar los recursos demersales, y a la iniciativa de biólogos y
conservacionistas que a las demandas del sector, aunque estas también se
expresaron, por ejemplo en La Restinga cuando el 30 de Marzo de 1995 se
aprobó la creación de la reserva con el pronunciamiento favorable de 40 de los
49 cofrades con derecho a voto (Pascual Fernández; Santana Talavera et al.,
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2001: 84). No ocurrió de la misma forma en todos los casos, y en la Reserva
Marina de La Graciosa la iniciativa no partió de los pescadores, ni la aceptación
que esta tuvo al principio fue la idónea (Martín-Sosa; Brito et al., 2001: 89). En
general podemos afirmar que las primeras iniciativas partieron siempre en
Canarias de instancias diferentes a las poblaciones de pescadores, aunque estos
acogieran después con calor o frialdad tales propuestas.
Las aportaciones en Canarias de las reservas marinas ya implantadas desde un
punto de vista conservacionista podemos decir que han sido relevantes. Resulta
evidente que ciertos recursos como las viejas (sparisoma cretense) se han
recuperado notoriamente dado el incremento de capturas producido. Además, la
restauración de los ecosistemas a una situación donde el impacto humano es
limitado, o prácticamente inexistente como ocurre en las zonas de reserva
integral, permite que se recuperen en tales zonas especies de lento crecimiento,
regenerándose ecosistemas de gran diversidad y riqueza. En un contexto de
progresivo deterioro de la franja litoral en gran parte de las costas del
archipiélago, estas figuras de protección indudablemente pueden ayudar a
preservar buena parte de nuestro patrimonio natural.
Sin embargo, una consecuencia de la creación de reservas marinas es el
incremento del flujo de turistas atraídos por unos atractivos naturales
incuestionables. Las actividades que estos turistas desarrollan pueden generar
impactos sensibles en la propia reserva, pero pueden constituir una alternativa
económica para aquellas unidades domésticas que pueden ver restringida su
actividad pesquera. Tales usos turísticos han recibido hasta ahora menor
atención de parte de los científicos que han colaborado en su diseño, pero con
frecuencia los políticos que han demandado su implantación han tenido muy en
cuenta su efecto para incrementar un turismo alternativo de calidad. Las reservas
marinas tienen un atractivo similar para los turistas que los parques nacionales
tierra adentro (Roberts y Hawkins, 2000: 69), ya que la gente supone que la vida
marina será más fascinante y estará bien protegida, y de facto cuando este es el
caso se pueden encontrar en ellas ejemplares de peces inusuales, de mayor
tamaño o más abundantes de lo habitual. Las reservas marinas podrían ofrecer a
los pescadores oportunidades importantes de mejorar su nivel de vida, pero de
hecho se ven limitados por algunos aspectos de nuestra legislación. Una de las
actividades más interesantes que podrían desarrollar son los paseos en barco y
las excursiones de pesca, pero con la legislación actual no pueden utilizar sus
barcos para tales fines, a diferencia de lo que ocurre por ejemplo en otros países
europeos. Esto limita enormemente las posibilidades de mejorar su nivel de vida
y de reducir su esfuerzo pesquero al implicarse a tiempo parcial en actividades
alternativas que valorizarían sus conocimientos del medio reduciendo al mismo
tiempo su necesidad de extraer recursos marinos para ganarse la vida (Pascual
Fernández; Santana Talavera et al., 2001: ; Roberts y Hawkins, 2000: 70). Sin
embargo, otras actividades en tierra, como la explotación de apartamentos y
restaurantes, como ocurre en el caso de El Hierro, ha sido desarrollada de forma
extensiva por las familias vinculadas a la pesca de la zona, aprovechando las
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oportunidades que este flujo de turistas ofrece, y constituyendo un argumento
adicional para la justificación de estas figuras de protección.
Conclusiones
El desarrollo turístico de las Islas ha cambiado progresivamente la forma de
vida y las estrategias económicas de las poblaciones litorales, modificando
especialmente las actividades que las familias de pescadores habitualmente
combinaban en sus estrategias económicas. Las poblaciones anfitrionas no son
siempre espectadoras pasivas de las fuerzas globalizadoras del turismo y los
mercados (Boissevain, 1996: 21), sino que pueden adaptarse de manera creativa
a las nuevas circunstancias en función de cómo los locales desarrollan
estrategias exitosas para aprovechar las oportunidades que se abren, combinando
diferentes actividades para mejorar sus condiciones de vida o de trabajo. Los
cambios no sólo acaecen a partir de los impactos del turismo, sino también a
través de otras fuerzas que modifican a la sociedad y especialmente a la cultura
(Santana, 1997: 92). Especialmente en aquellas áreas donde el ritmo del
desarrollo turístico ha sido pausado y su impacto no ha desplazado a las
poblaciones de pescadores lejos de la costa, ni ha conducido a un monopolio de
la propiedad de la tierra, las oportunidades para invertir en apartamentos o en
restaurantes han quedado abiertas para los locales y con cierta frecuencia son
aprovechadas. Una ventaja importante de las estrategias que conducen los
excedentes de la pesca hacia estos usos alternativos es la seguridad de la
inversión y la diversificación de los riesgos en diferentes sectores. La gente
adopta habitualmente tecnologías que reducen los riesgos (Bailey; Jentoft et al.,
1996: 11), y frecuentemente selecciona inversiones con el fin de minimizarlos y
diversificarlos, tomando en consideración el conocimiento disponible. Dada la
expansión turística casi continua en Canarias en las últimas décadas la inversión
en actividades o en bienes inmuebles relacionados con los servicios de hecho
aparece como una opción segura. A ello se suman las dificultades para
intensificar la actividad pesquera por las limitaciones de los recursos o de la
fuerza de trabajo disponible, y las posibilidades de utilizar la fuerza de trabajo
femenina en estas nuevas opciones.
Las restricciones de uso de ciertos espacios marinos a través del
establecimiento de reservas ha sido desde 1995 una de las medidas de gestión
más interesantes y en ciertos casos también polémicas en Canarias. En la
práctica, el establecimiento de las reservas conlleva limitaciones más o menos
importantes en las prácticas pesqueras profesionales o deportivas, un incremento
sustancial de la vigilancia sobre tales espacios, y en ciertos casos un aumento de
las actividades relacionadas con el buceo deportivo en torno a clubes instalados
en las cercanías de la reserva, que atraen a un cierto número de turistas y que sin
control pueden generar efectos negativos significativos (Davis y Tisdell, 1995).
Sin embargo, la presencia de reservas marinas también parece incrementar las
posibilidades de diversificación de actividades por parte de las familias de
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pescadores, y en este terreno las actividades vinculadas a la restauración y a los
apartamentos centran buena parte de las nuevas pautas de inversión y trabajo.
Precisamente el tipo de turismo que se acerca a estas zonas favorece tales
actividades, al igual que el hecho de un desarrollo turístico relativamente lento,
donde las poblaciones de pescadores pueden acceder a la propiedad de la tierra,
y en el que el papel del turismo local o nacional es muy importante.
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Coast (pp. 61-82). Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, MARE series.
Roberts, Callum M. y Hawkins, Julie P. (2000). Reservas marinas totalmente
protegidas: una guía. Washington - York: WWF - University of York.
Santana, Agustín (1997). Antropología y turismo: ¿Nuevas hordas, viejas culturas?
Barcelona: Ariel.
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Santana Talavera, Agustín (1997). Antropología y turismo: ¿Nuevas hordas, viejas
culturas? Barcelona: Ariel.
Notes
1
Este trabajo es deudor de las investigaciones vinculadas al proyecto titulado “Reservas marinas y
poblaciones de pescadores litorales: impactos y estrategias para un desarrollo sostenible”, financiado por
el Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología y el FEDER dentro del Plan Nacional de Investigación Científica,
Desarrollo e Innovación Tecnológica (I+D+I), con referencia REN 2001/3350/MAR
264
MUJERES, DIVERSIFICACIÓN ECONÓMICA Y
DESARROLLO DEL TURISMO MARINO:
EN TORNO A LA RESERVA MARINA PUNTA DE LA
RESTINGA-MAR DE LAS CALMAS
(EL HIERRO – ISLAS CANARIAS)1
Raquel de la Cruz Modino
Jose J. Pascual-Fernández
Instituto Universitario de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales. Universidad de la Laguna
Resumen
La imagen convencional de la pesca como ámbito exclusivamente masculino
ha subestimado durante mucho tiempo el papel que desempeñan las mujeres en
la gestión, menospreciado su participación activa en la producción. No obstante,
el trabajo desarrollado por las mujeres, tanto en el proceso de comercialización
de los productos como en el desarrollo de estrategias de diversificación
económica articuladas por grupos domésticos vinculados a la actividad pesquera
profesional, ha resultado clave para la reproducción socioeconómica de los
mismos. La presente comunicación pretende analizar cómo las mujeres de la
población de La Restinga (El Hierro, España), han desarrollado, aprovechando
el incremento del turismo marino en el área, un complejo sistema de gestión de
los alojamientos turísticos.
1. Poblaciones de pescadores litorales: mujeres y estrategias de diversificación
económica
El papel desempeñado por las mujeres vinculadas a la actividad pesquera
artesanal ha sido omitido o desvalorizado durante décadas en la mayoría de los
estudios realizados sobre el sector pesquero. Esta invisibilidad puede ser fruto de
la construcción socio histórica de la “mujer” como esposa y madre, nunca como
individuo, y de la construcción de categorías tales como producción, trabajo o
empleo bajo los paradigmas neoclásico y marxista, los cuales han contribuido a
la exclusión de la mujer del ámbito público y económico donde supuestamente
se daban las relaciones y se gestaba la racionalidad económica. Fruto de la
evolución de los movimientos feministas y de la inclusión de la perspectiva de
género en numerosos estudios y trabajos realizados desde las Ciencias Sociales,
a lo largo de las últimas décadas, la necesidad de revisar estos conceptos
empleados como modelos explicativos centrales para el análisis económico ha
quedado patente (Narotzki, S., 1988, 1995). Cualquier conceptualización de la
actividad económica debe incluir todos los procesos de producción de bienes y
servicios orientados a la subsistencia y reproducción de las personas,
independientemente de las relaciones bajo las cuales se produzcan.
Generalmente, las modalidades concretas de división sexual del trabajo toman la
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forma de una jerarquización, siendo las tareas y los papeles “masculinos” los
más valorados y mejor retribuidos económicamente. Por el contrario, las
mujeres, además de asumir el trabajo reproductivo en exclusiva, tienen
asegurada una gran parte de la producción en todo tipo de sociedades (Mathieu,
1996: 669). La no asignación de un valor de mercado a las actividades que
tradicionalmente han sido consideradas labores “femeninas” dejaría incompleto
el análisis sobre la realidad socioeconómica de las poblaciones locales y puede
contribuir al olvido de las personas que realizan dichas actividades: las mujeres
(Carrasco, C., 1999: 31- 35).
Tradicionalmente los trabajos de los antropólogos se han preocupado más por
el análisis de la actividad pesquera teniendo presente sobre todo el estudio de los
trabajos masculinos y de la vida a bordo (Pascual Fernández, J., Alegret, J.,
2004:18). La imagen convencional de la pesca como ámbito exclusivamente
masculino ha subestimado durante mucho tiempo el papel que desempeñan las
mujeres en la gestión en tierra, y menospreciado su participación activa en la
producción (Collet, S., 1996:586), así como el de los restantes miembros de las
unidades domésticas a pesar de que pueden llegar a ser claves en el proceso de
reproducción de las mismas. Contamos con pocos trabajos que consideren las
relaciones de producción desde una perspectiva de género. La tendencia ha
estado marcada a lo sumo por monografías en las que el papel de las mujeres es
reducido y en las que se valora especialmente la faceta extractiva de la pesca.
Frente a ésta, poco a poco comienzan a aparecer reflexiones cada vez más
frecuentes sobre los espacios en tierra y el papel de las mujeres en la producción
o la comercialización (Pascual Fernández, J., Alegret, J., 2004:18).
Habitualmente las unidades domésticas vinculadas a la actividad pesquera
realizada en las costas de las Islas Canarias (España) han tendido a obtener
ingresos alternativos al sector pesquero, desarrollando múltiples estrategias de
combinación de actividades. Ello ha constituido un mecanismo fundamental
para reducir la incertidumbre de la actividad pesquera, sobre todo en aquellas
unidades productivas dedicadas a la captura de túnidos que en momentos
puntuales del año llegan hasta las costas de las islas (aunque con gran
variabilidad), y para completar los ingresos obtenidos en el seno de la unidad
doméstica mediante el empleo de de toda la fuerza de trabajo disponible,
contribuyendo así a mejorar su nivel de vida (Pascual Fernández, Santana
Talavera et. al., 2001: 230-232). Tal combinación, articulada sobre las diversas
actividades realizadas por cada uno de los miembros de la unidad doméstica, ha
permitido asegurar su reproducción y ha condicionado sus niveles de inversión y
consumo (Santana Talavera, A. 1990: 26).
En el contexto de las poblaciones de pescadores litorales de las islas Canarias,
se han llevado a cabo diversos estudios que demuestran que las actividades que
las mujeres desarrollan han resultado claves en el despliegue de las estrategias
productivas y de combinación de actividades (Cabrera Socorro, G. 1997, 2003;
Pascual Fernández, J. 1991; Santana Talavera, A. 1987, 1990, 1992), y por lo
tanto en el proceso de reproducción de estos grupos. La participación de las
mujeres en la comercialización de los productos marinos ha sido una constante
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en estas poblaciones. También han desarrollado labores en otros sectores como
la agricultura en momentos puntuales, al igual que los pescadores. En las últimas
décadas, en el contexto del Archipiélago Canario, el turismo se ha convertido en
uno de los fenómenos generadores de empleo más importantes. El turista
necesita se transportado, alojado y asistido, pero, secundariamente necesita
también de una provisión de actividades de ocio, para todo lo cual precisa de un
número, más o menos amplio, de personal en edad activa (Santana Talavera,
1990(2): 25). El desarrollo turístico acaecido en poblaciones como La Restinga,
aunque se halle todavía en una fase incipiente, ha traído nuevas oportunidades
de empleo para las mujeres y ha influido en las estrategias productivas
pesqueras.
Tal y como la experiencia de algunas poblaciones ha demostrado, las
estrategias de las unidades domésticas vinculadas a la actividad pesquera
profesional pueden conducir a la inversión en otros sectores. En los últimos años
dos estrategias comunes han sido la inversión de capital en bienes inmuebles y
en la restauración (Pascual Fernández, J., Santana Talavera, A., et al., 2001). En
el desarrollo de ambas estrategias las mujeres han jugado un importante papel,
empleando para ello los conocimientos y las relaciones de las que han dispuesto
en cada momento. La presente comunicación pretende analizar cómo las
mujeres de una población concreta, La Restinga (El Hierro), han desarrollado,
aprovechando el incremento del turismo marino en el área, un complejo sistema
de gestión de los alojamientos turísticos, en el que el parentesco y las relaciones
con los restantes empresarios del sector servicios del pueblo son claves.
2. Orígenes del asentamiento turístico pesquero de La Restinga
Como ha ocurrido en la mayoría de las islas, el papel secundario de la
actividad pesquera en Canarias estuvo relacionado durante largo tiempo con la
imposibilidad de almacenar y comercializar adecuadamente el pescado.
Concretamente, a La Restinga hasta 1940 sólo cuatro familias que residían la
localidad vecina de El Pinar bajaban a pescar, pero siempre de forma temporal,
según el tiempo y durante varios días (Galván Tudela, 1997:91). El definitivo
asentamiento de varias familias en La Restinga estuvo estrechamente ligado a la
existencia de esta comarca agrícola cercana en la que podían intercambiar el
pescado por alimentos. En el año 1941 familias procedentes de la isla de La
Gomera se asentaron en esta localidad, ya que aquí “se podía trabajar todo el
año en las calmas” (Galván Tudela, A., 1997; Acosta Padrón, V, 2003), dando
así origen a la nueva comunidad pesquera de la isla. En la década de los 50 otras
familias del Pinar y de la Gomera se trasladarían a La Restinga. Por entonces, el
pueblo carecía de agua corriente, luz eléctrica y ni siquiera el camino que unía
La Restinga con El Pinar (ocho kilómetros aproximadamente en línea recta y
catorce por carretera) estaba acondicionado.
Las mujeres eran las encargadas de vender el pescado, en una época marcada
por el racionamiento. El dinero apenas circulaba así que, generalmente,
intercambiaban el pescado que habían subido caminando desde La Restinga en
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talegas o en cestos a la cabeza (así lo llevaban las gomeras) por los productos de
los que se dispusiera, con los que volvían a bajar al pueblo.
El agua era escasa y había pocos aljibes donde almacenarla. Se iba a buscar a
la Playa Dulce, y desde allí cargaban el líquido en bidones y barriles para luego
trasladarlos en barca hasta el pueblo. Un trabajo que, tiempo después, se
realizaría gracias a la fuerza de bestias traídas para llevar el pescado. Los
vecinos de El Pinar que proporcionaban las bestias compraban el pescado y lo
vendían en toda la isla, pero las mujeres seguían encargándose de prepararlo
para su venta a pie de playa, de negociar con los vendedores, realizar las
transacciones y controlar el dinero obtenido de la venta o compraventa de
mercancías. Disminuyó el trueque, el dinero comenzó a circular más, “y
nosotras – cuenta una vecina de La Restinga - subíamos menos” (Galván
Tudela, 1997:93).
En la década de los cincuenta se introdujo en La Restinga la mecanización de
los pequeños barcos. En la década de los sesenta un empresario, dueño de una
fábrica de enlatados localizada en la vecina isla de La Gomera, instaló un
frigorífico en el que enfriaba el pescado. Compraba bonito y albacora, y fomentó
el desarrollo de la pesca de túnidos que tenía como destino su factoría. Desde
1963 la comunidad pesquera contaba con luz eléctrica y entre todos los vecinos
del pueblo (hombres, mujeres y niños incluso) pusieron las tuberías para
canalizar el agua corriente elevada desde la Playa de Icota. Estos hechos
propiciaron que la población aumentara notablemente. De las diez casas que
existían en La Restinga en 1950, se pasó a veintiocho en 1970 y cincuenta y tres
en 1975 (Galván Tudela, 1997:94). Gracias al dinero enviado por los herreños
que habían emigrado a Venezuela, los terrenos del pueblo, que inicialmente
pertenecían en su mayoría a un único propietario, se comenzaron a parcelar
aunque sin ningún tipo de orden o planificación. El pueblo se construyó sin
planeamiento y según los medios, siempre escasos, de que disponían los
vecinos. También gracias al dinero traído de Venezuela se comenzaron a
levantar los primeros apartamentos y se abrió el primer restaurante. Hasta
entonces no existía alojamiento disponible en La Restinga, aunque algunos
vecinos ya alquilaban habitaciones. Pronto se comenzarían a vislumbrar
claramente dos tipos de construcciones: las casas de los pescadores situadas en
la calle principal que desemboca en la Laja y a ambos lados de ésta frente a la
línea de mar, y los apartamentos (y casas de muchos de los emigrantes
retornados) que avanzaban hacia el oeste. Como cuenta una vecina “a ningún
pescador se le habría ocurrido comprar aquí que sólo había roca". Lo abrupto
del terreno hacía impensable para los pescadores, que levantaban sus casas sin
más medios que su propio esfuerzo, edificar hacia el área oeste. Por el otro lado
casi siempre azotan los vientos del Este; y, además, un alemán llegado en el 58
había comprado la mayoría de los terrenos de este lado del pueblo y había
levantado una pensión – restaurante (abierta desde 1968) que hasta la fecha
funciona como una empresa familiar. Este alemán (un militar exiliado de la 2ª
Guerra Mundial según los vecinos) fue el primero en promocionar el turismo en
La Restinga ligado a la actividad del buceo. Aunque el aeropuerto de la isla,
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267
situado en Valverde, no fue inaugurado hasta 1977 y no había líneas de ferry
regulares interinsulares, desde principios de los setenta el dueño de la pensión –
restaurante Kai Marino, trabajaba con tour operadores alemanes e italianos. La
imagen de pueblo de pescadores, la tranquilidad, el buen clima y los fondos
marinos eran los reclamos y los valores que se destacaban de este pequeño
núcleo costero.
Las mejoras en el pueblo propiciaron el regreso de numerosos emigrantes,
que aún hoy siguen retornando de Venezuela. No obstante, muchos de éstos, a
su llegada, no se ocuparon en la pesca, bien porque llegaban jubilados o bien
porque prefirieron invertir en otros sectores en la mayoría de las ocasiones.
Muchos de los emigrados trabajaron en Venezuela en el sector de la hostelería y
servicios, en la construcción, la pesca y la agricultura. Con experiencia y dinero
algunos abrieron restaurantes, pero sobre todo levantaron apartamentos
animados por el movimiento que había en La Restinga a su llegada. Del mismo
modo, muchos de los herreños desplazados a otras islas del archipiélago pero
que volvían a veranear y a visitar a la familia compraron terrenos y edificaron, o
adquirieron apartamentos como segundas residencias o para tener un lugar al
que retornar cuando se jubilaran.
3. Especialización y estrategias de inversión entre la población de pecadores
litorales de La Restinga
En el núcleo de La Restinga la reinversión en la pesca no se ha dirigido
unívocamente hacia la adquisición de embarcaciones de mayor eslora y tonelaje.
No siempre los barcos de más de diez metros de eslora son los más adaptativos
para las estrategias de las unidades productivas de los pescadores litorales, por
los mayores gastos de adquisición, amortización, mantenimiento, necesidad de
personal, maniobrabilidad, etc. En esta población, en 2001, se había constatado
cómo varias unidades productivas que invirtieron en barcos de más de diez
metros habían pasado a trabajar de nuevo con embarcaciones de ocho o nueve
metros, más adecuadas a las específicas condiciones locales (Pascual Fernández,
J., Santana Talavera, A., 2001:231). Tal y como muchos autores sostienen, la
viabilidad de los grupos domésticos y de las comunidades locales se basa en su
capacidad para diversificar las bases de su existencia económica (Comas
d´Argemir, D., 1998:64), aunque esta diversificación puede estar articulada
sobre formas de especialización.
Las estrategias pesqueras desarrolladas por los pescadores de La Restinga
pasan por un importante aprovechamiento de los pelágicos oceánicos. También
son importantes las capturas de especies de pescado blanco como la “vieja”
(Sparisoma cretense), cerca de la costa. Aunque no disponemos de datos
estadísticos, las campañas del atún en los últimos años no han sido ni tan
duraderas ni satisfactorias. Ello unido a ciertos problemas de comercialización
del atún (Thunnus), frente a un notable aumento en las capturas de ciertas
especies de pescado blanco2 que carece de los problemas de comercialización de
los anteriores, ha podido acentuar esta tendencia. Según los datos desprendidos
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del trabajo de campo, en el último año, de las 43 embarcaciones autorizadas a
faenar en la reserva marina de la Punta de La Restinga – Mar de las Calmas, se
han desguazado, o están pendiente de hacerlo, cinco embarcaciones mayores de
6 metros de eslora. La inversión de capital en el sector puede tener límites y, en
estos casos, las estrategias de las unidades domésticas pueden conducir a invertir
en otros sectores.
En La Restinga, una de las estrategias adoptadas ha sido la inversión en pisos
o apartamentos que pueden ser alquilados a veraneantes o a residentes habituales
en la población. La ventaja fundamental de esta opción es el rendimiento de la
inversión en la población a largo plazo, por la revalorización que sufren
continuamente los inmuebles en las zonas costeras, junto a los rendimientos a
corto plazo producto de los alquileres obtenidos. Tanto pescadores del pueblo
como personas dedicadas a otras actividades económicas participan de esta
elección por los rendimientos que se obtienen con escaso trabajo (Pascual
Fernández, J., Santana Talavera, A., et al, 2001: 232,233). Otra estrategia de
combinación de actividades desarrolladas por los pescadores en esta población
ha sido la instalación de restaurantes de pescado fresco. Sin embargo la
inversión en bienes inmuebles posee importantes ventajas frente a ésta. Hemos
de tener en cuenta que para mantener un restaurante de este tipo, en los que
generalmente se emplea toda la fuerza de trabajo de la unidad doméstica e
incluso la familia extensa en momentos álgidos de la actividad (como fines de
semana o días de fiesta), debe de haber fuerza de trabajo disponible; se requiere
de una buena y compleja organización entre todos los miembros, y que no se
produzcan tensiones por la distribución de las tareas a lo largo de unas jornadas
que superan las habituales en la actividad pesquera. Durante la realización del
trabajo de campo hemos constatado cómo algunas mujeres cuyos familiares
poseían restaurantes de pescado fresco en los que habían estado empleadas han
preferido dedicarse a la gestión de apartamentos. Concretamente una mujer de
La Restinga que trabajó durante años en el restaurante familiar, había dejado
este empleo para gestionar apartamentos porque “a veces la familia – según sus
palabras – abusa mucho (…)”. Además, la combinación entre ambas actividades
no siempre es posible. Con frecuencia puede optarse por uno de los sectores en
detrimento del otro (Pascual Fernández, Santana Talavera, et al, 2001: 244,
245).
En La Restinga, antes que nada, hay que especificar que no existen grandes
complejos de apartamentos ni hoteles. Tan sólo hemos podido constatar la
presencia de una agencia que gestiona el alquiler de los apartamentos de un
edificio concreto del pueblo. A diferencia los hoteles y de los restaurantes, la
inversión de fuerza de trabajo en el mantenimiento de los apartamentos es
mínima. La carencia de regulación sobre la mayoría de las explotaciones
turísticas extrahoteleras existentes explica que los servicios con los que éstos
cuentan sean muy reducidos. No existe personal cualificado encargado del
mantenimiento trabajando activamente en los complejos, sino que son los
propios dueños (en los pocos casos en que éstos residen en el pueblo), las
mujeres que gestionan y/o limpian los apartamentos o incluso los hijos y
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maridos de éstas los que, ocasionalmente, se ocupan de solventar los pequeños
problemas que puedan surgir. Normalmente, por cada bloque de apartamentos
hay sólo una mujer que se encarga de la limpieza, que se realiza entre una
ocupación y otra, y de cambiar la ropa de cama una vez por semana. Dichas
encargadas carecen de contrato (aunque cuentan con un seguro) y no tienen
horario de trabajo fijo; de manera que tienen estar disponibles para organizar el
alquiler a nuevos clientes, recibirlos y acudir a preparar los apartamentos tras
cada desalojo. Por otro lado, en cuanto a los servicios de restauración, tan sólo
hemos podido referir un caso en el que un bar del pueblo prepara menús
especiales para atender a los turistas que viajan en grupo.
4. Desarrollo turístico de La Restinga y productos turísticos en torno a la
Reserva Marina Punta de La Restinga – Mar de Las Calmas
El crecimiento turístico de La Restinga, y en la isla de El Hierro en general,
siguiendo la tipología de Peck y Lepie (1977, 1992, c.f. Santana Talavera, A.,
1997) ha sido lento: atendiendo a la magnitud y velocidad del desarrollo
turístico acaecido, a los agentes impulsores del desarrollo y a los impactos sobre
la comunidad anfitriona (expresados en términos de rentabilidad e impactos
socioeconómicos primarios). Como suele ocurrir en la mayoría de estos casos,
ante la escasez de infraestructuras serán los propios residentes locales quienes
pongan todos los medios disponibles a su alcance para atender a los turistas. Y
en ausencia de intermediarios o grandes empresas o touroperadores, el contacto
entre los locales y los turistas se mantiene. En la primera mitad de la década de
los 90 se produjo un tímido impulso, entrando la población en una fase
constructiva con el inicio de la edificación de apartamentos de nueva planta
dirigidos al turismo (doméstico o internacional) (Pascual Fernández, J., Santana
Talavera, A., et al, 2001: 158). Esta fase se consolidó en la segunda mitad de la
década, tras creación de la reserva marina Punta de La Restinga – Mar de Las
Calmas (BOE nº 30 de 3 de febrero de 1996) y la articulación de una oferta
específica sobre las actividades que pueden desarrollarse en su entorno marino.
En la práctica, al margen de los beneficios ecológicos y pesqueros, una
consecuencia de la creación de reservas marinas es el incremento en el flujo de
turistas submarinistas. Para atender a estos turistas surgió la infraestructura
comercial propia del turismo: centros de buceo, tiendas de material deportivo, de
souvenirs, etc. Hoy por hoy, el buceo es un producto turístico consolidado en La
Restinga.
En conjunto, los vecinos de La Restinga reconocen que el pueblo ha resultado
beneficiado por la generación de empleo en el sector servicios. Sin embargo, tan
sólo dos de los cuatro restaurantes que ofrecen pescado fresco pertenecen
pescadores, y un tercero a un antiguo pescador que tuvo que vender el barco
ante la imposibilidad de combinar ambas actividades. Del resto de
establecimientos existentes en el pueblo (bazares, tascas, centros de buceo,
supermercados…) sólo hemos podido contar un bazar que pertenece a la mujer
de un pescador. Lo que ha aumentado notablemente, con la consolidación de La
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Restinga como un destino para la realización de actividades turísticas
subacuáticas, es el número de centros de buceo. Mientras que en 1996 existían
tres empresas de este tipo en el pueblo, en 2004, la cifra asciende a 9. La
totalidad de los empleados y los dueños de los centros provienen de la Península
o de otras islas, a excepción de uno cuyo propietario es alemán. Si nos referimos
a los alojamientos nos encontramos ante una situación similar.
Realizar un censo exacto del número de plazas de alojamiento turístico
disponibles en La Restinga no es una tarea fácil. En el pueblo se dan cita turistas
extranjeros (alemanes en su mayoría) y nacionales que se desplazan para bucear
en el entorno de la Reserva Marina, canarios que desean pasar sus vacaciones
cerca del mar en zonas como ésta que no está monopolizada por el turismo
extranjero y con precios más asequibles, y herreños que poseen segundas
residencias en este núcleo costero pero que residen habitualmente en otros
pueblos de la isla o en las islas capitalinas (Tenerife y Gran Canaria). Los
alojamientos que se ofertan en régimen de alquiler y las segundas residencias no
son fáciles de diferenciar, y también es habitual que numerosas casas
pertenecientes a vecinos de La Restinga que emigraron (a Venezuela en la
mayoría de los casos), se alquilen tanto a turistas como a trabajadores
temporales del turismo y residentes del lugar. Hacia el 2001 existían en La
Restinga 23 bloques de apartamentos que ofertaban más de 200 plazas
destinadas a la actividad turística. Al margen de un complejo que cuenta con 61
apartamentos cuya propiedad está bastante repartida y del que resulta difícil
conseguir datos exactos, según las estimaciones realizadas, el 31,8% de éstas
instalaciones son propiedad de residentes en otros pueblos de la Isla, el 27,3%
de residentes permanentes en La Restinga, el 22,7% de herreños que viven en
otras islas o en Venezuela y el 18,2% restante de foráneos (Pascual Fernández,
J., Santana Talavera, A., et al, 2001: 233). En 2004 se han contabilizado 30
inmuebles que combinan en algunos casos viviendas, segundas residencias y
apartamentos que se ofertan en régimen de alquiler, y el número de plazas
disponibles asciende a 550. A éstos hay que sumar las viviendas cuyos
propietarios emigraron hace décadas a las que nos referíamos anteriormente. La
propiedad de los inmuebles sigue estando en su mayoría en manos de herreños
residentes en otros pueblos de la Isla, especialmente en el vecino pueblo de El
Pinar; y el porcentaje de propietarios residentes en El Hierro es superior a la
inversión foránea como es común en aquellas localidades en las que el
crecimiento turístico ha sido paulatino y no planificado. Según las estimaciones
realizadas durante el trabajo de campo hay por lo menos otros seis pescadores,
contando con algún jubilado, que gestionan sus propios inmuebles (entre uno y
cuatro).
5. Gestión por comisión
Las mujeres de La Restinga gestionan la mayoría de los apartamentos del
pueblo. La labor, además del mantenimiento y limpieza de los inmuebles,
incluye la recepción y atención directa a los clientes, y la reserva de plazas en
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muchos casos. Normalmente, la comisión que reciben por su trabajo oscila entre
el 20 y el 30%, aunque también se da el caso de mujeres que perciben una
cantidad fija por cada piso y alquiler que realizan (unos 30€ aproximadamente).
Es usual que en aquellos bloques de apartamentos que estén dados de alta y
cuenten con una sola mujer encargada del mantenimiento de todos los pisos, la
trabajadora tenga contrato a media jornada. Pero aunque exista una relación
contractual la empleada puede percibir una comisión por los alquileres que ella
misma efectúe, al margen de su sueldo. Igualmente, en muchas ocasiones
familiares y vecinas pueden proveer de clientes a las anteriores, labor por la que
perciben un porcentaje de la comisión que gana la encargada de los
apartamentos.
El contacto entre los dueños de los apartamentos, o de las viviendas, que se
arriendan y las mujeres encargadas de gestionarlos suele ser fruto de una
relación familiar o de vecindad previa. Es común además que entre las
diferentes mujeres que gestionan inmuebles se deriven clientes entre ellas
cuando tienen ocupados todos los apartamentos a su cargo. Hemos de tener en
cuenta que La Restinga, lugar de veraneo de numerosos canarios, es un destino
habitual para muchas familias que repiten año tras año y que mantienen una
cierta relación ya con los vecinos del pueblo. En verano las mujeres suelen
contar con la ayuda (por lo menos hemos contado dos) de las hijas, que pasan el
curso estudiando fuera de la isla. Además, en momentos álgidos de la actividad,
al igual que ocurre en los restaurantes, las mujeres pueden solicitar la
colaboración de algún familiar o vecina. Igualmente, cuando alguna mujer deja
de trabajar gestionando apartamentos es común que ofrezcan a familiares o
vecinas que se encarguen de los mismos.
Hemos podido contar 22 mujeres que realizan esta labor en La Restinga. De
las que:
10 gestionan apartamentos familiares, de las cuales 6 forman parte de
unidades domésticas vinculadas a la actividad pesquera profesional3
16 mujeres que limpian y/o gestionan apartamentos forman parte de unidades
domésticas vinculadas a la actividad pesquera profesional, lo que constituye el
72,72% del total de mujeres que realizan esta labor en el pueblo.
Usualmente un punto de contacto entre los clientes y las mujeres, y/o
familiares de éstas, que tienen a su cargo apartamentos han sido los restaurantes
y bares del pueblo, aunque el desarrollo del turismo de buceo en La Restinga ha
convertido a los dueños de los centros de buceo en intermediarios entre los
turistas buceadores y aquellas. Ante la ausencia de intermediarios en el pueblo
(agencias o touroperadores), el personal de los centros, que suelen captar a sus
clientes a través de páginas web, de revistas especializadas, mediante la
colaboración con otros centros de las islas o de la península y gracias al boca –
oreja, se ocupa de poner en contacto a los clientes con las mujeres encargadas de
arrendar apartamentos. Los dueños de dichos centros tienen su residencia fija en
La Restinga, así que, una vez más, las relaciones vecinales establecidas a lo
largo del tiempo resultan esenciales para organizar la actividad en el destino.
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A pesar de que en principio el trabajo desarrollado por las mujeres en La
Restinga gestionando apartamentos pretendía ser una ayuda, mediante el
aprovechamiento de viviendas que de otra manera permanecerían en desuso la
mayor parte del año, con la consolidación de la localidad como destino de buceo
a nivel nacional y el desarrollo de empresas especializadas en la recepción de
este tipo de turistas que llegan a lo largo del año (a diferencia de los veraneantes
habituales que realizan sus desplazamientos entre los meses de julio y agosto
sobre todo), la labor desempeñada por las mujeres procura unos ingresos que
tienen por función, en ciertos casos, asegurar la reproducción de la unidad
doméstica. No obstante, en la mayoría de las ocasiones los ingresos obtenidos
han contribuido a mejorar el nivel de vida de las unidades domésticas. Se han
empleado para sufragar los costes derivados de la formación de los hijos, cuando
éstos se han visto obligados a desplazarse a otras islas de la provincia para
cursar sus estudios (a Tenerife en la mayoría de los casos).
Habría que señalar que algunas mujeres de La Restinga han abandonado la
actividad debido a las pésimas condiciones en las que tienen que trabajar, y se
han ocupado en otros sectores: “(…) Te llaman a cualquier hora, trabajas
sábados, domingos… a veces si un mes no tienes reservas no ganas; mientras
que en el restaurante tienes un sueldo fijo, trabajas cuatro horas y ya está, y así
puede estar con su hija por la tarde.”
Según los datos recogidos durante el trabajo de campo, las mujeres que han
abandonado la labor de gestión de apartamentos no forman parte de unidades
domésticas vinculadas a la actividad pesquera profesional. Las mujeres de los
pescadores son reacias a permanecer vinculadas a labores como éstas mediante
una relación contractual. Como se ha podido constatar, la mayoría prefieren
trabajar por comisión. Así, en momentos álgidos del año se incorporan al sector
terciario como fuerza de trabajo obteniendo unos rendimientos extras a los
ingresos principales procedentes de la pesca, pero durante el invierno, cuando
apenas llegan turistas a La Restinga, a menos que unidad doméstica dependa
económicamente del rendimiento de los apartamentos, las mujeres abandonan
esta actividad.
“Las mujeres que se van de los apartamentos son las que no están casadas con
pescadores. Las mujeres de los pescadores que en casa tienen un sueldo “fijo”
prefieren quedarse limpiando. No sé… ellas tienen una entrada de dinero semanal
que les permite organizarse de otra forma (…). Los apartamentos son una buena
alternativa para estar en casa… te permite trabajar y dedicarte a otras labores, estar
con los hijos, en el pueblo… pero no es un dinero como para comprarte una casa
(…).”
6. Conclusiones
Aunque a simple vista la generación de puestos de trabajo, y especialmente el
empleo de mano de obra femenina, se presenta como uno de los efectos más
inmediatos y deseables del turismo, la inclusión de fuerza de trabajo femenina
en el sector terciario ha estado precedida de una estrategia de inversión de
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capital desarrollada por la población local de la isla de El Hierro. Sólo cuando la
población local (residente y no residente) ha comenzado a hacerse propietaria de
los alojamientos turísticos, las mujeres de La Restinga se han ido involucrando
de manera notoria en labores como la gestión y el mantenimiento de los
inmuebles. Aunque este tipo de trabajo en sus inicios era estacional, debido a
que la llegada de veraneantes hasta La Restinga se circunscribía a los meses de
Julio y Agosto, y pretendía ser una ayuda para la casa, con el aumento en el flujo
de turistas que llegan para bucear en la reserva durante buena parte del año4 la
gestión de apartamentos ha llegado a procurar unos ingresos previsibles que
pueden revertir en distintas direcciones.
A pesar de que los rendimientos obtenidos de la gestión por comisión de
apartamentos han podido resultar claves en el mantenimiento de las unidades y
empresas familiares, lo destacable del caso de las mujeres de La Restinga ha
sido la flexibilidad con la que han contado para incorporarse como fuerza de
trabajo en determinados momentos en diversos sectores. Cuando en La Restinga
no existían alojamientos preparados para los turistas, muchas mujeres, liberadas
de labores relacionadas con la comercialización del pescado5, comenzaron a
gestionar los apartamentos familiares como parte de los recursos con los que
cuentan las unidades domésticas. Otras, según crecía el número de plazas de
alojamiento en el pueblo, decidieron probar suerte aprovechando los contactos
existentes con familiares y vecinos de La Restinga y de otras localidades. En la
mayoría de las ocasiones ello ha sido posible gracias al manejo de relaciones de
parentesco y de vecindad; las cuales, analizando proceso de desarrollo turístico
de La Restinga, se han mostrado como relaciones dinámicas y han incorporado a
nuevos agentes como los dueños de los centros de buceo. El trabajo tiene que
ver con la producción de bienes y servicios, y su distribución, e incluye
relaciones sociales que se concretan en contextos sociales específicos (Pahl,
1991, c.f. Comas d´Argemir, D., 1998:34). Las relaciones sociales y la
cooperación entre los vecinos de La Restinga nos han mostrado cómo en
ocasiones éstas sientan las bases de una estrategia de optimización eficaz de
ciertos recursos a largo plazo, en ausencia de agentes externos. Las costumbres y
hábitos, entendidos como formas de reciprocidad, pueden ofrecer soluciones
eficaces para determinados problemas de coordinación (Folbre, N. y Hartmann,
H., 1999). Las relaciones sociales, establecidas sobre un parentesco real o
figurado, sirven para reforzar o articular relaciones de cooperación, pero esto no
tiene porqué expresarse y/o materializarse en situaciones y en términos de
igualdad o solidaridad. De cualquier manera, el análisis económico de las
poblaciones locales debe incluir la función de relaciones como el parentesco y el
conjunto de recursos a los que los grupos domésticos pueden recurrir para
sobrevivir o mejorar su situación – lo que algunas autoras han denominado
“recursos de vida” (Narotzki, S., 1995: 152).
Los empresarios de los centros de buceo, que carecen de bienes inmobiliarios
en el pueblo, requirieron de los recursos locales: de los apartamentos necesarios
para alojar a sus clientes buceadores y de los contactos y relaciones sociales de
las mujeres de La Restinga. Su inclusión en esta red de relaciones sociales a
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través de los lazos de vecindad, fue clave e imprescindible para atender a la
demanda y asegurar la viabilidad de sus negocios. En ocasiones el turismo ha
sido concebido como una clara expresión de la economía capitalista, sin
embargo, en su desarrollo intervienen y resultan esenciales relaciones, como el
parentesco, a través de las que se organiza el proceso de trabajo o se distribuye
el producto objetivo (Comas d´Argemir, D., 1998: 66). El turismo debe ser
entendido también como una actividad (Mathieson y Wall, 1986:1, c.f Santana
Talavera, 1997) que implica a numerosos agentes y procesos de diversa índole,
no sólo a aquellos relacionados directamente con la industria o las empresas
encargadas de proveer los bienes y servicios requeridos para su realización.
Como hemos visto en el caso de La Restinga, las mujeres locales se han
empleado mayoritariamente en los sectores “informales” de la economía,
aquellos en los que no se requiere un tipo de formación específica y reglada pero
si mucha disponibilidad para realizar trabajos pocos reconocidos y en los que las
condiciones laborales son malas. Además, la clase de oportunidades de las que
disfrutan las mujeres están limitadas a ese tipo de trabajos que son designados
cultural y socialmente “propios de las mujeres” (Chambers, E., 2000:61, 62). Es
decir, trabajos asociados a la hospitalidad y al cuidado. Ahora bien, la no
identificación de ciertas labores, como las desarrolladas por las mujeres de esta
población, con el empleo asalariado “formal” y su desvalorización en el análisis
de las unidades domésticas dejaría incompleto cualquier estudio de los impactos
socioeconómicos del turismo en áreas como éstas todavía en fase de
crecimiento.
Bibliografía
Bonte, P.; Izard, M. (Dirs.) Diccionario de Etnología y Antropología, Akal,
1996.
Carrasco, C. (Ed.) Mujeres y economía. Nuevas perspectivas para viejos y
nuevos problemas. Icaria, 1999
Chambers, E. Native Tours. The antropology of travel and tourism, Waveland
Press, Illinois 2000
Comas d´Argemir, D. Trabajo, género, cultura. La construcción de
desigualdades entre hombres y mujeres. Icaria 1995
Comas d´Argemir, D. Antropología Económica. Ariel Antropología 1998
Galván Tudela, La identidad herreña. Cabildo insular de El Hierro,
Cajacanarias, Centro de la Cultura Popular Canaria, 1997
Narotzki, S. Trabajar en familia. Mujeres, hogares y talleres, Alfons el
Magnánim. Institució Valenciana d´estudis i investigació1988
Narotzki, S. Mujer, Mujeres, Género. Una aproximación crítica al estudio de
las mujeres en las Ciencias Sociales, CSIC, 1995
Pascual Fernández, Santana Talavera et al. Pescatur. Modelo de desarrollo
integral de poblaciones litorales: pesca artesanal, acuicultura y turismo.
Instituto de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales de la Universidad de La Laguna.
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Gobierno de Canarias, Consejería de Pesca y Alimentación. Viceconsejería de
Pesca 2001
Pascual Fernández, J; Alegret, J.L.`Estado actual de la antropología de la pesca
en España´. Quaderns blaus, nº 10. Càtedra d´Estudis Marítims (Universitat
de Girona i Ajuntament de Palamós) i Museu de la Pesca. 2004
Santana Talavera, A. Antropología y Turismo. ¿Viejas bordas, nuevas culturas?
Ariel Antropología, 1997.
Notes
1
Este trabajo es deudor de las investigaciones vinculadas al proyecto titulado “Reservas marinas y
poblaciones de pescadores litorales: impactos y estrategias para un desarrollo sostenible”, financiado por
el Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología y el FEDER dentro del Plan Nacional de Investigación Científica,
Desarrollo e Innovación Tecnológica (I+D+I), con referencia REN 2001/3350/MAR.
2
“La vieja (Sparisoma cretense) es la estrella indiscutible de las pesquerías demersales canarias.
(…) es un recurso primordial de primer orden para el sostenimiento de la actividad pesquera”. En
2001 la CPUE estimada, contaba 70.000 kilos, para 220 días efectivos, y 44 pescadores activos
inscritos en la Cofradía de Pescadores Ntra. Sra. de Los Reyes de La Restinga , daba como media
7,2 kilos de pescado blanco por día de pesca y pescador (Pascual Fernández, J., Santana Talavera,
A., et al, 2001: 72- 75)
3
El marido de una de estas mujeres se encuentra jubilado
4
La temporada se reparte de marzo a octubre. Los meses álgidos siguen siendo Julio y Agosto
5
No obstante, en el interior de las unidades domésticas las mujeres han ejercido históricamente
la gestión de los ingresos y gastos familiares.
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LES SAVOIRS DES FEMMES ET LE DÉVELOPPEMENT
TOURISTIQUE DES CENTRES CÔTIERS EN SARDAIGNE
Gabriella Mondardini
Università degli Studi di Sassari
Résumé
Ma communication se concentrera sur les rôles de genre dans les sociétés de
la mer et de la pêche. Ceci fait partie d’une recherche en cours sur les savoirs et
les attitudes que les femmes ont hérité de la tradition et sur comment elles se
mettent en rapport, avec de nouvelles stratégies, suite à l’implication produite
par le tourisme qui, à partir des années 60 du siècle dernier, a touché, avec une
croissance exponentielle, toute la Méditerranée, et en particulier les îles. Je me
remets à mes recherches sur les communautés de la mer, où j’ai exploré
essentiellement la catégorie professionnelle des pêcheurs. Ce que les femmes
héritent de ce contexte culturel, c’est une importante capacité de gestion des
ressources, des relations sociales et de grandes capacités d’autonomie et
d’initiatives. En général, elles possèdent aussi un niveau d’instruction supérieur
à celui des hommes. L’implication touristique des zones du littoral, en
particulier sur les îles, les a vues de plus en plus occupées, tant dans les
entreprises familiales que dans des activités parallèles, surtout pour louer part de
leur maison aux touristes, outre la pratique du bed and breakfast ou du tourisme
de la pêche (version marine de l’agritourisme). Plus récemment, grâce aussi à
une loi spéciale, les femmes sont même employées dans des institutions de
pêche-tourisme, qui gèrent de la terre, à un niveau d’organisation, quand ce n’est
pas directement, des sociétés où les opérateurs sont des hommes. Dans ces caslà, les femmes, plus que les hommes, se montrent capables d’agir sur ce rapport
culturel que propose la pêche-tourisme: elles sont plus disponibles à dialoguer,
elles racontent la vie des pêcheurs et fournissent des expériences concrètes de la
cuisine maritime locale. Les entreprises de pêche-tourisme, auparavant isolées,
au fur et à mesure que la demande augmente, réunissent plusieurs bateaux et la
partie d’organisation ( accueillir les demandes, planifier les sorties, arranger les
conforts à bord, etc.) est en grande partie confiée aux femmes qui utilisent de
plus en plus les technologies informatiques. Face à ceci, on assiste à la
formation d’une clientèle touristique qui apprécie cette «expérience
authentique» et qui aspire à la répéter chaque année dans des endroits différents,
en l’associant à la balnéation. Et déjà les femmes, comme cela a été mis en
évidence au cours d’un récent congrès qui s’est tenu a Porto Torres, tissent un
réseau qui met en relation tout les pays qui donnent sur la Méditerranée, a fin de
trouver des occasions pour promouvoir les spécificités naturelles et culturelles
locales.
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Préambule
Ma communication porte sur la participation des femmes au développement
touristique des centres côtiers et prend comme zone échantillon une partie du
Nord de la Sardaigne. Dans le secteur de la pêche, un élément innovateur, qui
offre de nouvelles possibilités de travail et d’occupation, est constitué par la
pêche tourisme et c’est sur ce phénomène que j’entends concentrer mon
attention. Le travail fait partie d’une recherche en cours sur les savoirs et les
aptitudes que les femmes héritent de la tradition et sur comment elles s’en
rapportent, avec des stratégies innovatrices, à l’envoûtement touristique qui, à
partir des années 60 du siècle dernier, a concerné, avec une croissance
exponentielle, toute la Méditerranée et plus particulièrement les îles.
L’hypothèse conductrice est que les femmes possèdent un patrimoine de
connaissances, d’habiletés et de savoirs locaux spécifiques, qui, liés à des
stratégies opportunes, peuvent devenir des éléments de croissance et de
développement socio-économiques.
En ce qui concerne la tradition, les recherches directes, menées par des
anthropologues, en Sardaigne et sur la Méditerranée, montrent une grande
variété de situations, qui révèlent une différence du statut des femmes à
l’intérieur des différents groupes sociaux, mais aussi une variété d’expériences
et de capacités, qui constituent dans l’ensemble une richesse de ressources
humaines remarquable. Ce qui m’intéresse, tout en procédant dans la recherche,
c’est de comparer ces expériences. En Sardaigne, des études et des recherches
raffinées ont été conduites en ce qui concerne le monde paysan, agro-pastoral et
artisanal. Ces études révèlent des potentialités opérationnelles sur différents
fronts : je pense tout d’abord à la variété et à l’originalité dans la transformation
traditionnelle des produits alimentaires locaux, qui sont à la base du
développement de l’agritourisme ; à la panification, qui a un marché consistant ;
et il n’en est pas moins du tissage et des autres activités où s’expriment la
créativité des femmes. En ce qui concerne la position des femmes dans les
communautés marines, je peux là donner une contribution personnelle, grâce à
une longue fréquentation dans le monde de la pêche et grâce aux recherches
spécifiques menées à plusieurs occasions.
Du point de vue théorique, je prends comme référence une approche de
«genre» et comme genre je veux dire une catégorie qui consent l’analyse des
relations matérielles, sociales et symboliques entre hommes et femmes, de
même que comme elles s’articulent dans la variété des groupes sociaux. Dans ce
domaine, ce qui émerge comme important, et opportunément souligné par la
littérature spécialisée, c’est que l’aspect relationnel arrive au premier plan. Déjà
Paul Thompson, et justement à propos de la réflexion sur le pouvoir dans la
famille des communautés de pêcheurs, soutenait la nécessité d’examiner la
position des hommes et des femmes en juxtaposition. Le pouvoir, exercé ou
subit par les individus, peut être cerné dans un rapport relationnel modelé
historiquement. Pour comprendre le changement il faut prendre en examen
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comment ces rapports réciproques entre hommes et femmes se sont transformés
dans le temps et dans des contextes particuliers, que se soit dans le domaine
économique ou dans le domaine culturel (1985).
J’ai essayé de m’approprier de cette sollicitation et de pratiquer cette
approche au cours de mes recherches. De ces préambules découle aussi la
spécificité méthodologique de la pratique de la recherche, qui, sans négliger les
données quantitatives, s’oriente sur ce qui est communément indiqué comme
approche qualitative, qui s’en remet à la recherche du domaine et à la pratique
de l’observation participante ; aux sources orales et aux histoires vécues,
1. L’héritage culturel
Les études spécialisées, mêmes si elles sont encore peu nombreuses, sont
cependant efficaces pour démontrer la complexité et la variété des relations
entre hommes et femmes dans la société marine. Dans la plus grande partie du
monde, la participation des femmes à la production a été enregistrée, même si
cela a été sous différentes formes. On va du travail à bord à la récolte du poisson
par amorce, du rangement des poissons au retour des pêcheurs à la vente directe.
La conservation des poissons, de l’éviscération à la mise en boite, est presque
toujours confié aux femmes. Moi-même j’ai conduit une recherche sur le travail
des femmes dans une conserverie à Porto Torres, où j’ai pu relever la fonction
spécifique de la main d’œuvre féminine qui remédie aux déséquilibres
quantitatifs de production, ceci à travers l’élasticité du nombre de femmes
employées et à leur disponibilité à s’adapter aux rythmes et aux temps
productifs, distinguant le travail ménager et comptant sur la famille pour
s’occuper des enfants.
Dans tous les villages du littoral italien, les femmes étaient habiles à
construire les filets de pêche et à les ramender, à mettre l’amorce à l’hameçon, à
participer à la commercialisation et souvent à avoir en main l’administration de
l’entreprise. L’idée exprimée par le proverbe « la conjointe est la moitié du pain
» a une signification métaphorique intense : dans une situation précaire comme
celle des pêcheurs où le revenu n’est pas garantit tous les jours ni tous les mois
de l’année, c’est à la femme de gérer le budget du ménage et de remédier aux
aléatoires des métiers de la mer.
Ce qui apparaît encore plus remarquable c’est le rôle des femmes au niveau
de la reproduction sociale. Ceci non seulement parce qu’elle pourvoient à la
reproduction de nouvelles générations en élevant et en éduquant leurs enfants en
l’absence de leurs maris (le poids de la mère pour ses enfants est significatif
dans le proverbe « mieux vaut perdre un bon père qu’une mauvaise mère »),
mais surtout parce que c’est sur elles que retombent toutes les tâches qui
concernent les relations avec la communauté, à partir des rapports avec les
institutions civiles et religieuses pour arriver à ceux moins importants qui
concernent la famille et le voisinage. Il s’agit d’un rôle social et symbolique
indispensable à la conservation du sens social et de l’identité individuelle de
chaque membre du groupe. Ce que les femmes héritent de ce contexte culturel
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c’est la forte capacité à gérer des ressources et des relations sociales tout en
ayant aussi des capacités d’autonomie et d’initiative marquées. De toutes ces
fonctions, d’habiletés, de stratégies et de savoirs faire, les femmes augmentent
de plus en plus leurs connaissances, se reconnaissant ainsi dans une condition de
partage et associant des revendications communes. Un exemple éclatant est la
participation d’une délégation de femmes de la méditerranée française, en 1997
à Pékin, au Forum international sur les conditions de la femme, justement en
tant que femmes de pêcheurs (AA. VV. 1997).
En général, les femmes possèdent aussi un niveau d’instruction supérieur à
celui des hommes. Même les nouvelles structures technologiques, comme l’a
fait remarquer une recherche conduite parmi les femmes de pêcheurs allemands,
permettent aux femmes de s’insérer avec un rôle plus important dans les
entreprises de pêche et de compter plus par rapport au passé (Hoefnagel et Smits
1999). Du côté méditerranéen, l’implication touristique des zones du littoral, et
plus particulièrement sur les îles, les a vues de plus en plus engagées, tant dans
l’entreprise familiale que dans des activités parallèles et surtout pour louer part
de leur maison aux touristes. Plus récemment, grâce aussi à une loi spéciale, les
femmes ont aussi leur place au sein des institutions de pêche-tourisme qui gèrent
de la terre, à un niveau d’organisation, quand ce n’est pas directement, des
sociétés où les opérateurs sont des hommes. Dans ces cas-là, les femmes, plus
que les hommes, se montrent capables d’agir sur ce rapport culturel que propose
la pêche-tourisme : elles sont plus disponibles à dialoguer, elles racontent la vie
des pêcheurs et fournissent des expériences concrètes de la cuisine maritime
locale. Aujourd’hui, ces possibilités, ces stratégies et ces savoirs particuliers, qui
sont propres aux femmes, tentent de trouver place au niveau des institutions, en
cueillant les opportunités offertes par les nouvelles dispositions législatives,
comme la pêche-tourisme et le tourisme de la pêche.
2. La pêche-tourime
Dans le domaine des dispositions législatives nationales (L. n. 41 1982 ; L. n.
165 du 10 février 1992, art. 27 bis ; D.M. 13 avril 1999, n. 293) la pêchetourisme est définie comme une activité entreprise « par l’armateur – seul, en
entreprise ou en coopérative – d’un bateau de pêche côtière locale ou
rapprochée, qui embarque sur sa propre unité des personnes autres que
l’équipage pour le déroulement d’activités touristiques récréatives ».
Contrairement à d’autres pays, ici la pêche-tourisme est considérée comme une
partie intégrante de la pêche même, ceci pour permettre d’avoir un revenu en
plus dans un secteur souvent précaire et en même temps pour alléger le
prélèvement d’une ressource qui sur la Méditerranée diminue de plus en plus.
On y prévoit la pratique de la pêche sportive; «le déroulement d’activités de
tourisme récréatives dans l’optique de divulguer la culture de la mer et de la
pêche, comme, en particulier de brèves excursions le long de la côte,
l’observation des activités de pêche professionnelle, la restauration à bord ou à
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terre»; des initiatives finalisées à la connaissance et à la valorisation de
l’environnement côtier et lagunaire.
Dans la zone échantillon, qui comprend la Circonscription maritime de Porto
Torres, la pêche-tourisme, avec cohérence par rapport à la loi qui prévoit la
connaissance et la valorisation du territoire côtier, comprend, comme espaces
d’excursion, les zones maritimes protégées et les parcs géo-marins, en se
mesurant à la loi qui réglemente ces derniers. Dans le cas de la zone maritime
protégée appelée «île de l’Asinara» (D.M. 13 août 2002 n.298), on consent à la
pêche-tourisme la fréquentation de la zone B, la réserve générale, sous le
contrôle de l’organisme gérant, à condition d’utiliser des outils de petite pêche et
des outils sélectifs à usage local, à une distance non inférieure aux 150 mètres de
la ligne côtière. Ce que nous pouvons observer, à partir de l’examen de la
législation, c’est avant tout l’accent mis sur la divulgation de la culture de la mer
et de la pêche, qui n’a cependant pas un support scientifique dans la structure
administrative et locale, qui insiste exclusivement sur les thème de sécurité et de
contexte biologique-environnement. Le risque est que les choix de
l’administration n’orientent les pratiques de l’activité que dans cette direction,
en négligeant la valorisation et la transmission de la culture des pêcheurs qui
donnent sens et originalité à l’initiative, permettant de valoriser l’activité et de la
rendre économiquement plus durable.
3. La consistance économique
Que se soit au niveau national ou régional, il est difficile d’établir quelle est la
dimension économique du secteur, soit du point de vue des personnes
concernées par l’activité soit du point de vue des gains. En effet, les opérateurs
de la pêche-tourisme sont inscrits sur le registre des gens de mer où ils
apparaissent en tant que pêcheurs, parce que, comme nous l’avons déjà dit, la
pêche- tourisme du point de vue législatif, intègre la pêche. Pour avoir des
données au niveau local, c’est-à-dire par les Circonscriptions maritimes, ce n’est
pas le Bureau pêche qui en répond mais le Bureau sécurité, qui délivre un
permis une fois qu’il a vérifié l’aptitude du bateau et de l’équipement. Le permis
a une validité annuelle.
Dans la circonscription maritime de Porto Torres, j’ai pu relever le nombre de
permis donnés en 2004, le nom des bateaux et leurs caractéristiques, le lieu où
ils opèrent et le nombre de personnes qui peuvent y être embarquées, y compris
l’équipage. On a donné 29 permis, localisés essentiellement à Porto Torres et à
Stintino, mais cinq sont à Alghero, un à Bosa et aucun à Castelsardo. La moitié
des embarcations sont autorisées à embarquer environ 12 personnes, alors que
les autres sont de petites dimensions. Elles peuvent accueillir à bord peu de
personnes et elles sont peu rémunératrices. Pour des raisons d’atteinte à la vie
privée, il ne m’a pas été possible de connaître le nom des propriétaires et
d’effectuer une recherche sur le personnel embarqué et les activités connexes à
terre. En l’état actuel de la recherche, nous pouvons soutenir que le nombre de
femmes qui opèrent à bord est limité, alors que la plupart d’entres elles
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travaillent à terre au niveau de l’organisation et de la préparation des plats, et
surtout « au parasol », comme à Stintino, c’est-à-dire dans des endroits
stratégiques du port, pour faire œuvre d’information ou de promotion.
4. Les pratiques
Je décris ici un cas exemplaire, fruit de l’observation participante, qui ne peut
pas bien sûr être généralisé, mais qui pourrait constituer un modèle de
valorisation des savoirs et des aptitudes des femmes dans le domaine de la pêche
et du tourisme. Il s’agit du bateau Destriero (Destrier), muni déjà depuis
quelques années d’un site Internet spécial et d’un professionnalisme adéquat.
Pour faire une excursion de pêche-tourisme on peut s’adresser à un numéro
indiqué sur Internet sous la rubrique Pêche-Tourisme Destriero, la voix d’une
femme vous répond et vous donne les informations essentielles, sur les horaires
(9-18), les types d’excursion, comment s’habiller, le coût (63 Euro par adulte),
le lieu de rencontre pour le départ, etc. Si on demande avec qui on est en train de
parler, on nous répond que c’est Antonella, de l’agence Grindi, des services
touristiques. Antonella m’informe que je serai prévenue le soir précédant pour
confirmer, juste après l’écoute des informations de météo.
Le soir qui précède le jour convenu, on reçoit un appel téléphonique, c’est
Settimia qui nous confirme la disponibilité pour le départ du jour suivant. C’est
elle qui viendra à notre rencontre ce jour-là, au port, où je découvre un «point
vert», c’est-à-dire une pancarte touristique qui indique l’agence des services
touristiques Grindi, et où sont inscrits trois noms de femmes Antonella, Narcisa
et Giovanna. Settimia arrive, elle est jeune, mignonne, elle porte un T-shirt et un
pantalon blanc (avec des tresses et un chapeau qui apparaissent sur le site, et on
a donc l’impression de déjà la connaître). Elle nous invite à monter à bord. Il y a
deux bateaux : le Destriero et le Tre Fratelli (Trois Frères). Je découvre que sur
le bateau Tre Fratelli il y a Laura, la nièce de Settimia. Sur chacun des deux
bateaux il y a aussi un capitaine et un marin. A l’allée, Settimia est sur le
Destriero. Je choisis de rester sur ce bateau.
Les visiteurs ne sont pas nombreux, cette année, à cause des conditions
météo, la saison ne va pas trop bien. Le destin de la pêche-tourisme, comme
celui de la pêche, est lié aux conditions atmosphériques. On part. Le capitaine
rentre dans sa cabine. Le marin reste sur le pont avec nous, mais c’est Settimia
qui doit faire les honneurs «de bateau». «Nous sommes des pêcheurs, commence
à dire Settimia, et aujourd’hui vous pourrez voir en gros en quoi consiste notre
vie. En fait, si vous êtes sur un bateau de pêche vous devez être des pêcheurs, au
moins pour un jour, donc je vous embarque, avec nom prénom date et lieu de
naissance et domicile, ensuite, ce soir vous débarquerez et vous retournerez à
votre vie de tous les jours». Elle poursuit donc en prenant les données des
visiteurs, et en les enregistrant sur un gros cahier. Elle passe ensuite à la
description des bateaux. «le bateau sur lequel nous sommes, explique-t-elle, est
un bateau de pêche de plaisance moderne, mais qui appartient à la catégorie de
la pêche artisanale alors que le bateau qui vient de partir (I Tre Fratelli) est un
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bateau de pêche qui, il y a trois ans, pratiquait encore la pêche à la traîne, nous
l’avons retiré de la pêche et nous lui avons offert un destin moins destructeur,
ainsi, ce que vous ferez avec nous aujourd’hui c’est de l’éducation à
l’environnement, c’est-à-dire un tourisme écologique».
Elle nous fournit donc les indications sur le comportement de bord : «Si vous
voulez déplacer les bancs, vous pouvez le faire, si vous voulez rentrer dans la
cabine faites-le tranquillement, sans demandez l’autorisation, nous devons rester
ensemble toute la journée et donc m’entendre dire pardon, s’il vous plaît, non…,
ok ? A bord la règle qui domine c’est de se tutoyer et de bien se comporter l’un
envers l’autre. Je m’appelle Settimia, le marin c’est Silvio et le chef du bateau
c’est Gianuario. Maintenant nous allons saluer la Vierge, c’est notre bonne
étoile (à la fin du môle, à la sortie du port, il y a une statue de la Vierge), la
tradition marine veut que chaque fois qu’on sort du port on la salue et si vous le
faites même au retour, ça nous fait plaisir». Pendant le voyage j’essaie de voir
l’équipement de bord et de dialoguer avec Settimia.
Elle me donne des informations sur les règles imposées par le parc, où et
comment on peut pêcher.
Le programme de cette excursion consiste à aller sur le lieu de pêche, Il
Trabuccato, à lever les nasses, puis à jeter l’ancre à Cala Reale, à faire une brève
excursion sur l’île, se baigner dans une petite cale spéciale, remonter à bord pour
déjeuner et enfin rentrer à Porto Torres. Les bateaux accueillent trois familles
avec chacune deux enfants, d’âge compris entre 6 et 16 ans, et d’autres adultes.
Des signaux pour récupérer les nasses apparaissent. Settimia a mis une
casquette, un tablier en toile cirée et une paire de savates : c’est elle qui
s’approche du treuil, à l’aide d’un crochet elle tire l’extrémité supérieur des
nasses et commence à les lever avec le treuil. Les nasses sont plutôt petites :
elles ont un squelette en fer, des mailles faites avec de la corde et deux
ouvertures. Settimia informe que sur le bateau on utilise aussi les filets et les
palangres, mais qu’avec le mauvais temps, ce n’est pas possible de faire ce type
de pêche. Il n’y a pas grande chose de pêcher ; une murène, un gros poulpe, une
roussette, des petits poissons et de beaux crabes rouges. Après avoir finit de
lever les nasses, Settimia, au centre du pont, commence à expliquer les
techniques de pêche, les traditions des pêcheurs et les caractéristiques des
poissons. On rejette en mer une petite araignée de mer, la roussette est
immédiatement nettoyée et utilisée pour faire une sauce ; en effet Settimia
disparaît et peu après on sent une belle petite odeur.
Ensuite nous reprenons la route et nous abordons à Cala Reale, dans l’île de
l’Asinara. Nous descendons à terre. Les marins restent à bord, Laura et Settimia
nous guident dans la visite du parc. A l’ombre des premières ruines, elle
commence à raconter. C’est un long récit, comme elle dit, mêlé d’histoire, de
légende et d’imagination. Nous poursuivons dans l’île. De chaque édifice,
animal ou plante, Settimia nous en raconte les histoires et les références
mythiques. Elle a suivit un cours de formation sur ce sujet. Nous arrivons
finalement à la petite cale, une mer splendide, où nous nous baignons. Les
visiteurs montrent d’être satisfaits. Il y a une grosse chaleur, nous retournons à
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bord, cette fois sur le bateau I Tre Fratelli, où nous trouvons une salle très
agréable avec la table déjà dressée. Laura nous sert comme il faut, avec l’aide du
marin plus jeune. Les plats sont à base de poisson : salade de poulpes et de
tomates, pâtes à la sauce de crabes, calamars frits, pastèque, café et pour ceux
qui l’apprécie, du myrte comme digestif. Settimia disparaît à nouveau, elle est
dans la cuisine pour servir. Le déjeuner se prolonge dans l’après-midi, certains
restent à table pour discuter, d’autres bronzent sur les bancs qui sont à bord. Je
demande encore quelques informations à Settimia, mais je vois qu’elle est
fatiguée, je ne veux pas la tourmenter, j’ai toujours enseigné à mes élèves qu’il
ne faut pas tuer les informateurs !
Nous rentrons au port à une vitesse assez soutenue. Quand nous arrivons, le
débarquement est lent, fait avec le respect du rite. Les gens ne semblent pas être
pressés de descendre du bateau. Enfin, à terre, Settimia nous salue tous en nous
embrassant.
5. Les représentations
Les représentations et les attentes vis à vis de la pêche-tourisme peuvent se
relever à différents niveaux : du législatif à l’économique, de l’environnement
aux usagers et enfin celui des opérateurs et ici, de façon particulière, dans
l’image qu’en donnent les femmes. Du point de vue législatif, l’intention est
celle de relancer le secteur de la pêche, en l’insérant dans le domaine touristique,
en flattant le charme de la mer et la tradition socio-culturelle des pêcheurs. Au
niveau économique, on s’attend, de la part de la pêche-tourisme, à une
amélioration du revenu des exploitants qui, à cause des restrictions de la loi et de
l’épuisement des ressources, se trouvent dans des conditions de plus en plus
précaires. Au niveau environnemental, la pêche-tourisme est vue favorablement
parce qu’elle constitue une forme de reconversion temporaire de l’activité de
pêche qui sert la reconstitution des stocks de poissons. Par ailleurs, elle sert à la
sensibilisation du public à la mer et à la pêche éco-compatible.
Les espaces de promotion de l’activité sont encore peu nombreux et exclus
des tendances redondantes à l’exotisme, ils se réfèrent au cadre législatif, aux
pratiques et aux expériences autorisées. Le site du Destriero fournit un journal
essentiel des activités prévues, où sont indiquées les différentes possibilités de
parcours avec la mise au premier plan de l’expérience de pêche. D’autres se
réfèrent plus sur le parc de l’Asinara, en indiquant les arrêts dans les petites
cales et les bains dans « les eaux cristallines » de l’île. Dans ces cas, la pêche
semble devenir une activité secondaire.
Du côté des usagers, en ce qui concerne ce domaine, je peux faire référence à
une recherche sociologique menée dans la zone que je travaille. Sur 3000
questionnaires qui ont été distribués aux visiteurs, 91% considèrent l’expérience
satisfaisante et ils aimeraient pouvoir la refaire et ils la conseilleraient à des amis
ou des personnes de la famille. Parmi les raisons qui attirent les touristes, la
visite du parc (Paddeu 2003) est la première citée. Mais comme j’ai pu constater
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personnellement, après l’excursion, l’idée d’avoir obtenu quelque chose
d’inattendu est aussi importante.
Parmi les opérateurs, il y a ceux qui soutiennent que la pêche-tourisme ne fait
plus partie de la pêche et trouvent que c’est une activité ennuyante (Mondardini
2000), de l’autre côté il y a ceux qui sont plus disponibles au dialogue et ils
racontent leur propre histoire, qui l’apprécie parce qu’elle leur permet d’être
protagonistes. Enfin il y a aussi ceux qui soulignent un avantage économique.
Mais comment ces arguments sont perçus par les femmes ? Les femmes qui
opèrent à terre, « au parasol », c’est-à-dire dans des kiosques d’informations
pour les touristes, n’oublient pas de souligner l’importance de leur rôle. Ce qui
se fait en mer est important, mais c’est au parasol qu’il faut savoir présenter
l’activité, sans cette présence à terre on ne travaille pas en mer. «Au parasol il
faut être très sérieuses », et comme en général ce sont des jeunes filles qui
opèrent, de temps en temps les femmes plus âgées s’approchent pour les
contrôler.
Et qui opère en mer, comme Settimia et Laura ? Laura est là depuis seulement
un an, elle suit Settimia et elle apprend le métier ; elle étudie et elle aime ce
travail qui lui permet de gagner un peu d’agent pendant la période d’été. En ce
qui concerne Settimia, dont je suis l’activité depuis quelques années, je peux en
parler par rapport à des interviews que j’ai faites en dehors de l’excursion. Ce
qui émerge, c’est une mûre conscience de soi et de son propre métier, où elle
s’identifie de manière forte. Elle se sent professionnellement sûre d’elle dans la
pratique de la pêche-tourisme mais elle attribue sa capacité professionnelle au
fait de pratiquer la pêche toute l’année, en compagnie de son compagnon. Se
moquant du fait qu’elle décline linguistiquement le métier au masculin, Settimia
répète à plusieurs reprises «je suis un pêcheur», n’acceptant pas d’être identifiée
comme guide touristique, animatrice ou hôtesse de bord, comme aiment être
appelée les serveuses de restaurants flottants.
Du point de vue légal c’est son compagnon le capitaine et le chef du bateau,
alors qu’elle, même si elle a les titres adéquats, elle est embarquée comme «
jeune homme des machines» c’est-à-dire comme mousse. Cela ne lui pèse pas,
elle sait qu’elle exerce un rôle important à bord où ce qui compte c’est d’être
respectée. En effet, nous l’avons vue revêtir une pluralité de rôle à bord : des
pratiques d’accueil et d’assistance au travail en cuisine et au levage des
équipement de pêche. Cependant, sa force est dans la narration. Elle donne avec
compétence les noms des espèces pêchées, les techniques de pêche et comment
elles se sont transformées dans le temps, des anecdotes et des légendes liées au
monde et à la vie des pêcheurs. La culture de la mer est transmise de façon
maternelle : contrairement à son compagnon qui appartient à une famille de
pêcheurs de vieille tradition, elle attribue sa passion pour la mer à l’héritage de
ses grands-parents maternels. De son grand-père, elle raconte ses départs et ses
retours, de sa grand-mère, les attentes et les courses au port, «avec la louche en
main» au moindre signe de danger pour les bateaux en mer.
Ces mêmes récits qui concernent le territoire du parc n’ont rien à voir avec
transformation en mythes d’une nature paradisiaque non contaminée, chère à la
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promotion touristique. Settimia récupère une histoire d’hommes qui, dans
l’histoire de l’Asinara, englobe les difficultés des plus anciens habitants
agriculteurs et pêcheurs, des prisonniers de guerre et des marins en quarantaine,
des détenus dans la plus récente institution carcérale, à celles de son grand-père
et des autres pêcheurs, qui, à cause du mauvais temps, étaient contraints à
s’approcher des côtes de l’île et à y rester pendant des jours avant de pouvoir
rentrer pour rassurer leurs familles.
Cette aptitude au récit est plus féminine que masculine. Dans mon expérience
de recherche au sein des pêcheurs, j’ai plus appris en observant qu’en parlant,
alors que j’ai beaucoup appris des femmes que, même si elles ne fréquentent pas
directement la mer, elles montrent d’avoir une connaissance surprenante des
outils, des caractéristiques et des habitudes des poissons et même des fonds
marins. Settimia puise de ces savoirs, elle apprend et elle invente le nouveau.
Elle les représente pour elle-même (et pour les visiteurs) comme une greffe sur
une tradition sédimentée qui donne un sens à son quotidien : «j’ai toujours pensé
que tu peux faire cette vie seulement si au fond il y a l’amour pour la mer, sinon
tu ne la fais pas. Mon grand-père habitait à bas de chez moi, c’est pourquoi,
certainement le fait de vivre indirectement les expériences, la vie, la culture
marine de mon grand-père… j’ai toujours dit cette phrase – il y a ceux qui
héritent de l’argent et ceux qui héritent des passions… moi j’ai sans doute hérité
la passion pour la mer ».
Un autre aspect dont je me suis intéressée est la relation de Settimia avec les
touristes. Une recherche menée dans une communauté de pêcheurs de Sennen,
dans le Sud-ouest de l’Angleterre, montrait, parmi les femmes employées dans
le tourisme, un processus de transformation qui procède d’un vieux
comportement déférent envers un autre d’une distance respectueuse. La même
chose peut se vérifier dans les villages marins de la Sardaigne. Cependant, le cas
de la pêche-tourisme est particulier. Il faut prendre en considération le lieu de la
rencontre. Le bateau est un espace étroit, même pour les pêcheurs, qui a besoin
d’attention et de respect réciproque. Settimia est maître de la situation, avec
politesse elle sollicite les visiteurs à vivre pleinement l’expérience, à être «des
pêcheurs pour un jour», en retenant nécessaire, justement parce que l’espace où
on passe la journée ensemble est étroit, d’avoir un certaine intimité, de «faire
amitié». Et en effet, le soir, comme j’ai pu le remarquer à plusieurs occasions,
elle salue les visiteurs en les embrassant. Avec certains elles garde des contacts
même après avec des coups de téléphone, des cartes postales et les meilleurs
vœux de Noël.
6. Conclusions
Pour conclure, je dirais que l’expérience de Settimia est une expérience
positive, que les associations des pêcheurs et pas seulement en Sardaigne mais
aussi au niveau national, observent avec intérêt. Les entreprises de pêchetourisme, isolées au départ, au fur et à mesure que la demande augmente, ont
tendance à réunir plusieurs bateaux et la partie administrative (recueillir les
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demandes, planifier les sorties, installer les conforts à bord, etc.) est en grande
partie confiée aux femmes qui se servent de plus en plus des technologies
d’information. Face à cela se forme une clientèle touristique qui apprécie cette «
expérience authentique » et qui aspire à la renouveler d’année en année dans des
endroits différents, en l’associant à la balnéation. La pêche-tourisme, comme j’ai
eu moyen moi-même de proposer à plusieurs occasions, du fait de son caractère
innovateur et de la présence importante des femmes, se prête bien à mettre en
relation tous les villages qui donnent sur la mer, afin de trouver des occasions
pour promouvoir les spécificités naturelles et culturelles locales. De façon
opportune, l’Association Nationale des coopératives de pêcheurs «lance un filet
rose pour la pêche», à travers le projet Women in the Net, financé par la
Commission Européenne DG Pêche, et se propose de mettre en contact
télématique les associations féminines qui opèrent dans le monde de la pêche,
afin d’en renforcer le rôle et les initiatives.
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REPORTS OF THE FORUMS
Forum 2: Women in fisheries and aquaculture: productive and reproductive
roles
Forum 1: Women Legal Status
Leader: Liv Toril Pettersen and Siri Gerrard
Leader Joan O’Doherty
France, Netherlands, Ireland, Spain, Sweden, and Mozambique were
represented. We decided that one's legal status depends on the social cultural
history of one's country. In our forum it was evident that where the church did
not play a dominant role in the state, men listened to the women and where the
church did play a dominant role in the state the men were deaf to women.
Consequently, north and south, where the church was influential in society, the
women have a common cause in seeking;
x Recognition for their endeavours
x Representation in decision making
x Protection for their well being - health and special security cover.
Where the church is not an influence in the state, the women seek a better
status for their men so that they may be proud of their profession; a profession
currently in depression and threatened.
They seek a living wage for their family enterprise.
The theme productive and reproductive role is very broad, and there were
several presentations that dealt with different aspects about women’s productive
and reproductive role.
In small-scale fisheries life is much linked. People are usually self-employed
and production and reproduction is linked and overlapping (Figure 1).
Production
(industrial activities)
Reproduction
(household)
Figure 1: The relation between productive and reproductive roles in small-scale
fisheries
In industrialised fishery is production and reproduction to a much larger
degree separated. People become wage earners instead of being self-employed.
The implications of such patterns are more control by and dependency on the
owners of the enterprise or their representatives (Figure 2).
Examples from Portugal showed how husband and wife collaborated in
fishing under difficult conditions. Examples from Spain illustrated industrial
aquaculture based on small units under control of women in part-time work
(cooperatives). In Tenerife aquaculture was a quite new industry, but it has
expanded rapidly. More and more of the sea were occupied by aquaculture, and
this created problem for the sea environment, the traditional fisheries and the
tourist industry. This affected women in particular, and a central question was:
What do women do to secure household income? Among the solutions were
diversification strategies.
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Production
(industrial activities)
Reproduction
(household)
Figure 2: The relation between productive and reproductive roles in industrial
fisheries
From Indonesia we learned about a very old tradition in seaweed production
based on local knowledge and a social structure where the productive and
reproductive roles were well integrated with the household as the base. The
contrast was found in Mozambique where a large international company had
taken initiative to new industrial activities based on seaweed production and
new knowledge transformed by the company. Through an eight- year contract
with the official authorities they had obtain a monopoly of this kind of
production in a certain area of the country. The producers with traditions in
household based production got the seeds and cultivated them in their own
neighbourhoods for a certain sum of money decided upon by the enterprise.
They had no possibilities for improving their conditions even when they went on
strike. In Norway the structural changes in aquaculture was promoted by public
politics and the market, and has resulted in a heavily industrialised and
capitalised aquaculture industry.
There was also presentation that illustrated how public policy and NGO
worked to improve local peoples living conditions. In Honduras aquaculture is
very important, especially production of shrimps. Women work both in
industrialised aquaculture and in small-scale aquaculture controlled by local
people. The presentation from Honduras illustrated how university and NGO
were engaged in training programs with a special focus on women. From
Senegal we had a presentation that illustrated empowerment of women through
training courses and encouragement of leadership. In Senegal women have an
important role in fishing, both in household production, in sales and in
processing.
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The dilemma with the small-scale fishing model is that women in many cases
are defined according to their role in reproduction. They are defined as their
husband’s wife and as caretakers. Women lack legal status and become invisible
when it comes to their role in production. The dilemma with the industrialised
fishery model is that local people loose control, both over natural resources and
their own labour force.
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Forum 4 : Accès aux prises de décision, participation aux organisations des
pêcheurs : stratégies, contraintes, opportunités
Forum 4 : Conclusiones del Foro de “La mujer en la toma de decisiones”
Dolores Bermúdez, Sarah Mongruel
Martha Piñeiro
Les récits et les échanges lors de ce forum ont été particulièrement fournis et
intenses.
Une quarantaine de femmes étaient présentes, représentant des professions et
des nationalités très diverses. Beaucoup d’entre elles ont alors pour la première
fois pris la parole en public.
Resulta complejo sacar conclusiones, mas allá de rasgos generales, ya que
varía el contexto, las condiciones socioeconómicas e inclusive las expectativas
de cada una de las participantes del foro.
Con respecto a los niveles de participación, cuando resultan escasos en
algunas sociedades puede resultar por la “comodidad” de algunas mujeres y en
otros podría pensarse que es por falta de convicción e inclusive también puede
incidir la situación económica: poco puede incidir una mujer en una
organización cuando no tiene acceso a reclamar su remuneración por el trabajo
que aporta para la actividad de la pesca de la cual vive su familia.
También es distinta la situación de mujeres que participan directamente del
proceso de la pesca, a las mujeres que participan como conyuges-colaboradoras,
ya que en ese caso, ante las organizaciones de los hombres tienen una posición
debilitada ante la posibilidad de exponer a sus esposos ante sus pares.
Pareció notable el caso de las mujeres mariscadoras gallegas y sus dirigentes
ya que se han posicionado de una manera muy firme y progresiva, generando
respeto ante el sector de la pesca y la comunidad en general fuera de la pesca, lo
que parece ser un caso diferencial ante otros casos, inclusive de España.
Existen, sin embargo pese a las dificultades, casos de mujeres que se han
organizado y tienen acceso a opinar y gestionar su actividad, después de mucha
capacitación, de generar autoestima para que puedan ser firmes en su contacto
con el resto de la sociedad y que parecen avanzar progresivamente generando un
modelo para imitar, tal es el caso de las mujeres africanas que se señaló en el
debate.
Pareciera que potenciar el rol de la mujer para la toma de decisiones en las
organizaciones, pasa por múltiples factores, desde sentir la aceptación en el
sector, hasta la aceptación de la sociedad en el entorno, ya que aún cuando haya
capacidad en las mujeres, muchas veces ellas mismas dejan de actuar vencidas
por la crítica o los gestos que minimizan sus cualidades.
En todo caso queda firme la idea de que la mujer es quien se ve afectada
mayormente ante las crisis de las pesquerías, sea tanto crisis de recursos como
cuestiones globales económicas y es su vulnerabilidad la que debe hacerla
reflexionar para contrarrestar de alguna manera participando en cuanto a decidir
sobre su futuro y la de sus hijos.
Marta Piñeiro
Asoc.Pescadores Artesanales
Puerto Madryn
Chubut –Patagonia Argentina
Email: martapineiro@yahoo.com.ar
Trois points majeurs se sont détachés :
1. Les femmes ne doivent pas attendre d’être invitées par les
responsables politiques ou professionnels. C’est à elles de prendre
l’initiative, d’oser entrer dans les lieux où se prennent les décisions.
Leur timidité arrange bien les hommes,
2. Ce travail de valorisation de leur propre image est plus facile quand
les femmes peuvent s’appuyer sur une personne ou une institution
extérieure. Les mariscadoras ont pu compter sur quelques femmes
influentes de la Conselleria de Pesca, les conchylicultrices et micromareyeuses sénégalaises sur le travail d’une facilitatrice.
3. Le regroupement des femmes aux différents niveaux de prise de
décision (local, régional, national…) leur apporte une structure et une
visibilité. Pour oser prendre la parole, il est déterminant de pouvoir
parler au nom d’un collectif.
Les Portugaises ont fait entendre un point de vue sensiblement différent de
celui des autres femmes. Tout en reconnaissant qu’oser entrer dans les cercles de
prise de décisions est une question culturelle, elles estiment ne pas avoir de
difficultés à se faire entendre des hommes. Ils soutiennent leurs actions et leurs
démarches dans la mesure où elles vont dans l’intérêt du secteur de la pêche
dans son ensemble. Elles sont très attachées à ne pas affaiblir le secteur par des
conflits avec les hommes.
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Forum 5: Fishing, Natural Resources Management and Tourism: Women's
roles and perspectives
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x
Gloria Cabrera
The development without precedents of the tourist industry, experienced
during the last decades in many coastal areas, is supposing a challenge for the
fishing, shell-fishing and aquaculture activities, with those that often competes
as much for the manpower as for the use and exploitation of the own riverside
and aquatic space. Other very different characteristics, however, it seems to have
the relationships between the small scale fishing sector and an small scale tourist
activity, controlled and promoted by the own families producers like
complement of their economies and as a part of the diversification economic
strategies that they try to put at stake in order to not to depend on a single road
of incomes and to better combat the uncertainty of the current fisheries.
So much in a case as in the other, it seems undeniable that the development of
the tourism supposes an important factor of social change in the breast of an
important part of the current fishing populations. Women are often participating
in these contexts like the main characters of the important socio-economic
transformations that take place, promoting tourist service related business like
fish restaurants, road bars, souvenirs stores, etc.
In this forum a debate opened up on the problem of the relationship between
the fishing, shell-fishing and aquaculture activities and the tourism putting the
emphasis in the contributions carried out by the women and in their current
situation. The objective of our discussion was to contrast different experiences
lived by the own characters of these transformations in diverse contexts, as well
as those analysed by social researchers of the sector, with the purpose of better
characterising these processes of socio-economic transformation, taking as
relating, this time, halfway the fishing populations often more forgotten by the
socio-economic studies, the women.
The absence of studies on women's roles in fisheries and aquaculture in the
different international contexts doesn't let us have a clear vision about the
importance of their contributions or about the present and future impacts of the
tourist activities in the different local, regional and national contexts that we can
find at the present time. The situations are so different in each case that it's not
easy to generalise conclusions. Nevertheless, the different oral presentations and
contributions to the forum pointed out clearly that there were some well-known
negative impacts of the mass tourist activities for the small-scale fishing sector:
x The expropriation of the fishing populations of their fishing
territories, particularly in the case of the development of mass tourist
activities controlled by strange companies.
The competition for the resources between professionals and tourists
who practise sport fishing (legal or stealthy) and the subsequent
natural degradation and over-fishing.
The increase of some aspects associated to the "culture of the leisure"
practised by a wide sector of the tourism, which they are noxious for
the social integrity of the local populations, like, for instance, the
increase of alcoholism and other drugs dependencies (experimented
in the Canary Islands, Spain, and Portugal, as it was denounced by
some participants during the forum) or the sexual trade that affects
the women mainly or even kids (like it's suffered by local fishing
populations in different parts of Asia or South-America nowadays).
As positive impacts of small scale tourist activities, taken advantage by the
own families dedicated to the fishing sector, we could contrast the experiences
presented during the forum by members of producers associations from Galicia
(Spain), concretely from the fishermen association of Lira (Galicia, Spain),
based in their collective project of "Fishing Tourism", and from the shell-fisher
women's association of Cambados (Galicia, Spain) and their company of
seafaring tourist guide "Guimatur". They stood out:
x The re-activation of fishing populations in crisis, for lack of fishing
interests in the new generations, through the diffusion of the
seafaring culture among scholars and tourists.
x The possibility to palliate the shortage of fishing resources and to
increase the family revenues with trips and guide's of fishing tourism
activities.
x The increase of the level of the population's formation dedicated to
the fishing sector soon after the development of such activities:
knowledge of languages and public relationships, history and local
culture, etc.
x The increase of the self-esteem of the professionals dedicated to the
sector after the publicity of their tasks carried out.
x The increase of the environmental and ecological conscience of the
whole society, in the case of the collective administration of the
protected marine spaces like in the exposed case of Eco-tourism
experiences in MPA (Marine Protected Areas) in Philippines.
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Forum 6 : Accès des femmes aux ressources économiques, à la Direction
d’Entreprise, aux activités de diversification et au micro-crédit
Chantal Gnimadi
Dans un contexte généralisé de diminution de la ressource et de difficultés
croissantes pour les acteurs et actrices de pêche artisanale à se maintenir sur les
différents marchés nationaux, les débats de ce forum animés par les participantes
de la Grande Bretagne, de la France, du Chili, du Sénégal et de la Tanzanie nous
ont situé comme suit sur les différents facteurs de leur accès aux ressources
économiques, à la direction d’entreprise, aux stratégies de diversification de
leurs activités et aux opportunités de financement de celles-ci par les banques ou
les systèmes de micro-crédit existant dans leur environnement.
Nous avons d’abord accueilli le témoignage d’une femme entrepreneure de
Grande Bretagne, épouse de pêcheur, qui a pris un crédit bancaire garanti par le
bateau et les équipements productifs familiaux, pour développer une activité
artisanale de fumage du saumon pêché par le mari. Cette stratégie de
diversification a eu pour résultats positifs :
x
x
x
x
x
L’amélioration et la diversification des sources des revenus
familiaux,
Une meilleure prise en charge de l’éducation des enfants et
l’amélioration du bien être social de la famille grâce à ces revenus
complémentaires,
La réduction des pertes post-capture et de la contrainte antérieure de
vendre au plus vite le saumon frais pêché quel que soit le prix qui en
était offert,
La reconnaissance par le marché local comme par les salons
internationaux du goût d’un savoir-faire développé initialement dans
l’espace domestique grâce à la participation de cette entreprise
familiale de production de saumon fumé aux différentes foires
organisées par les réseaux alternatifs de défense des produits du cru
(Slow Food)
La conquête d’un espace d’autonomie économique et décisionnelle
par cette femme entrepreneure dans l’entreprise familiale de pêche
artisanale animée avec le mari.
Mais, le développement d’une telle entreprise de diversification se heurte
aujourd’hui à la concurrence croissante des entreprises industrielles de
transformation de poisson fumé (maquereau, thon) plus rentables et à la
complexification croissante des réglementations et normes européennes de
production et de leurs systèmes de contrôles.
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Pour surmonter cette grande vulnérabilité, il faut s’engager dans une spirale
d’endettement pour moderniser les capacités productives de l’entreprise et
l’intégrer davantage au système de production et de distribution de masse
dominant. De plus, pour peu que la stabilité de la structure familiale - à même de
présenter au système financier les garanties requises pour un nouvel accès au
crédit - vienne à faire défaut, ce sont tous les efforts engagés pour conquérir
cette autonomie économique et décisionnelle qui risquent d’être compromis.
Dans le Sud de la France, les femmes éleveuses d’huîtres se sont organisées
en associations pour défendre leurs savoirs et savoir-faire traditionnels. Elles
font avec succès la promotion de leurs produits dans les foires internationales
alternatives de valorisation des produits du cru qui résistent à la standardisation
des modèles de consommation alimentaire diffusés par les grandes entreprises
de production et de distribution alimentaire.
Sur la côte est du Chili, les femmes ont dû délaissé entièrement leurs
anciennes activités dans la filière pêche et les cultures marines au profit des
nouveaux opérateurs industriels et touristiques. Certaines d’entre elles ont
toutefois pu se repositionner autour de nouvelles opportunités d’activités
induites par le développement du tourisme. Elles ont mobilisé à cet effet les
divers appuis techniques, financiers et en formation mis en place par l’Etat
Chilien pour développer leur entreprise collective de production et de
commercialisation de vêtements de plongée pour touristes. Les premiers succès
obtenus les ont encouragées à développer une nouvelle gamme de vêtements de
plongée plus résistants qu’elles s’apprêtent à mettre en marché.
Pour diversifier et améliorer les revenus familiaux tirés de leurs activités
traditionnelles de pêche artisanale aux côtés de leur mari, certaines femmes
françaises s’orientent également vers des stratégies de diversification d’activités
hors filière pêche. Elles en sont à l’étape de maturation de leurs idées de projet
et d’identification d’un environnement institutionnel d’accompagnement en
phase avec leurs besoins et aspirations spécifiques. Elles ont identifié à cet effet
un potentiel de partenariat avec le Réseau « Entreprendre et Coopérer
ensemble » qui soutient en France et en Belgique 647 femmes et hommes
désireux de développer leurs activités dans le cadre de Coopératives d’activités
et d’emplois. La Coopérative d’activités et d’emploi dénommée Chrysalide de
Pont L’Abbé dans la Cornouaille française citée en exemple, a été créée en 2002
avec l’appui des Fondations de banque, du Fonds Social Européen, du Conseil
Régional de Bretagne et du Conseil Général du Finistère. Elle a hébergé depuis
lors 48 femmes et 61 hommes de moins de 40 ans qui ont pu accéder par son
intermédiaire à des micro-crédits compris entre 1 500 et 15 000 euros
remboursables dans un délai variable.
Les femmes tanzaniennes des bords du Lac Victoria, pour leur part, vivaient
traditionnellement de la transformation et de la commercialisation des perches
du Nil. Elles ont d’abord perdu leur accès à cette ressource de base au profit des
industries exportatrices qui s’étaient attribué le monopole de l’exportation de ce
poisson vers les marchés européens. Leur première stratégie de diversification a
été de se rabattre sur l’exploitation des sous-produits des usines de traitement
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des perches du Nil pour l’exportation. Elles ont, dans un premier temps, saisi les
opportunités de micro-crédit offertes par les ONG locales d’appui pour racheter
aux industries de traitement du poisson les têtes et squelettes des poissons dont
les filets sont exportés. Elles les faisait frire et les écoulaient sur les marchés
locaux et régionaux, notamment en direction de l’Ouganda. Mais, il s’est trouvé
que les grandes industries ont également décidé de valoriser elles-mêmes leurs
sous-produits, les privant ainsi de tout approvisionnement. Or, la baisse de la
productivité du Lac liée à la surexploitation industrielle des perches du Nil s’est
répercutée sur toutes les espèces et notamment les sardinelles qui se sont aussi
raréfiées. Les femmes se retrouvent alors complètement désespérées dans une
impasse : les opportunités de diversification existantes leur sont quasiinaccessibles pour plusieurs raisons dans un environnement économique global
morose dans lequel elles ne peuvent vraiment profiter de la disponibilité des
micro-crédits offerts par les ONG.
Enfin, dans les 26 ports de débarquement où les femmes sénégalaises
diversifient depuis longtemps leurs activités traditionnelles de mareyage, de
transformation et de commercialisation des produits halieutiques vers
l’armement, la production d’huile de foie et de farine de poisson pour
l’agriculture, leurs stratégies de diversification émergentes visent un accès
équitable à l’information pertinente sur les opportunités ouvertes par les accords
de pêche signés avec la CEE par le Sénégal. L’ambition de certaines d’entre
elles est d’intensifier et de moderniser leurs activités pour intégrer les marchés
globalisés compétitifs rentables en cherchant des réponses aux préoccupations
prioritaires suivantes :
x comment viabiliser et financer des systèmes de production durable et
équitable de produits halieutiques dans un contexte de raréfaction de
la ressource ?
x comment financer la modernisation des infrastructures et
équipements de stockage, de conservation, de traitement, de transport
et de commercialisation pour les rendre conformes aux normes
internationales d’hygiène, de santé et d’environnement dans un
contexte institutionnel et financier marqué par l’inexistence de
ressources de financement à moyen et à long terme
x comment accéder à des montants de crédits plus substantiels pour
soutenir ces stratégies de diversification dans un environnement
institutionnel de financement de la pêche dominé par le secteur
financier informel et les crédits de court terme ?
Conclusion
Au total, ce forum nous a permis de comprendre que dans les pays en voie de
développement comme dans les pays en développement, les actrices de la filière
pêche ou cultures marines prennent, avec plus ou moins de bonheur, des
initiatives individuelles et collectives dont la nature varie dans le temps et dans
l’espace.
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Ces initiatives visent à maintenir leurs activités et modes de vie, à améliorer
les revenus de leurs familles par la diversification de leurs activités et
l’amélioration de leur accès aux ressources qui permettent de le faire de façon
avantageuse.
Parmi les facteurs explicatifs des succès et des interrogations majeures de ce
forum, nous avons particulièrement retenu :
x l’existence dans leur environnement de débouchés et de créneaux
porteurs qui leur sont accessibles,
x d’opportunités de financement et de renforcement de capacités
adaptées à leurs aspirations pour la défense de la vie et la gestion
durable de la ressource,
x l’importance de pouvoir accéder
o à l’information pertinente sur les opportunités, débouchés et
créneaux porteurs,
o aux opportunités institutionnelles de renforcement des
capacités entrepreneuriales techniques et de management,
o à l’indispensable action collective sous un mode associatif,
coopératif ou dans la simple participation individuelle aux
réseaux d’actrices confrontés à des défis comparables.
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Forum 7 Working Conditions and Safety at Sea and Ashore
Barbara Neis
Portuguese Issues, Concerns and Actions:
In Portugal, fishermen have access to sickness insurance, disability
Insurance, private system for occupational injury and disease
Issues:
x Women and men have common interests around safety on the boats
x Portuguese fleet was very affected by entry into the EU from the
point of view of working and safety conditions, health issues and
social welfare. Safety must include welfare, social security and
Working conditions
x Portuguese ships need many improvements to improve safety and
working conditions and many object to the EU subsidizing boat
Construction in countries of the South
x Current regulations make it difficult for them to change the tonnage
and this would have more significance for safety and working than,
say, adding a new bathroom
x Small boat fishery is not very well protected under EU law
x Boats and airplanes are being directed towards policing fishers
instead of towards safety.
French Issues, Concerns and Actions :
Issues are both individual and social:
x Currently depend on men to voluntarily wear life jackets
x Majority of the boats are very old
x Declining numbers of crew members
x Poor food quality and high risk of cardiovascular disease
x Alcohol and drug consumption on board boats
x Long working hours linked to the need to work longer to pay the
debts, costs of fishing, low prices (includes short time onshore
between trips)
x Small boats can’t carry the same safety gear as larger boats
x Less and less working space on board old boats (more and more
fishing gear)
x Women must deal with machismo of their husbands
x Women who work at sea in France and who are pregnant can give up
work at the fourth month, other women have to wait until the 7th
x Women who sell and trade fish demand recognition of occupational
illnesses like problems with back, shoulder
x
Demand place to sell fish in comfort and facilities they need to
preserve fish
Lamentable working conditions for women who act as intermediaries
to unload fish, take ice, sell fish
Spanish Issues, Concerns and Actions :
In Spain, social security is paid by ship owners or fishermen
Some illnesses covered, occupational illnesses are not
No women go fishing far from shore. Normally close to shore and those that
fish are with relatives so no problems with harassment
Shellfish gatherers are normally women; no occupational illnesses are
recognized although they work in very damp conditions and have nowhere to
take shelter from the rain, to change their clothes, etc.
Harvesting goose barnacles: men work from the boats close to the shore.
Women harvest from the shore, men are more at risk in this fishery. Risk falling
out of their boats.
English, Irish, Norwegian and Canadian Issues, Concerns and Actions :
In Ireland, women of the sea active in promoting safety. Education and
training courses in safety compulsory in Ireland, Norway and Canada
Insurance issues: high cost of accident and other types of insurance may
encourage more safe practices but also place a burden on small Businesses and
fishing enterprises
In Norway, most fishers can swim; learn in local indoor swimming Pools
(many are being closed down with government cutbacks). Migrant fishermen
(from Latvia, Russia) actually better protected than Share fishermen who don’t
have access to as many social programs
In Canada, strong concerns that fishery management regulations are
Jeopardizing fishing safety: limits on vessel length.
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Attendance List
Mrs Abelseth, Torill
Glomfjord Smolt
Pb. 167 8161
Glomfjord, Norway
Torill.Abelseth@marineharvest.com
Mrs Aguilar Pineiro, Ana
Université Santiago del Compostela
c/ Pico Sacro 15
CP 15706 Santiago de Compostela
Spain
anaagpin@usc.es
Mrs Aleixandre, Angeles
Mujeres Tyrius de El Palmar
C/Vizconde Valdesoto n°12-1°
46012 El Palmar, Valencia
Spain
Mrs. Alfaro, Jessica
Jéssica Alfaro Alvarez
Trabajadora social - psicóloga
Chile
jesalfa@hotmail.com
Mrs. Alonso Acosta, Matilde
Conselleria de la Pesca e Asuntos
maritimos
Edificios Administrativos de San
Caetano.
San Caetano, s/n – 15781
Santiago de Compostella (A Coruña)
Spain
mathilde.alonso@xunta.es
Mrs. Arnoso Barro, Marisol
Cofradia de Pescadores Barallobre
Riveiroa, 6
15528, Barallobre Fene (La Coruña)
Spain
cofradia@cofradiabarallobre.org
Mr. Bailly, Denis
CEDEM/UBO
12 rue de Kergoat Bât B C.S. 93837
29238 Brest Cedex 3
Brest, France
denis.bailly@univ-brest.fr
Mrs. Barbeito Cantora, Betina
Economista-ADELGA.
Camiño Frances, 10 –baixo.
15771 Santiago de Compostela (A
Coruña).
bettina.barbeito.cantora@xunta.es
Mrs. Barnes, Sally
Woodcock Smokery
Gortbrack Castetownshend
Skibbereen
County Cork
Ireland
sallybarnes@utvinternet.com
Mrs. Bekendam De Boer, Marja
Klaas Fuitestraat 7
NL- 8281 BX
Genemuiden
The Netherlands
info@hoekman-bekendam.nl
Mrs. Bermudez Rodríguez, Dolores
AREAL
Rua Doutor Maceira 24 1°C
E-15706 Santiago de Compostela
Spain
asociacionareal@terra.es
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Mrs. Bourhis, Sonia
FETEM
Kerbrunen 29 140
Tourc'h
France
bourhis.remy@wanadoo.fr
Mrs. Cabrera Socorro, Gloria
Esther
Depto. Prehistoria Antropologia e
Historia Antigua
Campus de Guajara, Universidad de
La Laguna
38205 La Laguna Tenerife
Spain
gloriacabrerasocorro@yahoo.es
Mrs. Cameron-Lunny, Moira
Maritime & Media Ass. LTD;
Castletownbere, Co. Cork.
Cork, Ireland
fastfish@eircom.net
Mrs. Capobianco, Liliane
Association Femmes de pêcheurs
Corse
4 boulevard roi Jérome
20 000 Ajaccio, France
assfemcorse@aol.com
Mrs. Carballo Martínez, Rosa.
Axente de Desenvolvemento do
Litoral-Ribeira.
Delegación Comarcal de Ribeira.
Praza dos Mariñeiros, s/n.
15701 Ribeira (A Coruña).
rosa.carballo.martinez@xunta.es
Mrs. Carballo Penela, Adolfo
Universidade Santiago
Departamento de Economia
Aplicada
Avda. Burgo das Nacions s/n
15782 Santiago de Compostela,
Spain
acpacp@usc.es
Mrs. Castaldo, Annie
Dom La Fadaise
34340 MARSEILLAN
France
annie.castaldo@wanadoo.fr
Mrs. Castanhera, Jose
Mutua dos Pescadores Olhao
Rue do Caminho de ferro, 4/8
8700-425 Olhao, Portugal
depolhao@mutua.pt
Mrs. Castro Vazquez, Monserrat
Axente de extension Pesqueira
Vigo, Spain
montserrat.castro.vazquez@xunta.es
Mrs. Celestini, Adriana
Association Peneloppe
Via F. REDI 57/A
60020 Ancona, Italy
associazione.penelope@virgilio.it
Mrs. Chardi Dasi, Teresa
Asociación de Mujeres Tyrius de El
Palmar
C/ Vizconde Valdesoto N°12-2°
46012 El Palmar, Valencia, Spain
Mrs. Choo, Poh-Sze
WorldFish Center
P.O Box 500
GPO 1067 Penang, Malaisia
p.choo@cgiar.org
Mrs. Clemenceau, Clara
Association Femmes de Pêcheurs
Corse
Res Gravoua BTB2
20090 Ajaccio, France
assfemcorse@aol.com
PROCEEDINGS
Mrs. Cleofe, Jovelyn
Center for Empowerment &
Resource Development (CERD), Inc.
102- ERL Mendoza Bldg, Kamuning
Road
Quezon city 1103, Philippines
cerd@skynet.net
Mrs. Corbacho Gandullo, Angeles
C/Santa Lucia, 37 1°E
41003 Sevilla, Spain
macorbacho@mixmail.com
Mrs. Cruz Modino, Raquel
c/ Valentin Sanz N°1, 2°E
38003 Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Islas
Canarias
Spain
ramodin@hotmail.com
Mrs. Cruz Torrez, Maria Luz
University of California Riverside
13 80 Halifax Drive Riverside
CA 92 506, Halifax Drive Riverside
USA
maria.cruztorres@ucr.edu
Mr. da Silva Lopes, Joao
Directeur de la Mutua dos Pescadores
Rue General Gomes d'Araujo
Edificio Vasco de Gama Bloco C,
Piso 1,
B99-005 Lisboa, Portugal
Mrs. Dahlen, Kristin
Follalaks AS
Follalaks 8286
Nordfold, Norway
Kristin.Dahlen@follalaks.no
Mrs De Castro Garcia Maria
Cristina
Apostolado del Mar
Avenida Orillamar 47 - 2°
36202 Vigo
Spain
305
Mr. de Santiago Meijide, Jose
Alberto
Cofradia de Pescadores "San
Antonio" de Cambados
Avenida del Muelle 29
36630 Cambados
Pontevedra, Spain
c.cambados@sipgalicia.org
Mrs. de Vries, Monica
Free University of Amsterdam
M.H Trompstraat 36-1
1056 YB Amsterdam, The
Netherlands
mm.devries@worldonline.nl
Mrs. Dias, Rosa
Traverssa dos Navegantes, 123
Canldelo
4400-511 Vila Nova de Gala
Portugal
Mrs. del Mar Sáez, María
Jefa de Servicio de Gestión de
Política Horizontal
Subdirección General de Gestión de
Fondos Estructurales y Acuicultura
Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y
Alimentación
Paseo Infanta Isabel, 1
28071 – Madrid
Spain
Mrs. Deru, Yvette
FETEM
17 rue de l'Aulne
Concarneau, France
philippe.deru@wanadoo.fr
Mrs. Diop, Thiane
FNPMTS
Direction des pêches BP 4423 DK
RP
Dakar, Senegal
306
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Mrs. Dogbe Gnimadi, Chantal
08 BP 0289 COTONOU TRI
POSTAL
Benin
gnimadi@yahoo.fr
Mrs. Downey, Margarett
Fast Fish Ltd.
Castletownbere, Co. Cork.
Cork, Ireland
fastfish@eircom.net
Mrs. Elias, Ines
Centro Nacional Patagonico
Bvd. Brown s/n (9120)
Puerto Madryn
Argentina
elias@cenpat.edu.ar
Mrs. Faye, Fatou
Présidente Union Ravil et Thon
Siège Bâtiment Thon et Ravil Mol 10
Dakar, Senegal
Mrs. Fernandez, Chantal
Association Femmes de Pêcheurs en
Méditerranée
38 avenue Esprit Armando
83 500 La Seyne sur Mer, France
Mrs. Franco Ferron, Teresa
AREAL
Rua Doutor Maceira 24 1°C
E-15706 Santiago de Compostela,
Spain
asociacionareal@terra.es
Mrs. Frangoudes, Katia
CEDEM/UBO
12 rue de Kergoat, C.S. 93837
29238 Brest Cedex 3, France
katia.frangoudes@univ-brest.fr
Mrs. Freire Leonardo, Maria José
Xunta De Galicia
Adelga Santiago
Camino Francés n°10 baixo
15703 Santiago de Compostela
Spain
Mrs. Fronteri, Joséphine
Association Femmes de Pêcheurs en
Méditerranée
38 avenue Esprit Armando
83 500 La Seyne sur Mer,
France
Mrs. Gago Moldes, Elisa
Axente de Extensión Pesqueira,
Consellería de Pesca e Asuntos
Marítimos
Rua Ramon y Cajal 1, 5a planta
15006 A Coruna
Spain
Mrs. Geistdoerfer, Aliette
Anthropologie Maritime CNRS Case
Postal 26,
MNHN 43 rue Cuvier
75 005 Paris, France
alietteg@mnhn.fr
Mrs. Germain, Bénédict
136 GRANDE RUE
92 310 Seures, France
benedicte.germain@laposte.net
Mrs. Gerrard, Siri
Université de Tromso
Institue of Planning and Community
Studies, Univ. of Tromso
9037 Tromso, Norway
sirig@sv.uit.no
Mrs. Gesell Aedo, Nicole Soledad
Fundacion Chinquihue
Camino a Chinquihue Km.12
Puerto Montt, Chili
nicolegesell@fundacionchinquihue
PROCEEDINGS
Mr. Gomez, Joao
Institute for Development of Small
Scale Fisheries
Av. Marginal, Parcela 141/8 P.O Box
2473
Maputo
Mozambique
Mrs. Gonzales Alvarez, Susana
Portelos N° 16 Baredo
Baiona 36 300
Spain
laanunciada@telefonica.net
Mrs. Gonzales Sestelo, Maria Rita
AREAL
Rua Doutor Maceira 24 1°C
E-15706 Santiago de Compostela,
Spain
Mrs. Guichard Claudic, Yvonne
Université de Bretagne Occidentale
3 rue Monet
29 900 Concarneau, France
yvonne.guichard-claudic@univbrest.fr
Mrs. Guivarch, Patricia
81 Bd de la plage
33 120 Arcachon
France
307
Mr Gutierrez Antonio
Directorate-General for Fisheries
Communication and Information
Unit
European Commission
B-1049 Brussels
Belgium
Mrs. Hatchard, Jenny
University of Newcastle
3 Woodcock Drive Scotton North
Yorkshire DL9 3NW
United Kingdom
j.l.hatchard@ncl.ac.uk
Mrs. Henning, Lou
11 Marguerite Close, Newcastle,
Co.Down, BT33 0RZ,
Northern Ireland
United Kingdom
Mr Hernandez Armas, Ramon
Inst. Univ. de Ciencias Políticas y
Sociales
Campus de Guajara, Univ. La
Laguna
38205 La Laguna, Tenerife, Spain
ramonha@ya.com
Mrs. Gunnel, Edman-Blom
Länsstyrelsen Fiskefunktionen 621
85
VISBY, Sweden
gunnel.edman-blom@i.lst.se
Mrs. Holmyard, Nicki
Association of Scottish Shellfish
Growers
Polfearn, Taynuilt,
Argyll, PA35 LJQ, Scotland, United
Kingdom
nicki.holmyard@virgin.net
Mrs. Guss, Mikaela
Asterbottens Fiskarrvinner
Aminnevagen 366B
66100 Malax
Finland
Mrs. Iglesias Toimil, Chus
Relacións Laborais-ADELGA.
Edificio Alveosa. Carburos, 2 – 1º E.
36202 Arcade (Pontevedra).
maria.jesus.iglesias.toimil@xunta.es
308
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Mrs. Igor Garcia, Marcela Patricia
Fundacion Chinquihue
Camino a Chinquihue Km.12
Puerto Montt
Chili
Mrs. Ismayanti, Ismayanti
DGA-MOMAF
Lereng Indah,Jl.Kerinci Blok D-35
Jakarta 15418
Indonesia
mayafish_ind@yahoo.fr
Mrs. Julien, Séverine
CEDEM/UBO
12 rue de Kergoat C.S. 93837
29238 Brest Cedex 3, France
Mrs. Kaine, Kimberly
University of Rhode Island/Coastal
Resource Center
CRC/GSO/URI 220 South Ferry
Road, Narragansett
RI 02882, USA
Kkaine@gso.uri.edu
Mrs. Karlsdottir, Anna
University of Iceland
Askja House of science ext.334 V.
Njardargata 101 Reyk/Avir
Iceland
annakar@hi.is
Mrs. Kjaempenes, Wenche
Margrethe
Finmark University College
Faculty of Business and social work,
Follumsvei 31,
9509 Alta, Norway
wenche@hifm.no
Mrs. Kjensli, Britt
Nordland Fylkeskommune
Naerings 06 Samferdseusavd
Fylkeshuset
8048 Bodoe, Norway
britt.kjensli@nfk.no
Mrs. Koster, Wilma
VinVis
Narcissenpad
3251
CZ
Stellandam,
Netherlands
w.kosterw@quicknet.nl
The
Mrs. Lamazza Torres, Josefa
Escola Oficial Nautico Pesqueira de
Ferrol
Spain
Mrs. Le Baron, Laurence
FETEM
Kerbrunen
29 140 Tourc'h
France
Mrs. Lopez Lopez, Purificacion
Relacions Laborais ADELGA
Santiago de Compostela
Spain
Mrs. Loureiro, Luisa.
Vicepresidenta.
Federación Galega de Redeiras
Artesás “O Peirao”.
Rúa da Roda, Nº 28. Portosín.
15970 Porto do Son (A Coruña).
Mrs. Lubyayi, Margarett Nakato
Katosi Women Fishing &
Development association
P.O Box 33 929 Kampala, Uganda
katosi@utlonline.co.ug
PROCEEDINGS
Mrs. Maganinho, Carmelinda
Sindicato dos Pescadores do Norte
Rua dos Pescadores 496 - Praia de
Esmoriz
3885-560 Esmoriz
Portugal
Mrs. Maneschy, Cristina
Universidade Federal do Para and
ICSF
Rua Boaventura da Silva 1339 apt.
701 66,
060,060 Belém, Brasilia
crismane@amazon.com.br
Mrs. Mangard, Little
Kulde Garda
620 16 Ljugarn
Sweden
Mrs. Margarida, Ana
Largo Sebastiao Martins Mestre
8700-349 Olhao, Portugal
camara.olhao@mail.telepac.pt
Mrs. Marin Gomez, Inmaculada
Hernan cortes 5,5°
36.203 Vigo
Spain
Mrs. Martinez Insua, Mercedes
AREAL
Rua Doutor Maceira 24 1°C
15706 Santiago de Compostela
Spain
Mrs. Martinez Lopez, Juana
AREAL
Rua Doutor Maceira 24 1 C
15706 Santiago de Compostela
Spain
309
Mrs. Marugan Pintos, Begoña
Instituto Social de la Marina
C/Génova 20-5
28004 Madrid, Spain
begocasa@eresmas.com
Mrs. Medard, Modesta
Tanzania Fisheries Research Institute
P.O. Box 475 Mwanza-Tanzania
mmedard@wwftz.org
Mr. Metz, Sébastien
CEDEM/UBO
12 rue de Kergoat, C.S. 93837
29238 Brest Cedex 3, France
sebastien.metz@univ.brest.fr
Mrs. Meyer, Suyapa
Aquaculture CRSP Zamorano
425 Opelika Rd. Apt 282
Auburn AL 36 830, USA
meyersa@auburn.edu
Mrs. Miguélez Ramos, Rosa
Vice-Presidente de la Commission
Pêche
Parlamento Europeo
Rue Wiertz
ASP 11G318
B-1047 Bruselas, Belgium
Mrs. Miguez, Amelia
Direcçao Geral das Pescas e
Aquicultura DGPA
Edificio Vasco da Gama doça de
Alcantara
1350 Lisboa, Portugal
Mrs. Moço, Cristina
Edificio Vasco de Gama
Bloco C, Piso 1, Rue General Gomes
d'Araujo
B99-005 Lisboa, Portugal
cristinamoco@mutuap.pt
310
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Mrs. Mondardini, Gabriella
Universita degli Studi di Sassari
Dipartimento di Economia Istituzioni
e Societa
Piazza Conte di Moriana 07100
Sassari, Italy
gmondard@uniss.it
Mrs. Mongruel, Sarah
CEDEM/UBO
12 rue de Kergoat Bât B C.S. 93837
29238 Brest Cedex 3, France
mongru@free.com
Mrs. Morales Machin, Maria
Reyes
La Restinga, El Hierro
Islas Canarias
Spain
Mrs. Moriceau, Jannick
Vice-Président de la Région Bretagne
Commission Mer
283, av. Général Patton, C.S. 21101
35711 Rennes Cedex 7
France
Mrs. Mulet, Délia
Association Femmes de Pêcheurs en
Méditerrannée
38 avenue Esprit Armando
83 500 La Seyne Sur Mer, France
delia.mulet@wanadoo.fr
Mrs. Murray, Sherryl
Fishermen's Association Ltd.
Auguste house, 19 Hounster Drive
PL10 1B2 Millbrook Torpoint,
Co Cornwall, United Kingdom
murraysher@aol.com
Mrs. Nayak, Nalini
ICSF, 27 College Road
Chennai 600006, India
icsf@vsnl.com
Mrs. Ndiaye Diop, Ndeye Tické
Ministère de l'Économie des Pêches
Direction des Pêches BP 4423 DK
RP
Dakar
Senegal
Mrs. Neira Luaces, Lupe
Federacion de Reideras (Presidenta)
R/Corporacions municipais N°37 5°B
27019 FOZ
Spain
Mrs. Neis, Barbara
Memorial University of
Newfoundland
Dept. of Sociology
St. John's (T.-N.-L.) A1C 5S7,
Canada
bneis@mun.ca
Mr. Neto de Silva, Helder
Megapesca Lda
Rua Gago Coutinho 11
Valado de Santa Quitéria
2460-207 Alfeizerão, Portugal
megapesca@megapesca.com
Mrs. Norby, Elsa
Sandhem Östergarn 620 16
LJUGARN
Ljugarn, Sweden
gunnel.edman-blom@i.lst.se
Mrs. O’Doherty, Joan
31 Granshaw Close Kings Norton
B38 8RD,
Birmingham, United Kingdom
fishpoly@aol.com
Mrs. Ortega Inarrea, Maria
Ardora Formacion
C/ Rivera Atienza N°4 Bajo
36214 Vigo (Pontevedra), Spain
ardoracb@mixmail.com
PROCEEDINGS
311
312
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Mrs. Ottolenghi, Francesca
Università di Genova
C/O DIP.TE.RIS.
Viale Benedetto XV, 3
16132 Genova
Italy
Mrs. Perez Fernandez, Isabel
Cofradia de Pescadores "San
Antonio" de Cambados
Avenida del Muelle 29
36630 Cambados Pontevedra, Spain
c.cambados@sipgalicia.org
Mrs. Piñeiro, Marta
Asociacion de Pescadores
Artesanales de Puerto
Marcos A. Zar 426
9120 Puerto Madryn, Argentine
apamadryn@hotmail.com
Mrs. Oubiña Vieites, Victoria.
Vicepresidenta.
Asociación Mulleres do Mar de
Cambados.
GUIMATUR
Oficina de Turismo do Concello de
Cambados.
Praza do Concello, s/n.
36630 Cambados
Spain
Mrs. Perez Lopez, Ana Isabel
Ardora Formacion
Avenida Del Conde, 13 3° A
36 380 Gondomar Pontevedra, Spain
ardoracb@mixmail.com
Mrs. Piñeiro Perez, Patricia
Asociacion Mulleres do Mar de
Cambados (Presidenta)
Cofradia de Pescadores "San
Antonio" de Cambados
Avenida del Muelle 29
36630 Cambados Pontevedra,
Spain
Mrs. Parada Rey, Manuela.
Tesorera Federación Galega
Redeiras Artesás “O Peirao”.
Rúa da Roda Nº 28. Portosín.
15970 Porto Do Son (A Coruña)
Spain
de
Mrs Parades Soto Patricia
Asociación de Mujeres de Pescadores
"Rosa dos Ventos"
Avenida Orillamar 47 - 2°
36202 Vigo, Spain
rdv@telepolis.com
Mr. Pascual Fernández, José J.
Inst. Univ. de Ciencias Políticas y
Sociales
Campus de Guajara
Universidad de La Laguna
38205 La Laguna, Tenerife, Spain
jpascual@ull.es
Mrs. Pendelievre, Michèle
Le Roch Izella
29 120 Tremeoc, France
michelle.pendelievre@wanadoo.fr
Mrs. Pestana, Rita
Camara Municipal
Rua Dr Teofilo Brago
8700-952 Olhao
Portugal
Mrs. Pettersen, Ashild
M/S Stig-Rune & M/S Marita
Skarsvag, Norway
rolfop@c2i.net
Mrs. Pettersen, Liv Toril
Nordland Research Institute
N-8049 Bodo, Norway
Liv.T.Pettersen@nforsk.no
Mrs. Philip, Monique
Comité des Femmes de Marins du
Bassin d'Arcachon
81 bd de la Plage
33 120 Arcachon, France
monique.philip@wanadoo.fr
Mrs. Piedra Manes, Yolanda
Asociacion de Empresarios
Maritimos y Pesqueros (EMPA)
C/Consell de cent 263 Baixos
08011 Barcelona
Espagne
Mrs. Plaza Garcia, Marta
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones
Científicas
C/Alfonso XII 18, 5ª Planta
28 014 Madrid, Spain
martaplaza@iesam.csic.es
Mr. Poiosse, Ernesto
Institute for Development of Small
Scale Fisheries
Av. Marginal, Parcela 141/8 P.O Box
2473
Maputo, Mozambique
Mr. Alfonso Riveiro, Purificación
Ardora Formacion
Terra de Porto 39.
36960 O Grove Pontevedra, Spain
ardoracb@mixmail.com
Mrs. Quintana Carballo, Rosa Mª.
Directora general de Innovación y
Desarrollo Pesquero
Conselleria de Pesca
Rua Irmandiños S/N Salgueiriños
15.701 Santiago del Compostela
Spain
Mrs. Quinzieo, Inacia
Mutua
dos
Pescadores
Dependencia Nazaré
Rua Antonio Carvalho Laranjo
Patio José Paiva, 1,
2450 Nazaré
Portugal
–
Mrs. Quist, Cornelie
VINVIS
Narcissenpad 65
3251 CZ Stellendam, The
Netherlands
cornelie.quist@wolmail.nl
Mrs. Santasmarinas, Pencha
Xefa de Servizo de Fomento da
Organizacion Sectorial
Conselleria de Pesca Rua Irmandinos
S/N Salgueirinos
15.701 Santiago del Compostela,
Spain
prudencia.santasmarinas.raposo@xun
ta.es
Mrs. Serrao, Clarisse
Rua de Nossa Senhora das Candelas,
24
4480 Villa do Conde
Portugal
Mrs. Silverio Borges Cardoso
Eugenia
Sindicato dos Pescadores do Centro
Rua das Amoreiras 42 r/c
2520 Peniche
Portugal
Mrs. Soares, Emilia Oliveira
Sindicato dos Pescadores do Norte
Rua dos Pescadores 496 - Praia de
Esmoriz
3885-560 Esmoriz
Portugal
PROCEEDINGS
313
314
AKTEA CONFERENCE
Mrs. Recchi Mauro, Letizia
Association Peneloppe
Via F. REDI 57/A
60020 Ancona, Italy
associazione.penelope@virgilio.it
Mrs. Rönn, Carina
Österbottens Fishanförbunu
Fredsgaten 20
65.100 Vaasa, Finland
carina.ronn@fishpoint.net
Mrs. Slater, Trish
11 Marguerite Close
Newcattle, Co.Down, BT33 ORZ,
Northern Ireland, United Kingdom,
trishslater@utvinternet.com
Mrs. Toupin, Ana
Pêche et Développement
20, rue Chapelle Saint Yves
56260 Larmor Plage, France
toupin.ana-maria@neuf.fr
Mrs. Rodriguez Carballo, Susana
Conselleria de Pesca e Asuntos
Maritimos
Edificios Administrativos de San
Caetano
15701 Santiago de Compostela - A
Coruna
Spain
Mrs. Rouquette, Annie
2 rue Belfort
34.130 Marseillan, France
annierouquette@voila.fr
Mrs. Sow, Boye
Union Ravil et Thon
Direction des pêches BP
4423 DK RP
Dakar
Senegal
Mrs. Vales, Maria Eulalia
Institute for Development of Small
Scale Fisheries
Av. Marginal, Parcela 141/8
P.O Box 2473 Maputo, Mozambique
evales@idppe.org
Mrs. Spina, Giovanna
Association Peneloppe
Via F. REDI 57/A
60020 Ancona, Italy
associazione.penelope@virgilio.it
Mrs. Vide, Olga
Direcção Regional do Norte
FORSPESCAS
Av.Brasília, Pedrouços
1400 Lisboa,
Portugal
Mrs. Rodriguez Coronil, Lola
Asociacion de Empresarios
Maritimos y Pesqueros (EMPA)
C/Consell de cent 263 Baixos
08011 Barcelona
Spain
Mrs. Rodrigues Henriques, Karyn
Nancy
Depto. Prehistoria Antropologia e
Historia Antigua
Campus de Guajara,
38205 La Laguna, Tenerife, Spain
knrhenriques@iespana.es
Mr. Rodriguez Rodríguez, Gonzalo
Universidad de Santiago
Departamento Economia Aplicada
Avda Burgo das Nacions s/n
15782 Santiago de Compostela,
Spain
eagrr@usc.es
Mr. Roncin, Nicolas
CEDEM/UBO
12 rue de Kergoat C.S. 93837
29238 Brest Cedex 3, France
nicolas.roncin@univ-brest.fr
Mrs. Rubelli, Gudrun
Association Femmes de Pêcheurs
Mediterranée
38 avenue Esprit Armando
83.500 La Seyne Sur Mer, France
Mrs. Saltiel, Ena
20 Springdale Close, Willerbury,East
Yorshire,
HU10 6RE, United Kingdom
Ena@saltiel.co.uk
Mr. Sans, Orts
Confraria de Pescadores de
Tarragona
43.004 Tarragona, Spain
mrsans@tinet.fut.es
Mrs. Sans Sans, Rosa
Confradia de Pescadores de
Tarragona
43.004, Tarragona, Spain
mrsans@tinet.fut.es
Mr. Semah, Raffaella
Avenue d'Ouchy 60
1006, Lausanne, Switzerland
semah-raffaella@hotmail.com
Mr. Serrano, Carmen
Tyrius El Palmar
C/ Redolins, N° 82
46012 Valencia, Spain
carserso@teleline.es
Mrs. Suarez Lijo, Francisca
Bateeira, Asociacion de Mexilloeiros
de Cabo de Cruz
Rua Portomouro N°4, A Abanqueiro
15938 A Banqueiro Boiro
Spain
Mrs. Talvitie, Lena
Österbottens Fiscarrvinner
Aminnevagen 366B
66100 Malax, Finland
lena.talvitie@pp.malax.fi
Mrs. Than Thi, Hien
International Marinelife Alliance
88 Phang Ngoc Thach
Hanoi, Vietnam
tthien@marine.org
Mrs. Thomassen, Ingunn
M/S Stig-Rune & M/S Marita
9763 Skarsvag, Norway
skaskole@start.no
Mrs. Williams, Ruth
University of Newcastle Upon
2 Myrtle Grove West Jesmono
Newcastle, United Kingdom
r.rwilliams@acl.ac.uk
Mrs. Zotes Tarrio, Yolanda Nélida
Universidade de Santiago
Departamento Economia Aplicada
Avda Burgo das Nacions s/n
15782 Santiago de Compostela,
Spain
eayxotes@usc.es
Mrs. Zuniga Espina, Roxana
Denice
Fundacion Chinquihue
Camino a Chinquihue Km.12
Puerto Montt
Chili
PROCEEDINGS
Participants without postal addresses
Portugal
Mrs. Bonzinho, Vanda
Mrs. Capela, Guilherma
Mrs. Capela, Carla
Mrs. De Jesús, Maria
Mrs. Duarte, Estrela
Mrs. Fernandes, Analia
Mrs. Maio, Dolores
Mrs. Moça, Tereza
Mrs. Pereira, Dina
Mrs. Ricardo, Fatima
Spain
Mrs. Álvarez Fernández, Mercedes
Mrs. de la Fuente, Marivi Iturralde
Mrs. Escariz, Belen
Mrs. Espinosa Murias, Carmen
Mrs. Estevez Moledo, Lucia
Mrs. García García, Montse
Mrs. Novoa Valinas, Carmen
Mrs. Pesqueira Portas, Rita
Mrs. San Martin Outeiral, Sara
Mrs. Santorum Perez, Angeles
Tanzania
Mrs. Eufrasia, Chuma
Tanzania
315