FROM CATTLE HERDING TO SEDENTARY AGRICULTURE: THE

African Study Monographs, Suppl. 46: 121–133, March 2013
121
FROM CATTLE HERDING TO SEDENTARY AGRICULTURE:
THE ROLE OF HAMER WOMEN IN THE TRANSITION
Samuel Tefera
Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University
ABSTRACT The Hamer people make up a pastoral and agro-pastoral society that depends
predominantly on livestock for its livelihood. Herding livestock involves seasonal migration to
find grazing pastures, salt, and water. In the relatively fertile areas of the district, however, the
Hamer practice farming and plow their fields with oxen. Due to insufficient rain in the lowlands,
sustaining agricultural activities has been problematic despite the gradual increase in agrarian
activities. Yet, the pastoral way of life is still unquestionably dominant. Hamer women cultivate
sorghum, which has been their staple food for centuries. Migrating to areas with better grazing
pastures inhabited by agro-pastoral groups has enhanced trade interactions and furthered the
Hamer’s growing interest and skills in farming. Such economic interdependence—trade and the
essential integration of farming with the pastoral system could have led to the exchange of
goods and the change to a more sedentary lifestyle.
Key Words: Hamer; Farming; Women; Transition.
RESEARCH BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES
Classification of Ethiopian agriculturalists as seed farmers, ensete and tuber bearing plant farmers, or pastoralists is based partly on climatic and ethnic factors, but
mainly based on livestock husbandry and the need to move from one place to
another to find new grazing pastures (Westphal, 1975). According to Westphal, past
invasions and migrations have led some farmers into areas where rainfall is adequate for arable farming, but many farmers continue to focus primarily on raising
livestock, and areas even suitable for intensive farming do not produce crops.
Pastoralism among the Hamer people involves raising cattle, sheep, and goats,
and most recently, camels for their livelihood. Seasonal migration in search of
grass and water is required. However, in Buska, Shanko, and the Beshada highlands, locations relatively fertile in the Hamer District, the soil retains moisture
after it rains. In such places the Hamer plow with oxen. A household survey by
the district PDO (2005) identified 35% of the Hamer as agro-pastoral, and the
remaining 65% as predominantly pastoral. However, Strecker (1976: 47) argues
that the Hamer should not be labeled solely as pastoralists or agriculturalists since
their culture is a combination of both. Strecker reports that the Hamer can be
classified as 60% agriculturalist and 40% pastoralist. According to him, unlike
the PDO (2005) report the percentage of the pastoral Hamer population in the
district is less than the agro pastoral Hamer in proportion. Whether the transition
to an agricultural livelihood is a response to the changing climate or an influence
from the state requiring the Hamer to settle is debatable. The Hamer continue to
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Samuel Tefera
produce sorghum, although a pastoral lifestyle is unquestionably predominant.
Grazing movements to areas inhabited by agrarian and agro-pastoral societies, as
well as trade interactions, have contributed considerably to the Hamer’s growing
interest and skill in farming. In a similar case the majority of the Afar people
mainly relied on pastoralism for subsistence except for the Afar of the Ausa
region whose livelihood depended on agriculture, local and external trade on top
of pastoralism (Getachew, 2001: 35–36). Getachew (2001: 98–100) further noted
changes in new type of land use and introduction of new farming techniques
despite failures in settlement schemes that aimed to change the pastoral Afar into
self-sufficient sedentary farmer.
Establishment and development of reciprocal and interdependent relations by
pastoralists with neighboring sedentary communities benefit the pastoral production
system (Nori et al., 2008: 8). Such interdependence must have contributed to an
increase in the exchange of goods, sharing of lifestyles, and integration of farm
products into the pastoral system. Agro-ecologies link pastoral and agricultural
systems; and considerable economic importance is attached to mobility beyond
its implication on resource management strategy. Pastoral movement associated
with the search for rangeland resources creates opportunities for constructing trade
relationships and forming friendships and power relationships. Unfortunately, a
reduced resource base and recurrent drought are just some of the factors that
threaten the livestock base in the Hamer area. Drought has affected pastoral livelihoods, mobility patterns, and relationships with their neighbors. On the other
hand, it induces various survival strategies to the Hamer livelihood system. As
we see later in this paper, an example can be the introduction of plant varieties,
particularly sorghum, from neighboring ethnic groups which further promotes
domestication and adoption of sedentary life.
This paper describes the growing, though gradual, trend of the Hamer people
to participate in agricultural activities. It focuses on the leading role of women
in transforming farming activities.
STUDY AREA AND METHODS
The Hamer people live in the Hamer District of the South Omo Zone, Southern
Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region (SNNPR). According to the Ethiopian
Central Statistical Agency’s report 2008, the estimated population of the Hamer
people is 59,160. Farming, herding livestock, and beekeeping are basic livelihoods
associated with the area’s economy.
Hamer settlements are located in the highland and lowland areas in the district,
often as clusters of close relatives in villages. In a Hamer household, both nuclear
and extended families live together. They are polygamous, patriarchal, and patrilocal. A particular Hamer household unit consists of a male head of family (donza);
his wife or wives; his mother; nuclear and extended family members; future wife
of his son; cattle, goat, and sheep. Inside a fenced compound exist separate houses
for each of his wives, his mother and kraal. According to the host mother BB of
the author, the Hamer use the term delen kelonti to refer to the entire unit described
From Cattle Herding to Sedentary Agriculture
123
above. Dele literally means “enclosure” and kela translates to “one,” giving the
meaning, “all under one enclosure.” The present study reflects the ethnographic
research conducted while staying with a Hamer family from 2010 to 2012.
LIVELIHOOD ACTIVITIES AND INCOME
The survey of eight Hamer households regarding livelihood activities and sources
(Table 1) revealed that all except two households had enclosures for grazing and
farming. BS and MK, from the highland area, showed no activity for sales of
local drinks, wood, or grass. Their activities focused more on farming, managing
enclosures for grazing, beekeeping, and other forms of engagement to earn money.
The rest of the households, from the lowlands, earned income from selling local
drinks, wood, and grass. Only one household raised poultry for selling eggs in
the Turmi market. It can be inferred from Table 1 that households in both the
highlands and lowlands engaged primarily in herding and beekeeping, followed
by farming and operating the wedge. Women are typically responsible for selling
wood, grass, and local drinks, and assisting with the management of enclosures
for grazing.
The arid nature of the Hamer plains and lack of sufficient rainfall to sustain
agricultural activities present challenges with some opportunities for the people
who focus on livestock husbandry and beekeeping. According to one elder from
W village in the district, the Hamer people did not give much attention to farming when he was a child. Women, however, were expert sorghum planters.(1) He
added that currently the average size of a farm field owned by one person is five
times the size of one when he was a child.(2) We can conclude that the Hamer
people are becoming increasingly interested in farming, as shown by generous
allocations of labor to farming activities, large farm plot sizes, and new techniques
including use of oxen for plowing. According to a district pastoral development
officer, the Nyangatom people had not yet used oxen to till their land, but Hamer
farmers transitioned from broadcast sowing (scattering seed over the soil surface)
to tilling the land with oxen at the beginning of the Socialist rule (1974–1991).
Table 1. Livelihood activities and income sources for eight Hamer households in 2011
head of
a household
BS
MK
GB
OK
Ka
WA
AA
SK
Source of livelihood and income generation
Grazing Livestock
Wood and
Farming Beekeeping
Poultry
enclosure herding
grass
–
+
+
+
+
+
–
–
+
+
+
+
–
–
–
–
+
+
–
+
+
+
+
+
–
+
+
+
+
+
–
–
–
–
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Local
drinks
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
–
Wedge
labor
+
+
–
+
+
–
+
+
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Samuel Tefera
Table 2. Sorghum varieties in Hamer
Vernacular name Characteristics
Delgo
Resistant to drought and strong sunlight
Sour (seeds before maturity)
Important as a food source, particularly for
children, during dry seasons,
Small amount of food made from delgo can
keep the stomach full
Maale
Wheat-colored, drought resistant
Digestible (even young seeds can be fried
and eaten)
Mursu
Light black in color (Shemeji, Fezaza tikur)
Powdery following grinding
Resistant to drought and strong sunlight
Commonly used to brew alcohol (Ferso) for
local social events like cattle-leaping
Ekumba
White in color
Difficult to grind because of strong seeds
Easily in-digestible (makes good food source
during drought seasons as it remains in the
stomach)
Simbele gabo White with black spots, drought resistant
Used for brewing local alcohol (Ferso)
Ar
White in color
Not resistant to strong sun or drought Nutritional (good food source)
Batada
White in color
Not drought resistant
Nutritional (good food source)
Fig. 1. GA’s farm Zeleketa area of the Hamer district.
Remarks
Seeds mixed with butter, coffee beans,
and Bereza branches/leaves for social
ritual prior to new plowing season
(sown with blessings for a productive
harvest)
Women not fond of it as it is difficult to
grind
Sorghum variety imported from
Dassenetch
Sorghum variety imported from Kara
From Cattle Herding to Sedentary Agriculture
125
Admasu et al. (2010) reported that 8% of the Hamer sampled in their research
produced crops for commercial purposes beyond home consumption.
Farming is not an activity of the impoverished pastoralist drop-outs who have
incurred asset shocks, such as loss of livestock to drought or disease. Rather, it
has traditionally been women led activity that lasted for centuries as a survival
strategy. For example, the Hamer women enjoy a special ritual associated with
planting delgo, a sorghum variety (Table 2). The importance of these rituals is
reflected by participation from the Gudli(3) of the village.
CULTIVATING CROPS: TRANSFORMING TO A FARMING COMMUNITY
The Hamer mainly cultivate sorghum (Fig. 1). Tilling land to plant sorghum,
maize, and other crops has commonly been regarded as women’s work, but men
who live in the lowlands are beginning to become engaged in this activity. According to an old man in W village, one goat used to be exchanged for one Dore
(pile of maize or sorghum). Desta (1999: 11) likewise indicated that exchanging
livestock and related products for grains and other goods and services has been
a practice of lowland pastoral groups. Such an exchange of commodities also
exists in many areas in the country.
Varieties of sorghum originated from Hamer and elsewhere and other agricultural
products are grown in the subsistence rain-fed farming system (Table 2). The Hamer
sorghum varieties exhibit resistance to drought and water stress. Except maize, all
the crops appearing in Table 3 are common sources of food during dry seasons,
when milk is not readily available. According to BB, Hamer woman engaged in
farming activities prefer sorghum to maize because it resists drought and grows with
little rain. They sow maize together with sorghum because maize that is sown alone
will die out in a sunny and dry environment. Sorghum, however, is annual crop
known for its long growing season (four months).
One can assume that movements to herd camps for grazing are factors for
the increase in farming activities. We can also argue that an increase in the
number of people pursuing an agricultural livelihood is a source of conflict with
neighboring pastoral communities; it may serve as the motivation for people to
enclose their land. This trend might affect the use of commonly pooled resources,
pastoral use rights, and land ownership in the region. Galaty (1994: 187–194)
characterized livestock keepers in Africa’s vast and dry lands as either animal
husbandry specialists or herders engaged in rain-fed cultivation (Fig. 2).
Table 3. Dry season food sources
Names of Crops
Maize
Sunflower, Peche
Zaqa
Ged
Characteristics
Sown in wet fields; unable to resist dry periods
Green in appearance; grown in the Benna area
Smaller in size than peche; drought resistant; sweet
Sweet and drought resistant
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Samuel Tefera
Fig. 2. Hamer man tilling land.
Case 1: Individual experiences in villages around Turmi
KA is the brother-in-law of BB; the two jointly manage KA’s farm enclosure.
It has been more than five years since they started cultivating crops. Part of the
farm enclosure is used to grow grass, which is especially abundant during the
rainy season. KA and BB collect the grass and use it to cover the roof tops of
their houses, often leaving some in the field for free grazing by milk cows, oxen,
and small ruminants. The livestock composition in the farm enclosure varies with
changes in the amount of grass cover. When the grass cover gets smaller, KA and
BB restrict access to only oxen, and cows are taken to bushes away from the farm
and village. KA learned farming skills, including how to plow with oxen, from his
older brother (AA), a man in his 60s. AA had apparently acquired his skills from
the Benna people. KA has been farming since the Socialist regime assumed power
in Ethiopia in 1974. When grasses are plentiful, he fattens the oxen and exchanges
them for cows or heifers. KA explained that his grandparents started enclosing their
land to grow sorghum. Apart from fattening and securing feed for his herd, the
farm enclosure has allowed KA to grow and sell grass. In addition, it is a source
of shade and feed for weak and sick livestock, small goats, and sheep.
Case 2: Grazing space in farm enclosure near the Marley River, Turmi
This farm enclosure is managed by BB and KA. BB’s share of land has two
purposes. The area used for farming is 1.6 ha large and 0.75 ha of the land is for
growing grass. KA manages approximately 1.12 ha. The entire enclosure measures
3.47 ha.(4)
From Cattle Herding to Sedentary Agriculture
127
What is Inside Their Farm Enclosure, hamy?
According to the present author’s observation in August 2011, grass, including
aren used for covering roofs, grew only on about 0.023% of the farmland. The
majority of the farm enclosure was occupied by bushes and sparsely grown trees.
Spiny shrubs fenced in a mango tree. The present author noticed leftover sorghum stalks from the previous farming season and six goats belonging to a woman
from W village inside the enclosure. He also saw a beehive hanging from a tree
that apparently belonged to someone else. The enclosure is close to two water
wells constructed near the Marley river and is situated on the left side of the
Dimeka-Turmi road, about 3.5 km from the village. It is adjacent to the old
course of the river (about 15 m from the seven-year-old “new” course). The old
course has been filled with sand and retains overflow water in case of major
flooding, which last occurred in 2008. The proximity of the farm to the river
allows BB and KA to take advantage of sediment remaining on the farm after
flooding. Enclosures along the river are typical in Hamer. The present author
learned that most of the farmers in the villages experienced a good harvest the
year before the formation of the new course. Some other people in the village
estimated that they collected 15 quintals of sorghum while BB and KA collected
9 quintals each.
Working Together on the Farm
BB and KA started their partnership a year after BB enclosed the land. The
farm enclosure has one gate. Trees growing inside the farm are used as demarcations of their individual plots and are referred to as maale. There is a wooden
shelter in the farm enclosure where BB and WK, who is KA’s wife, alternatively
spend nights during pre-harvest seasons. Near the shelter, different cooking and
eating utensils are stored. Women prepare meals there during the farming seasons.
Agriculture is not the only option for supplementing the Hamer’s pastoral system; subsistence and commercial alternatives also exist (e.g., beekeeping and use of
forestry products). The beginning of the rainy season affects the timing of farming
activities and the movement between farms and grazing areas. Agro-ecological
variations create timing differences for engagement and harvesting in the lowland
and highland areas. These changes also affect movement of livestock and social
rituals.
SEASONS AND MOBILITY
Mobility between grazing areas within and beyond the Hamer territory during
dry and rainy seasons is not necessarily driven by resource scarcity or conservation.
A trend analysis revealed that the Hamer targeted better quality pasture, water
access, and availability of minerals (i.e., salty pasture) to effectively utilize range
resources and maximize livestock production. However, conservation has become
a growing concern among government agencies and environmentalists, since the
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Samuel Tefera
Hamer’s increasing livestock holdings and agricultural activities have led to
increased demand for land. Apart from their economic benefits, livestock are a
sign of prestige as well as source of food for pastoralists and agro-pastoralists.
Seasons mark periods of festivity, conflict, sowing, harvest, reproduction, as well
as livestock and human mobility. Sorghum, maize, sunflower seeds, pumpkin
(bote), and wheat are typically grown in the area if rain is not a constraint.
GENDER DIVISION OF LABOR
Because men are the leaders and decision makers in pastoralist societies, it
is sometimes mistakenly assumed that women play no significant socioeconomic
roles. In fact, government agencies and development projects tended to neglect
them; subsequently, many developmental interventions failed in pastoral areas
(IIRR, 2004: 109). Culturally, girls and women are among the most vulnerable
groups within pastoral societies. According to the present observation, child
labor was found to block children’s participation in alternative basic education
centers in a village called W in the year 2010. Girls of school age were absorbed
with daily activities mainly in keeping birds away from farms, cooking meals
in the farms and cultivating the farm. They also carried out other chores such
as collecting firewood, fetching water, cleaning and taking care of siblings and
small ruminants. Boys on the other hand were given assignments such as taking
care of the cattle, goat and sheep herd around the village and in camp herds that
are located away from the village. In the alternative basic education center that
provides education service at three levels, school dropouts were common particularly among boys as they were often sent to herd camps very far from the
village. Girls are more fortunate in attending classes even after getting married
as long as the educational centers exist in the husbands’ villages. However, boys
are less privileged in attending these classes. They have little chance of coming
back to the village as their responsibilities of moving with the livestock in herd
camps grow along with their social roles up on marriage.
Roles are assigned based on gender of family members (Table 4). Workload
varies from season to season. During dry seasons and drought periods, men
Table 4. Activity profile of gender-based labor divisions
Gender roles
Productive
Reproductive
Community
Characteristics
Constructing houses
Fetching water, collecting firewood
Planting sorghuma and maize
Making wares from goat hides
Giving birth and taking care of children and
the elderly
Cooking food for the family
Working as a group on social events
Participating in events like peace meetings
Remarks
Constructing livestock kraal
Taking cattle to village camps
Preparing beehives and harvesting honey
Assisting with birthing of cattle and goats
Cleaning livestock enclosures
Milking cows and sheep
Attending social and political affairs
Protecting the Hamer people
From Cattle Herding to Sedentary Agriculture
129
move with cattle in search of pasture and possibly enter into conflicts with other
pastoralist groups. Women, apart from their daily household routines, participate
actively in farming activities. Since mobility is an integral part of the Hamer
livelihood, women assume the lion’s share of activities associated with the production of sorghum and maize, as well as other crops. Recently, Hamer from
the lowlands initiated agro-forestry activities around water points. The author
observed such activities near the Marley river in the Angude area. The practice
of shifting cultivation is associated with farming mobility (Appendix 1). Festivities take place in the months following harvest, including honoring the dead,
weddings, and cattle-leaping.
The information on seasons and their characteristics was developed on the basis
of discussions with elders and knowledgeable informants. Months have 30 days each
in the Hamer calendar. According to an elder the author met in Turmi town, the
Hamer use the expression edi kela kayisa tebi to count days. The literal meaning
is that all the fingers and toes of a person plus an extra ten (either toes or fingers).
The author compared the calendar he developed (see Appendix 1) with those of two
other individuals. One of them understood the Hamer year to encompass 12 months,
while the other suggested 13 months. When the months in the Hamer calendar were
compared to that of the standard calendar of the country, some discrepancies were
revealed.(5) Even if further discussions need to be conducted to reach consensus,
for now, the similarities outweigh the differences among the findings.
CONCLUSION
Farm enclosures provide space for cultivation of crops, growing grasses, production of honey, and retention of livestock. The Hamer in the highlands showed
greater diversification of crop production and more options for income generation
than the lowlanders. Due to lack of rains between 2010 and 2011, the Hamer
people relied primarily on food aid through the safety net program. Moreover, lack
of rain hindered them from ceremonially remembering the dead and organizing
cattle-leaping festivities.
Although rainfall has generally decreased over the past decade, group and private farm enclosures have become more common. The Hamer are adopting better
farming techniques to increase production. Even in the lowlands, many have started
to plow using oxen. Galvin (2009: 193) states, “As pastoralists become sedentary,
cultivate, and diversify their livelihoods, the move to increasing control over land
becomes understandable.”(6) It can be said that the Hamer are experiencing an
agricultural transition. The traditional shifting cultivation practiced for centuries
with simple broadcasting of seeds of sorghum and maize is now supported by
oxen-plowed agriculture. When the rains are plentiful, the harvests are abundant
and trade is profitable. Subsequently, the Hamer strengthen their economic alliances through the formation of friendly partnerships with neighbors. Hamer women
initiate farming activities and acquire knowledge about each of the varieties in
their seed banks. They further characterize varieties according to their function,
use, symbolism in ritual services, labor requirements, and taste.
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Samuel Tefera
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author would like to acknowledge Hamer women and
men in the Turmi, Denbayite, and Dimeka areas for sharing the information discussed in
this paper. The paper is the result of the discussion on farming and seasons.
NOTES
(1) Roughly, his estimate of the size of the farm in his childhood is below a hectare.
(2) AA learned how to plow with oxen while in Benna with his herd (in search of pasture).
He also transferred the skill to his brother (Ka).
(3) Gudli is a highly respected personality whose community service grants him the honor
to make prayers to God (Barjo) for rain during seasons of drought. He also prays for bees
to enter their hives and fulfills other social roles.
(4) The numbers are estimates of the areal sizes of enclosures based on the author’s measurements from 2011.
(5) However, the Amharic and English names of the months corresponding to the Hamer
names do not necessarily signify similarity.
(6) Galvin listed sedentary farming (not migratory), land tenure, and climate change as
changes affecting grassland and pastoral societies (2009: 187).
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Admasu, T., Abule, E. & Tessema, Z. 2010. Livestock-rangeland management practices and
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www.lrrd.org/lrrd22/1/tere22005.htm (Accessed Febuary 14, 2012).
Central Statistical Agency 2008. Summary and Statistical Report of the 2007 Population and
Housing Census. Population Size by Age and Sex. Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia,
Addis Ababa.
Desta, S. 1999. Diversification of Livestock Assets for Risk Management in the Borana Pastoral
System of Southern Ethiopia. Ph.D dissertation. Utah State University.
Galaty, J.G. 1994. Rangeland tenure and pastoralism in Africa. In (E. Fratkin, K.A. Galvin &
E.A. Roth, eds.) African Pastoralist Systems. An Integrated Approach. Chapter 10, pp.
185–204. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder and London.
Galvin, K.A. 2009. Transitions: Pastoralists living with change. Annual Review of Anthropology,
38: 187–194.
Getachew Kassa 2001. Among the Pastoral Afar in Ethiopia: Tradition, Continuity and SocioEconomic Change. International Books, Netherlands.
International Institute of Rural Reconstruction (IIRR) 2004. Food Security in Pastoral Areas
of Ethiopia. IIRR Africa Regional Center, Nairobi.
Nori, M., M. Taylor & A. Sensi 2008. Browsing on fences pastoral land rights, livelihoods and
adaptation to climate change. Drylands Issue Paper, 148. Russell Press, Nottingham.
Pastoral Development Office (PDO) 2005. Report Paper. Hamer District Pastoral Development Office, Dimeka.
Strecker, I. 1976. Traditional Life and Prospects for Socio-Economic Development in the
Hamer Administrative District of Southern Gamu Gofa. A Report to the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission of the Provisional Military Government of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa.
From Cattle Herding to Sedentary Agriculture
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Westphal, E. 1975. Agricultural Systems in Ethiopia. Center for Agricultural Publication and
Documentation, Wageningen.
—Accepted May 10, 2012
Author’s Name and Address: Samuel Tefera, Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies,
Kyoto Unversity, 46, Shimoadachi-cho,Yoshida, Sakyo-ku, Kyoto 606-8501, JAPAN.
E-mail: samuel [at] jambo.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp
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Samuel Tefera
Appendix 1. Seasonal and farm calendar based on Hamer district
Names of months and characteristics
Hamer name/ English equivalent/ Amharic equivalent
Bere/ January/ Tir
Most of the Hamer, especially those in the lowlands, do not engage in farming during Bere. Instead
they wait for next month’s rains. Disputes are likely to occur over lack of water, crops, and milk; hence,
mixing herds becomes difficult. This is a dry month, with less moisture to support growth. People who
use rainfall for their livelihoods may move to temporary shelters on their farms.
Sor/ February/ Yekatit
Almost all people having farm plots begin sowing sorghum, maize, and seeds of other crops when the
rain starts at the beginning of the month. Sor is a rainy month conducive for farming activities and regrowth of grasses.
Duka/ March/ Megabit
People farming near the river may suffer damages from sediment covering their fields from flooding.
If possible, they will remove sediment or mud so that crops can continue to grow, or they will sow
again. Like Sor, Duka is a rainy month.
Futa/ April/ Miyaziya
Futa refers to the flowering of agricultural crops; it is also a time for ripening. Rainfall during this
month supports fruition.
Zako/ May/ Ginbot
During this month, crops ripen and people start to construct watchtowers (Tule) and shelters where they
will temporarily reside to protect crops from birds and monkeys. Intense cold characterizes the month.
Hagai/ June/ Sene
This month marks the end of social festivals in the Hamer-Koke lowland areas and the beginning of
festivities in the Lala and Gemer highland areas. According to the elders, variations in the timing of
festivities that have similar processions and meanings to both highland and lowland Hamer groups emanate from variations in harvesting seasons due to agro-ecological differences.
Halet/ July/ Hamle
Harvest from farm fields is collected and stored. A threshing spot (Koyidi) is designated in a field to
separate seeds from the husks. Threshed seed is mixed with ash to prevent insect damage. Crops are
placed in piles (dore) outside the villages near bushes. During Halet, shedding of leaves is characteristic of certain crops and trees, such as Gumez and Nojo.
Shulal/ August/ Nehase
Piles of crops continue to be placed outside villages and near bushes. Rain is scarce, and trees,
shrubs, and grasses start to suffer from moisture deficiency and stress.
Tajo/ September/ Meskerem
According to elders, rain may fall in Tajo if it is God’s will. Otherwise, it is a month marking the advent of drought.
Tajo mingi/ October/ Tikimt
This month provokes superstitions. No one plans to hunt, wage war, or raid enemies. Many associate
the term mingi with the Hamer’s practice of abandoning children with unusual growths of milk teeth
that are culturally regarded as bad omens for the respective families. However, the term has a wide
range of meanings to include touching/milking cows or sheep (by married women and girls for whom
marriages have already been arranged). Such activity may lead to removal of all generations of the particular cow or the sheep from the herd to prevent evil and destruction from coming upon the family and
the community.
From Cattle Herding to Sedentary Agriculture
133
Names of months and characteristics
Hamer name/ English equivalent/ Amharic equivalent
Dalba/ November/ Hidar
Rainfall creates an environment conducive for clearing land and preparing fields for farming. Pools of
water often accumulate in the goat/sheep and cattle kraals, indicating that livestock will not suffer from
thirst as they can drink before they leave the villages for grazing and when they return at dusk to shelters.
Kilkila/ December/ Tahsas
Known as the driest month of the year, it is characterized by intense heat and lack of feed for the herds.
People take advantage of the heat to burn the cleared, piled, and dried bush from the previous month’s
activities. Women will return from temporary locations to prepare the land for cultivation. During this
month, able-bodied children remaining in villages will care for livestock in camp herds. Otherwise, camp
herds become everyone’s responsibility.