Ethno-History-Culture-of-Tambaro-Nationality

SOUTHERN NATIONS, NATIONALITIES AND
PEOPLES’ REGIONAL STATE
COUNCIL OF NATIONALITIES
The Ethno-history and Culture of Ţambaaro,
Southwest Ethiopia
Zerihun Doda, Assistant Professor
Final Report
2010
Hawassa, Ethiopia
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This report has been produced through committed support from various stakeholders during
the different stages of the study process.
First of all, I want to thank the staff of the Council of Nationalities, ILCHSN for their invitation
for me to engage in this work and for their encouragement during the work process. I want to
thank the Director of the Institute, Ato Gebrekirstos Nuriye, for his kind facilitation of the
work. The contributions of the staff and officials of the Ţambaaro Woreda Administration was
particularly very significant. The passionate and committed interest of the community
members in the fulfillment of this study was very heartening. I, therefore, extend my utmost
appreciation and thanks to these various individuals. Three staff members, namely, Ato
Desalegn, Ato Girma and Ato Haile- Mariam from the Woreda Administration were particularly
very helpful and cooperative during our fieldwork. Their tireless and standby services to our
work have realized the fruition of this work. Thank you very much.
I want to thank staff members from the Institute, Ato Assefa Abate, my research assistant,
and Ato Nigusu, my assistant for photographic and videographic recordings, for their
committed contributions. Finally, I thank all other individuals who in one way or another
contributed to the fulfillment of this study project.
Zerihun D. Doffana, Assistant Professor
November 2009, Hawassa, Ethiopia
2
ABBREVIATIONS
AAU: Addis Ababa University
SNNPRG: Southern, Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Regional Government
IES: Institute of Ethiopian Studies
EPRDF: Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front
FDRE: Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
SNNPRG: Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional Government
ILCHSN: Institute for Language, Culture, and History Studies of Nationalities
E.C. Ethiopian Calendar
A.D. Anno Domini
EOC: Ethiopian Orthodox Church
Ph. Photo
Fig. Figure/s
Q.v.: (Quod vide) which see
3
PREFACE
This study report is prepared through the commission by the Institute for Nationalities’
Culture, Language and History Studies, SNNPRG, Ethiopia. The Project was launched, following
the contractual agreement between the Institute and the Researcher in July 2009, on August
19, 2009 at Mudula in the presence of the Woreda Administration officials and representatives
from the community. The report is prepared with a view to promote the scientific
documentation and preservation of the Nationality’s history and culture.
After about 45 days of fieldwork and a month of write-up tasks, this report is now presented
for review workshop. The report purports to be a premier on the Ţambaaro Nationality’s
ethnohistory and culture, in terms of its being comprehensive, systematically and scientifically
researched and written. But it does not claim any perfection: the work has been built on the
contributions of many foreign, national and local writers who have in one way or another
attempted to preserve some information on the Nationality’s ethnohistory and culture. As a
comprehensive work, it does purport to delve deep into issues. Deeper and detail treatment of
different aspects of the Nationality’s life await further works.
The raw materials for views and ideas contained in this report are generated by local
community members and, therefore, I do not take any responsibilities for these different
views. Some of the views were explicitly stated, others were covertly implied. I, however, am
responsible for the scientific and technical aspects of this work and for the line of analysis and
interpretation I have utilized in writing this book. If in any way some offending ideas are
contained in this book, I want to apologize beforehand and am ready to take any useful
corrective measures.
This final report is prepared by taking into account some useful comments and idea that were
generated during the review workshop held on 17th November 2009 at Mudula. The door for
incorporating any other useful comments is still open, although the time frame set up during
our contractual agreement is now expiring. Constructive comments can still be accommodated
until the document becomes ready for publishing. For any comments and suggestions use the
following address:
Zerihun Doda Doffana, Assistant Professor,
Hawasa University, P.O.Box 005, Hawassa, Ethiopia
Email: doffanaz@gmail.com or zerihun_doda@yahoo.com
PhD Candidate, University of Kent,
School of Anthropology & Conservation,
Marlowe Building, Canterbury,
CT2 7NR, Kent, United Kingdom
4
LIST OF FIGURES
Chapter 3 Figures:
1. The Gemological line of Lamala Moolla group of Ţambaaro
2. The current family tree of the Lamala Moolla Group of Ţambaaro
3. The Geography and duration of stay: Ţambaaro Ancestral Dispersion
4. Composition of today’s Tambaaro Nationality
5. Family Tree and ancestry of the Çatta group of Tambaaro land; the boxes in blue
represent the four ancestors who emigrated to the Tambaaro land in unspecified preMenilik II era
6. Two models of the temporal succession of population groups in Tambaaro land
7. The recent pre-Ţambaaronite population groups Genealogy
Chapter 4: Figures
1. Social stratification in Ţambaaro Nationality
2. List of ancestral lines of the ‘Potters’
3. Three sons of Dayyo, the ancestor of the Debona group. Debona was believed to be
the eldest and the title of the womma was conferred upon him.
4. 7 of the 16 ancestors of the Awacho supra family
5. The seven founding fathers of the 16 ‘Awacho’ Supra- family which ‘joined’ the
Lamala Moolla during the epic movement
6. Hierarchical structure of political social leadership in the Aldada clan
7. The political organizational leadership and hierarchical structure of the Ţambaaro
corporate body, excluding the other ‘non-Yemerera’ groups (Showing the participation
of the Aldada group in the tobee magaba)
Chapter 5: Figures
1. A genealogical tree of the Gadrra/ Hawella Clan as Perceived and narrated by Sidama
Elders in Gorche, Bunammo
2. Point of departure for the Lamala Moolla and Sidama Groups of Hawella Clan,
Gaaddo’s Family
3. The Gemological line of Lamala Moolla group of Ţambaaro The Numbers 1-7 designate
the popular “seven brothers/ or seven sons of Moolla
Chapter 6: Figures
1. Genealogy of Womma Çofforo’s Dynasty
2. Ancestry of Wommas in Lamala Moolla Group from 1840 to 1891
3. Ţambaaro traditional political leadership positions and their responsibilities (Note that
this model differs form the one given above, reflecting the existence of confusion as to
the clear-cut distinction among the various political- spiritual-social leadership
positions
4. Ţambaaro traditional hierarchal structure in political offices and justice system
5. Military Leadership hierarchy
Chapter 7: Figures:
1. Chart on the chronological succession (and arrival of) various religious systems in
Tambaaro land
2. Different ethno-social groups with their espoused religious cults
Chapter 8: Figures:
1. Chronological order of succession of money systems as conceptualized by Ţambaaro
informants
5
LIST OF PHOTOS
Chapter 3: Photos
1. An artist’s impression of the design/ layout of ancient palace of King Waqqo of
Kalmana, Ţambaaro
2. Photographic view of the ancient Kalmana headquarters
3. A View of the topography of Muleta Gofore locality an epicenter of ancient Kalmana
king and his palace
4. Dagale Sacred Tree taken from tow opposite directions Note the branch that is bent
down and touching the ground, perceived by some as the tree kneeling in prayer
5. A Buluko (big sized sheet hand-woven from cotton thread) with three basic ethnic
colors. Green is missing
Chapter 4: Photos
1. Two ‘Bete-Israel’ informants demonstrating an aspect of discrimination against their
people in the past
Chapter 5: Photos
1. Some shots depicting our fieldwork at Womme –Bunammo, Gederra Burial Sacred Site
in Gorche Woreda
2. Ato Kelaye Hadaro, narrating how he worked hard for the last thirty years to realize
the reunification between the Tam Ţambaaro and Sidama, which he said, is now a
reality
3. A typical Sidama indigenous house, found inside the Gadrra Burial Site
4. Elders at Gorche Town, narrating the Gadawo genealogy and the Hawella roots of
Tambaro
5. Informant Sheik Kayeso Sidda grappling with the Yemerera, Yemerecho, Womerera
question
6. A Hotto Gultuma elder man, an Aleta clan member, defending his claim that the
Yemerecho is a name for a dominant clan given solely to the descendants of Ţumano,
brother of Aboo: the Faqsa and Yanase clans.
Chapter 6: Photos
1. the Ţambaaro Womma sent a sack of a pungent pepper to the Wolayta king,
signifying, “We are burning and pungent like these peppers!”
2-3 Left, Ato Abebe Lambebo, son of Womma Lambebo Haţiso( A patriot killed by
Italians in 1938 ),standing on the his father’s burial mound: Right, Hawdara, a place
where the patriots fought with the Banda (Italian conscripted local solders)
4-6. Some cross sections of Mudula Town Picture taken on foggy days of the summer
season
7. Ga’echa Health Center
8- The balle
9-10 The late Womma Beyene Barena and one of his living wives
Chapter 7: Photos
Ph. 1. One of the oldest EOCs in Tambaaro, Durgi Mariam Church
Ph 2. A Muslim mosque
Ph. 3. Full Gospel Church in Mudula
Ph. 4-5. Lamala Moolla Corporate worship epicenters: Left (Dagale Tree; right Tuppa,
the ancestral epicenter where the first ancestors planted the masincho tree
Chapter 8: Photos
Ph. 1-5. Some selections of the varieties of crops grown in Ţambaaro land
Ph. 6. Beasts of burden such as mules were believed to have been introduced in the
post- Menilik II era
Ph. 7. The proverbial, historic Lamala Moollaic sorghum, yelelo
6
Ph. 8-10. Selected views of Ţambaaro topography and agricultural lands (note ţeff and
sorghum crops)
Ph. 11. People waiting for food rations at the world vision center, Mudula
P. 11-15. World vision Ethiopia “the NGO that saved thousands of lives during the
famous 1984 famine in Tambaaro
Ph. 16-17. Note the remnant forest converges of a selected neighborhood. Note how
the mountain ridges were cleared for land cultivation
Ph. 18-23 Children are active laborers in the productive activities in Ţambaaro
Ph. 25-28 “some works are solely feminine or masculine; some works may be
produced by either sex; some commodities are sold solely by either sex…”
Ph. 29-30 Young men engaged in enfila, a traditional form of labor pooling in weeding
crops, Osheto qebele
Ph. 31-35 Some of farm tools (digging, cutting, wood splitting, hoeing, etc)
Ph. 36-38 Some selections of ‘feminine’ tools (earthen bowls, pots and ironware
(knives)
PH. 39-41 False-banana (ensete) thread products
Ph. 42-43 AKATE and sissa
Ph. 44 mule transport
PH. 45 A gombisa (barn)
Ph. 46 qachut, a beehive made of bamboo tree
Ph. 47-50 Iron works, wooden products, grass works
Ph.. 51-53. Woman selling local beer, Woman readying local alcohol (areqe), man
getting cigarette service
Ph. 54-56 local cigar pot, Tobacco ‘bread’ being sold, addicted smokers getting
cigarette smoking service
Chapter 9: Photos
Ph. 1-3 Gourds
Ph. 4-5. Soruwa
Ph. 6. A borkano a pillow made of carved wood. It has three opening with roughly
rectangular shape. It is about 20 cm by 30 cm size.
Ph. 7. Demonstrating the manner in which a girl is circumcised
Ph. 8 A ditta that is played during post- circumcision weeks to help sooth the pain
Ph. 9. An indigenous mode of greeting
Ph. 10. Okona (Buluko), a blanket
Ph. 11-13. Modern re-indigenization of ethnic cloths Kitta:
Ph. 14-15 A glimpse of modern apparel culture in a market day at Mudula
Ph. 16-20 Ţambaarich- minne and its widow owner (Note the different parts of the
house)
Ph. 21-22 Zuufa, an indigenous Ţambaaro house used for temporary purposes
Ph. 23. An elfiňa house
Ph. 24. A selected section of a rural settlement. Note the distribution of the elfina
houses and the corrugated iron-roofed houses; not a single Tambaarich- minne is in
view
Ph. 25-28 The inside sections of a Ţambaarich minne
Ph. 29-30 Children playing a jump over the rope and a ditta
Ph. 31 The nagaritta
Ph. 32 A guffo
Ph. 33-35 An artist’s design of the Tambaaro traditional coffin (wongro)
Chapter 10: Photos
Ph. 1-2. Woyse decorticating tools on sale
Ph. 3. Masha on sale
Ph.. 4- 7. Unçatta on sale in the market
Ph. 8-9. Different sized shaata on sale
Ph. 10-12. Butter and cheese on sale in the market
Ph.. 13-14. The hamela (pumpkin crop); the woyse (False banana plant behind the
house)
7
Ph. 15-16. Local drinks on sale
Ph.. 17-18. Local strong drink, areqe, on sale and customers enjoying
Ph. 19-20. Coffee pots on sale
Ph. 21-24. The tobacco corner in a typical Tambaaro market
Ph. 24-26. Gourds
Ph. 27. Lemat
Ph. 28. Dawudita
Ph. 29. Soruwa
Ph. 30-35 Sieves of different size; children sieving in a market day
Ph. 36-41 Bitira; Big pot; Coffee cups; Coffee pots; Shaata (bowls); Baking pans
Ph. 42-43. Angalanjo and Injeba
Ph. 44. A bag boys make from a grass used for collecting gleans and bits of meat while
the Masala Ox was slaughtered
Chapter 11: Photos
Ph. 1-2 Malabe Waterfall; One of Lammo Waterfalls
Ph. 3-4 A place where Ommo meets with Gojeb (Picture, right, an artist’s depiction)
Ph. 5-6 Buhho Waterfall; Ajora Waterfall
Ph. 7. Qazal’a Natural Forest in the Ommo River Valley
Ph. 8. Tambaaro resin tree
Ph. 9-11. Malabe Gimba beneath Malabe Waterfall
Ph. 12-15. Italian war relics
Ph. 16-17. Kalmana ‘Palace’; the stump of the \parasite tree which grew on the
ancient Kalmana’s tree
Ph. 18-20. Hoddo ‘Ayneke Den’ (Hoddo Sacred Site)
Ph. 21-22 Durgi Mariam Church
Ph. 23-24. Tuppa, ancestral site of Lamala Moolla
LIST OF MAPS
Map 1: Map of Ethiopia highlighting SNNPR
Map 2 map of SNNPRG (source: Wolde-Sellasie Abute, 2004. An Internet document on
Resettlement issues in the SNNPRG)
Map 3: Kembata –Tambaaro Zone
Map 4: Qebele divisions in Tambaaro and Neighbrogin ehtinc areas in the former Ommo
Sheleqo Woreda
Map 5: Tambaaro and its ethnic neighbors Adapted from Braukämper, 1973:32
Map 6 Tamabaro area ca. 1620’s, as witnessed by Antonio Ferdinaz
Map 7: A writer’s attempt of the itinerary of Lamala Moolla
8
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Subjects
Page
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................ 2
Preface ........................................................................................................................ 3
Abbreviations ................................................................................................................ 4
List of Illustrative Figures .............................................................................................. 5
List of Illustrative Photos ............................................................................................... 6
List of Maps ................................................................................................................. 8
Chapter One: Introduction ...................................................................................... 10-13
Chapter Two: Introducing Kambatta-Ţambaaro Zone And Ţambaaro Nationality ............ 14-21
Chapter Three: Ţambaaro: Questions Of Ethno-Genesis, Ethnic Identity ....................... 22-51
Chapter Four: Social Stratification And Aspects Of Marginalization ............................... 52-62
Chapter Five: The Lamala Moolla- Sidama Ethonogenic Connections ............................ 63-75
Chapter Six: Systems Of Politics, Government And Law: Political History And Culture .... 76-97
Chapter Seven: Ethnohistory And Ethnography Of Religion ........................................98-112
Chapter Eight: Ethnohistory And Ethnography Of Economic Life- ............................. 113-132
Chapter Nine: Socio-Cultural Organization And Processes: History And Ethnography ... 133-152
Chapter Ten: Foods, Females And Festivities ......................................................... 153-166
Chapter Eleven: Ţambaaro Heritages - ................................................................... 167-175
Chapter Twelve: Summary, Conclusion And Recommendation .................................. 176-178
Bibliography
Appendix
 List of Key Informants
 Data Collection Guides
9
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Introducing the Study
This study was commissioned by the SNNPRG’s Institute for the Studies of Nationalities’
Culture, History and Language. The Institute, with it noble aim of researching, documenting
and popularizing scientific information on the language, culture and history of the nationalities
of the Region, has been embarked on moving in this line for the past few years. This present
study project on Ţambaaro Nationality’s ethnohistory and culture is part of this general
framework set up by the Institute. The study findings presented in this document are carried
out by ensuring all the necessary- scientific and professional ethical standards.
1.2. Purpose and Objective of the Study
The study was meant to provide a systematic presentation of the ethnohistory and culture of
Ţambaaro Nationality. The overall goal of the project was to make scientific and critical
reviewing of existing ethnohistorical and ethnographic literature on Ţambaaro and produce a
systematic and comprehensive document on the Nationality’s ethnohistory and culture by
collecting, evaluating and analyzing field-based data.
The purpose and objective of the study also derives from the SNNPRG Council of Nationalities’
vision of the establishment of the INCHES, which, among other things, encompasses the
preservation of the culture, language and history of nationalities through the conduct of
research, documenting and disseminating the results.
1.3. Scope and Contents of the Study
The scope of the study was determined by its basic purpose. The study was to address two
major components: ethnohistory and ethnography. The ethnohistory part would encompass
the origins, historical developments and trends in the Nationality’s major aspects of life. Key
aspects of the ethnohistory addressed include: ethnogenesis, identity, emergence of panŢambaaro ethno-identity, intra- and inter-ethnic interactions; social stratification and
marginalization; political history; economic history; religious history; etc.
Key aspects of the ethnography addressed include: material and non-material cultures
(architectures, artworks, household utensils, farming tools, warfare instruments, graveyards
symbols; etc. celebrations, festivals, music, dances, beatifications, mourning funerals, etc;
social-cultural organizations (marriage and kinship systems; family relationships, parent-child
relationships, husband-wife relationships, child upbringing, adolescence, age grading,
premarital sexuality, etc; neighborhood and social relationships); dietary, culinary and cuisine
culture; etc
1.4. Relevance and Justification
The study was necessitated by the fact that so far there was a serious dearth of reliable,
scientific information on the ethnohistory and ethnography of Ţambaaro Nationality, despite
the existence of bits and pieces of such information. It was high time, therefore, when this
study was commissioned, that a comprehensive, scientific study of the Nationality’s
ethnohistory and culture be undertaken. The information so generated (through careful and
critical evaluation of existing literature and collecting and analysis of field-based data) would
be a valuable asset for the Institute, the Nationality and the country at large. The study would
fill a major gap in the ethnohistorical and ethnographic literature on Ţambaaro Nationality and
the Region at large. The study also addresses the persistent cries of the Nationality’s members
for the conduct and production of such kind of study.
10
1.5. Approaches and Methodology
1.5.1. The Research (Fieldwork) Team Profile
The research team was composed of author and producer of this study report, Zerihun Doda
Doffana, Assistant Professor of Sociology and Social Anthropology at Hawassa University. He
has 13 years of teaching, research and community-based consultancy works. Ato Zerihun was
assisted, in the collection of field-based data, by research assistant from the Institute, Ato
Assefa Abate. Ato Assefa holds a BA Degree in history. At Zerihun and Ato Assefa were further
assisted by a video- and camera- man from the Institute, Ato Nigusu.
The fieldwork team also comprised assistants from the study Woreda. Three experts from the
Woreda Culture and Information office provided standby service in the capacity of field-guides,
interpreters and key informants.
1.5.2. Places Included in the Study
Generation of required data (both primary and secondary) for the study was carried out in the
following places:
Secondary data sources were obtained primarily from documentation centers of major
libraries in AAU: The IES Library and Kennedy Library; local intellectuals at Mudula
also provided some written sources.
Primary data sources were generated by visiting the study Woreda, Ţambaaro. The
fieldwork team, stationed at Mudula, and worked for 23 days in its first cycle field
work. Different places, qebeles and localities in the Woreda were visited
The questions of ethnogenesis of Lamala Moolla took us into another Zone in the
Region Sidama, where we visited localities in three woredas: Aleta Wondo, Gorche,
Tulla-Hawella and Bahil Adarash Sub-city.
A place in border zone between Ţambaaro (Kambatta-Tambaaro Zone) and Wolayta
Zone was visited to study natural heritage of Ajora Waterfall.
1.5.3. The Fieldwork Period
The data generation work took nearly 45 days. Of these, 15 days were spent in reviewing and
evaluating exiting literature in AAU libraries. The time was from July 25 to August 10, 2009.
The fieldwork for generating primary data was undertaken in two cycles. The first cycle was
carried out from August 19 to September 10, 2009. A second fieldwork was carried out with
the aim of gap-filling activities in Mudula and Sidama Woredas, from September 15 to 25,
2009.
1.5.4 Key Methods Employed
Group Discussions
Field data were generated by, first and for most, conducting group based interviews. All in all:
Three focus group discussions with older male community representatives on
issues of social organization, ethnogenesis, political system, and economic history
and culture;
Two focus group discussions with older women community members on issues of
cuisines, culinary and dietary culture; marriage and family issues, feminine
aspects of life, etc;
Two focus groups discussion with youth community representatives (one females
and one males) on various themes; and
Two focus group discussions with local intellectuals with the aim of gap-filing
discussions on various themes.
Key Informant Interviews
Key informant interviews were done in two cycles at Mudula and Sidama localities with
different community representatives. Overall, about 40 such interview sessions were
conducted with different individuals, excluding quite numerous informal, casual interviews at
various occasions with numerous community members. (See list of informants in appendix
section.)
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Observations
Observation was an essential part of the field data generation process. The observation task
was accompanied by video- and photo-graphing activity. Various historical, cultural and
natural heritage sites were visited; on-the spot interviews were conducted and photographic
and videographic documentation was done by the help of professional video- and cameraman. The material and nonmaterial cultural aspects of the Nationality were also documented
in various events such as market gatherings, day to day activities, etc.
1.5.6. Sampling Issues
As an ethnographic and ethnohistorical study, this project was essentially qualitative in nature
and approach. Therefore, we did not consider the standard quantitative procedures of random
sampling. The main issue in this qualitative study was to get, as far as possible, a thick and
rich approximation of the reality on the ground as perceived by the people. We used a
sampling approach suitable for this purpose; namely, non-random, purposive sampling.
The total number of informants
approximately as follows.
that
participated
in
data
generation
process
was
FGDs:- There were:
20 older male community members in three group discussions.
13 older female community members in two group discussions.
9 young males and 8 young women in two youth focus group discussions
8 individuals in two mini-focus group discussions with local intellectuals
There were, thus, a total of 49 informants in FGDs. There were, overall, about 90 informants
who participated in the generation of field data. This number does not really include the many
other individuals whom we have informally interviewed on various occasions (children,
merchants in the markets, etc).These informants belonged to diverse social-demographic
backgrounds:
Gender: males and females
Age: older persons, adults youngsters and children
Education: local intellectuals; illiterate folks, etc
Ethnogenetic groupings: Lamala Moolla, Çatta, etc
Indigenous inhabitants of the land: Kalmana, Woçifina, Gondorima,
1.6. Community Participation and Representation
Community participation in the study process was ensured by the organization of orientation
and common-ground building workshop whereby the Woreda officials and various community
representatives were made to gain general understating of the purpose, demands, processes
and relevance of the study project. A Committee was then established comprising different
individuals from the Woreda Administration. The Committee was chaired by the Woreda
Administrators and included key personalities from various offices. The Committee saw to it
that the administrative facilitation of the study project was going well.
The Woreda also provided three experts who were on standby service to the fieldwork team by
providing the services of fieldwork guiding, interpreting and organizing the fieldwork process.
Community participation and ownership of the study process was further ensured by the
organization of debriefing session whereby the preliminary findings and the fieldwork process
was presented to the Woreda officials. They were made to gain a taste of what direction the
work was taking and the ensuing tasks.
Maximum care was undertaken to carry out the data generation task by ensuring the
participation of all categories of informants that represent the different sections of the
Nationality in terms of age, gender, social backgrounds, ethnogenetic origins, etc.
12
1.7. Bye- Products of the Fieldwork Process
The study project had a bye- product. One such major bye–product was that the Institute
assistant researchers including the video-and camera man, were able to obtain the on- thejob training in the ethics and methodology of conducting the scientific study of ethnography
and ethnohistory. The art of interviewing, organizing and managing focus groups discussions
and key informant interviews; conducting and documenting observation tasks; handling
collected data; negotiation skills with community and Woreda officials; handling issues of
conflicts in interests, etc were some of these benefits gained by the assistant researchers.
The Woreda experts also gained valuable experience in the how’s of documenting and
inventorying the cultural, natural and historical heritages.
1.8. Organization and Structure of the Report
This study report is organized into 12 chapters. The first Chapter (this one) is an introduction.
The second Chapter deals with the profile of the Zone and Ţambaaro Woreda. Chapter Three
deals with issues of ethnogenesis, identity conceptions and compositions. Chapter Four
describes process of marginalization and discrimination in Ţambaaro. Chapter Five deals with
the questions of Sidama-Lamala Molla connections.
Chapter Six provides the ethnohistory and ethnography of politics, law and justice. Chapter
Seven deals with the ethnohistory and ethnography of religion, while Chapter Eight dwells on
the ethnohistory and ethnography of economic and livelihood systems. Chapter Nine is about
the social and cultural organization and processes, with Chapter Ten which is part of the
previous one, though focusing on the food, females and festivals. Chapter Eleven deals with
the cultural, historical and natural heritages. The last Chapter provides summary, conclusion
and recommendation.
The Report ends with bibliography and appendices.
13
CHAPTER TWO
INTRODUCING KAMBATTA-ŢAMBAARO ZONE AND ŢAMBAARO NATIONALITY
2.1. Ţambaaro in the Ethiopian Ethnographic and Historical Literature
As indicated above, a careful review of existing literature in major documentation centers of
AAU libraries was undertaken to find out what has been done on Ţambaaro Nationality. The
review undertaken enabled me to come up with an understating of the status of the
Nationality in the Ethiopian ethnohistorical and related literature.
A fairly well-organized and systematic treatment of the Nationalities of Hadya, Kambatta and
Sidama, which are the geographic and ethno-cultural neighbors of Ţambaaro, is found in the
existing ethnohistorical literature. The literature on Kambatta, which was, in the views of some
foreign and national writers, regarded as the major ethno-linguistic group that also
encompasses other smaller ethnic groups including Ţambaaro in the Kambatta regional area,
was relatively richer and well-documented.
Documentation of the Kambatta-Ţambaaro area in the Ethiopian ethno-historical, linguistic
and ethnographic literature dates fairly well back to the very beginnings of the coming of the
foreign travelers, adventurers, and missionaries into the country in the 16 th century. Some of
these foreign writers such as Alvareth, and Al Meida have made attempt to visit the land of
these nationalities (Mekonnen Bishaw, 1990; Tesfaye Habiso, 1992).
Three categories of writers have made their own contributions to the ethnohistorical and
ethnographic understanding of Ţambaaro Nationality. The first group of writers is the foreign
ethno-historians and ethno-linguists, some of whom included: Braukämper, Eike Haberland,
Ernesta Cerulli, and the like. The second categories of writers are the nationals. These
included some well-known scholars who have done good documentation of the history of the
south (e.g. Dr. Lapiso, G. Dilebo); the works of Tesfaye Habiso and Daniel Haile Megicho on
the Kambatta- Ţambaaro area also provide very useful introduction to the ethnohistory and
culture of the nationalities although the focus was on Kambatta. Other writers have also made
some contributions such Wolde- Sellasie Abute, Haile Daniel Megicho, and others.
The third categories of writers included those from the local intellectuals (Ţambaaro). Direct
works on the Ţambaaro Nationality were very rare at best. One such work was attempted by
Abera Kalacho who wrote on the history of Ţambaaro Nationality from 1891 to 1974 for his BA
Thesis requirement. One other young local intellectual Haile-Mariam Desta (1999) has done on
the cultural history of Ţambaaro Nationality (1891-1991) for his BA Degree fulfillment in
history from Kotebe College.
Locally available written sources were also evaluated. Some of such sources have done useful
introduction to the material and non-material culture of Ţambaaro Nationality. One such
material was prepared by the Woreda Administration Culture and Information Office expert
group.
2.1.1. General Remarks on the Literature on Ţambaaro
Nationality
It may be argued that, in general, good information exists on the ethnohistorical and
ethnographic life of Ţambaaro Nationality in the existing ethnohistorical and ethnographic
literature of Ethiopia. A beginner reader is therefore not at confusion when he wants to have
an introductory knowledge of the Nationality. The existing literature (particularly those
attempted by Tesfaye Habiso, and Haile Daniel Megicho, on Kambatta and its neighboring
groups) provide very informing literature on the Kambatta area peoples including Ţambaaro.
The literatures by Dr Lapiso G. Dilebo provide a very comprehensive guide to the distant and
recent socio-political and cultural histories of the peoples of Ethiopian and South Ethiopia in
general and the Kambatta-Hadya areas in particular.
14
The works by Abera Kalacho and Haile-Mariam provide us with direct reference to the
ethnohistory and culture of Ţambaaro nationality.
The problems with the existing literature are the following:
1. Insufficient direct reference to the Ţambaaro Nationality in a systematic manner: most
of the foreign scholars have made an indirect reference to the Nationality when they
were doing overall ethnographic and linguistic surveys of the peoples of the area in
general.
2. Confusions existing in the literature of both the foreign and the national writers as to
the proper ethnonym of Ţambaaro Nationality. Some sources provide conflicting
names (such as Ţimbaaro, Ţembaaro, Zambara, Qambara etc).
3. One of the most conspicuous issues which I found problematic in the writings of
Tesfaye Habiso and Haile Daniel Megicho was that they claimed the Ţambaaro
Nationality as a sub ethno-social group, along with other smaller groups such
Dubamao, Denţa, Lewka, etc). The Tesfaye–Daniel literature generally does not offer
independent ethnogenetic and socio-cultural identity to Ţambaaro Nationality. This
view is found to be in direct opposition to the existing realties on the ground.
4. Some of the sources by the local intellectuals on the history and culture of Ţambaaro
Nationality appear to be biased to certain ethnogenetic groups. As is now well known,
and accepted among most local intellectuals, (except by some) Ţambaaro Nationality
is composed of various distinct ethnogenetic groups who have managed to arrive at
the land from different directions at different epochs. The present writer believes in
what he calls the Pan-Tambaaro Nationality, which is built of the centuries of complex
and dynamic socio-cultural and politico-economic interactions between the various
distinct groups, each of which claim to a distinct ethnogenetic and geographic roots
and now claim a shared pan- Ţambaaro identity. The term Pan-Tambaaro though
should not be taken too seriously and too technically, in the sense it is used in
expressions like Pan-Africa, etc. The idea here is that today the Nationality is a unified,
holistic, all-encompassing umbrella for multi- cultural and multi-ethnogenetic groups
of people who trace their origins to different geographical, social, cultural and
ethnogenetic dimensions. If the term Pan- Tambaaro causes any sense of uneasiness,
it can simply be dropped.
Despite these and other related shortcomings, the existing ethnohistorical and ethnographic
literature provides us with useful introductions to the Ţambaaro Nationality. This present work
has made use of these existing works and come up with this more comprehensive and
systematic study on Ţambaaro Nationality’s ethnohistory and culture.
2.2. Profile of Kambatta –Ţambaaro Zone
The information presented below is based on the current data (compiled during our fieldwork
in August 2009). Kambatta- Ţambaaro Zone is one of the 13 zones and 8 ‘special ‘Woredas
that are the constituent elements of the SNNPRG administrative structure. SNNPRG is one of
the 9 regional administrative centers in FDRE.
15
Map 1: Map of Ethiopia highlighting the Southern Nations, Nationalities and People's
region.
(Source:http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/Image:Ethiopia-SouthernNations,
Nationalities-and-Peoples.png
The Zone is located approximately 7.1 to 7.5 latitude and 37.3 to 38.1 longitudes. The capital
of the Zone is Durame, located at some 296 km distance from Addis Ababa through HosannaShishicho road; and 125 km from Hawassa, the regional capital,
16
MAP 2 MAP OF SNNPRG (SOURCE: Wolde-Sellasie Abute, 2004. An Internet
document on Resettlement issues in the SNNPRG)
The Zone comprises of three major ethnic groups: Kambatta, Tambaaro and Donga. The
ethno-geographic neighbors of the Zone are Alaba Special Woreda to the east, Ommo-Gibbe
River to the west, Hadya and Wolayta to the south and Hadya to the north.
The total area coverage of the Zone is about 1523.6 square km. The Zone is structured into
seven woredas: Angaça, Doyyoganna, Demboyya, Qaççabirra, Hadarro Ţunţo Zuria, Ţambaaro
and Durame Reform City Administration. The Zone is divided into a total of 115 rural qebeles
and 15 urban qebeles.
The topographic and weather conditions of the Zone are such that 22.25% is cold and
highland, 70.75 is mid- hot and 7 % is low land. The average annual temperature is 22 degree
centigrade. The annual average rainfall is 1275 mill meter. 21.25 % of the land surface is
mountainous, 22.25 % is plain and 56.5 % is undulating.
The demographic features of the Zone are as follows: The total population, according to the
recent (2007) population and Housing Census result, is 683, 167, of which 337,852 are males
and 345, 315 are females. The rural population was 585, 471 and that of the urban
population was 97,696. The population density is 1: 449.
MAP 3: Kambatta- Ţambaaro Zone
The Zone’s population is primarily agrarian regarding its economic livelihood conditions.
There are limited numbers of people that engage in nomadic way of life. Major crops grown in
the land include ensete (false banana), maize, wheat, ţeff, barely, peas, beans, horse bean,
sorghum, millet, lentil, and the like. There are also various root and tuber crops apart from
ensete. These include potato, sweet potato, yam and taro. Different fruits and vegetables also
17
grow in the Zone: banana, mango, avocado, orange, lemon, cabbage, lettuce, papaya, carrot,
tomato, etc. The Zone is also known for its various condiments such as ginger, cinnamon,
garlic, onion, etc. Coffee is also well grown, In short, in the words of local people in Ţambaaro,
‘the land is suitable for all manners of crops except salt.’
There were a total of 471, 563 livestock in the Zone of which 62, 778 were cattle, 88, 975
were poultry, 60534 were goats and 97328 were sheep.
Concerning infrastructural aspects of the zone, all the zonal towns now get 24 hours hydroelectric power service. Ten woreda centers get telephone service; all localities are fairly
accessible to mobile telephone network. There are postal service accesses in four towns in the
Zone. Durame town has one bank center, Ethiopian Commercial Bank; Ommo Micro Finance
Institution offers financial services to various towns and rural areas in the Zone. The Zone is
connected with federal, regional and neighboring zonal centers through asphalt and all
weather roads systems.
The social services sector of the Zone is such that clean, potable water coverage is 30.6 % in
urban centers and 22% in rural areas. There were a total of 19 kindergartens; 78 first cycle
(1-4) schools; 112 second cycle (5-8) schools; 9 9-10 grade schools; and 4 preparatory level
schools; over all 217 schools. There were 128 health posts; 8 health centers, 5 ‘growing’
health centers, 1 hospital and 1 specialized child and women clinic owned by an NGO. The
health service coverage of the zone was 60 percent.
2.3. Profile of Ţambaaro Woreda
As indicated above, Ţambaaro Woreda is one of the seven woreda divisions of the Zone. The
Woreda is located at 60 km from zonal center, Durame and 185 km from regional center,
Hawassa.
The latitudinal and longitudinal location of the woreda was not possible to identify at the time
of the fieldwork.
Ţambaaro Woreda is bordered with Sorro Woreda, Hadya in the north; Hadarro Ţunţo in the
south and east; and Ommo River and Dawro Zone in the west; The ethno-linguistic neighbors
of Ţambaaro are Kambatta, Hadya, Dawro, Wolayta, Donga, among others. Within the
Nationality itself, although it is one, unified entity, there exist different ethnogenetic groups
who claim distinct ethnogenic and geographic origins in the past.
Physical and Topographic Features
The total land surface of Ţambaaro Woreda is 27, 917 square km. The highest point in the
land is 2600 meter above sea level, with 880 meter below sea level. The topographic feature
of the Woreda is that 8% is mountainous, 24% is plain level and 68% is undulating. The
highest mountain is Mount Furra. Other smaller ridges also exist: Tuppa ridge, Beyduna,
Goffore, Ţumela, Gedrra, Bedda and Anno ridges. The soil texture of the Woreda is that 75%
is brown, 10% red and 15% black.
The land teems with numerous rivers, springs and waterfalls. To mention some of the major
river bodies: Ommo River (called Umma in Ţambaarisa), Lammo River, Buhho River, Gonjo
River, Wawarsa, Ha’oo and Satame rivers. All of these rivers house beautiful waterfalls.
Lammo alone has a series of four major waterfalls at different location between the origin and
destination of the River.
Agro-ecological and Livelihood Conditions
10% of the land is high land (cold climate), 60 % is medium altitude (climate) and 30 % is
low land and hot weather. The annual mean temperature of the Woreda is 20 degree
centigrade. The average annual rainfall is 1400 millimeter. The total forest coverage is 22,
239.4 hectare. During our fieldwork period (August 2009), 20, 566, 825 hectare of land was
covered with crops, of which 16,963 hectare was annual crops and 3603.73 hectare of land
18
was covered with perennial crops. The pasture land coverage was 1947.85 hectare. Cultivable
land was 1426.24 hectare; uncultivable land 593.36 hectare.
The Woreda population is basically agrarian. 25% of the population engaged in agriculture
(land cultivation alone); 10 % engaged in animal husbandry (anomalism); 35% in mixed
farming (land cultivation, animal husbandry, apiculture, etc); 15 % of the population engaged
in off-farm activities (trade, etc); 9% engaged in craftworks and others, 6%..
The land is suitable for cultivation of all manners of crops: cereals, roots, tubers, vegetables,
fruits, etc. Major cash crops include coffee, ginger, teff, bean, maize, peas, etc. The two major
open market days are Thursday Market in Mudula and Tuesday Market in Qeleţa.
Demographic Features of the Woreda
The most recent (2007) Population and Housing Census result) figure shows that the Woreda
total population was 146557 of which 73197 were males and 73360 were females. There were
20 rural qebeles and 3 urban qebeles
Socioeconomic and Infrastructural Features
Since the Woreda attained its independent woreda status, beginning from 2006(?) significant
improvements have been registered in the socio-economic and infrastructural aspects. There
were, at the time of our fieldwork, about 20 health posts and 3 health centers. There were 34
governmental schools of which 13 were first cycle and 20 were second cycle, and one
preparatory school. 1 first and second cycle and 2 kindergarten schools were run by private
organizations. The Woreda has got 24 hour hydroelectric power service since 2000; A gravel
road that connects the Woreda with zonal center and hence to all other regions is completed in
2008. There is one digital telephone center, 8 rural qebeles were beneficiaries of wireless
telephone service; 7 qebeles were beneficiaries of clean, potable water service
Map 4: Qebele divisions in Tambaaro and adjacent ethnic neighboring areas as part of the
19
former Ommo Sheleqo Woreda as used by World Vision Ethiopia Ommo Sheleqo ADP; Adopted
from Haile Mariam Desta, 1999 (The symbols were used as indicators of World Visions
Ethiopia’s Ommo Sheleqo ADP’s Humanitarian services such as water, clinic, schools, etc)
Note: the current Tambaaro Woreda contains 23 kebeles including urban centers
Map 5: Tambaaro and its ethnic neighbors. Adapted from Braukämper, 1973:32
20
Map 6 Tamabaro area ca. 1620’s, as witnessed by Antonio Ferdinaz; adapted from Tesfaye
Habiso, 1992
21
CHAPTER THREE:
ŢAMBAARO: QUESTIONS OF ETHNO-GENESIS, ETHNIC IDENTITY AND COMPOSITION
3.1. Introduction
This Chapter provides a description of the conceptualizations and views of various groups of
the Ţambaaro Nationality concerning the meaning, identity, composition, participation and
interactions of the different ethno-social groups in the Nationality. We have made maximum
care to strike a logical balance when treating the different constituent elements of the
Nationality. However, it might be unavoidable in some instances for us to risk the appearance
of being biased towards certain ethno-social groups. This might be evident in the case of the
Lamala Moolla groups. This happens because the Lamala Moolla group constitutes what might
be called ideologically and socio-culturally dominant group in the history of the Nationality for
the last 300 to 400 years.
We have made every effort possible to treat all the major constituent elements of the
Nationality. We begin our presentation by focusing on the Lamala Moolla and then proceed to
other major groups, namely, the pre- Ţambaaro groups and the marginalized social groups.
Treating each and every major clan groups that have become part of the mainstream
Ţambaaro Nationality in the last 300 years following the coming and settlement of the Lamala
Moolla groups is, however, beyond the scope and purpose of our present study. There are, for
example, over 25 distinct clans that have become part of the Nationality which are also the
constituent clan groups in neighboring Wolayta. Treating and tracing the origins and
development of these and other different distinct clan groups is not feasible in this study.
3.2. The Etymology of the Ethnonym Ţambaaro
According to Ţambaaro elders, the origin of the name Ţambaaro is traced to the ethnogeography and the nature of migration the Lamala Moolla groups made when they left their
habitat at what they call the Yemerera locality in Sidama land. A common thread in the
narration goes like this:
When the ‘seven’ brothers left the Yemerera land and trekked various lands
until they finally rested at the present area, they passed several localities and
made their test to whether they would permanently settle or not in an area, by
sowing a sorghum they carried with them. Finally, they decided to settle at the
present land which proved to be their final settlement as it gave bounteous
produce when they decided to give the name to their new found land. They
called it “Ţambaaro,” meaning, “ now we have settled, after searching and
testing.”
In a sense, Ţambaaro suggests that they have settled after series of surveying, testing and
moving. According to one informant, Ţambaaro, etymologically, is composed of two words
‘ţambi’, meaning they surveyed or tested, and ‘wallo’, we have come’, In Sidama language the
root of the term suggests, ‘be cool, be rested, don’t hurry’. One old man said, “We are called
Ţambaaro; our land is Ţambaaro; our language in Ţambaarisa, and our ancestors named this
land, Ţambaaro, saying, ‘we have found this land after repeated searching.” Another old man
said the ethnonym also suggests a land which is green, comfortable and productive.”
This ethnonym meaning and etymology is more or less agreed among all local informants,
including the learned local intellectuals. According to one of the local intellectuals, (see, for
example Haile-Mariam, 1999) the name suggested the intentions, actions and belief system as
well as experiences of the ancestral Lamala Moolla who trekked in search for a land suitable in
terms of defense, water availability and land productivity. When they lastly found this land, it
fulfilled all of their criteria. The question of the suitability of a land for the productivity of the
indigenous sorghum variety was mainly stressed in the narrations.
It is at this juncture important to raise the question; does the ethnonym represent all the
current groups that compose the Ţambaaro Nationality? How do the various sub-ethno-social
22
groups conceptualize and view the ethnonym? We will come to this point later. But at the
moment, it is important to make a passing remark. The ethnonym Ţambaaro seems to invoke,
in the mentality of some informants, the idea that it is more or less referred to the Lamala
Moolla groups. This is also evident in the commonly made expressions among the informants.
There is often some sort of a tacit understanding that the name Ţambaaro is another name for
the Lamala Moolla groups. But up on further investigation and questioning, we find that the
informants seem to accept the idea that the ethnonym is used in its general sense,
encompassing all ethno-social groups that currently constitute the Nationality.
3.2.1. Derogatory Names and Misnomers
Like many other nationalities in south Ethiopia, Ţambaaro nationality was also proffered
derogatory names. Such names are propagated in literature as well. I came across with such
names in the works of some renowned historians. One such name is Ţimbaaro; older men
categorically rejected this misnomer, saying it was a creation by the nefţeňňas. The name is
given by a certain feudal land lord during early 1930s. It means, ţimb (=carcass) aaro (human
faece), suggesting “This stinking carcass”. Other variant names used in written documents
such as Ţembaro, Zambara, Qambara etc, are also simply misnomers. The first is a simple
pronunciation defect. The other is a name of a locality in Ţambaaro Woreda. The term
Qambara is rendered to the Nationality by the Hadya Nationality, who still use this term to
address Tambaaro. These misnomers are popularized in ethnographic works (eg. Ernesta
Cerulli, 1956; Haberland, 1972, etc) as well as local historians (eg. see Lapiso, 1992).
Informants forcefully noted that correct ethnonym, invented and applied by the first ancestors
is Ţambaaro. The derogatory name, Ţimb-aaro, was forced on the Ţambaaro Nationality
following the instituting of Menilikan government in the land. According to one informant, an
administrator by the name Dejazmach Tachbalew, who was a ruler here in Ţambaaro woreda,
since ca. early 1940s, went to Gimbichu area, where the Amhara addressed this man,
Administrator of Timb-aro woreda.
3.3. Ethno-Genesis Of The Lamala Moolla
3.3.1. The Founding Ancestors: a Genealogy of the Lamala
Moolla Group
According to informants, the first apical ancestor of rather the father of the ‘Lamala Moolla’
was called Moolla. Moolla gave birth to the seven sons: Yaaga, Adde, Waaja, Quzna, Taase,
Ajora and Sanbata. Lamala Moolla Ţambaaro commonly invoke the ancestral name ‘Abo
Manche’ in various occasions. According to informants, Manjolla gave birth to Moolla, who was
the father of the “Seven sons’. The genealogy of the Lamala Moolla group of Ţambaaro is
traced commonly up to Manjicho, beyond whom they find it difficult to trace. However, one of
the older persons during elders’ FGD traced his genealogy beyond Manjicho. According to this
informant, Manjicho was the son of Waayo, who was the son of Anaafo. Anaafo was the son of
Gaaddo. Gadibo was the father of Gaaddo. The following is the genealogy (Family Tree) of the
“Seven Sons” (Lamala Moolla)
23
Gadibo/ Gadawo
Dobbe
Gamasso
Gaaddo
Womme
Keeddo/ Marro
Anaafo
Wayyo
Manjicho
Manjolle
Moolla
Yaaga
Adde
Waaja
Qu’ena
Taase
Ajora
Sanbata
Fig. 3.1. The Gemological line of Lamala Moolla group of Ţambaaro
The following is a detail family tree depicting the current clan structure and descendants of the
Lamala Moolla groups of Ţambaaro. Note: In the Bamushe line, the abbreviations, K stands for
Kereyo; G stand for Gobbe; Gu. Stand for Gutto; Ket. Stand for Ketema. According to
informants, some of the seven sons of Moolla are stuck just in the first generation while others
such as Yagga and Qu’ena have become wide spread. The Yagga family has particularly
become dominant demographically. The demographics dominance has also in a way
contributed to the socio-economic and politico-cultural dominance of this family. Apart from
possible natural factors working some how selectively, it is not clear why some have become
almost insignificant and others have dominant in terms of number of descendants. Informant
provided some spiritual factor such as the Yagga family obtained more blessings than others
from the ancestor.
24
Moolla
Sanbata
Ajora
Wajee
Yagga
a
Gene
e
Muçe
Annpo
Hagusa
Aadee
Quça
Hasaera
Zahanche
Hawacho
Gereno
Wodaje
Hogofo, Geso, Gereno,
Meleke, Girmo
Aago Aano Arjama Mantule
Taase
Gerero Gutala Gemmo
Qallo, Lecgara , Bosaqa
Çuguno Marro Garro Woldo Abroshe Aseno Wajisa Bishato
Koemenoo
Sidde
Hoshala
Wonjala
Mekko
Qu’ena
Çukka
Asida
Wonqe, Sege
Legamo
Halache
Wotago
Ţerre
Mundaqa
Bela
Bamushe
K.
Anaye Konte Momme Habase Aago Bibrsa Jillo Bishato
o
Çallo
Berbira
G
o
Shamo
Dimma
Gu
Ket.
u
Wareyu
Sibato
Deyyu
Doyo Lençamo Çule Sediyo Sherimo
o
Geburo
Fig. 3.2. The current family tree of the Lamala Moolla Group of Ţambaaro
3.3.2. Local Views on When and Why the Lamala Moolla
Break away from Their Hawella Clan
Informants accept and narrate as a settled fact (which is also supported by available historical
evidences) that the ancestors of Lamala Moolla groups first came from the present day Sidama
land. They call the land which their ancestors left as Yemerera. According to local informants,
their ancestor’s original locality was in today’s Shebedino Woreda, in the vicinity –some 20 km
from Tula- Abela area. (In a separate Chapter below we treat this issue to cross check its
historicity and whether it is corroborated by local informants in Sidama. But, here, we present
the oral tradition as accepted and narrated in Ţambaaro.)
The time of this event breakaway of the ‘seven brothers’ claimed to be some 365 years ago.
Some local informants point out rough date at 1565 E.C. The validity of this time frame is
claimed by the informants through genealogical counting and also a more seemingly plausible
form of dating mechanism, namely, through the calculation of the age of a sacred tree that
until today stands as a symbol of the Nationality in town center. The tree is an oak tree, a
very big, seemingly old and massive one. The oral tradition holds that when the Lamala Moolla
first entered and settled at the land, the oak tree was “too young to even be capable of
supporting the staff and spears of the ancestors when they leaned their staffs on the young
tree.” The claim may be verified through scientific dating mechanism.
An average number of generations that have elapsed from the time of Moolla to the grand
sons of our local elderly informants is about 12. Some genealogical assumptions in assigning a
maximum and minimum number of years each generation has lived may give a rough time
25
estimation that is more or less corresponding with the oral tradition. Thus, it is commonly
accepted among ethno-historians an average of 40 years for a generation and a minimum of
25 years. 40 by 12 gives us 480 years; 12 by 25 gives us 300 years. The average of the two is
360 years.
The reasons for the breakaway of this branch and subsequent leaving of their original land and
people is generally narrated by elders as an episode of quarrelling over rights to holding
political office; it was narrated that the father of the seven brothers gave political office up on
his old age to a younger son of a lesser wife when the bigger wife, the mother of the seven
brothers with her sons went to her brothers to call them to take part in ceremony. When they
came, their father transferred the political office to their little step-brother. Seeing this, they
killed the newly appointed son and lethally wounded their father. Then, the clans-folk
discussed among themselves and decided to kill the killer according to the norm of the time by
putting him in a basket and throwing into a pit. The brothers then begged them to alter the
decision but the decision was final. Seeing this, the killer\s party then escaped in the cover of
a dark night beginning their itinerary.
Their father was said to have pronounced a prophesy saying, “The clan would increase in
number and dominate. The barren land beyond (including today’s Hawassa area) will be
populated. The break away group will form a separate entity; after a time they would come
and request reconciliation.”
3.3.3. The Historical Geography of the Itinerary of the
Lamala Moolla Groups
According older informants, the ancestors trekked through forests, mountains, rivers, etc and
rested at many localities until they finally settled of their final land. The names and number of
the routes they took and the places they have passed through and rested a while before they
finally settled at Tambaaro are not uniformly narrated. Different versions of views existed.
According to some informants, the first place they rested a while was at a place called Qeţţa
(its exact location in today’s geography is not determined, but it is some where between Alaba
and Kambatta. They left this area after testing it by ‘planting their sorghum’, which they used
as a barometer for their criterion for whether a location/ land would be wroth settling
permanently. Then they shifted to Wachamo (today a vast plain land called Wonjala near
Hosanna in Hadya). Then they shifted to a place called Qelela (in today’s Hadya land). There
they planted the sorghum. From this, they left for a place called Faanta (in today’s Sorro
Woreda, Hadya). This land also didn’t pass their ‘acid test’ of sorghum.
They left this land and went to a place called Geze in Dawro, crossing Ommo River. Being
there, they looked down to the land which they first came to and settled before they pioneered
into all the other parts of their present land. They found it fulfilling all their criteria for
security, productivity, water abundance, etc. They thus came here and settled at a place
called Zambara. It was narrated by an elder man that one of the older men, Sifro Maleko,
dreamt a dream about a big mushroom springing up in a place called Tuppa. The dream gave
tem the direction to come to this place and make it their headquarters. Today, Tuppa is
considered the place of their ancestral epicenter, where all the memorial worships for the
ancestors were carried out, as well as political appointments took place at this place.
They decided to settle at Tuppa because they found is a geographically strategic location. They
said “The River (Ommo) is our natural defense from our enemies in long border lines. Seating
here, we can easily survey the coming of enemies in any other side.”
These are the geographical locations where the ancestors crossed and stayed at. Note that the
number of geographical localities the ancestors passed through and stayed at are about 10. In
the above narration, the number is about 8. Some provide more than this number. The
question of how cong did they stay at each locality was not known. Elders stated the duration
is not known, but it was determined, according to their view, by the time it took to test the
productivity of the land by sowing the sorghum.
26
The itinerary was basically in north-west direction viewed from their original land of so-called
Yemerera. The ancestors trekked through a long distance covering vast areas; they crossed
over the regions inhabited by numerous ethno- social groups: Arsi, Alaba, Kambatta, Hadya,
Dawro. Qebena, etc.
3.3.4. Dispersions and Settlement of the Lamala Moolla
Groups
The present land being their epicenter, the Lamala Moolla group is dispersed across several
parts in southern Ethiopia. Elders stated that in all of the historic places where the ancestors
passed through or temporarily stayed at, parts of the group managed to stay behind. Thus,
local informants claimed that many ethnogenic Lamala Moollas, the descendants of the ‘seven
break-away sons of Moolla’ live dispersed across to day’s Hadya, Kambatta, Wolayta, Dawro,
Qebena, Wolqite, Alaba, Yem, etc. This dispersion occurred during the initial itinerary and also
continued though out the ensuing period through marriage and other factors. Some
informants particularly claimed the present Qebena are descendants of Moolla, arguing that
the seven brothers camped there a while and a sub group remained there. Locla elders also
claimed descendants of Moolla live in Endegen, Shashogo, Yima (local term for Yem). The
latter ones probably had managed to disperse in latter period (probably as they strayed when
hunting).
The Lamala Moolla descendants, according to informants, have today thus dispersed widely in
the neighboring nationalities. Of the group, the Yagga lineage has particularity become wide
and broad. The Ţambaaroid group living in Wolayta (in bordering localities such as Boloso) is
Yagga. (We will have more of this issue in another section where we discuss the Ţambaaro
relations with neighboring nationalities.)
27
Wonjala,
Hosaina
Molla, Hadaro
Qatta,
Kambatta
Bidiqa, Sorro, Hadya
Qabena
Qilila, Sorro, Hadya
Fanta, Sorro, Hadya
Geze, Dawro
Alaba
Boqayyo, Tuppa,
Tambaaro
Shashemene
‘Yemerera,
original land in
Sidama
Fig. 3.3. The Geography and duration of stay: Ţambaaro Ancestral Dispersion (This
drawing is based on the common oral tradition of the people; the location of the
place names is not meant to be equated with its exact location in the territories. This
diagram is meant just to provide a crude sense of the direction the itinerary took.)
28
Map 7: A writer’s attempt showing the itinerary routes of the Lamala Moolla (Adopted from
Haile-Mariam Desta 1999; The expression ‘Map 3’ should be understood as part of the original
source)
29
3.3.5. Time Elapsed Between the Initial Dispersion of the Lamala
Moolla Group and their Final Settlement at Ţambaaro
Elders claim that today, the graveyards of the seven ancestors are not exactly known. They
were buried at various places during their long years of movement, between Yemerera and
Tuppa. According to informants, all the seven ancestors expired before they arrived at Tuppa.
Some recent ancestors in the line of the seven founding fathers were buried in different
localities. For example, a man called Wonjala was buried at Endegaň, outside Ţambaaro;
Baamo was buried at Baaçik –Mazira; Makko was buried at Gedira; all localities in Ţambaaro.
Wonjala, son of Hoshala, was great-great-great grand-son of Moolla via Yagga line; Yagga
being one of the demographically and socio-politically dominant group in Lamala Moolla.
Wonjala is 6th generation from Moolla. Makko was grandson of Hoshala; he is 7 generations
away from Moolla. Baamo was Makko’s son; being 8 generations away from Moolla. Local
informants were not sure of the whereabouts of the graveyards of ancestors beginning from
great-great grand sons of Moolla. It is hinted that they were buried in various localities before
they finally reached at Ţambaaro.
Judged from these genealogical indications, it may be assumed that it took some at least four
generations’ time between the initial beginning of the dispersion and the final settlement at
Ţambaaro. This may be roughly calculated at some 150 years (maximum) and 100 years
minimum. This estimate coincides with the view of one of the local intellectuals who have done
some studies on ethno-genesis of the Lamala Moolla. This length of time seems to be
justifiable given the numerous local places oral tradition notes regarding the itinerary of the
ancestors. A more useful indicator is the fact of the absence of the graveyards of ancestors in
Ţambaaro land beginning from great-great grandsons of Moolla.
3.3.6. Local Views on the Composition of the Itinerary Group
Local people had divergent views on the composition of the group that broke away from the
Sidama stock and left the land. The story of the itinerary generally stars the “the seven
brothers’ or sons of Moolla. The commonly accepted and believed narration generally puts it
that the Lamala Moollas left their ancestral land with their children and wives; and the story
holds that three major social groups ‘came together’, accompanying the Lamala Moollas. The
phrase “came together’ was vehemently resisted by some informants who were descendants
of the social groups that “came together’.
These social groups were and are considered/ and actually are artisans from three major
distinct social stratums. (We will have a separate section dealing with the question of these
occupational caste groups in Tambaaro.)
A commonly accepted oral tradition states these marginal groups were offered by the Lamala
Moolla leaders their own distinct official political titles so that these marginal groups would be
represented in the council of Lamala Moolla. Thus, the potters were/ and are/ represented by
Erasha; the tanners by Aldada and the servants by Debona (head of servant groups). Oral
tradition states the Lamala Moolla group then entered into a covenant with these crafts social
groups, which some local informants term as the ‘associates of the Lamala Moolla’. They
covenanted not to marry each other, to live peacefully together, the Lammal Moolla to be the
patron-protector and the marginal social groups to be the clients; that the two never will harm
each other, etc. As will be discussed in detail later, some informants provide this covenant as
a reason for the absence of marriage relations between the Lamala Moolla and the crafts social
groups. However, up on further and critical analysis we see that the main reason is rather the
long standing concept of ritual purity which provides the Lamala Moolla the superior status
over the occupational caste groups.
Despite there was this sense of occupational caste grouping, the groups (particularity those
represented by Aldada and Debona titles were considered equal with the Lamala Molla groups
and hence they enjoyed respected representation in the socio-political lives of the Nationality.
30
3.3.7. Where and When Does the Lamala Moolla History Begin?
The question “Where and when does Tambaaro Nationality’s ethnohistory start?” is thus not
an easy one to answer. The answer we obtain also differs from the views of informants
residing in Tambaaro (the Tambaaro themselves) and those in Sidama where the ancestors
were claimed to have originated. The Sidama side of the story shall be presented in a
separate section. Our most important source of information here (and for that matter all of our
questions and issues in this study) is oral tradition. Some written historical sources are
basically those that do not make any significant dissent from the oral tradition. For example,
as to the question of ‘where the Tambaaro (rather the Lamala Moolla) ethnohistory starts?’
both oral tradition and existing historical documents provide similar answer: Sidama,
Yemerera. (Whether this Yemerera is really a valid toponym that actually exists shall be dealt
with later).
The Sidama origin of the Lamala Moolla group as far as their recent ethnohistory is concerned,
seems to be well supported and accepted among almost all people in Tamabaro. The problem,
from the Tamabaro side of the story, is what exactly is the locality or which specific clan or
sub clan did the Lamala Moolla break away from? There are no agreements among local
informants, particularly local intellectuals regarding which Sidama locality and more
importantly which Sidama clan do the Lamala Moolla belong to? However, it appeared the
majority of local informants (for that matter almost all of the informants) claim the Hawella
clan origin (see the section dealing with the Sidama side of the story). Some local intellectuals
claim a different Sidama clan origin; A Yanase clan origin is hinted by some. An Aleta clan
origin was also suspected given the information we obtained from our Tambaaro fieldwork.
As for the question “When does the Lamala Moolla ethnohistory begin?” we have explained
this above. Needless to repeat, broadly seen, the Lamala Moolla ethnohistory encompasses
from 18-21 generations, counted from the generation of grand sons of existing older
informants. Our major source here is genealogical counting, since we do not have any other
historical source. As shall be seen in the section that deals with the Sidama side of the story, it
is generally agreed and confirmed, based on oral tradition, that the time scale from the initial
break away of the Lamala Moolla to the present, it is measured or equivalent to about
maximum 21 and minimum 18 generations. As we gave some sort of formula above
(assumption where one generation on average takes maximum 40 years and minimum 25
years) we arrive at some where 1560s. The 1560s figure is also generally believed to be the
rough departure time for the Lamala Moolla. Based on this assumption and calculation, then,
the recent history of the Lamala Moolla begins from the mid 16th century. Although we are not
sure at this stage whether the Lamala Moolla departure and dispersion was motivated by the
political factors of the time, the time 1560s is in congruence with documented historical
evidence regarding the great historical events of the 16 th c Graň Ahmed wars (1531 – 1552)
and Oromo expansive movement.
The time, places, person names, events surrounding the manner and reasons for the
departure of the seven sons are not, however, historically verifiable. The fact of whether this
Tambaaro ancestral dislocation was motivated by other factors, such as adventure explorative
migrations to occupy unsettled land, factors caused by direct or indirect effects of Gran Wars,
Oromo expansion, etc, is yet to be verified.
There seems to exist one troubling point concerning the period of time that elapsed since the
Lamala Moolla ancestors first landed on Tambaaro. On the one hand, as indicated above, a
commonly accepted belief among the local informants states it is about 360 or so years since
their ancestors first arrived at the land. On the other hand, the same local informants pointed
out that the grave yards of not on the ‘seven ancestors’ but also even their great-great grand
sons were not found in the present Tambaaro land. They were buried outside Tambaaro during
their itinerary. If this latter account is true, it seems that it is not beyond 7 or 8 generations
since the ancestors have settled at the present land. This suggests a more recent settlement
than previously thought, maximum 280 to 320 years ago. All of these need to be further
verified.
31
3.3.8. Pre-Yemerera History of Lamala Moolla
According to informants, there is a tale that tries to link the ancestral origin of Yemerera group
(Yemerecho) as one which was ‘a pure’, ‘chosen’ branch of the Sidama groups. Some claim
they had some relations with Gonderine Amhara, thus considering themselves as the ‘decent’
ones. However, other informants argued there was no ethnogenic link with the Gonderine;
rather, it was the ‘ritual purity’ of the Yemerera group that invoked the Gonderine claims.
Existing ethnographic literature and observations show that the ‘Yemerecho’ are those who
consider themselves as ‘pure’ (see Hamer, 1978, Haileyasus, 2004). Descendants of the Bushe
group in Sidama claim this ritual purity. (See more on this in Chapter dealing with SidamaŢambaaro Links)
Ţambaaro elders trace their pre-Moolla time and place back to about the 11th c A. D. Legend
has it that their pre-Moolla ancestors had come from somewhere in Arabia; they moved to
south Yemen, crossed a sea (presumably red sea), reached at Çerçer area, then moved to a
place in Balle before they finally arrived at Sidama land. This is line with one dominant ‘out of
Ethiopia myth’ which is held among many Sidama areas.
This tale is more or less in congruence with generally documented historical sources. For
example, according to Ulrich Braukämper cited in Tesfaye Habiso (2008):
During the turbulent decades of the Oromo expansion, the ancestors of the
Sidama people also left their original domiciles in two different areas- the
Maldea group came from Dawaro north of the Wabi Šebeli bend, while Bučče
group abandoned their territory Dawa west of the upper Ganale - and settled
in present Sidamaland. Mixing with the native Hofa they began to constitute a
new ethnos, called Sidama, after 1600.
3.4. The Composition of Present Day Ţambaaro Nationality and
The Perception of Ţambaaro Identity
The question, “who is a Ţambaaro?” was a very important one for us in the field. We did not
receive uniform responses. There were divergent views on the meaning, identity and
composition of the term Tambaaro. It appears that local informants generally assign the term
Ţambaaro to the Lamala Moolla. But upon further probing it becomes clear Ţambaaro
Nationality is not just only the Lamala Moolla, but it is really an amalgam of quite distinct
ethno-linguistic and ethnogenic groups that have over the centuries come to the land through
various means and become assimilated into the nationality accepting their Ţambaaro ethnoidentity.
The idea that Ţambaaro as an ethnonym is often meant to address the Lamala Moolla was
based on the fact that the name was devised (as oral tradition holds) by the Lamala Moolla
groups. Since the name was their cultural creation for both the people themselves and the
geographical location where they settled, it happened that over the years the name has come
to be synonymous with the Lamala Moolla. For this and many other cultural, social and
religious elements which the Lamala Moolla created as their heritage, some local intellectuals
appear to support or rather condone the Lamala Moolla socio-cultural hegemony over the
other groups. However, (although it is not deniable that such hegemony existed in the
cultural, social, and politico-economic realms for centuries) it appears that many things have
been leveled out and a more or less pan- Ţambaaro ethno-identity has been taking shape.
This “pan- Ţambaaro” ethno-identity has really manifested itself in quite many realms over the
centuries acting as a cementing factor in the unification of the different distinct groups and in
the creation of a boarder and more acceptable meaning of the term Ţambaaro.
The present day composition of Ţambaaro Nationality is truly, thus, a melting
assimilation of the three major ethnogenic families Cushitic, Omotic and Semitic. The
Sons of Moolla’ and their ‘associate’ groups represent the demographically and
politically domineering groups, at least in the first formative periods of the nationality’s
identity.
pot of
‘seven
ethnoethno-
32
Many Omotic and Cushitic groups have also over the years come to Tambaaro land from
Wolayta, Dawro, Yem, etc through marriage, war captivity, slave raiding, and other
mechanisms. The specific people groups (now constituting clans) include Çaata (from Dawro),
Donga (from Hadarro Tunto), (Kawka (Dawro), Kalsie (Dawro), Rooms (Jima),
Hiziza
(Wolayta), Lauka, (Hadya) Womigra (Wolayta), Masmas (Hadya), Dubamo and many other
group, etc. A simple comparison of the clans in Wolayta and Tambaaro revealed there were
over 23 distinct clans in Ţambaaro that also exist in Wolayta. Although it is tempting to argue
that these clans in Ţambaaro have come from Wolayta, we are not sure other better
alternative explanations also exist. It might be that the groups might have settled in both
Wolayta and Tambaaro coming from different directions, or that some groups might have
migrated from Tambaaro to Wolayta. The issue like other related aspects deserves further
investigation.
It is generally accepted that these different distinct clans or ethno-social groups from Wolayta,
Dawro, Jimma Oromo, Hadya, Amhara, Tigre, etc have come into the land following the post
establishment of the Lamala Moolla groups in the land. The groups did not come earlier than
the Lamala Moolla groups. This helps us to support the idea that it is more likely that different
ethno-social groups have come to Tambaaro than the groups have gone to other areas.
Semitic groups have also come and joined Ţambaaro Nationality. Amhara groups include ‘Aţţe
Amhara who were believed to have come in pre- Menilik II era (1889-1913) probably as a
adventuring group or part of the advance of earlier era Solomonic emperors; it is not clear
from which specific part of the country did this group originate. There are also those who call
themselves as Denni Amhara who claim to have come from Gonder in northern Ethiopia area.
Many others have come as part of the post-Menilik II era, as soldiers, nefteňňas; some of
these Amhara groups have built up a lineage of their own as part of the pan-Tambaaro
identity. Tigre group as a distinct clan is also part of today’s Tambaaro Nationality. According
to them, these groups, whose descendants call them Tigra, were believed to have come from
Wolayta and Jimma, where they have had a privileged socio-political status following the
coming to power of the Tigre group as a ruling dynasty in Wolayta following the collapse of the
widely acclaimed Wolayta Malla Dynasty whose earlier era king, King Motolemi, claimed by the
Wolayta oral tradition and supported in some historical sources (See Bahru 2002), was
allegedly a renowned king ruling vast geographical area in south west and south central
Ethiopia.
The current composition of Ţambaaro Nationality can also be explained in terms of temporal
succession of different ethno-linguistic and social groups that have become part of the
Nationality. In this sense, the Nationality encompasses what I call the Ţambaaro proper (the
Lamala Moolla and their so-called ‘associate’ groups), the recent- pre-Tambaaro population
groups (Kalmana, Woçifina, Gondorima, Handarama and Beella) and the latter- day comer
groups that have joined the Nationality through social, cultural and political routes. The ‘latter
day comer groups’ are very diverse and multi- ethno-linguistic. They include, for example,
those that have come from Wolayta (such as Bubula, Hizea, Kominia, etc), from Dawro (e.g.
Çatta, Kawka, etc), those from Dubamao (Dubamao), Kinchichila, Amhara groups, Tigre
groups and those from Jimma Oromo. It is interesting to note that, though there still exist a
sense of the cultural- social hegemony of the Lamala Moolla groups (a perception that is
shared among both the Lamala Moolla groups, the “associate groups, and the non- Lamala
Moolla groups), there now exist a sense of pan-Tambaaro identity. All the divers groups more
or less consider themselves as part of the greater Ţambaaro nationality.
33
Descendants of preTambaaro
population groups
Lamala Moolla
groups
“Associates’ of
Lamala Moolla:
Erasha, Aldada,
Debona Groups
Tambaaro
Nationality
“Wolaytoid’ groups
‘Darwroid” groups
Other groups (Dubamao,
Kinchichila, Donga, etc)
Semitic groups
Figure: 3.5. Composition of today’s Ţambaaro Nationality
3.4.1. Further Points on People Groups Who Came in Post- Lamala
Settlement Era
Once the Lamala Moolla established itself in the land following the complete control of the
Kalmana’s challenge and resistance- through various political tricks and subsequent storming,
the Tambaaro now began to position itself firmly amidst continuous and fierce enmity and
hostility. All nearby and distant nationalities– Maçça, Wolayta, Dawro, Hadya, and Kambatta –
were not happy with the presence of the new comer Tambaaro group, as informants claimed.
Thus all of them in all directions tried hard to destroy it and subject the land. However,
Tambaaro maintained its independence by war as well as by political diplomacy.
One such diplomacy was political marriage. Thus, it began marriage connection with the royal
and high status clans of its hostile nationalities. From Wolayta, with Tigra, Bubula, Hiz’a
groups; from Dawro, Çatta and Kawka groups; from Maçça, Oromo; and from Hadya, Miasmas
group. In this manner, it began to attract people from these lands and gradually over the
years, these different groups came to be full- fledged clans constituting the current Tambaaro
social identity. The general agreement among informants was that since the Lamala Moolla
arrival, there had not been any other group-level wave of population incoming to the
Tambaaro land. But some argued the Çatta group came as population – in- coming as part of
the struggles over power in Dawro. The group- constituting 12 distinct sub- clans came to
Tambaaro land – at least half of them came as a group. It is not, however, known whether
there Çatta groups came before or after Lamala Moolla. Other informants did not agree with
this view: they argued the Çatta, like others have come to Tambaaro through marriage
relations. They became a distinct clan group through the offering of settlement land for the
husbands who took wives from Lamala Molla. Lamala Molla had this tradition of offering
settlement land fro the males/ husbands who took wives from their groups. The Çatta question
is one of the many other questions that need further investigation in a future research.
3.4.2. The Ethnogenesis of the Çatta Group
The Çatta group in Ţambaaro today is one of the –so-called 66 distinct social groups or clans
formally registered in the inventory of the Woreda Administration. The Çatta group, according
to local intellectuals who represent the group, have had very active participation and key roles
in the ethnohistory of politics, law, military and government in Tambaaro.
The group was believed to have come from Dawro, following an inter-clan conflict and
completion over kingship rights, some 13 generations ago. This might take us back to some,
on the average, 420 or so years. If the information given here is valid and trustworthy, then it
might be that the Çatta group was in the present Ţambaaro land more or les in par with the
34
Lamala Moolla group. However, existing oral traditions generally confirms that on the arrival
of the Lamala Moolla, the groups existing in the land were the Kalmana, Woçifina and
Gondorima groups, called today, the Buchu manna, the people of the soil. The timing of this
dispersion of the Çatta group in the Ţambaaro land needs further investigation. The Lamala
Moolla group has lived on the average between 13 to 15 generations in the land.
The ethnohistoric root of the Çatta group goes deeper than the Dawro land. Oral tradition
holds that the ancestors dispersed from their original Borena Oromo land in Borena area. The
genealogy counted from the present generation extends up to 29 generations. The Çatta are
the descendants of one of the sons of Debena. Çatte, the others being Hebena, Wayo,
Delecho, Arusie and Dele Kerunie. The son of Çatte, Enkallo, emigrated to today’s Dawro land
sometime in pre- Menilik II era (1889-1913) due to draught problems. He was led by the
divination of his priest to Dawro where he begun living at a place called Meţţa and gradually
begun establishing marital relations with the other Dawro clans. He married a woman from a
Wosfie clan and gave birth to 12 sons, who alter instituted a political governance system
called Enkallo.
The Enkallo group gradually managed to usurp the kingship power from the Kawka clan
During the Kawo (King) Abetreyo era ( time not known) conflict arose over the kingship right
between the two clans and through some conspiracy the Kawka group re-took the kingship
right, after killing the king. This spurred the dispersion of the Enkallo / Çatte group to different
parts of the southwest Ethiopia. Today, the descendants of the Çatta group live in Wolayta
(where they are called Ţatta); in Arsi (Siraro, Kofole and its environs, where they are called
Çatti manna); in Jimma area (where they are called Oocha); and in Kambatta (where they
call them Dorbe). In Ţambaaro, they are called Çatte. (In Dawro, their original land, they are
called Šatta.)
Of the 12 sons of Enkallo, oral tradition states four managed to emigrate to Ţambaaro:
Angala, Genite, Asho and Herayso. These established the Enkallo socio-political organization
and begun establishing peaceful socio-economic, cultural and political relations with the
Lamala Moolla and other groups.
According to other informants, as indicated above, the above view is not in par with dominant
existing narrations. Some informants argued that the Çatta group did not come to Tambaaro
land as part of a wave of population incoming. Rather, the group was established in Tambaaro
land through marriage relationships with the Lamala Molla. The views from both sides,
however, need to be further verified; we cannot at this juncture argue this or that view is
truer than this or that. Both views were orally based. None has verified written historical
sources to support.
35
Borena Oromo
Debenna
Wayyo
Hebena
Çatte
Delecho
Delle
KErunie
Arusie
Enkallo
Angala
Gaenite
Aasho
Wormayo
Shoho
Oocha
Hirayso
Dewuqa
Anku
Qenefa
Zirgo
Fig. 3. 6. Family Tree and ancestry of the Çatta group of Tambaaro land; the boxes in
blue represent the four ancestors who emigrated to the Tambaaro land in
unspecified pre-Menilik II era
3.5. Local Views on Ţambaaro and Its Relations with Other
Nationalities
During the re-integration and reconciliation ceremonies conducted in 2004/ 2005 organized by
Sidama and Ţambaaro elites living in Hawassa, Ţambaaro elders were shown the localities
where the descendants of Gaaddo, Moolla’s forefather currently inhabit. Apart from this ethnogenetic affinity to Sidama, the Lamala Moolla informants claim that they have no “blood”
relational with other nearby nationalities such as Kambatta, Donga, and Hadya. They argued
their relation with these nationalities, including Kambatta is only linguistic and socio–cultural.
The extremely Kambatic Ţambaarisa, they claim (which some writers estimate to be 80%
intelligible, see Lapiso 1992) is a result of not common ethnogenic roots but of the fact of
sharing contiguous geographic area and their being made part of the Kambatta Hadya
administrative division for long period in pre EPRDF era. Although this sounds plausible, it has
yet to be investigated.
Ţambaaro’s vest similarity in cultural as well as linguistic aspects with Donga is also similarly
explained by informants as an effect of living in proximate geographic locality. Some elders,
completely claim no ethnogenic affinity, explain linguistic similarity as a result of the effect of
Ţambaaro groups who have assimilated into Kambatta through marriages, and as part of their
original migrations when some remained there. Socio-cultural similarities between Ţambaaro
and other relatively distant groups such as Wolayta, Dawro, Jimma Oromo, etc is reflection of
marriage and market relations that have developed over the years. Elders claimed no
Kambatta ancestors came along with the original seven brothers, when I asked them to check
whether there linguistic similarity might have any relation due to this shared migration.
Informants declare that Tambaaro is ethnogenically akin to Alaba, Sidama, and Qebena.
“Sidama, Alaba, Qebena and Tambaaro are one as far as ‘blood stem’ is concerned,” declared
one man.
36
Boyye
3.5.1. The Tambaaro –Kambatta Relationship Question
Local informants particularly had a strong remark when they comment on the TambaaroKambatta retaliations. They stated that some Kambatta people consider themselves as part of
the Kambatta which they rejected. ‘Yeqolla Kembatawoch yilun neber,’ said one informant,
meaning, ‘The Ţambaaro are lowlander Kambatta.’ I also came across with some literatures
which make a strong claim that Tambaaro and other smaller ethnic groups in the vicinity were
originally part of the ‘greater’ Kambatta. (See Tesfaye Habiso and Haile Daniel Megicho, 1992)
The writer alludes to conceptual frameworks use to define what a nationality means and thus
arrives at the conclusion. One informant said intense ideological struggles were made to arrive
at the fact that Ţambaaro are not one of Kambatta ethnogenically. ‘Linguistic similarity does
not guarantee ethnogenic oneness automatically.’ argued one informant, a statement which
appears to be pregnant with profound hypothesis. This means that two ethnic groups sharing
similar linguistic, cultural and geographic factors may not necessarily be of the same
ethnogenic stem.
Some informants made a boldly clear statement that Ţambaaro has no ethnogenic link except
for in a distant past probably. According to informants, Tambaaro is distinctly different from
Kambatta in terms of its unique history of ethnogenic origins; the way its current intranationality grouping and composition; the psycho- spiritual make up and identity; the nonmaterial culture and the institutions of marriage, wedding, mourning, funeral, etc. the relation
Ţambaaro has had with Kambatta was not thus ethnogenic rather it was sharing contiguous
geographical region and subjection into the administrative umbrella; the Kambatta Awraja for
long period and time ( from post-Menilik era to 1980s). These long years’ geographic and
administrative closeness led to a linguistic mutual intelligibility between the two, as local
intellectuals argued.
According to some local informants, the claim by some Kambatta that Tambaaro is their own
is generated by the Kambatta’s interest to boost up their demographic size by including
Tambaaro. This is often generated by the spirit of competition with the Hadya.
3.6. Indigenous Inhabitants the Land
Ancestral Lamala Moolla must have dealt with lots of geographic, natural and manmade
challenges as they trekked their way to the present land. One such expected challenge is
dealing with resistance from the occupants of the lands where they passed through,
temporarily camped and permanently settled. The time of their dispersion in mid 16 th C, was
when the country, including the central and western south, was undergoing turbulent ethic
migrations, civil wars and population growth was taking place. Vacant lands were gradually
being occupied, and in some areas strong kingdoms and dynasties were already established
(e.g. Wolayta Malla kingdom, Keffa Kingdom, Oyata Dynasty in Kambata, Kalmana dynasties
in wide south west areas including the land Ţambaaro presently occupy.
According to elders, however, there were yet ample vacant land at the time, although the
localities they temporarily passed through and camped at had inhabitants. There was not
strong fighting with the people of the lands where they camped or passed through. Our main
interest here is: who were the indigenous inhabitants of the current Ţambaaro land? What
form of resistance was there? What happened to these indigenous ethnic groups? According to
elders, the indigenous inhabitants at the time of the arrival of the ancestral Ţambaaro were
already maintaining a kingdom, called the Kalmana Dynasty. Although there are differences in
views regarding whether the Kalmana ruled other contemporaneous groups, it seems that
Kalmana was one of the pre- Ţambaaro groups from which a king ruled all other groups. The
other groups were Gondorima Handarama, Beella and Woçifina. Thus, the four main groups
were ruled by the Kalmana group.
Legend says that the indigenous Kalmana dynasty was running a strong government at the
time of the arrival of the Lamala Moolla groups. It was narrated that the Kalmana King lived in
a state compound so strong that it had 7 fences. His resistance to yield to the invading new
occupant was finally overcome by a political marriage and it was noted that the ancestors took
37
the king’s daughter in marriage and it was she who led the invading squad to the compound
and the king was finally defected. He was said to flee to the lowland and escape beyond
crossing Ommo. A different version of oral tradition states king Waqqo swum to his death in a
marshy point in the Ommo River valley, with his historic horse. Some myth among the
descendants of the Kalmana clan states the point at which Waqqo was drowned is marked by
an incessant outflow of fire smoke above the ground.
The ruins of Kalmana state compound is currently located at a place called Hoyo, same 15 km
distance from Lammo River. The site is located in a farm plot owned by a local farmer.
Photo 3.1. An artist’s impression of the
design/ layout of ancient palace of King
Waqqo of Kalmana, Ţambaaro. The
numbers indicate the seven quarters of
the palace divided each by massive dug
out earth mound and ditches. Number 1
is the king’s quarter; Number 6 was
public tribunal and assembly point
Ţambaaro oral tradition says many preexisting populations of Kalmana, Woçifina and
others were killed; some escaped to various
areas, including Jimma, Goffa, Dawro, etc.
Those who gave in hands continued to live
peacefully, gradually getting into the main
stream. The Kalmana rule was thus
overthrown and its people overrun and
defeated. It is interesting to note that the
Kalmana group is also an indigenous ethnogroup in Gomonoid areas, such as Basketo.
The remnants Gondorima, Handarama and
Woçifina assimilated into Ţambaaro group;
today remnants of these indigenous groups
are part of the Ţambaaro Nationality, through intermarriages; they are, according to
informants, not marginalized. It is also interesting to note that the Kalmana-ruled groups were
not the most indigenous groups in Ţambaaro land. Oral tradition of Ţambaaro Nationality
states that some groups precede the Kalmana ruled groups, which overrun and overcome their
predecessors.
38
Photo 3.2. Photographic view
ancient Kalmana headquarters
of
the
Thus, according to informants, Kalmana came
from Maçça (the Ţambaaro term for Jimma
Oromo); they overrun indigenous peoples,
Gudda-Magada groups and took the land, the
latter being either exterminated or escaped to
other area. According to elders, these GuddaMagada people were the first inhabitants of the
pre-Ţambaaro -pre-Kalmana land. They said
they did not know whether any other groups
precede Gudda-Magada.
The time of the habitation of the GuddaMagada groups (which has yet to be verified
by historical evidences) and the period of
Kalmana occupation of the land was not
known. The Kalmana dynasty might have been
an Omotic group and it probably had been part
of the Enariya Kingdom of the pre-16th c.
Informants, including the descendants of the
group, were not aware of whether the Kalmana
group that exists in Basketo Special Woreda,
far south west of Ţambaaro, belonged to their
own group. But they suspected that it might be
the case because at the time of the clash with the Lamala Moolla groups the Kalmana
migrated to various parts of the country in many directions.
39
Photo 3.3. A View of the topography of Muleta Gofore locality an epicenter of ancient
Kalmana king and his palace (now inhabited by different Tambaaro groups)
However, local intellectuals claim the Kalmana and Woçifina groups were the remnants of the
Keffa groups who were pushed to the present land during the Oromo expansion in the mid 16 th
century. On the other hand, the Gondorima, Handarama and Bella groups were said to have
been remnants of the Hoffa groups, an indigenous inhabitant of the Sidama land. However,
this hypothesis is in direct contrast with the well- established oral tradition among the
remnants of the groups who claim a northern Ethiopian origin and further an Arabic origin.
3.6.1. Further Views on the Question of Pre - Ţambaaro
Population Groups
The questions of who the earliest inhabitants of the present day Tambaaro land, what
succession stages expired from the earliest inhabitants to the Ţambaaro coming, where have
the pre -Ţambaaro populations gone, where did they come from, at what time did they come,
how long each successive inhabitants lived in the land, etc, are normally expected from at
ethno-history study of the Ţambaaro.
Answering these questions successfully and soundly depends on the validity and soundness of
the information sources and the techniques involved. It demands extensive and sophisticated
analysis of linguistic, ethnologic, archeological, phenotypical (DNA), archeological sciences.
These are not at the reach of the present study team and the purpose of the study also
doesn’t generally dwell too much on these. However, to answer these questions at least at a
preliminary, shallow level, we had used the currently existing evidences: Oral tradition,
historical material evidences and direct interview with some of the descendants of the pre Ţambaaro inhabitants.
Our discussions with Lamala Moolla proper elders and descendants of the recent preŢambaaro groups revealed some useful, provocative results, though they are also conflicting.
40
At current available oral tradition evidence, inventory of pre-Ţambaaro populations of the land
include; Gudda, Magada, Erero, Masincho, Dodda, Wuça, Hanţala, Sigga, Gondorima,
Handarama, Beella, Kalmana, and Woçifina. Some local writers include other indengneous
inhabitants such as Dame- Wocashu, Seika- Zada, Duga, Komina, Maka, Golodam,
Shodoqamo, Guftamo, Deme Woshesha, etc as part of the first wage of migrants who came
and settled at the land (See Haile- Mariam Desta 1999). These writers claim the Boshaic and
Keffaic origin of these groups. We are at present not sure of whether these inventory is
complete and exhaustive; neither are we confident of which groups exactly were
contemporaneous and the exact successive stages in which the groups lived. Although,
according to informants, Gudda and Magada are mentioned as the most indigenous of all the
pre-Ţambaaronites, we don’t know whether a pre-Gudda and Magada populations existed in
the land. The question of when and why they came; how these groups begun to adapt
themselves to the land; where they came from; their religious philosophy and political system
as well as social organization remain unclear. However, some local writers claim these groups
were from Bosha (Garo) and Keffa areas, probably being of Omotic origin.
Some relatively better oral tradition exists about Gudda Magada groups. According to these
sources, they lived a simple, primitive communal life as hunters and gatherers. They cared
nothing about other affairs, such as relations with neighbors, etc. A current proverb, “Don’t be
like Gudda and Magade” suggests a person who is careless and lazy. We do not know who the
contemporaneous groups of Gudda and Magada were. Probably Erero and Masincho might
have been. But Informants had no information on the latter two. Some elders argued that
Gudda and Magada population groups were replaced by the latter comers: Dodda, Wuça,
Hanţala, Sigga groups. Our current oral tradition source doesn’t tell us whether these were
contemporaneous or successors of Gudda and Magada. Informants generally believed (both
pre-Ţambaaro inhabitants and Ţambaaro proper) Gudda and Magada were totally annihilated
by the Dodda-, Wuça groups. The former were pictured as simple and defenseless to the
Dodda- Wicca onslaught.
Informants generally believe a third stage successors existed in pre- Ţambaaro land. These
were the most recent pre- Ţambaaronites. The inventory needles to mention, includes;
Kalmana, Woçifina, Gondorima, Handarama and Beella. According to informants
(representatives of these recent pre-Ţambaaronites), the Dodda, Wuça, Hanţala, and Sigga
groups were defeated and presumably destroyed by the Kalmana groups. Our attempt to find
remnants of the Dodda, Wuça, and Hanţala and Sigga groups was not successful. One
informant from the recent pre-Ţambaaronites informed us that he suspected one Dodda family
existed some were in Kambatta. But this needs further cross- checking. Otherwise, the
whereabouts of Wuça, Hanţala and Sigga is not known. A complete extinction of these groups
was suggested by informants. Some writers argued that groups like Kalmana and Woçifina
from Keffa; Handarama, Gondoroma and Beela form Gonder; Bagana from Sidama; Wonigra,
Weshesha, Zamina, Oagata, Bubula, etc were also originally Boshaic (Garroic) and Keffaic,
being Omotic. The groups were considered as part of the second wave of migrants who came
and settled at the land.
Some informants argued the Dodda- Wuça groups were not contemporaneous with the Sigga,
Hanţala groups. They said these succeeded the Dodda, Wuça group by annihilating or chasing
out the latter. Others argued except the Gudda- Magada groups, all the rest were the recent
pre -Ţambaaronites but this hypothesis does not seem valid, because if it were so, we would
have found some remnants of the Dodda-Wuça and Hanţala, Sigga groups among the present
Ţambaaro population.
Nothing was known about where the Dodda –Wuça and Sigga- Hanţala groups first lived
before they came to Ţambaaro land, how they came, when and how long they stayed before
their annihilation by the Kalmana- Woçifina groups. Further research is needed to check out
these intriguing questions. However, according to some writers (see for example Haile Mariam
Desta, 1999) the first inhabitants of the land such as Gudi-Magada, Golodam, Shdoqamo,
Guftamo, Deme Woshesha, , Wuça, Dodda, Hantala Sigga, etc… fled to either Wolayta area or
went back to their original areas in Bosha (Garro) and Keffa. It is interesting to not that today,
41
in Wolayta groups with simial clan names exist: Maka, Komine, Woshesha, Zamine, Bubula,
etc. The current official clan list of Wolayta, however, does not include in its inventory the
names of Hantala, Siga, Dodda, Wuca, Duga, Dame Wocasha, Erer Massiwa, Dawi Digala, etc.
Gudda- Magada Groups
Gudda – Magada Groups
Erero- Masiwa, Dawwa -Digala,
Dodda- Wuça, Hanţala- Sigga,
Dame- Wocashu, Seika- Zada,
Duga, Komina, Maka, Groups
Erero- Masiwa Groups
Dawwa- Digala Groups
Dodda- Wuça Groups
Hanţala- Sigga Groups
Kalmana, Woçifina, Gondorima,
Handarama, Beella Groups
Lamala Moolla and ‘Associate’
Groups
Latter-day Comer Groups
Kalmana- Woçifina (Keffa); Gondorima,
Handarama and Bella (Gonder); Bagana
from Sidama, Wonigira, Woshesha,
Zamina, Ogata, Bubula from Garro
(Bosha)
Lamala Moolla and ‘Associate’
Groups
Latter-day comer Groups
Fig. 3.7. Two models of the temporal succession of population groups in
Tambaaro land
3.6.2. The Ethno-genesis of Kalmana, Woçifina and
Gondorima- Handarama Groups
Relatively better and richer oral tradition and material eco-facts exist on Kalmana, Woçifina,
Gondorima groups. Regarding the primary habitations, their encounters with both their
predecessors and successors, what status they have currently, etc. Interview with the
remnant descendants of these groups revealed interesting ‘facts’. These recent preŢambaaronites, according to the informants, were descendants of the same ancestor.
Informants based their source kept for centuries by elders.
A confirmed agreement among all the informants coming from these groups is that their
ancestors descended down from an apical founder some where in Yemenia Arab in an
unknown past. They refer to an apical ancestor, Haji Abrha who was an ethno-genetic source
for all the five groups. According to them, Woçifina and Kalmana were brothers, their farther
being Adiyo. Gondorima, Handarama and Bella were brothers, their father being Wakene (a
version, Wakamo was also mentioned)
Informants from the Gondorima, Handarama and Beella group claim the time from their
founding ancestor to the generations of their sons covers about 37 generations (in some cases
38 generations). Informants from the Kalmana- Woçifina group trace their genealogies
beginning from their sons up to Adiyo about their genealogies beginning from their sons. The
route their ancestors took during the itinerary included: Yemen- crossing sea –Gonder &
Gojjam – Keffa – Bosha – Ţambaaro. A relatively (seemingly) well- informed informants from
these groups argued these Kalmana. Gondorima groups brought their Arabic culture and
42
language which they forgot through their long year’s period of movement. All these groups
lived longer period of time at Bosha, present day Kaffa area.
According to one informant, for the Gondorima, Handarama & Bella groups, his ancestor
named Wakena lived at Gonder, at a specific place called Debre-Tabor, coming from Yemen,
Arabia. Then after long years of stay there, his three sons, Gondorima, Handarama and Beella
(we are not sure whether these names are exact person names or clan names) moved to Keffa
and they finally to Ţambaaro. With minor differences in narrations as to the time, route,
names of persons and places, all the same ethnogenic root. Their reference to the out –ofEthiopia, Arabian roots is, however, at dissonance with the existing recent evidences which
seem to disprove the out of Ethiopia origin view
The informants argued their ancestors were Muslim; this was evidenced from the apical
ancestor’s name Haji Abrha. It is probable, if the out of Ethiopia hypothesis is plausible, that
the ancestors of these groups (Abrha being left there at Yemen, probably), might have come
to Ethiopia some time after the coming of the first Muslim migrants in the 8 th c. If we take the
37 – 38 generations that elapsed between Haji Abrha and the last youngest existing
generation, and if we take averages 25 and 40 years as minimum and maximum duration of a
generation, we get the following chronological fact.
38 generations by 40 years = 1520 years 2009-1520 = 489 A.D
38 generations by 25 years = 950 years
2009 – 950 = 1059 A.D
Average of the two 1235 years (1520 + 950 /2 = 1235 years)
2009 – 1235 = 774 A.D
We get the average estimate date at 774 A.D. which is comfortably with in the time of the first
Muslim emigration to Ethiopia in the 8 th century. Thus, the ancestors of the present day
Kalmana Gondorima groups landed on the Ethiopian soil earliest in around 489 A.D latest in
1059 A. D and more probably in 770s A. D, assuming the out of Ethiopian origin and the 38
generations period is valid.
However, as indicated above, some local intellectuals do not accept this oral tradition and
offered their own version. They argued that the Kalmana- Woçifina groups were Omotic
groups that were part of the ancient Keffa kingdom and pushed to the Ţambaaro land by the
Oromo expansion movement. The Gondorima, Handarama groups were viewed as
descendants of the ancient Hoffa people, an indigenous inhabitant group in Sidama. Further
studies are suggested to determine which of the views are of more valid weight historically.
We cannot reject any of the views at the present state.
43
Haji Abrha
Wakamo/ Wakena
Wakamo/ Wakena
Adiyo
Kalmana
Gondorima
Handarama
Woçifina
Beella
King Waqqo
Today’s descendants: 9th generations
from Waqqo
Fig. 3.8. The recent pre-Ţambaaronite population groups Genealogy
According to a Gondorima group informant, the ancestors of the group first spoke “Geez” (it
might be probable they also spoke ‘Kizziňa’ which other similar groups who claim Gonder
origin spoke). This informant argued the Gondorima groups entered to the Tambaaro land in a
different route: Gonder, Debre Tabour – Gojam – Central Shoa – Qabena – Tambaaro. The
Kalmana and Woçifina groups entered to Tambaaro from Jimma side, as this informant
claimed).
The Gondorima-Handarama group traces their origin as far as to Gonder where their apical
ancestor Wakena lived and died, His three sons immigrated as pastoral nomads to the present
land. Gonno Lugano was claimed to be the first spot in Tambaaro whose Kalmana settled. The
name Kalmana means that which lives temporarily without permanent settlement. The
meaning is in Kefficho, the language of Keffa Nationality. According to informants, one of
Woçifina sons Gerammo left the land after Lamala Molla’s arrival and subsequent clashes.
Today the descendants live in Hadya area. The Woçifina living in Tambaaro are called the
descendants of Gotte. The other two sons of Woçifina Çebro and Sadiyo probably had
remained at Keffa. Today their descendants live in Qoqna, Bosha, Dawro, Wagefeta, and
Hadya.
Informants disclosed that the descendants of these groups are currently found in other areas,
apart from Tambaaro. For example, Kalmana groups are found in Hadya (Wagefata), Jimma
Oromo area and Dawro. (Informants, however, were not aware whether the Kalmana groups
in Basketo Special Woreda which are regarded as the earliest inhabitants of the land, later
dominated by Goshana’a and Goirena’a groups are in any way linked to the Tambaaro
Kalmana. But it is probable if the Kalmana that crossed over to Dawro from Tambaaro, then
they might have also managed to arrive at Basketo Special Woreda). The Gondorima,
Handarama and Beella group are said to be found in Wolayta (Gesuba area), Jimma,
Kambatta, Hadya; some informants did not claim the Arab- Yemen origin. The descendants of
44
Gondorima, Handarama and Beella in Wolayta called the sons of Liramo live in Boloso Sorre
area, as informants indicated.
The time of the Kalmana- Gondorima groups coming to Tambaaro land is not exactly known. It
is not clear after which generation the groups began to live at Tambaaro. If what a Kalmana
informant said was true, that he was the 9th generation counting from Waqqo that if it was
Waqqo who came to Tambaaro land, then this time frame seems improbable because it
doesn’t go back when we trace the time of the coming of the Lamala Moolla ancestors (on
average, Lamala Moolla informants count about 12 generations since Moolla’s ‘seven sons’ left
‘Yemerera’). This point needs further investigation.
Religious Identity of the Kalmana- Gondorima Groups
The ancestors of the Kalmana- Gondorima groups were originally Muslim assuming their
founding ancestor Haji Abrha was a valid fact of history. Then on their way they abandoned
this religion and assumed a different religion. According to one well informed informant, the
Kalmana and Woçifina groups got their new religious cult called Yejjo (a variant name Yerro
which is also commonly practiced among the Keffa group and diffused to other peoples such
as the Me’enit in Bench Maji; see Zerihun Doda, 2008): and the Gondorima- Handarama and
Beella group got a new religious cult Wombo from Keffa nationality. Oral tradition stets both
groups got it “through war.” That is, when they went to fight in war with some groups, they
killed each of the persons who were the mediums of the cults. So the spirit “Wuqabi” was
transferred to the killers. Since then, these cults continued to be and play dominant roles in
their general life ways.
According to informants, these Wombo and Yerro supernatural beings were very fierce and
revengeful. Latter when the Tambaaro proper came, they also began gradually to accept these
cults adding to their own or replacing it. It was often stated that the Tambaaro, in their latter
period, had great recourse to these “gods” to “help them” win battles” with the Wolayta, the
“Maçça” and other neighbors. Informants state these cults over the years have greatly
suffered a lethal blow following Christian influence especially Protestantism and now practically
speaking, the cults have became obsolete.
Economic Systems of the Kalmana- Gondorima Groups
The Kalmana- Gondorima were simple horticulturalists (cultivators of land) and cattle herders
at the time the Lamala Moolla groups arrived in their land; crops such as cotton, sorghum,
etc, were produced before the arrival of the Lamala Moolla.
Political and Military Organization of the Kalama- Gondorima Groups
As indicated earlier, there were conflicting views on the encounters between the indigenous
population groups and the new comer groups of Lamala Moolla and their ‘associates.” Two
opposite views were given; one stated there was no war whatsoever between the two and
thus peaceful settlement and gradual assimilation of the two occurred; the other states the
Kalmana staged fierce war. Views on the nature and relationship of the various existing preTambaaro groups were also not uniform. Some informants claimed the Kalmana group was the
ruler over the other four groups. Others stated all the different groups conducted their own
independent political- social life; no one was subjugated to the other. The Kalmana and
Woçifina group lived in their separate habitat peacefully with the Gondorima, Handarama and
Beella group, which had also its own territory.
There is a strong evidence, an ecofact, that suggests the Kalmana group had fighting with
either the advancing Tambaaro proper (which many informants accepted ) or with others in
post- Tambaaro settlement era. The majestic and giant wall structure made of earth mound
and the ditch dug in seven rounds suggest a strong defense strategy (see the picture above).
Some informants argued when the Kalmana king strongly resisted the Lamala Moolla
advancers; they defeated him finally by a number of tricks (such as sending a herd of goats to
eat up the branches that cover the fences to the Kalmana’s policies and political marriage) and
finally drove him out, storming the palace. But the king was said to have escaped and
45
managed to get as far as Ommo valley, but sadly drown into his death with his horse in the
valley (some say Ommo River).
The Kalmana- Gondorima Group in Current Tambaaro
Currently, the Kalmana and Woçifina groups are represented by one ‘magaba’ in the Tobbee
Magaba, council of the Tambaaro corporate group (a magaba is a head of a clan group that
represents the group in the traditional general assembly of the Lamala Moolla); similarly the
Gondorima, Handarama and Beella groups are represented by one magaba. According to
informants, the new comer Tambaaro proper respected and acknowledged their predecessor
inhabitants as the “bushu manna”, meaning, ‘the people of the land.’ Discriminations against
them have been minimally compared with those of the marginal caste groups. Yet still, the
Kalmana -Gondorima groups are demographically very weak. Few household heads existed
(although Kalmana informants claimed about 500 household heads existed in different
kebeles. The Beella group seems to be the weakest demographically.
3.6.3. Where are the Pre- Kalmana-Gondorima Groups?
As indicated earlier, of the 10 or so distinct people-groups that were claimed to have lived in
the land at different time periods before the Ţambaaro proper came, only descendants of the
most recent indigenous groups are found. All local informants more or less agreed there are
today no traces of the other groups in the Tambaaro land, although some writers suggest that
the groups might have migrated to Wolayta areas and Bosha and Garo areas in Keffa. As
indicated above, the current clan inventory of Wolayta seems to confirm at least partially, this
view because it contains some of the clan groups that were made to leave the land. The
earliest inhabitants of all, the Gudda- Magada group, were said to have been already
annihilated long before the arrival of the Kalmana- Gondorima groups. No conclusive
information and agreement is given on the state of the other groups such as Dawwa- Digala,
Erero- Masiwa, and Hantala –Sigga, Seika- Zada, Golodam, Shodoqamo, Guftamo, etc.
Of the groups, there was an indication as to the existence of the Dodda- Wuça groups
somewhere outside Ţambaaro. Dodda and Wuça groups are said to exist in Alaba and
Kambatta areas. Informants also suggested the Dodda group particularity also currently live in
Wolayta. It is probable that the name Dodda is one of common person (male) names in
Wolayta. Quite jokingly enough, my own father’s names, Dodda, suggests there might exist
some valid link between the Dodda groups which were extinguished from or chased out of
Ţambaaro land.
In all likelihood the Doyo lineage which is a vast group that lives as a Doyaha family in all
Wolayta area, particularly in Damot Gale, Boloso Sorre, Duguna Pango woredas. The Doyo
group, according to Wolayta elders, is also found in Hadya where they call them “Doddich
manna” (meaning the Dodda men). If it is valid that the extinguished distant pre- Ţambaaro
Dodda group are ethnogenically linked to the ‘Dodda’ (or Doyaha lineage, one of the 113
lineages in Wolayta) group of Wolayta, then we argue that the Dodda group did come
originally from Gammoland. Wolayta elders argued three brothers, Womo, Doyo and Dammo
whose father’s name not known among the informants) left their original land in Gammo area
and occupied different parts of southwest Ethiopia, particularly, Wolayta, Hadarro, Kambatta,
Adilo, and Hadya areas.
At current level of knowledge among the local informants, it is not known what type of
livelihood, religious, political and social-organizational systems did these various pre-KalmanaGondorima inhabitants of Ţambaaro land led. It is recommended that these and related other
dimensions of these pre- Tambaaronite population groups and traces of their current states
need to be investigated.
3.7. Ţambaaro Ethnic Identity Markers
It is worth-noting that every ethnic group has its own systems of institutions, beliefs, values
and practices that make up the essential elements of the group’s ethnic identity. Among the
Ţambaaro Nationality, informants conceptualize the question Ţambaaro as an independent
entity in terms of its having had developed its own unique cultural elements such as customs,
46
cuisines, funeral rituals, marriage practices, and having had its own geopolitical identity; and
its unique ethno-historical development. Informants also mention linguistic factor as a
yardstick of their identity that it has its own corpus of terms, expressions, language rules.
There are the most important aspects of such elements which we may term as ethnic identity
markers. These identity markers have over the years come to have attainted universal
acceptance among all the various groups of the Nationality. The elements that are very
popular which we are going to describe below were originally the cultural creations of the
Lamala Moolla groups. Today, due to various factors, there are no dominantly known and
widely accepted cultural institutions and practices that make up the pan- Ţambaaro ethnic
identity originating from the pre-Tambaaro population groups. It is interesting to note that
today, all the different ethnogenic and social groups in Tambaaro perceive these cultural
values and practices as their own and hence use to define their ethnic identity.
Plants and trees occupy central place in Tambaaro ethnohistory. Of these, three specific plants
stand out conspicuously: sorghum, masincho, (Bisana, Amharic; English equivalence to be
determined) and sycamore.
3.7.1. The Masincho tree
The masincho tree is a marker for continuity of ancestral relations with progeny. It is revered
at household level, whereby living sons plant this tree at the graveyard of dead parent
(father). Individual family level spiritual rituals are conducted as a symbol of honor and
respect for dead ancestors.
3.7.2. The Yelelo: the White Sorghum
The sorghum plant, called yelelo, is commemorated as a historic plant which was traveled and
carried over in a bag all the way with the ancestral fathers. It was the ancestors’ laboratory
specimen for testing and experimenting with the would-be land on which the ancestors would
finally settle.
It was noted that the white sorghum, yelelo, was one that defined Tambaaro ethic identity.
Yelelo occupies near equal respect and love as that of Dagale. Legend has it that when the
ancestors the ‘seven tribes’, left their original habitat at ‘Yemerera’, they took with them this
yelelo, and at every stop they made, they tested by planting this crop and if the land
‘received’ this crop they would stay there. In so doing, they finally came to their final
destination at the present Tambaaro land called Tuppa, where the land ‘received’ the crop and
gave bounteous produce.
During the Masala (the Cross) festival, where the oxen are ready for slaughtering, they would
first utter words of blessing, saying, “Ate maros! Masinchu maçoc! Meaning let the Emperor
have mercy on us! Let the masincho tree hear our prayers! The tree has also another use in
religious economic field. When a person wants to demarcate a meadow so that no livestock or
people intrude, he takes a freshly cut branch of the masincho tree and tie it to a pole and
erect the pole amidst the meadow and no one would dare to touch it, as it is believed it would
incur a lethal risk on the any one who dares to touch it.
47
3.7.3. ‘Dagale’ Sacred Tree
Dagale’ literally meaning broad and wide is a sycamore. It is called odicho in local term.
According to a local intellectual, the tree is over 360 years old. The age is estimated and
measured by the generations that elapsed since the first ancestors came and settled. Located
at the center of the Town, this sacred tree is said to have been planted by the first ancestors
when they came to the present settlement. The tree with a very huge thickness, unique
stature and branches is believed to be in a shape of a woman genuflecting in prayer. It was
claimed to be named after the name of a women named ‘Dagale’ who was said to have the
power of cursing and blessing.
The tree is regarded as a shining element in the Tambaaro ethnohistory. The tree is highly
loved, respected and in some sections almost worshipped. Major ethno-political, social issues
were settled under the tree site.
Photo 3.4. Dagale Sacred Tree taken from tow opposite directions Note the branch
that is bent down and touching the ground, perceived by some as the tree kneeling
in prayer
The sacred tree is a place where political, spiritual and social issues are discussed and
decisions are passed. It is a venue for community gathering for various important social,
political and spiritual matters. The traditional leaders, the womma, would declare and
broadcast important political, spiritual, social events from the headquarters’ of this tree. It is
the very tribunal and assembly hall. Cursing and blessings are evoked here. Matters that
affect the politico- social wellbeing of larger society (beyond individual household levels) are
taken for discussion and adjudication to this site. Clan elders’ representatives would execute
words of blessings and cursing where occasions for such events arise. This is a traditional
justice tribunal where the traditional judges (clan leaders) with spiritual aura are feared and
respected highly. Once upon time, during Dergue era (1974-1991), a man stole 30,000 Birr
from a certain home and the victim took the matter to the leaders for revealing the thief. The
leaders announced they would execute cursing ceremony and before they do so the thief was
(anonymously) informed to reveal himself. He then brought the money and threw it at the
victim’s home anonymously and thus was spared the lethal punishment believed to be
effective when the clan elders pronounce it invoking the names of their ancestors and their
Gamabala Magano, the black god of the sky) see in the section that deals with religion).
The Dagale sacred tree site also served as a venue where clan leaders would congregate the
people at the times of wars and would say prayers, pointing to heaven at Magano and
48
blessings are pronounced on the fighting soldiers who would then march to the war fronts
(wars were quite common with the Hadya, Wolayta, Oromo and others. during early 20 thc and
prior to that. in 2000, a community- scale gathering at Dagale sacred tree site was made in
the wake of post- election conflicts (The second Election, 2000 saw an opposition party
winning the entire Tambaaro area constituents).
The most recent such type of assembly was made in ca. 2005. In 2004/5, there was a
movement to bring together representatives of Sidama and Tambaaro nationalities. The
initiative was taken by a certain man of Tambaaro living in Hawassa. The purpose was to
rekindle ethnic oneness between the two nationalities. Tambaaro representatives went to
Hawassa and meeting was organized whereby re-orientation of the ‘lost group’ to its parent
clan was made and celebrations rituals performed. Then Sidama representatives came to
Tambaaro and met with the latter, rituals and covenants were made under the Dagale tree.
The Dagale sacred tree is also used as a site where some community members, especially
poor ones would pray to the sprit of the tree, making covenants and evoking help requests.
The tree is believed by some as one capable of hearing prayers, embodying a spirit. They
would anoint butter on the trunks and spill milk and other liquids on it.
In the past, the people regarded the tree as a temple of supernatural being, where they would
worship, pray, covenant, and adjudicate. ‘Dagale Magano’ ‘The God of Dagale.’ The present
generation has now abandoned this practice and the tree is generally losing its spiritual aura.
The tree is still considered as the ethnic tree of the entire Tambaaro nationality. No one would
dare touch the tree; even fallen pieces and parts of the tree are not taken for fire wood.
3.7.4. Ethnic Colors as Identity Markers
The current woreda administration has officially instituted its ethnic color identity, which
constitutes four: black, white, red and green. According to an informant, this is meant to
recognize the nationality’s ethno-religious root. Thus, the ethnic apparel of Tambaaro
nationality is a pattern with these four basic colors. According to intellectually informed
informants, black represents the Gamabala Magano, black God of the sky. The color black also
represents the “sympathy of the Lamala Moolla ancestors which they had for their brothers left
in the original Sidama land’ and also presumably the brotherly unity that now seems to exist
among all the different groups in the pan-Tambaaro Nationality.
White color represents the yelelo (q.v.). This ethnohistoric whitish sorghum is until to day a
highly revered, status food. It is served when cooked in various forms with cheese to status
guests. (Cheese is called wajo qeesa).
Red stands for the Tambaaro heroic defense of their ethno-geo-political identity over the
centuries, including their patriotic feats during Italian occupation, 1936-41. According to
informants, Tambaaro men have bravely fought during Adowa war (1896). For example a
certain Tambaaro, named Defaça is still remembered as a brave fighter.
Green is a symbol for the luster and productive land they inhabit, a land that flows with
numerous rivers forming several waterfalls and also over 300 springs, although the number of
sprigs is now declining due to changing climate and environmental factors.
49
Photo 3.5. A Buluko (big sized sheet hand-woven from cotton thread) with three
basic ethnic colors. Green is missing
50
CHAPTER FOUR
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION AND ASPECTS OF MARGINALIZATION
This Chapter attempts to provide brief overview of the aspects, trends, and manifestations of
social stratification in Ţambaaro Nationality. Social stratification refers to the manners and
patterns of social divisions within a given group of people whereby the different sub- groups
are assigned differential access to and utilization of power and resources in society. According
to sociologists, all societies manifest at least some level of social stratification with unequal
access to and possession of power and resources. The manner and characteristic of these
stratifications differ from society to society. In modern, western societies, the basic factors in
social stratification is socio-economic status, whereas in traditional societies, ascribed (i.e.,
naturally occurring attributes such as birth into a certain group, gender, age, etc) play
important role.
4.1. Roots of Social Stratification in Ţambaaro
In Ţambaaro Nationality, social stratification has been basically associated with the ascribed
statuses of different groups and individuals within those groups. The social worth of an
individual and a family has been judged generally based on the person’s family and birth
background. Individuals and groups belonging to certain allegedly ‘ higher’, ‘purer’ and socalled ‘more descent’ family grounds have enjoyed higher social-political statuses and powers
was monopolized in their hands. Certain groups, on the other hand, have been subjected to
categorically ‘low’ and marginal social statuses.
Ţambaaro social structure is generally, albeit subtly, divided into the following divisions:
The ruling gerontocracy groups: this includes the threes wommas: traditional rulers,
who were responsible for managing and ruling the Nationality’s entire social, spiritual,
political affairs;
The common peasant groups: all persons belonging to the so-called ‘descent’ social
categories. These are found in all clans and ethno-historical groups;
The occupational caste group: This social category is further divided into:
o The potters’ group, represented with a ruler assigned the title of Erasha
o The tanners’ group, whose leader is assigned a title of Aldada
o The servants’ category, represented by ruler assigned a title of Debona
We will below describe these and other related dimensions of social stratification
in the Nationality. We will attempt to cast a historical touch to the issue by discussing the
origins of social stratification and marginalization and how these conditions have declined over
the years.
Within in this broader social stratification framework, there are further sub-stratifications,
particularity within the so-called ‘low’ caste groups. For example, within the artisan social
category, the potters’ or Erasha groups had enjoyed the lowest privilege and social status in
Ţambaaro ethnohistory. The so-called ‘servants’ or the Debona group had on the other hand
enjoyed the highest social status and privilege. This is based on the view that the ‘servants’
groups were of ‘purer’ or non- artisan group in their original areas before they were brought to
alien countries due to various factors such as being victims of war slave- raiding, etc. As we
will see below, these groups have today attained almost equal status with the other groups
now enjoying sharing power and positions in the highest echelons of the society. The Aldada
or the ‘tanners’ group have also relatively had better social statuses as they have currently
totally abandoned their original occupations that have granted them the despised occupational
caste status.
51
The ruling gerontocracy: the Wommas
The common peasant categories: all non-artisan occupational groups
The artisan, caste groups of potters, tanners and servants
Fig. 4.1. Social stratification in Ţambaaro Nationality
In a more subtle sense, there appears to exist (have existed) in Ţambaaro a form of social
stratification that was based on a different criterion that is difficult to designate. For example,
the Lamala Moolla group as a whole seemed to have enjoyed the highest social status
compared to others; this is because the supreme socio-political and spiritual leaders were
recruited from only from the Lamala Moolla group. Due to sharing similar alleged
ethnohistorical and migration experiences and their alleged covenanting, the three major
occupational groups (Erasha, Aldada and Debona) have had special acceptance in the Lamala
Moolla corporate community. Others such as the indigenous inhabitants were considered the
minority due to their decimated demographic size, though they were and are not marginalized
as the other occupational caste groups. The indigenous inhabitants were said to have
commanded particular sympathy from the Lamala Moolla, who proffered them a name, Buchu
manna meaning the people of the soil’. The various later-day comer groups from Wolayta,
Dawro, Hadya, Oromo, Amhara, etc, have enjoyed more or less equal statuses.
The introduction of the Amharic rule into the area reinforced the social stratifications and the
resultant manifestations of discriminations. The hierarchies of the social strata increased and
got more pronounced following the Menilikan incorporation. This has been more or less the
case in other parts of the country as well (Donham, 1974)
Below we shall present detail dimensions of the marginalized groups and their current statuses
and trends in the process of marginalization.
The introduction of Protestant Christianity together with modern political and social currents of
thoughts has over the years helped shape positive attitude towards the discriminated,
marginal groups (Wolde Sellasie, 2001).
4.2. The Three Major Occupational Caste Groups: An
Introduction
Narrated from the perspective of informants from the Lamala Moolla groups, three distinct
social groups came together with the Lamala Moolla. They were given official titles: Erasha,
Aldada and Debona. Erasha represents the potters’ group; Aldada, the tanners group and
Debona, the servants. As informants narrate, these three groups came from their original land
as covenant-associates. At a superficial level, it appeared these groups enjoyed equal rights in
all the politico-social lives the Ţambaaro corporate identity. As a version of hypothesis states,
children of these three groups do not get married with children of the Lamala Moolla because,
informants say, they had developed a quasi-ethnogenic, blood relationship through covenant
in their long years’ trek.
However, at deeper level, there exists the real story under the façade of assumed equality. In
real life, some of these groups, especially the potters’ group represented by Erasha, are
marginalized and subjected to various social-economic oppressions.
52
Over the years, however, due to various influences (modern politics, religion, education,
better economic opportunities, etc) there has been gradual assimilation especially the Aldada
and Debona groups. Some children of these groups have been tied in marriage with the
Lamala Moolla descendants. The Erasha groups, as informants say, have maintained their
original status, not mixing with the main stream society.
Informants from the potters’ groups complain that the Lamala Moolla don’t see themselves as
equal; children of the despised groups are marginalized, they are not given across to political
offices, they are discriminated in employment. Children of the Erasha group particularly rarely
go to schools, because, they complain, these educated Erasha are not hired due to
discrimination. According to some informants, the only comfortable, vacant opportunity for the
Erasha children has been serving in the military, where ‘’they don’t ask one’s ancestral root.’’
4.3. Erasha or Bete- Israel? The Question of the Potters’ Group
In Tambaaro
4.3.1. Ethnogenesis, Dispersion and Settlement: A Different
Story
Viewed from the perspectives of the marginal groups themselves, a more or less different
story emerges. According to informants from the potters group in Ţambaaro is quite very
different in terms of ethno-history, origins, and current identity. To begin with, the so-called
Erasha clan members completely reject the title Erasha saying it is given to them by the
others, with out their knowledge, and just to cover up the real exploitation and discrimination.
Informants draw a very sophisticated, broader and apparently logical picture regarding their
names, origins and identity. Thus, the so-called Erasha group in Tambaaro is not really the
descendants of the associates who joined the seven sons of Moolla. Rather, they are part of
the widely dispersed category of what they called the ‘’Bete Israel’’ now living in different parts
of the country, carrying different derogatory names and socio-economic discriminations.
According to these informants, the potter communities are called by different names in
different places: - Erasha in Ţambaaro, Çinasha in Wolayta, fuggicho in Kambatta, fugga in
Gurage, Gafat in Gojjam, Felasha in Gonder, etc. The Erasha or Fuggicho of Ţambaaro are
thus part of this total picture. As informants and other historical documents claim, these
groups whom they call themselves ‘’Bete-Israel’’ (House of Israel) refer to biblical, linguistic,
oral tradition evidences to justify that they are really descendants of the Israel-Jewish nation.
According to informants these currently despised potter and tanner groups had come from
Israel, following the collapse of the Jewish capital by the Roman Power inducing the historic
and global dispersion of the Jewish nation. Those who come to Ethiopia were said to have
crossed the red sea (time and manner of transport not known) and thus first settled at Gonder
and are the ancestors of the different potter groups in Ţambaaro, Kambatta, Hadya, Gurage,
Wolayta, etc. They managed to come southward some unknown time/ generations ago.
According to informants, there are over 58 different clans in southern Ethiopia especially in
Ţambaaro, Kambatta, Hadya, Woliso, Gurage, Wolayta, Yem, Keffa, etc. The Erasha group in
Ţambaaro thus belongs to some of the clans of these 58 different groups. The forefathers first
settled at places called Anara and Masmas when they came from Gonder. When they found life
difficult at north Ethiopia, they were dispersed into different direction: Jimma, Yem, Kambatta,
etc. Then the ancestors of the present Tambaaro ‘’potters’’ came back to Tambaaro from
Anara in Gurage and Yem.
The ancestors of the present day potters in Ţambaaro (and nearby areas) first managed to
come to the Masmas area in Hadya allegedly carrying their ark and live some time defending
themselves from the nearby groups. But when they were overpowered, they were dispersed to
Yem and beyond. Then after some time (duration not known) they migrated back and finally
came to Ţambaaro land and through various means began to settle.
53
As indicated above, in the Ţambaaro mainstream narration, one of the ‘’associates’’ who
joined the Lamala Moolla during the 16th century dispersion and eventual settlement in the
present day Ţambaaro were the ‘potters’ group – to whom they gave the title Erasha. In the
Ţambaaro mainstream narrative, all the ‘’potters’’ group now are viewed as Erasha clan
members.
But, in the narrative philosophy of the members of the group, this mainstream interpretation
and narration of history is only a tiny part of the ‘giant’ picture. As indicated above, current
so- called ‘Erasha’’ clan in Ţambaaro are thus made up of descendants of the ‘’Bete-Israel’’
groups who were dispersed into all parts of Ethiopia, including Sidama, where the origin of the
Ţambaaro proper is believed to be located. It is therefore probable that those who have come
together with the Lamala Moolla were descendants of these dispersed Bete Israel. According to
informants from the ‘Erasha’ group, who call themselves, the Bete- Israel, it might be that the
ancestors of two current clans, namely Gontana and Bossa, might have joined the Lamala
Moolla groups not necessarily from ‘Yemerera’ but on the way from Kambatta area, as the
Lamala Moolla passed through the route. The descendants of the Gontana and Bossa clans of
the ‘Bete Israel’ are currently found in Kambatta as well.
4.3.2. The Alleged Linguistic Evidence for the “Bete- Israel” Claim
by Potters’ Group
According to informants, the potters group living in Ţambaaro and elsewhere has the linguistic
evidence that they are actually the descendents of the Jewish Nation. Their language, Hebrew,
was gradually lost as the speakers became decimated and dispersed. As evidence, members of
the ‘’Bete Israel’’ group have kept certain secret words and expressions rooted in Hebrew. We
asked our informants to tell us some words and expressions which they did.
This linguistic claim was further supported by local intellectual informants, who recounted they
had attempted to crosscheck the language used by the “potters” in Ţambaaro with the
potters in Wolayta, Dawro, Hadya and Kambatta, where they spoke exactly the same
language. It seems if this were true then the potter groups dispersed all over the countryidentified by different local names were actually descendants of an original population group.
The claim by the informants that they belong to the ancient Gafat or Felasha group is then
substantiated; yet it needs further linguistic comparison of their dialect with the mother
Hebrew, also phenotypical and DNA tests might help very much to sort out this issue.
The current inventory of lineages is Tambaaro, within the ‘’Bete Israel” clan, according to an
informed informant – are 21 – these are the following.
1. Zengera
6. Shomole
11. Wayossa
16. Annossa
2. Neega
7. Bossa
12. Beedra
17. Fanerra
3. Gaja
8. Goswosso
13. Tontossa
18. Beddogo
4. Nesddo
9. Wontana
14. Borda maala
19. Gewosse
5. Hogiya
10. Meren manna
15. Gebrosso
20. Worosse
21. Offra
Fig 4.2. List of ancestral lines of the ‘Potters’
Tracing the genealogy from the line of one of our informants, taking his son’s generation as a
starting level, the ‘’Bete Israel’’ community have lived in and around Ţambaaro for about 11
generations. The founding ancestor, Zagnwa, was said to have come to Masmas (in Gibe
woreda, Hadya) some 13 generations ago – he gave birth to two sons. Zengera and Bagutee of
whom the former’s first son Mosqoriye came to Ţambaaro land 11 generations ago. He gave
birth to three sons (Hamlo, Hugato and Sherwoso) whose descendants now predominantly
inhabit Ţambaaro. According to informants, the descendants of Mosqoriye lineage predominantly
inhabit in Ţambaaro. They are also found in Wolayta, Oromiya, and Hadiya. Some of the
descendants of Hamlo went to Hadya some of Sherwosso’s descendants went to Oromiya
(Jimma area): Hugaţo’s descendants also live in Wolayta.
54
Clans now living in Kambatta as part of the “Bete Israel’’ corporate group include Ţontoso,
Gestesa, Mereno, Anosso, Badoge, Wontasa, Goshoso, Wayosa, Geja, Bossa and Hagiya. What
informants called the Masmas clans include Angode, Egiru and their sub branches: Qenumo,
Nega and Zegnuwa. The ‘’Ener and Endegan’’ groups include: Çakuza, Mikiyo, Dordiya, Anso,and
Hamburyo.
The above views of ethnogenesis and origins of various clans and lineages of the potters’ group
and the claim of the Bete Israel identity are presented here for the purpose of provoking future
attempts in this line of research. The informants who provided raw data for this presentation
have their own rights to claim the kind of view they believe to be valid. We cannot reject these
views as totally unfounded no more than we can do so to other views presented in this study. It
should be noted that we are not arguing the views are necessarily correct. They need further
verification.
4.3.3. Local Views of Origins of the Pottery Art
According to informants from the ‘’ Erasha’’ group, pottery skill was originally limited to one
clan from the ‘Bete Israel’’ community. This clan is called Saaga. This clan was the one which
also originally practiced pottery in Israel. This clan or people group disseminated the art of
pottery to the rest of clans. It is interesting to note that one of the original people groups that
inhabited the Ţambaaro and environing land before Ţambaaro ancestors came – was the Sigga
group. It is probable that this pre- Ţambaaronite group might well have been the Sagga of the
Bete –Israel. This claim is, though, by no means to be accepted as a valid one. It is only a
hunch we are throwing for further investigation.
According to informants, the origins of three major despised occupations are traced to
different times. Their original occupation was carpentry, which was practiced by all ancestors;
the pottery occupation was practiced by one clan from the beginning. The tannery occupation
was a borrowed skill from other groups who originally were tanners but latter left the practice,
as informants claimed.
Now, the other Ţambaaro members have gradually learned and accepted the skill of carpentry.
In the past, it was a shame for a Ţambaaro proper to engage in carpentry. But now, it has
become common. Pottery is not as such welcome among the ‘’pure’’ Ţambaaro. However,
there seems to be an emerging positive attitude towards the craft; some women have showed
an interest to engage in pottery as an income source. During the lean seasons when food
shortage is high, such tendencies are particularly high.
4.3.4. The Contribution of the Potters’ Group in the Economy
and Craftwork of Ţambaaro Nationality
A highly emotionally disturbing expression was made during an interview session with
informants from the ‘potters’ group. They argued that society discriminates them but enjoys
the very utensils which potters make using their creative skills. Nothing could be far from the
truth: practically ever material, art and craftwork in Ţambaaro have been made by the
despised groups. To engage in any of such art and craftwork have been shameful for those
who consider themselves ‘pure’.
The despised groups used to make and still continue making the water storing and drinking;
food cooking; milk drinking and storing; etc utensils through pottery. They used to makes the
stools, beds, coffin and other wooden art work-through their carpentry skills. They used to
soften the ‘beautiful bed cover from hide’ Through their tanning skill; they made wind-blown,
percussion and other musical instruments without which the wedding, mourning and funeral
ceremonies and festivals would have been unthinkable; these people provided medical
services: as traditional pharmacists, surgeons, birth-attendants, obstetricians, veterinarians,
etc… without which services the entire fabric of the society would have come to a halt.
4.3.5. Aspects of Marginalization
The explanation of why the Erasha or Bete Israel groups have been subjected to blatant and
open discrimination vary between the discriminated groups themselves and the mainstream
55
society. The mainstream version generally takes the blaming the victim approach. In this
sense, the commonly accepted explanation is that the potters’ group themselves brought upon
themselves the problem due to their own weaknesses and their engagement in some practices
that are not acceptable in the society. Examples of such practices include ‘eating carcasses of
dead animals’ and failing to keep their personal and home hygiene.
But informants from the potters’ group provided a very different and probably more logical
explanation. They argued that the potters’ group have been subjected to various forms of
marginalization and discrimination first and for most due to the fulfillment of the biblical
prophesy. One enlightened informant who claimed he had found the answer to all the root
causes of the troubles of what he calls ‘My people”, the Bete-Israel, was due to the curse that
was spelled up on the Israelites following their rebellion against the divine law. He claimed he
was observing before his eyes how the biblical prophesy concerning the Israelites was
happening all around them. He invoked various biblical stories and cultural and social practices
to substantiate how his claim was true.
Then the informants also provided another more tangible explanation. According to this view,
the cause of the potters’ discrimination and their engagement in various socially despised
practices was a result of the cumulative processes of social exclusion and gradual losing of
power in the society. They were forced by factors beyond their power, into a vicious circle of
hopelessness and powerlessness that pushed them into resorting to engagement in such
despised behaviors and practices. I found this latter explanation more valid and acceptable
than the explanation provided by informants from the mainstream society.
Some aspects of marginalization included: when a potter family member comes to the home
of other non-marginalized groups (particularly the Lamala Moolla) he/she would not sit in a
seat as others: they would order him/ her to sit just on the ground. They would not drink
coffee, water or other drinks from the same utensil. They would not kiss or shake his/her
hands. A worst case of discrimination in the past was that when a potter goes to a house of a
higher status person, if the potter wants to drink water, they would ask him or her to put
his/her two hands on to his/ her mouth as a form of a cup and then would pour water onto it
(See picture below). The potters were required to carry a water drinking utensil which they
made from a horn wherever they went. “We were not allowed to drink using the pottery cup
which we made,” said an informant.
Photo
4.1.
Two
‘Bete-Israel’
informants
demonstrating an aspect of discrimination against
their people in the past. This practice was common
during and before Menlik II era (1889-1913). During
Haile
sellasie
I
era
(1930-1974),
a
small
improvement was made.
According to informants, in general, the magnitude of
discrimination and derogation endured by these groups
has been extremely horrible. Ownership of land was a
dream. Marriage was and is unthinkable between these
groups and the others. Eating and drinking together and
using similar utensils were unthinkable. It was and
continues to be a taboo for a ‘higher’ status group member
to go and eat or drink in the house of these potters:
A person from the ‘higher’ status group would not eat or
drink in case he/she goes to the Erasha house. Many other
manifestations of discriminations existed in the day-to-day interactions and social
relationships. The Erasha family members may participate in communal maters such as burial
and work associations, but he/she is allowed to contribute money and other materials such as
firewood, grass, etc, during burial occasions; he/she is not permitted to bring food and drinks
56
to house of the non-potter group. If and when a person from Erasha family dies, people of the
non-Erasha group may contribute foods and drinks, but never eat or drink at Erasha’s house.
4.3.6. Historical Trends in Discrimination
Nowadays, signs of improvements are looming large on the horizon though discriminations
persist. Many of these and similar forms of discrimination have gradually been either
abandoned or replaced by a relatively better practice. During the Derg era (1974-1991); many
of such discriminations were abrogated: it was declared “All mea are equal!’’ and for the first
time in their history these despised groups were made owners of their own land. They were
empowered in many ways. Eating dead animals was gradually abandoned through the
teachings, awareness creations and law enforcements.
In the wake of Derg’s collapse, the ‘Bete Israel’ group was a victim of the resentment from the
other communities, They became and often continue to be scapegoats for the evils,
misfortunes and other problems that happen in the community. One such problem, mentioned
by informants is the harassment of the ‘Bete Israel’’ group for the alleged practice of what is
called ‘the evil eye problem’, a belief that is pervasive in the country which states “a the
potter’s group have a spiritual power in their eyes to make other people sick and then eat
their flesh when the victim dies”. Often in times political crises, they become scapegoats and
victims; two such incidences were mentioned by informants that happened in Ţambaaro.
In post-Derg era, conditions improved slightly in terms of assimilation, equality and
empowerment for the ‘Bete-Israel’, at least in some areas. However, informants complained
discriminations still continue in many forms: participation of members of ‘Bete Israel’ in
various leadership position, education, and employment in government and NGO sectors, etc,
is still far from (too far!) being satisfactory. Eating and drinking in the homes of the ‘Bete
Israel’ is still unthinkable for a vast majority of the non-potters’ groups. The irony of it is that
while teaching the fact that all human beings are created in the image of God, and thus equal,
the different Christian religious denomination priests themselves do not eat or drink in the
homes of these groups even today! (I was holding an informal conversation with informants
from the potters’ group when one ‘minister of a Protestant church came to me whom I knew
and whom the informants also knew (being from the same church) but the minister kept silent
pretending as if he never knew the potters.)
The future is, though, promising given the favorable political framework (at least in principle)
where all people’s rights, irrespective of their backgrounds, are protected. The consciences
and general awareness level of the people is also gradually increasing through education. Yet,
much needs to be done in the context of Ţambaaro Woreda in terms of creating equal
opportunities for these discriminated groups, empowering them through positive
discriminations, fighting against injustices, engaging in community dialogues to fight against
the harmful beliefs, etc.
In this line argument, the first thing the members of the so-called Erasha group want is to the
abrogation of the derogatory name, fuggicho, and acknowledge their claim for a new
ethnonym, Bete-Israel’. They also request opening up of opportunities in the society whereby
they and their children would participate equally in various spheres of life: employment,
politics, education, etc
57
4.4. The ‘Debona’ Question: Views of Ethnogenesis
Mainstream historical narration puts it that one of the ‘associates’ who ‘came together with’
the Lamala Moolla was the Debona clan. In real sense, Debona is not the name of the clan,
although some informants (like Ato Admasu Gebreyes Gobena) use the term Debona to refer
to clan. The name Debona is, as the narration puts, an official social- political status title
proffered on the clan leader of the group. Informants did not agree as to whether this name
was in use before or after the historic departure from ‘Yemerera’ land.
Although informants claim that the Debona –led group of the associate of Lamala Molla has
enjoyed equal socio-political status, informants did not hid the fact the two were not of equal
social status originally in the Sidama land. The historical origins of the superior status of the
Lamala Moolla and the subservient position of the Debona were shrouded in a myth which
does not provide us any clear detail.
Describing this condition, informants simply noted, ‘’The Lamala Moolla regard themselves as
our fathers and bigger brothers’. Thus, the Debona group as a ‘little’ brother began serving
them. But this does not offer us a clear answer. In the case of the ‘Aldada’ (q.v.) group the
informants put a more or less valid theory on how their group was ascribed with their caste
status: It was the demographic preponderance of the Lamala Moolla and their ancestors that
gave them their superior position. It is probable that the Debona group as the ‘servants’ of the
Lamala Moolla might have assumed that position probably due to their incorporation as war
victims or slave raiding that was common in the past ( particularity pre- Haile sellasie I era
(before 1930s).
In any case, it appears that members of the Debona group as a clan in the current Ţambaaro
nationality have accepted and well assimilated themselves into the mainstream ethnohistorical narration. They ‘came as associates’ with the Lamala Moolla. They ‘entered into
mutual covenant’’ on their way to the present land. But the covenant seemed to benefit the
Lamala Moolla. The Debona group benefited from the covenant by its being recognized and
represented in the Tobee Magaba (the traditional political council of the Lamala Moolla
Corporate group) and other corporate issues. The group’s leader would be recognized as a
womma (king) to its group and represent his group in the general council.
The Debona groups were also occupational castes in a sense that they used to engage in
occupations which the Lamala Moolla would never try. These included weaving, ironsmith, etc.
They (the Debona) never engaged in pottery. These occupations were however not the major
ones for them. They were also farmers. Neither did they engage in tannery, which was the
occupation of the Aldada. They Debona groups engaged in these occupations not due to their
lack of sufficient land; it is not clear, though, whether they started these occupations might
probably arose out of the need for supplemental income.
As to their ancestral roots and clan classifications, informants claimed they descend from a
stem ancestor called Dayyo who had three sons of whom Debona was one. But there exist a
conflict here: is Debona really the name of one of the ancestors or the official title proffered on
them? We are not sure. A family tree of the Debona clan – beginning from the time they left
with Lamala Moolla from ‘Yemerera’:
Another key informant (who argued the above view was not correct), stated that the Debona
‘clan’ arose from what he called the Sabola clan of Sidama ‘Yemerera, though it is not clear
whether members of the Sabola (Sawola) clan today or in the past resided in the so-called
“Yemerera’ land. According to informant Admasu G/yes, four sons descended from Sabola:
Gaashe, Hanqidina, Haybine and Gard Bonaye.
Of these, Garad Bonaye gave birth to six sons: Asamo, Azmae’lo, Aleko, Sidano, Woreb
GaradMelke, Shindao (Shichama). Of these, Asamo gave birth to Chula, Bacho, E’edo,
Gesemo, Lebisho, Lalebo and Aroye. Shinadao (Shichama) gave birth to Garad Sitemo, who in
turn gave birth to eght sons: Misebo, Atero, Gillo, Gedde, Sae’lo, Denebo, Usamo, Lambebo.
58
Of these, Misebo gave birth to Mareno; Mareno to Bateno; Bateno to Godare, who in turn gave
birth to Debone who was a womma.
The more proper family tree, (in the view of Ato Admasu) is as follows:
Sidama,
‘Yemerera’
Sabolla
Gashe
Handiqina
Haybine
Gard Bonaye
e
Asamo
Sidano
Azmaelo
Worebgaradmelke
Aleko
Shinjamo
Garad Sitemo
Chula
Misebo
Mareno
Bacho
Libisho
Atero
Gillo
Bateno
Eido
Lambebo
o
Godare
Gesemo
Saelo
Lalebo
Gedde
Aroye
Denebo
Usammo
Debone, who was a
womma
Fig. 4.3. Family Tree of the Debona clan
4.4.1. Historical Trends of Discrimination and Current
Conditions of the Debona Group
The Debona groups in Ţambaaro were not permitted to intermarry with the Lamala Moolla
groups. The superficial reason the Debona group did not intermarry with the Lamala Moolla is
that the two groups got into covenants ‘not to marry’ each other when they left the ‘Yemerera’
land. The Debona group was not allowed to marry from the Lamala Moolla group; neither was
the Moolla group allowed to take wives from the Debona. The Debona children were counted
as ‘one of the family members’ of the Lamala Moolla because they ‘were part the group – as
their home servants’. This was given as a reason for not marrying each other. But it appears
that this reason was not a real one. The real reason was the alleged social distance between
the two groups, one considering itself as the superior status, the other considered as inferior.
As its stands currently, it is appears that the Debona are more or less totally assimilated into
the main stream Lamala Moolla and their collective consciousness has adopted the system.
Unlike the two other caste groups, particularly the Erasha, the Debona group today intermarry
with the Lamala Moolla. Their presence in the political, educational and social leadership
positions is more or less equal with the Lamala Moolla.
The ‘burden’ of servant-hood and deprivation was relieved following the demise of the imperial
regime, as in formants, argued.
59
The Debona group, according to informants, used to practice the cults of Barro (those in
Donga Sodicho), Hambese (those in Soyame Macho) and Buriye (those in Bachira). Such
religious beliefs and practices have now more or less disappeared.
4.5. The ‘Aldada’ Group
4.5.1. Ethnogenesis, Ancestors and Sub- Clans
Formal, mainstream Ţambaaro oral tradition holds that the ‘Aldada’ group was one of the
‘associate’ groups that ‘accompanied’ the Lamala Moolla when they left their original
‘Yemerera’ land in Sidama. This nomenclature, which is the official political leadership title, is
also accepted and believed by the ‘Aldada’ group. In our understanding, we take this term as
a diplomatic rhetoric for the real occupational caste status of the group, that of tanners
The Tanners (called Awacho1 which is a derogatory name should thus never be used today
both) in Ţambaaro and in Sidama, are the marginalized groups who specialize in tannery.
During our key informant interview with two older men, one of whom was currently the official
holding the title Aldada, we appreciated the idea that the politically and demographically
‘superior’ group would often use a tactic of ideology whereby they create a system that would
in real terms serve their interests and help them control the marginal groups. The system also
works in such a way that the marginal groups themselves begin to take the ideology as a fixed
reality.
According to the informants whose version of the Ţambaaro migration and settlement history
generally converges with the mainstream version, the Aldada group, the Awacho (a name
which is derogatory and thus not liked) was led by its own womma (king). The Aldada was
numbered among the four wommas that left ‘Yemerera’: Lahee womma (representing the
Lamala Moolla), Erasha (the ‘womma’ for the potters), Debona (‘womma’ for the servants) and
Aldada (‘womma’ for the tanners).
The narration holds that the present day Aldada group which is numbered summarily as one of
the 66 clans in Ţambaaro belongs to the seven ancestors who came together with the Lamala
Moolla. The seven founding fathers of the Aldada now make up the major ‘sub clans’ or
lineages in Ţambaaro. It is interesting to note that this ‘seven” figure is a key aspect of the
ethnogenesis story, corresponding with the seven brothers of Lamala Moolla. The seven were
part of the total 16 ancestral stems descended from the apical ancestor, Awacho.
Awacho according to informants was one of the sons of the ancestral Sidama clans, who
happened to receive the despised status of tanner group – in an unknown past. The inferior
status held by this group was theorized by the key informants, as to how and why it began, as
a manifestation of demographic factor. That is, the ones who had numerous descendants
began to dominate those with few descendants. This folk theory sounds good in explaining the
origins of the Awacho as the marginal group, but the question is still too complex.
According to informants the descendants of the 16 founding ancestors the Awacho are
currently found dispersed in many parts of Ethiopia, especially south. Thus, the ethnogenically
related descendants /lineages of the clan’ in Ţambaaro are found in Wolayta, Kambatta,
Hadya, etc. It is not clear whether these 16 ancestors were children of the same father or
ancestors figure from subsequent generations. We are not sure whether they are
contemporaneous or not.
We are referring to this term only as part of historical study. We use it as it was applied in the past. We
totally agree tat this derogatory name should never be used as the firmaments demand)
1
60
Gudula
Gassa
Sinkilile
Hifila
Suggo
Guduleramo
Zagara
Durga
Ambeasa
Hagaza
Corra
Dadheso
Gunaza
Gunaza
Gudula
Fig.4.4. 13 of the 16 ancestors of the Awacho supra family
Gassa
Zagara
Durga
Sinkilile
Hifila
Fig. 4.5. The seven founding fathers of the 16 ‘Awacho’ Supra- family which ‘joined’
the Lamala Moolla during the epic movement
The manner the informants narrate the origins of the Ţambaaro migration, the composition of
the migrant groups, the routes they crossed and rested and the final settlement at Ţambaaro
and their encounters with the indigenous groups generally coincides with the mainstream
narration. The informants accept and regard the name Aldada as one which was originally
bestowed on them as they began their historic movement.
4.5.2. Participation in Mainstream Socio-political Spectrum
The highest sociopolitical and religious authority in the ‘Tanners’2 group is Aldada. It is a
womma, a status parallel, not equal though, with the Lahee womma. The political leadership
structure has three hierarchies. Each of the seven sub-groups (descendants) of the seven
original tanners has its own magaba, a front tine leader responsible for handling all the affairs
of the sub group. Above the seven magabas there is one magaba who is responsible for
overseeing the affairs of the clans and reporting to, and consulting with, the Aldada.
The Aldada, the womma, of the entire clan, is responsible for settling all administrative,
judicial and criminal issues. The Aldada also represents his clan, in the tobee magaba, council
of the Ţambaaro corporate body. He also reports to the balee-womma and acts as a medium
between his people and the balee womma. It appears the Aldada authority rests of the good
will the balee womma.
Aldada
Magaba
Magaba
Magaba
Magaba
Magaba
Magaba
Magaba
Magaba
Fig. 4 .6. Hierarchical structure of political social leadership in the Aldada clan
Today, the Aldada group, as well as the Debona, has totally abandoned their former craftwork of
tannery and, weaving and providing service for the Lamala Moolla group. They have become more or less
completely assimilated into the mainstream structure. They also played key roles in the socio-political
history of the Nationality.
2
61
Badee womma: Convener
of tobee magaba
Lahee womma: the
spiritual leader,
the keeper of the
‘golden ark’
Balee womma:
the king proper
Tobee magaba: Council
comprising of all magabas
Aldada
Erasha
Debona
The magabas of the seven sub groups in Aldada
The Magabas of the Lamala Moolla
Fig:- 4.7. The political organizational leadership and hierarchical structure of the
Ţambaaro corporate body, excluding the other ‘non-Yemerera’ groups (Showing the
participation of the Aldada group in the tobee magaba)
4.5.3. Aspects of, and Historical Trends in, Marginalization
The Aldada clan members in Ţambaaro have held subservient position in the politico-social
ladder. Informants reluctantly revealed their ancestors were destined by some unknown
mystic process and power to serve the Lamala Moolla. Thus, up on their arrival in the newfound-land, they began their marginal life – by serving them. They had not their own land to
farm; they were denied this; they played key roles in the political and economic affairs of the
Nationality, by standing in the frontline as war combatants, as serfs for the land lords, as
artisans by making leather- works. This view, however, is not verified through cross-checking.
Though over the years conditions have improved, the Aldada group remained landless and
subservient through-out their long history until the ousting of Imperial regime (1930s-1974).
During the imperial era, they carried double burden of toiling for both the local and nefteňňa
taskmasters. Following the demise of Haile Sellasie |’s regime in 1974, they became owners of
land and stopped thenceforth working for the Lamala Moolla. According to informants, the
Aldada group has currently ceased engaging in tannery.
Discriminations in various spheres suffered by the Aldada group have declined. For example,
there is now assimilation of members of this group in marriage with the Lamala Moolla. The
Aldada, also today participate in various leadership positions and they are employed as civil
servants. The degree of this assimilation process and the rate at which discrimination has
declined seems to be increasing since the downfall of Derg in 1991.
62
CHAPTER 5
INVESTIGATING THE LAMALA MOOLLA- SIDAMA ETHONOGENIC CONNECTIONS
5.1. Introduction
Our fieldwork among the elders and local intellectuals of Ţambaaro regarding the ethnogenesis
of the Lamala Moolla group, which constitute the culturally dominant elements of the
Ţambaaro Nationality, at least in the views of some informants, led us to head to some
Sidama Woredas.
We went to these woredas with some pressing questions that needed to be checked and
clarified:

The question of Yemerera: whether this toponym which the Ţambaaro informants
claimed to be their original land in Sidama existed;

Whether there existed clans bearing the name of Yemerera;

What link exists among Yemerera, Womerera, and Yemerecho;

The question of the actual link between the Lamala Moolla and the corresponding clans
in Sidama: whether the stem clan from which the group broke away belonged to the
Hawella or other clans;

Whether cultural roots of the Gamabala Magano, the Masincho as a totem and the
question of yelelo (Ţambaaro’s most respected, ancestral sorghum) indicated Sidama
origin and other links between the two nationalities;

Etc.
Our fieldwork in the Sidama took place between September 17 to 25 2009. This period was a
time for us to carry out gap- filling activities in fieldwork/ data collection. We visited the
following areas:
1. Hawella- Tulla Kifle Ketema
2. Gorche Woreda
3. Aleta Wondo Woreda
4. Hawassa City
We met and contacted a number of local officials and elders as well as intellectuals in these
Sidama woredas and localities. During the week- long fieldwork, about 10 local elders, four
local officials and intellectuals were contacted and interviewed. The specific kebeles and
localities where we met with our local informants included:
1. Harangama Kebele in Hawella- Tulla Sub-City
2. Hotto and Gultuma Kebeles in Aleta Wondo Woreda
3. Womme- Bunammo and Gorche Kebeles and Gorche Woreda
4. Bahil Adaraš Kifle Ketema
Our visit to the Sidama Woreda was also aimed at locating some historical and cultural/
material evidences and sites such as ancestral burial sites, toponyms, etc. One of the main
such material- historical evidences is the burial site of the Gederra ancestral burial site located
in Womme-Bunammo Kebele, Gorche Woreda, about 15 kilometers from the Woreda Center,
Gorche, which is located some 18 k.m from Lekku, which in turn is Shebedino Woreda center.
63
Photos 5.1-3: Some shots depicting our fieldwork at Womme-Bunammo, Gederra
Burial Sacred Site in Gorche Woreda
5.2. Did the Lamala Moolla Group Break Away from the Gadawo
Ancestral Stem and Why?
Our pressing question when we went to the Gederra Burial Sacred Site at Womme Bunammo
Kebele in Gorche Woreda was to investigate whether the Lamala Moolla elders and local
intellectuals claim of the Hawella and Yemerera origin was valid and supported by local oral
traditions and material evidences in Sidama land. The first locality where we went was the
Harandala kebele in Hawella-Tulla Kifle Ketema, Hawassa City Administration. We held group
discussions with three notable local elders from the Hawella clan (see photos and their names
below.)
According to these local elders, the ancestor stem from which the Hawella and the Lamala
group of Ţambaaro descend is Gadawo, the son of Gadrra. The Hawella clans with its
numerous sub-clans and several lineages today makes up a substantial territorial clan- based
territorial group in Sidama land. The descendants of the Gadrra family live in the Hawassa City
Administration, notability in Hawella-Tulla Kifle Ketema and many other localities in such
woredas as Gorćće, Shebedino, Dore Bafano (the former Hawassa Zuria Woreda), Aleta
Wondo, etc.
However, the vast majority of the Hawella clans-folk live in Gorćće Woreda, Hawella-Tulla Kifle
Ketema. According to local elders at Hawella-Tulla Kifle Ketema, descendants of Hawella clan
spread to many other woredas during different time periods.
5.3. The Question of Ancestral Gadawo and the Hawella Clan
Membership of Lamala Moolla Descendants
Our discussion with local elders at Hawella- Tulla Kifle Ketema led us to visit the burial site of
the Gadrra family which is located at Womme- Bunammo Kebele in Gorche Woreda. The
Bunammo Burial Center is located in a vast area in the Kebele. It is the sacred site and
epicenter of spiritual activities for the Gadrra Family. The Gadrra family, according to
informants, is a generic name for the Hawella clan that constitutes four major sub clans
descending from the four sons of Gadawo who was the son of Gadrra. Gadawo was, according
to local informants, the son of Gadrra. Gadrra whom some Sidama local intellectuals call
Bunammo (see Hotana Beteso, 1991) is the apical father of the Hawella.
Some local informants indicated that Gadrra gave birth to two sons and one daughter:
Gadawo, Hawella and Furra, although the claim is not verified by other informants. We are not
sure whether this daughter, Furra, is the legendary Sidama heroine who lived in some
unverified distant past. The oral tradition says that Hawella died without giving birth to any
64
children. Hence, Gadrra, when he died, ordered his sons to name the coming descendants by
the name, Hawella, as a commemoration for the childless son.
Informants noted Gadawo gave birth to four sons: Gaaddo, Gamasso, Dobbe and Womme.
Some elders added a fifth son, whom they said was Ţambaaro. But other informants never
supported the view that Gadawo had a son named Ţambaaro. Rather, the possibly convincing
position was that Gadawo had another son, whose name Sidama informants said was Keeddo.
This Keeddo was given another name, Marro. The name Keeddo was given to this son, who
was said to be one of the little surviving sons of Gadawo, the brother of the criminal siblings
that fled after killing their brother and emasculated their father (We will come back to this
point later).
Local informants in Hawella, Gorche and Hotto Gultuma all agreed that there was a breakaway group today living outside of Sidama. Some informants argued one such breakaway
group live in Gamo Goffa area, particularly in Borroda area. As for the Ţambaaro breakaway
group, all informants pointed out that descendants of one or some of the sons of Gadawo
today live in Kambatta. Some elders spherically pointed out these descendants of Gadawo live
in today’s Ţambaaro.
According to informants, Gadawo had three wives of whom two were sisters and one was a
woman whose ethno-geographic identity was out side of Sidama. Informants did not agree as
to the exact identity of this woman. Some informants (in Hawella- Tulla area) said she was an
Amhara woman, others (in Gorche area) said she was an Amaro Kelle woman. Still others said
she was from Silţi. According to informants, this third wife of Gadawo was not liked and
respected because she was not a Sidama. Oral tradition puts it that when it was time for
Gadawo to be circumcised, he ordered one of his sons (some said this was an elder, first born
son) born from this third wife with the mother to go and bring their uncles to participate in
the ritual. She went with her sons. According to Sidama culture, it was the first born son who
should lead the ritual of presenting honey as part of the Daaššo ritual (a ritual whereby dead
ancestral fathers are venerated and commemorated by offering honey sacrifice, which is
spilled on the burial site). When she went and lingered a lot, the circumcision ritual was
performed in the absence of the sons and party of the woman.
Some informants at Hawella also noted the ritual was conducted in the absence of the other
two sons of Gadawo, Gaaddo and Womme) who went hunting. Only Dobbe remained at the
circumcision ritual. Other informants noted it was Gamasso who remained at the ritual and
performed the Daaššo ritual. Upon their arrival, the woman’s party and her sons were enraged
by the condition and it was said they killed one of the sons , Dobbe who was present and they
additionally emasculated their father, Gadawo. Some informants said both Gadawo and Dobbe
were killed while others argued only Dobbe was killed but Gadawo sustained a lethal wound
from the emasculation and latter died. The Ţambaaro version of the story was also not
unitary. Some informants noted their ancestral father killed both one of his brothers and his
father. Others argued he killed only his brother. The story of Gadawo’s emasculation tragedy
was not raised in Ţambaaro.
The Sidama elders’ version of the story more or less emphasizes the emasculation of Gadawo,
who eventually died of the wound. When Gadawo died, the killers and the party of the woman
with all the children born to her from Gadawo were banished and chased away to distant
lands. Informants at Hawella noted that when the other brothers came back from the hunting
saw that Dobbe was killed and their father emasculated, they immediately wanted to revenge
and begun chasing the killer party as far as they could but could not manage to arrest them.
Upon their return they wanted to kill the little brother of the killers, but their dying father
forbade; Instead of killing him, they banished him to Malaga area near today’s Hawassa where
the killers’ sister lived and he would grow up there. They gave him the name, Keeddo,
denoting, “Let such a matter and event never be done again; let the killers be banished
forever.” There was confusion as to the identity of this little brother, Keeddo, whom they latter
renamed, Marro. Some informants said Keeddo was one of the brothers of the Gadawo’s
children, while others said he was one of the sons of the killer brother. But it appeared the
65
former version is more dominantly held and supported. Thus, the Lamala Moolla ancestors
have now their kinfolk, descending from this rescued little brother, Keeddo, who, was renamed
Marro. Their sister’s descendants also live in Malaga Woreda.
The dying Gadawo who was said to have prophesized that when the Hawella clan becomes so
vast as to cover the Hawassa area the descendants of the killers would in the future come
searching and seeking for reunification. When that happens, he ordered that they should not
revenge and take them as part of the Hawella clan. It seems as if this prophecy was an
inspiration behind the move that begun some years ago by some learned and committed
individuals from both Ţambaaro and Sidama sides (more so from Ţambaaro side).
We met with one of these individuals in Hawassa, Bahil Adarash Sub City. He was a Ţambaaro
who traced his genealogy to Gadawo. He was one who played “for the last thirty years” as he
claimed, to facilitate the re-introduction and reconciliation process between the elders of
Hawella clan and the Lamala Moolla group of Ţambaaro.
Photo 5.4. Ato Kelaye Hadaro, narrating how he worked
hard for the last thirty years to realize the reunification
between the Tam Ţambaaro and Sidama, which he said, is
now a reality. He claimed the Lamala Moolla are now
known to be ‘hundred percent’ descendants of the Hawella
clan.
5.4. The Sacred Site of Gadrra Grave yard in Womme
Bunammo
According local informants in Gorche Town and WommeBunammo Kebele, Gadawo’s Burial site is located in a
locality called Alaame, some “one hours’ walk “ distance
from the Gadrra Burial Site. The burial site is not currently
given as much veneration and weight as that of Gadrra.
Some informants said this is because of the effect of the
conflict which caused the emasculation Gadawo. A person without genitalia is not given the
status of being a reposted ancestral figure. Hence, today, the epicenter of the Hawella clans’
sub clans of Womme, Dobbe, Gamasso and Gaaddo continue paying regular sacrificial ritual
that commemorates Gadrra. The ritual involves the offering of honey and meat sacrifices at
the burial site.
66
Gadrra: the Ancestral Figure of
Hawella/ Otherwise called
Bunammo
Hawella
Dobbe
Gamasso
Gadawo
Gaaddo
Furra
Womme
Keeddo or
Marro
Fig 5.1. A genealogical tree of the Gadrra/ Hawella Clan as Perceived and narrated
by Sidama Elders in Gorche Bunammo
The burial site is built in the shape of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church temple. Some informants
called it as the “Sidama temple.” The current temple which is located inside a fence and
surrounded by
sacred forest containing several indigenous tree species is well kept. The
sacred burial site has two round fences. One fence is what might be called the outer yard
where the ordinary people congregated and where sacrificial honey and other preliminaries
were organized and prepared. This first outer fence contains two houses one in a form of
rectangular thatched roof house with wooden walls and the other a hemispherical thatched
house with wooden walls and grass covers from top to bottom, a typical Sidama indigenous
house model.
Photo 5.5. A typical Sidama indigenous house, found inside the Gadrra Burial Site
Photo 5.6. Elders at Gorche Town, narrating the Gadawo genealogy and the Hawella
roots of Ţambaaro
67
These houses are used for conducting the various preliminary rituals. The second, inner fence
separates the burial temple from the outer yard. Only select few would enter this inner circle.
The traditional religious ritual leaders, the Womma and Ganna would hold these inner circle
world and its rituals.
5.5. Genealogical Roots and Similarities: The Gadawo and Gaaddo
Question
From what Sidama elders at Gorche and Tulla-Hawella localities claimed, it is possibly most
probable thus that there actually took place a breakaway of one of the ancestral fathers of
today’s Lamala Moolla group in Ţambaaro. All informants attest to the fact that the burial site
of Gadawo today stands to witness near Gorche kebele. He was almost killed to death by
being emasculated (being cut his genitalia) due to the alleged disregard for one of the sons of
his wives and her parties who should have attended the circumcision ceremony.
The disregarded first born son of the woman and her party thus was enraged by the event and
took the revenge on the father and sons of his other wives. There are however diversions in
the narrations as to whether the ritual was a coronation ceremony whereby one of the elder
sons would inherit the mantle (this is narrated in the mainstream version in Ţambaaro). The
Sidama version sates it was the circumcision ritual wherein Gadawo was the one to be
circumcised. The Sidama version of the story, as narrated by some informants, puts that
Gadawo disliked one of his wives who was not a Sidama and thus he purposefully sent her and
her children away to bring her relatives so that he would not wait their arrival and perform the
ritual in their absence. The Ţambaaro version states that it was not a purposeful calculation,
but it was due to delay of the wife and her party.
The Ţambaaro version stated there were seven sons of Moolla who was one of the sons of
Gadawo who then fled away from the wrath of the other party. The specific names of these
sons of Moolla are vividly mentioned. Sidama elders did not mention the names and they did
not agree as to the number of these deviant individuals. Some said three sons of Gadawo
went away as a break away party. Their names were not mentioned. The name Moolla was not
known among the Sidama elders. Moolla, whom Ţambaaro elders said was one of the sons
Gadawo. Sidama elders noted there was one small brother of the break away group who was
spared the banishment due to some sympathetic stances and hence was accepted, with a
name Keeddo, connoting some sense of excommunication and wrath on his mothers and
relatives who dared to cut the genital of Gadawo. Some informants argued the name Keeddo
was changed into Marro, connoting, a mercy, following consultation during the post Italian
occupation era. Thus, today, the descendants of this remaining son of Gadawo are called
Marro Ayde, the Kinfolk of Marro.
Elders at Hawella provided information that somehow was closer to the Ţambaaro version as
to the number of those who fled after the crisis and the composition of the group that fled.
Mainstream Ţambaaro oral tradition states the Lamala Moolla were “accompanied on their way
to the new land by three different social categories of people, each headed by its own official
title; there was an a potters’ group headed by the Erasha; a tanners group headed by Aldada
and a slaves’ group headed by Debona.” According to Hawella elders at Harangala kebele,
these different artisan groups actually “accompanied” the breakaway party. This view was not
accepted among elders in Gorćće area, who said there was no artisan group that went
together with the breakaway party. Hawella elders also claimed the uncles of the killer brother
went together. They also said some of the fleeing group remained in Alaba land while the rest
went to Ţambaaro. This latter view is also shared among some Ţambaaro informants who said
some groups in Alaba are today their ethnogenic kin.
5.6. Common Ancestral Stem of Ţambaaro and Hawella Sidama
Ţambaaro elders trace their genealogies up to Gaaddo. The name Gaaddo is used as a phrase
of addressing the Lamala Moolla. It is often invoked during various occasions. According to
Lamala Moolla elders, the last apical ancestral figure beyond which they could not name is
Gadibo. Gadibo was great- great- great- great grand father of Moolla who was regarded as the
68
ancestral figure whose proverbial seven sons fled away following the clash. There seems to be
an irreconcilable issue here: if the Ţambaaro elders’ claim that it was the seven sons of Moolla
who actually were part of the conflict scene that led to their fleeing and banishment, then
Moolla must have been known among the Sidama elders as being one of the sons of Gadawo.
But Moolla is not known among the Sidama elders. It is Keeddo who latter was called Marro
that was remembered as the remaining brother of the break away group, the Ţambaaro.
On average, existing Ţambaaro / Lamala Moolla elders count their genealogies (beginning
from their sons and in some cases their grandsons generation) up to 12 or 13. The longest
genealogy from among one of elders’ group was about 15 generations counted up to Moolla.
Then the elders traced from Moolla upwards six steps stopping at Gadibo. Then on average,
the number of generations from today (counting from grand children of existing older persons)
is about 17 to 18 generations.
It is interesting to note that on the part of the Gorćće , Hawella-Tulla and Hotto Bultuma
elders belonging to the Gadrra/ Bunammo/ Hawella clan from which the Lamala Moolla
Ţambaaro did break on average counted from the their children’s generation up wards up to
Gadrra, the father of Gadawo, about 18 generations ( of four sample elder informants who
traced their genealogies , one counted up to 20, the second up to 19 and the third up to 17
and the third up to 20; two of them begun from their sons’ generation one from grandson’s).
Here it is interesting to note that there appears to be a more or less convincing matching of
the length and duration of generations between Ţambaaro Lamala Moolla and Sidama Gadrra
families. If what the Sidama elders said was valid, that it was during the generation of
Gadawo when this break away took place due to the conflict, then the Ţambaaro version of
Gadibo as the last remembered apical figure must be the Gadawo version of Sidama. The
Lamala Moolla of Ţambaaro then descended from the line of Gadawo. Although Sidama elders
did not verify, the Lamala Moolla elders claimed they descended from the line of Gaaddo, one
of the four sons of Gadawo (Ţambaaro’s Gadibo). Sidama elders said the Lamala Moolla group
descended from other unknown sons of Gadawo from his “despised” third wife.
It is very troubling when we note that the claim of Lamala Moolla elders that it was the seven
sons of Moolla who fled the post crisis episode does not match with the Sidama version and
the facts of genealogical information. It is probably correct that from the present generation to
the ancestral figure of Gadawo, the sons of Gadrra, Hawella founder, it is about 18
generations. This is confirmed from both sides of genealogical studies in Ţambaaro and
Sidama as shown above. But it is not probable that Moolla was one of the witnesses of the
conflict event, because he was the seventh from the ancestral figure of Gadawo who was
hacked to death by emasculation, spurring the break and fleeing away of the ancestral figure
of Lamala Moolla. We are not sure also whether Gaaddo was actually the ancestral line from
the four/ or five sons of Gadawo from whom the Lamala Moolla descended; Sidama Hawella
elders did not confirm this. Today, sub clans based on Gaaddo, Womme, Dobbe and Gamasso
exist in Sidama. The Womme sub clan dominates in Hawella Tulla area, Hawasa, Dorre
Bafano, etc. the other three, namely, Gamasso, Gaaddo and Dobbe dominate in Gorche area.
Also, the sub clan of the Keeddo/ Marro family exists today. The other sub clans based on the
fled sons of Gadawo are not known in Sidama.
But on the other hand, it could quite be probable that Gaaddo is the ancestral father of the
Lamala Group of Ţambaaro, because, this apical figure and name has been part of the
collective ethno-psychology and tradition of the people. Had it not been that Gaaddo was the
ancestral figure, they might not have invoked his name. Then if this is so, it could be probable
that it was Gaaddo’s other siblings who fled and then on the way gave birth to the subsequent
generations. Moolla, the proverbial father of the seven brothers, must then have been born
not in Sidama, but somewhere in the migration routes six generations after the clash episode
from Gadawo.
It is interesting to note that our elders in the Sidama woredas who counted their genealogies
(one of these in Hawella- Tulla area counted up to 34 generations!) all mentioned the name
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Murnacha as the son of Gaaddo. On the other hand, the Lamala Moolla elders mentioned they
descended from the line of Anaafo, Gaaddo’s son.
Gadawo/ Gadibo
Gaaddo
Murancha
The Hawella sub groups
The Hawella clan of Sidama
of Sidama
Anaafo
The Lamala Moolla group
of Ţambaaro
Fig. 5.2. Point of departure for the Lamala Moolla and Sidama Groups of Hawella
Clan, Gaaddo’s Family
It is not clear at the moment why the Lamala Moolla elders failed to have the memory of the
bigger family head, namely, Gadrra, who is the apical ancestor for the entire Hawella clan.
There is also an irreconcilable clash between the Sidama’s version and Lamala Moolla elders’
version of which father figure, from the sons of Gadawo, do the Ţambaaro descend. The
former believe the Ţambaaro descended down from a son whose name they do not remember,
but they definitely believe the four sons, Womme, Gaaddo, Gamasso and Dobbe are not the
lines from the Ţambaaro come. All of the descendants of these fathers today live in Sidama
land forming a well established sub clan / lineage organization. On the side of the Lamala
Moolla, the idea that Gaaddo was their apical ancestral figure seems to be undoubtedly
established in their entire ethno-collective psychology.
70
Gadibo/ Gadawo
Dobbe
Gamasso
Gaaddo
Womme
Keeddo/ Marro
Anaafo
Wayyo
Manjicho
Manjolle
Moolla
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Fig. 5.7. The Gemological line of Lamala Moolla group of Ţambaaro The Numbers 1-7
designate the popular “seven brothers/ or seven sons of Moolla
5.8. The Question of the Non-Sidama Wife: Ţambaaro as HalfSidama Origin?
According to elders at Bunammo in Gorche Woreda and Hotto Gultuma kebele in Aleta Wondo
Woreda, both from the Hawella clan, the ancestral figure, Gadawo, had three wives. Two of
these were reported / believed to be sisters and first wives. It was narrated that the elder
wives of the two complained that her husband should not directly come to her house to share
the bed after spending his night with her younger sister. She suggested that he should take a
third wife who would then be a “buffer” bridge between the two. Gadawo would then not
directly come to and fro between the two sisters. This third sister was believed among the
elderly informants as a woman from non-Sidama ethnic group. Some said she was from
Amhara, others said from Amaro, still others claimed she was from Silte. Although Ţambaaro
oral tradition does not claim this non-Sidama identity of their ancestral mother, the narration
implicitly suggests she was from a distant part of the land, probably outside Sidama. This was
because it took her and her relatives longer period of time before they arrived back to attend
the Gadawo circumcision ritual, resulting in the performance of the long waited and important
ritual in the absence of the third wife, her sons and her relatives.
If this narration that Gadawo’s third wife was not a Sidama were valid, it might be argued
that the Lamala Moolla groups of Ţambaaro Nationality might be not as fully Sidama as their
other kin because of this non- Sidama wife. However, since ethnic identity is mainly traced
and determined through paternal line in Sidama as in other traditional nationalities in Ethiopia
and elsewhere, the Lamala Moolla groups are properly Sidama.
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5.9. The Question of Yemerera, Womerera, and Yemerecho
We went to Hotto Gultuma kebele in Aleta Wondo and a locality in Hawella- Tulla Kifle Ketema
with the questions of whether Yemerera as a toponym existed in Sidama or it is a corrupt
version of other related terms such as Yemerecho and Womerera, which refer to clan names
and or social status.
We found out that there are conflicting views regarding these terminologies. I witnessed a hot
debate among the local Sidama intellectuals as well as local elders in the said localities,
particularity in our Aleta Wondo site. From the discussions and debates, it is possible to
conclude that the term Yemerera as a place name never existed in Sidama land. There is no
locality that is designated by this name. The Lamala Moolla elders’ claim which is commonly
popularized in the oral tradition and existing literature that their ancestors migrated from a
place called Yemerera in Sidama is thus disproved as far as the place name is concerned.
However, although it is now not exactly located, the ancestors could have been living in
today’s Bunammo Kebele where the grave yard of Gadrra now exists; or they might have been
living in today’s Harangama in Hawella locality from where the descendants spread to other
areas such as Gorche. According to local informants in Bunammo Kebele, the grave yard of
Gadrra is situated in its today’s location because “the corpse of the ancestor refused to lie
resting in its original Hawella area and it came as far as its today’s location and it rested at the
spot.” Further informants claimed an ox of Gadrra led the way until it arrived at today’s
location and rested. The People then sacrificed it and since hen the site has become the sacred
burial site.
Local elders offered an interesting explanation that seemed to solve the question of Yemerera.
According these elders in Hotto Bultuma kebele, the Ţambaaro term Yemerera could be a
version of y- merero, a y being a simple prefix and merero meaning in between. According
to one these informants, Gadawo had three wives of whom one was the youngest. Her
residential compound was situated in between the two older wives.
Photo 5.7. Informant Sheik Kayeso Sidda grappling
with the Yemerera, Yemerecho, Womerera question
The youngest wife of Gadawo, the mother of the ancestors
of the Lamala Moolla, was thus in between the two wives,
in the sense that her house was positioned in mid way
between the two. This wife, thus, left her middle ground
location and left the land with her children and relatives.
Thus, if this hypothesis were valid, when Lamala Moolla
elders say their ancestors came from Yemerera land, it
means nothing more than this, that they and their mother
left the middle merero residential compound in the original
Gadrra locality in Hawella territory. As ingenious as it
appears, though, this hypothesis is not further verified by
other informants and thus we can not say it is fully
plausible.
Needless to mention, the question of whether Yemerera as
a toponym in Sidama existed is now settled. Then the
question of Yemerecho and Womerera remains though. When we went to the Sidama
localities, we had an intriguing hypothesis in mind that the name Yemerera could possibly be a
corrupt version of Yemerecho or Womerera. We had suspected that probably the Lamala
Moolla descendants might be part of the Womerera sub clan which is one of the dominant sub
clan in the Aleta supra-clan (which is composed of 12 distinct sub clans). Among the
Ţambaaro informants some informants made reference to the idea that their ancestors were
“of pure group”, claming the relation to the concept of the Anga Manna, the People of the
Hand. This referred to a social category of people in Sidama who claimed to have a purer
72
descent compared to other groups. With this background it was quite logical for us to suspect
that the Lamala Moolla might have belonged to the Womerera sub clan.
The Womerera clan in Sidama is associated with some mythical origin stories such that their
ancestors “descended down from heaven tied with a certain type of ring plant.” Others said
they just descended down and landed on a spot called Diramo, located somewhere in today’s
Shebedino area along the asphalt road. Descendants of the clan claimed their ancestors had a
special relations and closeness to God that he gave them special favors. They could fly to
anywhere in the land. Some claimed their descendants now exist in many parts of the country
beyond Sidama. One elderly informant in Hotto Bultuma argued since the ancestors of the
Womerera sub clan had these mythical qualities and their ancestors flew away, today there is
no grave yard that is identified as that of the fathers of Womerera clan.
Local intellectuals demythologize this by providing a possibly logical and convincing
explanation. It was argued that the ancestral fathers, both of Bushe and Maldea line, did not
arrive at the present day Sidama land at the same time. Some groups who arrived lately
devised ingenious means to get land with the early comers. To evade clash and repulsion,
then the Womerera and Gisha ancestors told their early comers when asked ”Who are you
and where do you come form?’ saying, “We just descended from heaven.” According to Betana
(1991), there are some other groups, too, in Sidama who managed to get land through such
ingenious myths. Some groups for example, such as the Dafna claimed, “We came riding on a
tiger’s back from a forest..” The Dolma group claimed they just popped out of the soil together
with cows. The Banqanno claimed they “descended together with the sky flash and rain.”
Intriguing as it appears, this is nonetheless noting more than a myth. But it might have been
based on some special characteristics of this particular group of people. The suspicion that the
ancestors of Lamala Moolla might have belonged to the Womerera sub clan is solved. This is
because the ancestral names Gaaddo, Gadawo/ Gadibo, are not found in the genealogy of the
Aleta clan. Further, there is no mention of a historical event whereby a group of people broke
away due to a conflict and fled to other parts of the country from the Aleta clan.
The question of Yemerecho was raised and discussed during our key informant interviews with
Hawella and Hotto Bultuma locality elders. The question of whether Yemerecho is a clan or a
social class was hotly debated. There seemed to be divided positions on this point. Some local
intellectuals as well as elders from Hawella area said Yemerecho is not a clan. It is a social
status. It is the title that is assigned to the group of people who are considered as the pure
ones: those who pursue some special purification rituals when conducting their traditional
religion. Further a Yemerecho is a person who is a member of a higher, ruling class in any
Sidama territory. Thus Yemerecho are found in all clans and areas. Some even argued that the
Yemerecho as a social status group existed in Alaba and Qebena nationalities (who are,
according to some Sidama elders, the descendants of Maldea.)
Photo 5.8. A Hotto Gultuma elder man, an Aleta clan
member, defending his claim that the Yemerecho is
a name for a dominant clan given solely to the
descendants of Ţumano, brother of Aboo: the Faqsa
and Yanase clans.
Some informants in Hotto Bultuma, however, argued that
the Yemerecho are those who have descended from the
Ţumano line and the name is a clan name particularly
designated to all the kinsfolk of the Faqsa and Yanase
clans who are the descendants of Ţumano.
However, the idea that Yemerecho is more of a social
status designation rather than a clan name is better
supported and accepted among majority of informants and
73
also existing literature support this position. Father, Ţambaaro elders also believed that their
ancestors were Yemerecho in the sense of “pure” groups not in the sense of a clan. According
to one of the informants, the Ţambaaro equivalent of Yemerecho is Womanicho, which implies
the decent and ‘allegedly pure” status of some groups, (in this case, the Lamala Moolla)
compared to other groups, particularly the artisans.
5.10. Shared Geo-Culture? Similarities in Toponyms and Cultural
Practices
Beliefs and
Our Sidama visit and discussion with elders could be a good help for us to solve some
besetting questions discussed above, although we still remain with many unsettled questions.
At least some general ones have been settled: that the Lamala Moolla groups of Ţambaaro are
the descendants of the ancestors who broke away from their Hawella family some 18
generations ago due to a family level disagreement over procedures of, and participation in,
conducting rituals that resulted in the bloody clashes and the killing of either or both the
father and one of the siblings. The criminal party then was banished for ever and forgotten.
The ancestors of the Lamala Moolla came from some where in a locality in today’s Hawella
Tulla Kifle Ketema or in Womme Bunammo Kebele in Gorche Woreda in Sidama.
The Lamala Moolla ancestors were part of the Hawella clan; they are not part of the Yanase
clan as some claimed (example, one of the local intellectuals in Ţambaaro disagrees with other
elders that his ancestors were not part of the Hawella clan. As a sign of his disagreement he
was said to have boycotted the historic reunification festival that was held some four or five
years ago in Mudula.) Neither were they part of the Aleta supra clan and that of the Womerera
clan as it was initially suspected.
Some similarities in place in Ţambaaro and Aleta Wondo and also cultural practices happened
to be an invigorating idea for us when we planned the Sidama visit. Place and river names
such Hotto, Bultuma, Malabo, etc, are found in both Sidama and Tamabaro. The intriguing
thing is not just the mere resemblance of the names, for such resemblances in toponyms
could exist in other areas between any two or more nationalities that are not necessarily
related ethno-genetically or geographically. It is rather the degree and uniqueness of the
resemblance. For example, in Ţambaaro, there is a river named Malabe at the vicinity of
Mudula Town. The names of the localities beside and beyond the river are called Hotto and
Bultuma. In Aleta Wondo Woreda of Sidama, there is a river called Malabo and the names of
the kebeles beyond the river just at the vicinity of the town are called Hoddo and Bultuma.
Our exhilaration with this resemblance was though faced with unsettled questions: is it that
the ancestors of the Lamala Moolla lived in these localities before they left? Or did they
migrate to Aleta Wondo area and lived there before migrating? At the present these and
similar other questions remain unanswered.
The questions of cultural similarities such as whether the idea of the Gamabala Magana, the
Masincho tree as the totem figure of paternal ancestors, the rituals of womma institutions,
circumcision, annual calendars, etc, were further investigated. We found out that, although
the Sidama do not make use of the terminology of Gamabala Magana, they have similar
religious philosophy. They invoke the Kolisho La’oo, when they make vows. This signified, “the
black heavenly God who lived in the black sky.”
The masincho tree (Bisana in Amharic, presumably Hagenica Abyssinica, its scientific name; I
could not determine its English equivalent at the moment) as a totem figure of ancestral
fathers is a very interesting point of similarity that probably gives an added support for the
same cultural traditions and roots of the Ţambaaro and the Sidama. In both Sidama and
Ţambaaro, the tree is viewed as a sacred totem figure that represented ancestral ghosts. The
annual and other regular ancestor-honoring rituals are carried out in the grave yards where
the tree is planted. It is interesting to note that Masincho existed as a particular name of one
of the ancestors of the Maldea genealogical line.
74
The traditional religious philosophy that takes Magano as its central supreme being (both
Ţambaaro and Sidama term for supreme creator is Magano); the practical religious
performances that revolve around the commemoration of ancestral ghosts who are regarded
as the intermediaries between Magano and the clans-folk, by offering regular sacrifices of an
ox’s blood and meat and honey, by spilling it over the grave yard; the extreme form of
veneration given for the Masincho tree as a totem figure of paternal accentors; etc make up
strong evidences of shared cultural traditions in the past. We do not make any attempt
(because it is beyond the purpose of this study) to raise the issue of phenotypical and
linguistic similarities between the Lamala Moolla and the Sidama groups, which is also a strong
evidence for the shared ethnogenic past; we do not however, forget the fact that such
phenotypical and linguistic similarities can exist in two or more ethnic groups who are not
linked ethnogenically.
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CHAPTER SIX
SYSTEMS OF POLITICS, GOVERNMENT AND LAW: POLITICAL HISTORY AND CULTURE
This Chapter deals with the history and ethnography of politics, law and justice in Ţambaaro.
We treat the ethnohistorical dimension first and then proceed to the ethnographic dimension.
6.1. The Formation of Ţambaaro Political-Legal Culture
Ţambaaro traditional political, legal and military history and culture are basically a product of
the centuries’ old amalgamation and hybridization process of the interaction among different
ethnogenetic groups who trace distinct ancestry past but who now subscribe to an allinclusive Ţambaaro political, legal and justice culture. In the Nationality’s long years of
existence in the present land, these different distinct groups brought their own unique
experiences and institutions of political and legal culture. These political and legal experiences
and cultures have over the years forged into a unified politico- legal system through dynamic
interactions. The political and legal culture of the Ţambaaro Nationality is now a common
property and possession of all distinct ethnogenic groups that now make up the Nationality.
The politico-legal history and culture of Ţambaaro has also been decisively influenced through
its interaction with its nearby and distant political entities over the long year’s period. The
present Ţambaaro politico-legal culture is, therefore, the product of the contributions of these
different ethnogenetic and social groups who have come to the land at different epochs, from
different backgrounds, with different motives and experiences. It is the product of the
influences of the neighboring nationalities. Ţambaaro’s exposure to, and incorporation into,
the greater national political world has also helped shape its own traditional political system in
some unique ways.
However, there is a definite imprint from some groups such as the Lamala Moolla and Çatta
groups that highly outweighs the share of others in the politic-legal culture and history. Over
the years, many other smaller ethnogenetic and social groups have, either voluntarily or
otherwise, assimilated themselves into the politico-legal culture of the dominant groups,
particularly the Lamala Moolla. The Lamala Moolla groups have played by far the greatest role
in the Ţambaaro political, legal and military history and the formation of the present day
Ţambaaro political and legal culture.
The Dawroic Çatta have managed to write their own indelible political culture in the
ethnohistory of the Ţambaaro. According to some informants from the group, the Çatta group
has had its own traditional political and legal culture which was used in juxtaposition with the
Lamala Moolla’s system. The group has maintained a politico-legal system called Entallo,
depicting the ethnogenic root of the group in Dawro and far back in Borena area. The
members of this group, according to informants, have played pivotal roles in the political and
military leadership positions in the political ethnohistory of Ţambaaro Nationality. Many of the
gazenas (the military leaders) during the Ţambaaro war with the Wolayta, 3 Hadya and Jimma
in the late 18th and 19th centuries were recruited from the Çatta group. Some of the military
leaders were so renowned during their epic performance at war fields in the war with the
Jimma Oromo that the Jimma Aba Jiffar was reportedly said to have called these brave
warriors and awarded them lands in Oromo area where now descendants of these men live
until today.
However, as for the Çatta group’s role, future researches might do well to go further and
verify the above claim. In this general study, our aim is not to go into deeper diggings but to
present views from local informants. Some sources, however, seem to corroborate some of
the above claims such as the bravery of Çatta warriors during Ţambaaro’s war with
neighboring groups (See for example Haile-Mariam Desta, 1999).
Some of the notable gazanas include: Bulamo Chakiso, Adilo Berasa, Amaro Huluqo, Adebo Amero,
Somano, Adilo, Amche Sidde, Dimbiso Neggo, Diqaso Angiso, Chakiso Qelto, etc
3
76
As for the other groups we made some brief remarks on this issue in previous chapters.
Scanty information we had on the political systems of the pre-Tambaaronites (particularity the
Kalmana- Gondorima groups) showed at the time of the arrival of the Ţambaaro proper, there
existed an advanced form of dynastic rule run by the Kalmana group. The last king of the
dynasty was Waqqo. The information available could not help us as such to present any detail
pictures of the systems of politics, law and justice in pre-Tambaaronite era in the land. The
groups have made a complete shift, assimilation and internalization of the political culture and
system of the Lamala Moolla. Needless to mention, the political history and culture of the preKalmana populations of the Ţambaaro land could not be incorporated in this Chapter for
obvious reasons of lack of information.
Over the years, the different groups have come to assimilate and internalize the menu of
cultural values, mores and institutions that were presented to them, as a historical chance, by
the dominant groups. We must, therefore, note at the outset that this Chapter unavoidably
makes a bias to these dominant groups and in some cases the Çatta group in treating the
traditional political and legal systems.
PART 1: POLITICAL, MILITARY AND LEGAL HISTORY
6.2. Origins of Traditional Government
According to informants, the system of government, law and justice Ţambaaro had had not
changed for the whole period of about 250 years from ca. 1550s to the incorporation into
Menilik II's Ethiopia in early 1890s. Informants had no idea or knowledge about the system of
politics and government their forefathers maintained other than the one which they have
received coming down from their forefathers.
Neither do informants know about how and when the Ţambaaro indigenous political and
government system originated. According to informants, the three pronged government and
legal structure made up of Badee Womma, Lahee Womma and Balee Womma had been
handed down to them, with all its intricate, well advanced political and legal institution and
philosophies (q.v.). Judging from what informants say, little or no qualitative change had been
made in the essence off Ţambaaro political and legal philosophy throughout the 350 or so
years of its settlement in the present Ţambaaro land.
The traditional democracy of Ţambaaro with all its basic characteristics, political values and
authority structures, had continued until a modest change was brought in following the
Menilikan incorporation in 1891. This incorporation introduced a pseudo-dynasty -based
kingdom, overturning the original rotating, term- limited democratic system of government
(q.v.). Hence, from roughly about the time their first settlement in 1560s to the Menilikan
incorporation in 1891, Ţambaaro Nationality had no dynastic rule. It maintained a clan-based,
rotating and term- defined system of rule. Beginning from 1891, the office of Balee Womma
began to continue with in one family, where the power was monopolized until the last balee
womma Qeňazmach Beyene Barena, was deposed by the Derg government in 1974.
6.3. The Oromo Expansion Movement and Ţambaaro in the
16th C (1520s to 1620s)
One of the great historical events of the 16 th c in Ethiopia was what has come to be known
today as the Oromo expansion. This event had affected peoples, places and ethno-linguistic as
well as socio-political landscape of the country (Bahru 2002; Lapiso, 1991, 1992, 1999;
Tesfaye Habiso, 1992; Bekele Woldemariam Adelo, 2002). Southwest Ethiopian peoples were
one of those who were directly or indirectly affected by this event. We are curious at this
juncture to know whether and in what ways the Ţambaaro nationality (including the preTambaaronite populations) were affected by this event.
According to local, educated informants, the departure of Lamala Moolla from its Sidama origin
was precipitated by this Oromo movement (Hailemariam 1999). But it is yet not clear as to
how this process of interaction took place. Oral tradition in current Ţambaaro as well as in
77
Sidama suggests a completely different story; that the onset of the dispersion of the so-called
‘seven-sons’ of Moolla was precipitated by intra-clan conflicts over alleged injustice in the
procedure and transfer of political offices.
Yet, we can look at the Oromo expansion movement and its relation to the current Ţambaaro
land in another dimension. Oral tradition, local toponyms and persons names suggest that the
Oromo expansion movement had reached the present Ţambaaro land. It appears that if the
coming of the Lamala Moolla to Ţambaaro land was in 1550s – 1570s (as oral tradition and
written sources suggest) then the influence of the Oromo movement had already reached at
the Ţambaaro land and probably the recent pre- Tambaaronite populations were the ones
whom the Oromo encountered in the land.
In the same vein, we may argue the ‘Graň’ wars of 1531-1552, another big 16th C historical
event, had some influence in and around the environs of the present Ţambaaro land.
According to informants, one of the Graň war generals (whose name not remembered by
informants), had reached to the area and today the artifacts (stone structures) suggest that
influence. Informants hold an oral tradition in which the Ayamo kinu (the Graň stones) were
planted by Graň himself. About three such steles today exist in the land. The oral tradition
regarding the so-called Gran stones abound in the southwestern Ethiopia. Horrendous and
mammoth images given to the Graň, ‘who could threw an epic spear to a great distance,’ ‘who
could erect a huge stone with his left hand’, etc, are rampant (see Tesfaye Habiso, 1992).
Stone structures of the phallic shape abound throughout south Ethiopia and existing historical
evidence do not lend support for the stones being erected by Ibin Ibrahim Ahmed, commonly
called the Graň.
Toponyms in nearby woreda suggest Graň influence, too. An example could be Wagebeta in
Hadya, where many of the descendants of per- Tambaaronite groups currently live. This place
described as a place where emperor Libne Dingel ( a 16 th century Ethiopian Emperor who
spent much of time during the Graň wars, rested and was suddenly informed of the advancing
Graň army, as he was at his meals. He exclaimed, “Waa gebetaye!” meaning, “Ah! My food!”
Thence the place name, “Wagebeta”.
6.4. The Struggle to Maintain Geo-Political Identity &
Independence: 1560s To 1891
Right from the very first departure and settlement at the present territory the Ţambaaro had
to wage fierce resistance and defense of their geo-political identity. Their land being
surrounded by hostile people groups and kingdoms especially beginning from the 2nd half of
19th c, they hade been exposed to dangers in all sides. Notwithstanding the natural defense
of topography and Ommo and Gojeb Rivers, enemies came to invade. Informants' memories
are filled with accounts of how their ancestors fought with the Wolayta kings, the “Maçça"
(Jimma Oromo) and occasionally from other nearby nationalities, Kambatta and Hadya. The
‘era of clan wars’ as informants say, i.e. that one nationality was fighting the other, was very
tough. It is evidenced by the now visible defense ditches dug by the ancestral Tambaros in all
directions, especially in south, southeast and northeast sides.
According to informants, throughout all the long years of 17 th -19th centuries, Ţambaaro had
not paid any tribute to any kingdoms. The repeated attempts by Jimma Oromo particularly
(presumably Jimma Abba Jiffar at its height in 1850s onwards, Bahru, 2007), was culminated
and dealt of total blow at the war off Gesuba, a vast plain meadow in the south part of the
land. Informants did not provide the date of the battle, but it probably was between the 1850s
and 1870s. One old man at his 90's narrated how his great- grand father bravely fought the
‘Maçça’, ‘cut the tongue out’ as a dear lesson for the others at home.
The Wolayta's repeated attempt, too, to invade and occupy their land was equally thwarted,
as informants claim. In one of the wars with Wolayta (the time was not exactly known, but
they vaguely said during king Ţonna’s era,) the Wolayta king, informants narrated, sent a sign
of warning and request for giving a quintal of ţeff as a symbol that gave a message: "a swarm
of soldiers are coming so you had better give hand!” The Ţambaaro Womma in return sent a
78
messenger with a sack of tiny pungent pepper, signifying a message “Although we are small
and tiny, we are burning and pungent like the peepers."
Photo 6.1. The Ţambaaro Womma sent a sack of a
pungent pepper to the Wolayta king, signifying, “We
are burning and pungent like these peppers!”
The Wolayta soldiers went forward and came to invade the
land. The Ţambaaro, guided by a diviner's promise that "the
divine power will fight on their side”, marched. The diviner
caused torrents of windy rains on the Wolayta side so that
the soldiers on the horseback perished falling into the
ditches unawares.
Some informants indicated Kawo Ţonna of Wolayta and
Jimma Aba Jiffar used to communicate and connive to take
the land of Ţambaaro. When they saw that it was difficult to
take this land, they abandoned the idea and began making
market relations. Informants claim there was not a time
when Ţambaaro made tribute to any of these mighty
kingdoms of the time. Since then, informants argued both
the Jimma Oromo and the Wolayta kings reluctantly accepted the independence of Ţambaaro
and began developing marriage, commerce and political relations.
One informant told the Wolayta king invited the Ţambaaro king and made alliance and allowed
“this brave people" as the informant claimed the king said, to live in his own land. He gave a
vast land to them and these began the Wolayta- Ţambaaro relations.
One of descendants of the ancestral line Ajoricho- as informants narrate- occupy areas in
adjacent Wolayta localities /in Boloso Woreda/. Despite repeated enmities and wars between
Ţambaaro and Wolayta the two nationalities since then have developed cultural and economic
relations so much so that, now, many pockets of ethnogenic Ţambaaro /in their parental line/
inhabit several kebeles in Bombie, Kindo Koysha, etc specific lineages such as Gareno and
Tassie are ethnogenic Ţambaaro who have entirely
Wolaytanized /culturally and
linguistically/. Similarly, ethnogenic Wolayta now predominate in some localities have become
Tambaaronized. /Balela, Debub Ambaguna and Soyame kebele residents are culturally
Ţambaaro, but they are ethnogenic Wolayta; they also speak Wolaytan/
As for the relations with the nearby kingdoms in Kambatta, informants didn't talk much about
this, except mentioning the time when a feared Kambatta king-named Bargano had clashes
with them. Neither did informants mention about the state of their relations (political) with
Janeiro (Yem) kingdom and the distant Keffa kingdom.
6.5 Political History from 1891 to 1936: The Era of Incipient
Feudal and Serfdom System
Oral tradition and existing historical sources point out the Ţambaaro- Kambatta area was
occupied by Menilikan army in early 1890s (some suggest an exact date of 1891; see Tesfaye
Habiso 1992; Lapiso, 1992). According to informants, Menilikan army did not easily capture
the Ţambaaro land. At the time of the Manlike II war of occupation, Tamabaro war generals
such as Moççonna4 Akko, Gazana5 Sageto Mandaqe and the like staged fierce resistance war
with Menilik II's army. Womma Çofforo was the womma (king) at the time of Menlik II
occupation. They claimed (though this claim is yet to be cross-checked) their forefathers
resisted the Menilikan army for four solid years, after which they could not resist further as
they were overpowered. The rifles used by the enemy army were unknown to them. The
4
5
Probably a borrowed Wolaytic term for a war/ army leader
A war / army leader term
79
Ţambaaro traditional warfare was no match for the Menilikan army with superior technology
although they had courage and psycho-spiritual strength to fight. Their cursing power did not
work at this time. But they (the Menlik II army) paid dear price in human lives.
Menlik II’s administration then was introduced to Tambaaro. After ensuring its allegiance and
re-appointing womma Çofforo as the first Amhara style balaabat (feudal lord); they left. But
the feudal representatives and Amhara landlords began to come and settle in Tambaaro. The
first such Amhara settlers came on mule- back and landed at Woligotta in Durgi Kebele. These
settlers were led by a man called Sheto Shonkoro who also introduced mule, rifle and
Orthodox Christian Church for the first time in late 1890s.
The Ţambaaro were thus finally incorporated in to the Menlik II’s Empire in 1891. From 1891
to 1936, they were subjected to a new system of rule; new bosses were assigned. Their balee
womma, Womma Çofforo, was given back his title but imposed a new form of rule unknown to
the Ţambaaro nationality: dynasty. He would become a faithful Balabat, maintaining and
displaying his allegiance to the Menilik II government. He would collect tributes and taxes
allotted on all land owners. Their land was measured and given to the peasants (who were
using the land before) with fixed tax amounts, and the rest land was apportioned among the
melkeňa and neffteňňa who leased the land to the landless tenants who would work and toil
for their new taskmasters. The Tambaaro nationality was thus gradually pulled into the new
system of land tenure and political economy where they would be subjected to ceaseless and
season-less toiling (Lapiso 1991, 1992; Bahru, 2002).
After Tambaaro was incorporated into Menilik II’s Ethiopia in 1891, the Menlik II’s
administration disrupted the traditional democratic egalitarian political system which rotated
key political religious offices among the “seven houses.” The traditional political system was
forced to take the form of a dynasty in likeness of the other kingdoms where one family
monopolized absolute power.
At the time Menilik II’s army controlled Ţambaaro land, the key political office balee womma
was being run by a man named womma Çofforo as indicated earlier. The line of this
wommaship was thus limited to and possessed by the family.
The legacy o the Menilik II occupation of Ţambaaro was the introduction of the Amharic feudal
title of balabat (land cord). Thus, since the 1891 occupation of Ţambaaro land the balee
wommas were given the Amharic feudal style title of balabat and the original rotating primitive
democratic system of rule was changed to kingdom dynasty. The balee womma right was thus
possessed by one family in one clan. The other clans and the community in general were not
satisfied by this state of affairs. But although they were indignant at the changed system they
could do nothing to resist the military might and organizational sophistications of the Menilikan
government.
This improvised womma-balabat political office was a victim-compared to the other two
womma positions Lahee womma and Badee womma, q.v.). The addition of the bullbat title
and the role played by the balee womma as a vassal and implementer of the feudal serfdom
laws for the long period of rule (1891-1974)- resulted in the creation of class difference and
resentment in the consciousness of the other clan members and the corporate Ţambaaro.
Thus, when the imperial government was ousted in 1974- the Revolution was a lethal blow to
the balee womma both to the title, the man and his families. According to interview with the
third wife of womma Qenazmach Beyene Barena, during the eve and event of 1974
Revolution, their family property and possession were ransacked by the common people. The
womma was imprisoned for three years at Hosanna prison.
The genealogy of Womma Çofforo’s family dynasty beginning from the eve of Menilik II
occupation is as follows:
80
1. Womma Qenazmach Beyene 1938-1974
2. Womma Bokasa Anebo
1935- 1938
3. Womma Fitawrari Anebo
1931-1935
4. Womma Lambebo Haţiso
1931(?)-5. Womma Haţiso Çofforo
1898-1931
6. Womma Bachore Çofforo
1894-1898
7. Womma Çofforo
Lanchamo
1891-1893
8. Womma Sisgaye Lachamo
?
Fig 6.1. Genealogy of Womma Çofforo’s Dynasty
Prior to Womma Çofforo, according to Abera Kalacho (cited in Tesfaye Habiso, 1991), the line
of wommas ( balee wommas) runs up to 11 generations. Accordingly, the following wommas
were claimed to have reigned in Tambaaro, beginning from 1832 (E.C.)
Name
Date
Clan
1. Womma Denebo
1840
Bamushe
2. >> Sibaato
1843
Hogofoo
3. >> Gareni La’ele6
?
Makko
4. Salgado
?
Bamushe
5. >> Batemo
?
Qu’ena
6. >> Woleche
?
Wonjala
7. >> Beelo
?
Habache/ Yagga
8. Kabisso
?
Yagga
9. >> Ogeto
?
Taase
10. >> Ololo
?
Gareno
11. >> Dilebo
?
Taase
12. >> Çofforo
1891
Bamushe
Fig 6.2. Ancestry of Wommas in Lamala Moolla Group from 1840 to 18917
After the Menilikan incorporation, the wommahood was limited to the Çofforo family from
Bamushe clan. It continued until 1974.
This chronology of the Womma Çofforo dynasty was cross-checked as to the number and
identity (name) of the individual womma and the exact period they ruled by interviewing one
of the surviving sons of Womma Lambebo Haţiso who was a womma during the Italian
occupation and was killed for his involvement in patriotic activities (q.v.). It is also supported
by information obtained from local intellectuals. But there is lack of the accurate chronological
ordering of the dynasty. Some local written sources, however, do not include Womma
Lambebo Hatiso in their list of balee wommas. This needs further verification.
6.6. Italian War of Occupation: 1936-1941
The Italian army took control of the Tambaaro area in late 1936. They then established a
camp and an administrative center at a place called Durgi. Local informants called ‘rasdanse’
the name of the Italian general who headquartered at Durgi. It was presumably a viceresidence title which was a very powerful title next to the Residence title during the Italian
administrative rule (Bahru 2002). Durgi served as a residence for the army official. The
Osheto area served as a depot and ambush as well as cross point to Jimma.
Gareni Lal’e was a renowned, legendary balee Womma in Tambaaro political and military history. He was
a contemporary of Wolayta’s Kawo Damote (1836-1845) and Abba Gomol of Jimma Kingdom. (See Haile
Mariam, 1999. p.23) both of whom proved to be Tambaaro’s headaches until there emerged peaceful relations.
7
It was not possible to provide the time frame for the leadership of the balee wommas. Neither existing
written sources nor elders could provide the time frame except for few wommas.
6
81
The Italians used the Osheto locality as a site for a depot and a military base. They used the
locality as a strategic location to control the environing areas and also easily cross over to
Jimma over the Ommo River on which they built a bridge. (Today evidences of the Italian
military rule in the area exist. A massive tank presumably used for transporting fuel lies in the
Osheto locality. Pieces of the military tank/ vehicle also exist.)
6.6.1. Local Resistance: the Patriots and the Banda
It was a known fact that during Italian war of occupation, the Italian army camped at place
called Durgi-a strategic location and residence for the Italians. They erected what local
informant called an "antenna” on the mountains of Durgi and controlled different areas from
this site.
During the five years period, it was known that Ras Mesfin Sileshi fled to the Valley of Ommo
River and ambushing there fought the Italians. The local people fed and supported him. The
local played various roles as patriots. According to one old man he served as one who hid the
firearms for the Amhara and local patriots is brother served as one who helped patriots cross
the Ommo River. There were a number of renowned Ţambaaro warriors at the time of Italian
occupation who fought with the enemy. One of such local patriots was a man named Abebe
Mandoye. Many other Tambaaro men field into the forest to resist the Italians. The Italians
maltreated, whipped and killed the elders, fathers and mothers as retaliation. Womma
Lambebo Haţiso was, for example, killed by the Italians. Key patriots included Abadina,
Balango Uwito, Balamo Godato, etc. they lived in the Ommo valley and forest and returned
safely after the Italian flight.
One local man was told to have killed an Italian and offered him as a sacrifice on his fathers
graveyard showing the anger and revenge on the invading Italians and their cruelty to the
local people.
Some local Ţambaaro played a strategic double personality role, whereby they on the surface
severed the Italians in different capacities. But they clandestinely served various functions as
supporters of the patriots. We met one such old man who at the time and Italian occupation
was in his early 20’s /now he is about 95/. Asked why they acted like this the man responded
it was a strategic decision. At a pragmatic level it was logically the only choice for them
because they said the Italians were so callous and merciless they would strip any suspected
person naked and whip with scourge, and would sprinkle burning salt on the fresh wound.
They did not care to check for any verification. If any person gave any gossips that so and so
is supporting the patriots they would take immediate and merciless action.
The Italian soldiers would also force any woman they wanted and raped them. Older men
remember Italian occupation period with untold shuddering. The “hamassen” soldiers would
mercilessly kill any local person who does not serve the Italians.
82
Photo 6.2. & 6.3. Left, Ato Abebe Lambebo, son of Womma Lambebo Haţiso( A
patriot killed by Italians in 1938 ),standing on the his father’s burial mound: Right,
Hawdara, a place where the patriots fought with the Banda (Italian conscripted local
solders)
6.6.2. The Italian Defeat and Local Events
According to one old man,
"The Italians passed Thursday by colleting tributes from the locals (wheat,
honey, butter, etc). On the morrow, Friday, Engliz (the British) came and
destroyed the sea going vessel that was used to cross Ommo River. The
residence of the ruling officer was at Durgi. The resented, beleaguered locals,
the patriots and the British army all fought the fleeing Italian army
mercilessly.
The British army entered to Ţambaaro territory through Hadarro Crossing Over Saana Bridge.
The British plane hovered over the Ţambaaro sky chasing the Italians. But the Italian blew the
Saana river bridge that led to Durgi area. They also blew the bridge on the Ommo which they
built. They wanted to cross to Jimma. Seeing that the bridge was blown the British brought
the plane fighters. One old man claimed he saw it. the British soldiers came flying one manned
small planes which where carried by one giant ‘black’ plane, “which carried several smaller
planes,” in the words of an old man; but it was presumably not a small plane coming out of a
giant plane’ it was parachute.
Informants remembered that running for their life some Italian soldiers would force ten to
fifteen Ţambaaro men to put him into their midst so that the hovering British plane would not
spot him. If the local men refused he would threaten them with the bombs.
6.7. The Post-Italian Feudo- Bourgeoisie Era: 1941-1974
Ţambaaro had yet to face a more powerful and organized form of feudal serfdom. However,
for five years from 1941-1946, according to informants, the Haile Sellasie I government
(1930-1974) granted them a five years tax relief as a compensation for what informants called
their brave defense of the country as patriots during the five year occupation. It was said that
Ras Mesfin Sileshi, a giant political figure of the time, was said to have spent the five years in
the Ommo Valley and the Ţambaaro had supplied him with support. As gratitude, he "bought"
this tax relief for them.
However, the tax relief ended and the onerous feudal serfdom drained their lives. As similar
elsewhere in the country especially in the south, the local peasants endued terrible economic
83
hardships. The absolute power of melkeňa and neffteňňa was draining all their power. Despite
all these, informants said they could not stage open rebellions. The English- engineered, postItalian occupation Ethiopian feudal land tax laws and other socio-political systems had brought
about more intensified exploitation and suffering on the local peasants (See Lapiso, 1992;
19991; 1999).
6.7.1. The Student Movement (1971-1974)
Towards the end of the feudal era, especially beginning from the early 1970s, educated
Ţambaaro students who made their way through escaping the drudgery of serfdom managed
to get modern education outside of Ţambaaro began to incite public resistance, agitating the
people, mobilizing resistance, and disseminating news from the center. Mobilizing leaders
include Matewos Hateso, Tesfaye Abuye, Mikael Ssakalo, Jembre Meskel, etc. They organized
and mobilized locals to fight against the landlords. Gradually local resistance against feudal
lords began to be intensified (Haile-Mariam, 1999).
Towards the eve of the Revolution (1974) the student movement was already registering
visible fruits; they began confiscating the properties of the feudal lords, sold them and built
schools. The student movement also began disarming the landlords, neffteňňa and other
vagabonds following the revolutions. Then the ‘land to the tiller!’ movement resulted in the
new land proclamation of March 1975 that reinstituted land ownership right to the people. The
almost 90 years of onerous feudal system (1891-1974) came to an end.
6.8. Ţambaaro in the Derg Era (1974-1991)
The 1974 Revolution brought about a relatively better political economy atmosphere, with the
toppling of the feudal serfdom. The people now regained their land-use and ownership rights.
They had now no "melkeňa" and neffteňňa who takes their honey butter, milk, cows, children,
crops, etc at will. It brought about the abolition of the 90 years or so old vicious feudal system
that took the people’s own land and made them serfs and slaves in their own lands (Lapiso,
1992; Bahru, 2002). The most visible and thankful beneficiaries of the collapse of the feudal
system were the marginalized social groups such as the Erasha, Aldada and Debona who had
little or no access to land use. They were subjected to double oppression during the feudal
era: one was to the Amhara melkeňa and neffteňňa and the other was to the Lamala Moolla
group.
However, according to informants the Derg era had also its own problem. A new political
economy, with it radical socio-political ideology began another for and wave as harassment.
The traditional womma, especially the balee-womma were persecuted as vassals of feudalism.
The Derg government also deprived the people of its rights to utilize its age old traditional
cultural, spiritual and political values and institutions. It also brought about an era of terror as
the able-bodied males were being chased for military conscription. The Ţambaaro also had
great discontent with respect to the administrative structuring, as it suppressed their ethnocultural identity (see administrative history below).
6.9. Administrative History: 1891-1974; 1974- 2008
Ţambaaro area was subjected to various administrative structures since it came under the
control of the Menilikan II government in 1891. It was included in the Gimbicu centered
woreda which covered vast areas including Ţambaaro and other ethnic groups. The Ţambaaro
people strongly resisted this administrative structuring. Womma Çofforo was given back his
traditional title with added title of the feudal lordship, balabat. HE was to become the medium
between the Menilikan administration and his local people.
The first administrative center for Ţambaaro and environing areas was Angaça which was set
up in early 1890s. Then Woyra was set up after some four years (ca. 1894-1897) following the
establishment of Angaça. Woyra was the urban center for the newly structured woreda
Dansaa-Tambaro, 3 km north of Mudula Town. After some time Wachamo (later Hosanna)
was established in early 1900s. The Awraja was Kambatta. Ţambaaro were ruled from this
Awraja (See Haile- Mariam, 1999).
84
According oral sources and Ato Haile-Mariam (1999), the first Amharic administrators were
Fitawrari Shonkoro and Dejazmach Gafarso Eshete who continued organizing Menilikan forces
to proceed with marching against the recalcitrant Wolayta Kingdom. Fitawrari Shonkoro ruled
headquartering at Sigezo, near the present Mudula Town and Dejazmach Gafarso Eshete ruled
from Durgi. Womma Çofforo was ousted in 1983 and his son Bachore replaced him as the
liaison between the local people and the Amharic Administration. 8
During the Italian occupation, Womma Lambebo Hatiso was made to maintain his traditional
title and as replaced by another when he was found sabotaging with the patriots and
immediately killed in 1938. The traditional wommaship as left as it is throughout the Italian
occupation. When the Italians left, according to local sources, an Amhara ruler named Dejach
Tachbele was appointed to rule the Tambaaro area including other vast areas in Hadya and
Kambatta, beginning form the mid 1940s. His seat was not within Ţambaaro, but at Gimbicu.
Ţambaaro was under the Shewa teqlaw gizat until 1974, the Awraja (sub division) being
Kambatta. From 1974 to 1990 it was assigned under Debub Shewa kfle hager (Region) with
Ziway being the center. The Awraja was called Kambatta and Hadya in between for about two
years (1990-1992).
It is worth mentioning that the name Ţambaaro was a generic name for the entire vast
Woreda that was to include Ţambaaro, and other communities in Hadya, Kambatta, etc, since
1943. This continued until 1981. The woreda center was situated at Gimbicu. There were
heated debates and conflicts revolving around this matter. The woreda was within Kambatta
Awraja until 1975. The Awraja name itself was a source of conflict among Hadiya people and
later the term was changed to Kambatta -Hadiya Awraja in 1975.
Then in early Derg era, after series of debates, the name, Ţambaaro woreda was dissolved
and the constituent ethnic groups gained new woreda names. the vast woreda structure was
broken into separate woredas. During the end of Derg for a short time the name, Kambatta
Administrative Region was set up, encompassing a host of ethno-linguistic groups and areas
including Ziway area, Siltie, Azernet, Berbere, Hadya, Kambatta Ţambaaro, Alaba, Qebena, etc
(see Tesfaye, 1991). Attempt was made to make capital city at Shishicho but Ţambaaro
people refused to agree. With much struggle the administrative concoction, "Ommo Sheleqo
Woreda' was set up to cover Ţambaaro and other ethno-linguistic groups in the area, including
Hadya, Ţambaaro Donga and Dubamao. This name continued in effect from 1989 to 2008,
whence the name Ţambaaro woreda was given to the people of Ţambaaro.
6.9.1. Urban Growth and Administration
According to informants the term Mudula is traced to a man named 'Mudulo" who used to live,
some 5-6 generations back (ca. 200 years ago) of a near by locality on whose front yard
market was held. That market place was retransferred to the present site by negotiating with
the man due to repeated problems of thievery, killings and unrest in the community during
market days. The term Mudula has since then become synonymous with "Hamus Gebeya"
(Thursday’s market). This market thus dates back to pre-Menlik II times, unlike most other
markets in south which were often instituted by feudal administrators.
Mudula Town developed into an urban center from a humble beginning in the 1950s as a
market center when the market place from another area was shifted to this site. Since 1980
the town grew into and administrative and social amenities center when the Ţambaaro area
administration was shifted to Mudula.
8
The expression “Sheto Shonkoro” has now become part of the local political oral tale in Tambaaro. It
appeared as if these two different Menilikan men were merged into to one person. The names of these
administrators are thus raised in relation to the introduction of Menilikan rule and the EOC.
85
Photos 6.4. -6.6. Some cross sections of Mudula Town Picture taken on foggy days of
the summer season
Some informants say Qeňazmach Beyene Barena was credited to have established Mudula
town. In 1980, the Gimbicu town woreda center which Ţambaaro struggled to change was
successful when Ţambaaro and the nearby communities were assigned under a new woreda
administrative structure, Ommo Sheleqo. The woreda administrator was Gizaw Taye until
1983 when another administrator Haile Mariam Gemechu came and expanded the town by
ordering all kebeles to build one house as service center. These houses were later sold to the
residents and the income was used for constructing a high school premises (by World Vision
Ethiopia. The premise was later (in 1995) officially inaugurated as a high school.) Until 1980,
the town did not grow to urban status; it stayed with the name Mudula market.
The first modern school was established in Ţambaaro in 1950 by Catholic Christian Church
mission at Mudula. Ga’echa health center was upgraded from clinic level which was first built
by World Vision Ethiopia, Ommo Sheleqo area Development Program in 1992. It is up-graded
to health center level in 2009.
Photos 6.7.- 6.8. Ga’echa Health Center
6.10. Post- Derg Era: 1991 to the Present
Like other nationalities in Southern Ethiopia, the Ţambaaro recognize very tangible changes
and improvements they have witnessed in the political economy of their lives since the
downfall of the Derg in 1991. Among other things, informants argued, they have gained their
86
'lost' ethnonym now formally recognized as the woreda name. Their ethno-linguistic and
cultural uniqueness is now being recognized.
Informants enumerate the types and scope of infrastructural and social service devilments
since EPRDF came to power. Electricity was inaugurated in 2000; all- weather road connecting
the Woreda with Zonal, regional and federal centers have been put in place since 2008.
Number of schools, health facilities and other services has increased.
Above all, they argued the fact of cultural supremacy of other nation and nationalities imposed
on them has now corrected. They now go confident holding up their heads, no one no more
calls them "Timb arro"! One manifestation of the feudal era (1891-1974) was ideological and
politico-cultural hegemony of Amhara rulers over Tambaaro. This was evidenced in the sphere
of ethnonym and terms used to address the people and their area. A poem goes like this in
Amharic:
Woredaw gimbicha,
Hizbu ţimb aaro
Wonzu gemuna,
Meaning, "The people are stinking feces: the land is only stinking and the river is stinking.
They are stinkers!”
6.11. The Role, Status and Participation of Youth and Women in
Ţambaaro: A History
Over the years – across the four broad eras, 1560’s – 1891; 1891 - 1974; 1974 -1991 and
1991 to the present, we may argue important gradual changes have taken place in the way
females and youth were (are) treated; their roles and participation in political, social, religious
and economic affairs. The kind, content and intensity of problems these social
groups/categories have endured also changed over time.
It may be argued that through the entire period before the coming to power of the Derg in
1974, women (both youth and adults) have had very lower status in the society. Males as
fathers, husbands and wommas have had complete control over women. Except for the wives
of the Balee womma and Badee womma – who were given the royal title of qoricho – women
have had no place and participation in political decision making. Even the qoricho did not
command any useful authority, except enjoying royal privilege.
Since the 1970’s, however, the Derge regime has brought some freedom and participation
rights for women in political and social affairs. Women’s freedom, equality and participation in
political – social, economic affairs increased greatly with the coming to power of EPRDF.
The political and economic dominance and control of men over women has been more or less
broken in these days. As informants indicate, brighter years have come for women – they are
now free to choose their own husbands, free to exercise their own religion (in the past, a
woman was forced to adhere to the religion of her husband).
As far as youth are concerned, according to youth informants of both sexes, the youth
endured tortures political – economic hardships during the feudal era; they endured a period
of terror and fear of death during the Derg era; now, in post – Derg era, they have become
more and more empowered politically and economically, with ample opportunities.
87
PART II: ETHNOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL AND LEGAL INSTITUTIONS
In the political and legal ethnography of Ţambaaro below, we are not going to be exhaustive
and detail. We will focus on key aspects such the nature and philosophy of government and
law; the manner and basis of leadership; the making of the leaders and their relations to the
ordinary people; systems of justice and military technologies, etc.
It is worth -noting that the ethnography we depict below is in the ‘Ethnographic present’
mode. This is not to be construed as something that is now active. Much of the ethnography is
in fact depicting what used to be in the past. There is now going on an active and rapid
hybridization of the traditional and modern political and legal values and institutions, with the
former more and more rapidly giving way to the latter. Some of the traditional mores and
institutions have actually become defunct; some have remained in their token forms, without
any real power or effect.
6.12. Philosophy behind Traditional Government, Law and Social
Order
Ţambaaro political and legal philosophy is essentially one that was founded on the hallmarks
of the need for defending one's political sovereignty and independence; the need for meeting
out justice, equal participation of clans and sharing of power; holding political officers
accountable and limiting terms of office life; and belief in seeking solutions through
discussions, among others.
According to Ţambaaro traditional legal and political philosophy, the demarcation between the
secular and the spiritual is hazy; spiritually inspired and based powers are a hallmark of their
law and politics. There is no distinction between religion and government. The two are
inextricably blended together. Any political officer and leader are inherently religious.
Ţambaaro traditional legal and political philosophy takes into account the divine as a readily
accessible, effectively cooperative and powerfully lethal instrument in all matters of politicolegal arena, be it fighting and facing an invading enemy, or punishing a deviant community
member breaching sacred mores of law and order.
The institution of pronouncing cursing and blessing spells is a key element of the traditional
political and legal philosophy; it was a powerful, relentless force in commanding the collective
community in gaining adherence to the sacred legal values and mores. This sacred politicoreligious institution is based on an underlying philosophy that "words uttered in agreement
among the gerontocrats invoking the quintessentially superior divine powers by agency of the
ghosts of dead ancestors will surely come to pass." The clan leaders and the politico-religious
officers are the guardians of their sacred legal philosophy.
Social control in Ţambaaro traditional political and legal system is thus founded on this sacred
philosophy. This system of social control applies to all members of the Ţambaaro corporate
political community, irrespective of gender, age and socio-economic status. In real sense, in
Ţambaaro philosophy of politics and law, 'all citizens are equal before the law' in the sense
that any one- be it the ordinary person or the high raking womma who violates the sacred
mores of social control- is liable to standing before the impartial jury of clan gerontocrats.
Fear of and reverence to this sacred philosophy of social control is thus one that maintains
social order, peace and community wellbeing. There is no 'police' force, no need for any
mechanisms of imprisoning, using firearms and fear of fines to command citizens’ allegiance to
community legal mores. Firearms were needed to face outside enemies.
6.12.1. Ţambaaro Traditional Government
Judging from its key elements and operations, the traditional system of government in
Ţambaaro may be designated as what some scholars call as traditional democracy. Ţambaaro
traditional government system had no place for autocracy and absolutistic monopoly of power.
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Unlike their near and distant neighbors, Ţambaaro did not have any institution of dynasty or
kingship (except for the pre-Tambaaronite Kalmana group that maintained its dynasty for long
and was ousted by the Lamala Moolla group. We cannot at present depict the political and
legal culture of this group.) In some sense, their political system might be termed as a ‘the
divine- centered democracy", in that in all matters of law, government and justice, the divine
supra human power is called up on and easily accessed. It is a democracy in the sense that
key political powers are not monopolized within the hands of few individuals or families.
It is democracy in the sense that all the ‘seven clans’ of Lamala Moolla shared in the power of
decision and ruling. It has had broad based participation by all clan members in that the
representatives of all the so-called ‘66’ clans are/were participants in the corporate Ţambaaro
socio-political matters. All key social, political and economic issues were decided through open
and thorough discussion forums. It is a democracy in the sense that the political offices are
attached with clear direction of accountability and the terms of political service are limited to
at most two cycles. One leadership cycle (at least for balee womma) is defined up to 3 years,
with occasional variations. The badee womma would rule as long as he is alive and is found
leading a clean and impartial leadership.
It, however, lacks the principles of democracy in that the highest politico-social leadership
positions were and are maintained only in the families recruited from the Lamala Moolla group.
No man from other non-Lamala Moolla clan groups would aspire to be a badee or lahee or
balee womma. These supreme leadership positions were by definition limited to only the
Lamala Moolla group. The traditional political and legal system was not a democracy, too, in
the sense that it allowed blatant form of political- social marginalization of certain groups,
such as the potters. A democracy does not deny basic human rights such as the right to marry
one’s own choice, a right to own and produce ones own land, right to equal participation in all
matters of social life, etc.
6.12.2. Appointment Criteria and Accountability of Politico-legal
Leaders
The Badee womma, Balee womma and Lahee womma are/were recruited on the basis of their
belonging to one of the seven sons of Moolla; their arithmetic behaviors; their ability to
influence others; good physical and mental health; etc.
The lahee womma is ceremonial king who is appointed to 'keep the lahee' (the ancient mystic
golden ring whose identity, size and shape is however not known in details; no one is
allowed to see it except the keeper or a close confidant). The ring is kept in a small pot, which
is continually filled and refilled with fresh milk. The mystic religious object is a central source
of power and a sacred power is attached to it. It presumably represents, along with the sacred
sycamore and masincho trees, the Lamala Moolla. Any who dared to see it would pay dearly in
death as it is believed; one can't survive by looking at it. The object is considered as an
equivalent of the Ethiopian Orthodox church's ark The lahee is dazzling to the eye-one cannot
look at it." said informants.
The lahee womma, the ceremonial keeper of the mystic object, is chosen from the ‘seven
sons' clan. The office is not limited to one clan. (The lahee is so sacred one cannot take a
photo picture of it).
The magaba (the clan representative) was chosen on the basis of leading a 'clean life', one
who is decent, who can talk and convince others, an orator and also an old man of the clan;
renowned and charismatic. The clan members would elect such a man. The term of the office
of the magaba depends on the manner in which he leads the clan. If the clan-folk find any
problem with the magaba’s leadership style, they would work towards deposing him; they
would report it to the corofra. The corofra would instruct them to recruit another man and
appoint him and then notify it to the corofra.
Currently, the traditional political and justice system is implemented at least partially and in
some sense nominally because the yesteryear’s charisma and commanding powers of the
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leaders have waned. Currently, the balee-womma the royal balabat (land lord of the feudal
era) is not in place. The last such traditional officer was Qeňazmach Beyene, who was deposed
in 1974. At present, (at the time of our field work in August 2009) the lahee womma, the
spiritual father of the Ţambaaro proper is nominally in office. His name is Bergano Balango
(one of our key informants). The current badee womma is Basore Bardilo who was elected in
April 2009. The balee womma who served as a middle power between local community and
the central government’s administration until 1974 (1891-1974), is now replaced by the
formal woreda government structure.
6.12.3. The Roles and Responsibilities of the Three Wommas
At the upper echelon of Ţambaaro government are the three key womma positions: Lahee
womma, Badee womma and Balee womma, ‘the king of lahee’, the mysterious gold ring, ‘the
king of badee, the land’ and "the king of balee, literally the feather king, king proper,’
respectively. Some writers also add a forth womma: Hagi Womma (leader of military wing),
although this was not confirmed by elders during interview and discussion sessions. Rather,
there was a gazana the war leader. Although it appears that the three wommas (kings) are at
equal political power planes, there is a real power attached to the badee womma who is
empowered to check and control the other wommas.
The Lahee Womma
Lahaa is a term for reportedly a golden ring. No one particularly women and young people are
allowed to see it. When the lahee womma is appointed, the people give a heifer which gave
birth to a male calf. The Lahee womma would drink milk and the pot containing the lahaa is
continually filled with milk. When and if the people delay in giving in a new cow, the lahee
womma would take out the lahaa and put it outside. It was believed misfortunes such as
drought would occur when this happens.
Of the three wommas, the lahee womma is more of the caretaker of the spiritual legacy and
ancestral sacred symbol. He has the key role and responsibility of keeping the biţera, a pot
where the lahee (the mystic sacred golden ring) resides." He is the keeper and high priest of
the 'Ark of covenant" so to speak. In a sense, he is entrusted with the most profound
responsibility because the entire ethno-political identity of the corporate Ţambaaro proper
hangs on the keeping of this sacred ancestral power symbol.
Lahee womma does not have any power to ‘order people’ except ‘keeping the mystique
ceremonial ring.’ This political office is given to a person from one of the seven clans and the
power may stay as long as the lahee womma is alive.
Balee Womma
Balee is a feather. The feather is taken from a kind of a bird (some say it was an ostrich) Two
feathers (about 35-40 cm long) are tied to the head of the womma. The feather is a symbol of
kingly status. Origins of why this bird was chosen and what the philosophy behind the feather
is not clear. Balee womma is the governor of the people.
Photo 6.8. The balee
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The balee womma is the king proper, the ruler and administrator of the people. He is so to
speak like an implementer of the sacred legal and governmental rules; he is the 'prime
minister," but with limited and clearly accountable power use. Balee womma is the real king
and his office is rotated among the seven clans every three years.
The Badee Womma
The badee womma, or exchangeably referred to as (sometimes with confusion resulting) the
corofra, is the one that has power to summon the balee womma and account him on his
performance; he has the power to control the balee womma. The badee womma has the
power to appoint and confirm the new balee womma is appointed. Over the years, beginning
from the incorporation of the Tambaaro land into the Menilikan Government a power reversal
had taken place: the balee womma emerged as the most powerful womma with benediction
from the Menlik II government.
The badee womma was the one that sees to it that the other wommas (particularity the balee
womma) as well as the lesser political officers were carrying out their duties properly,
effectively and in fair manner. The corofra, the council of the tobee magabas (the clan
leaders) is the highest decision making body. There are confusions among local informants
regarding the identity of the corofra and the badee womma. A debate among local intellectuals
did not even seem to settle it. But the general agreement is that the badee womma and the
corofra are one and the same. But when they explain what the corofra is entrusted with, they
note that the corofra is a council mad up of all the three wommas and hence they confuse it
with the tobee magabas. In this line of argument it appears that the corofra and the tobee
magaba are synonymous. The badee womma is the 'Speaker ' of the council. The council is
composed of the magabas (clan leaders) and the three wommas.
The power of declaring war, leading war, and similar duties rest on the balee womma.
Declaring the calendars of the annual masala festival rests on the lahee womma. The magabas
are responsible for administering the affairs of their clans-folk and implementing the orders
and duties given by the balee womma and badee womma.
Badee womma is the supreme authority in Ţambaaro. The badee womma is a convener of the
Tobee magaba (clan leaders); he is the governor- general of the 66 clans' magabas. The
magaba reports to badee womma. The corofra (the badee womma is like father figure; if the
balee woman makes wrongs, the people would come to the badee womma for compliant (via
he magabas). the corofra may summon the balee womma and question him, and even depose
him.
The tobee magaba act as messengers between their clans and the corofra. The tobee magaba
also act as advisors and counselors (on clans affairs, crime issue etc.) to the corofra. It seems
in some written sources, a term Molli- Ya’a was used as an alternative to tobee magaba.
According to Haile-Mariam Desta (1999), Molli- Ya’a was “general assembly of Mola which
involves all the people of Tambaaro”. May be this “all the people of Tambaaro” is intended to
mean all the clan groups.
Below the Magaba there existed other low-ranking socio-political offices. One of these was
Gochi Danna, meaning, ‘village/ neighborhood leader. Gochi –Danna was elected in the Gochiya’a that consist different clans in a given locality. The lowest rank I the politico-legal office
seems to be boik-bahro or nubatcho, meaning the household elder. Every household was thus
led by its boik-bahro, who would see to it that the family members abide by the clan rules and
mores. Cases that were difficult to handle at this level would be taken to the gochi danna. But
if it was a specifically clan matter, the case would also be taken to the clan eider/
representative (magaba).
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Lahee Womma,
Spiritual leader,
“the keeper of
the Lahaa, the
‘ark of covnenat’”
Gochi-danna
(neighborhood/
village leader)
Badee Womma/Corofra,
“Executive Director”
Tobee Magaba: “The Advisory
Council to the Corofra”
Balee Womma,
“Prime Minister"
Magaba: Clan Leaders (All the
representatives of the major
clans in Ţambaaro)
Boik-bahro (Nubatcho)
Household elder
Fig 6.2. Ţambaaro traditional political leadership positions and their responsibilities
(Note that this model differs form the one given above, reflecting the existence of
confusion as to the clear-cut distinction among the various political- spiritual-social
leadership positions
But, in a real sense, the wommas work in consultation with one another. There are rarely
cases of power abuse. Power abuse is immediately dealt with. Conflicts sometimes occur when
questions of fair participation of the seven major clans in the rights of exercising the womma
title. The three wommas often work together in some cases. If for example some 'bazaar'
thing, such as birth of defected baby occurs, the three would go and conduct prayer ritual. It
was believed that the blessing as well as cursing pronounced by these leaders would surely
come to pass.
Although the traditional political titles were not family or clan based in principle, it appears
that the titles often run in limited clans. This is particularity true of the lahee womma which
has always been in the house of only one clan. Badee womma titles also more or less run in
one family. It was the balee womma title which was properly rotating among the seven clans
(although to how much extent this claim is true is not verifiable, because some of the clans of
the ‘seven accentors’ have almost become decimated demographically.) It appears that limited
clans have played key roles in the political-spiritual leadership positions in the Ţambaaro
political- legal history. (The Ţerre- Yagga line is a case in point.)
6.12.4. The Privileges of the Wommas
The privileges accorded to the wommas and other leaders in Ţambaaro nationality are
manifested more in the form of non-material than material aspects. In terms of the outward
characteristics such as the kind of apparels they use, the residences and the household
utensils, the dietary habits, the kingly insignia, etc, there has been no conspicuous difference
from the ordinary people. But in terms of the non-material privileges, there used to exist a
marked difference. The wommas and the other social-spiritual leaders were accorded a
venerated respect. Their ideas, words and orders were accepted with great adoration.
Violation of their dignities and customary mores was unthinkable.
The womma’s bed cover was a specially prepared clean white cowhide. The clans-folk would
bring white honey as tributes to the womma, "to receive blessing from the womma."
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Whenever oxen are slaughtered, the neighboring people would bring the hump meat directly
to the womma family. They would sit down, spread a clean leave of ensete (false banana) and
cut from the hump and eat; and then pronounce blessings on the bringer of the meat.
The sons and daughters of the balee womma were not given any special political office or title.
They were addressed as 'Womma ebelo betto’, meaning “the son of Womma so and so”. They
were, however, given special ho or and respect. During pronouncement of blessings at special
events the sons of the wommas receive primacy.
The Ţambaaro Wommas did not have any conspicuous regalia. The wommas are not expected
to mix and sit together with other ordinary people; neither would the latter dare to mix with
them. The kind of food they ate was not as such different from that of the ordinary citizens.
Neither was there any significant difference between the wommas' living home/ residence and
that of others. The wommas, however, had other people who served them in farming,
maintenance of fences, building house, etc; they never worked in farms.
The wommas had no crown worn on the head. Neither had they any ring on their hands or
scepter held in hand (of course, the badee womma put a finger ring made of brass.) The
funeral ritual of the wommas was/ is not significantly different from that of others. This lack of
any conspicuous regalia and privileges for Ţambaaro womma is probably due to the
democratic nature of their political system, a system that does not put individuals in elevated
positions, at least not in material sense.
Photos 6.10 & 11 The late Womma Beyene Barena and one of his living wives
6.13. Ţambaaro Traditional Justice System
In Ţambaaro traditional justice system, the highest authority is the badee womma (literally,
the king of the land) otherwise called corofra. The other two high-ranking politico-legal
leadership positions are balee womma and Lahee womma. (Detail will be given below) There is
no uniform agreement among informants as to the structure and hierarchical relationships of
the various political- legal leaders. The structure and hierarchy of the justice system is as
follows.
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Badee Womma (Corofra
Chairperson)
Lahee Womma:
the priest-king
Balee womma (the
ceremonial king)
The Tobee magaba: A
council of clan leaders from
all major clan groups
The magaba: The
clan leaders
Individual sub clans
Individual appellant family
Ţambaaro Corporate
Fig. 6.3.
system
Ţambaaro traditional hierarchal structure in political offices and justice
When an issue of big significance surface (such as a deviant son or daughter marrying within
the clan, homicide, etc) the appellant would take the matter to the megaba, the leader elder
of the clan. The megaba if finds the case above his capacity, takes the case to the balee
womma, who then will take it to the corofra. The leader, badee womma, would then summon
the tobee magaba, a kind of traditional council where all the magabas would be called up on a
specified data. The lahee womma and the balee womma would be present. The meeting would
be led by the badee womma. Then they would make the final, binding decision. There would
be no appeal chance beyond this level.
6.13.1. Criminal Justice System
Ţambaaro traditional criminal justice system was basically punitive; it was not restitutive.
Crimes are meted out with unflinching punishments. In the traditional criminal justice system,
there was capital punishment. A person who committed homicide was punished by death. The
method of death penalty was to put the criminal in a basket and throw in to deep pits over
cliffs. This very death penalty system was the cause of the ancestral fathers’ flight from
‘Yemerera’ land when one of the ancestors killed his brother and decision was made to enforce
the death penalty over killer. This criminal justice system continued in Ţambaaro in their new
found land-until it was finally abrogated when the Menilikan government was introduced. Such
capital punishment method was practiced in Sidama and hence it was basically Sidamaic. We
do not at the present have information on the methods of capital punishment practiced by
other non-Lamala Moolla groups.
When homicide occurs, the penalty is known. It is death. But sometimes, the criminal may be
granted mercy. The families of the criminal would hand over the latter to the tribunal. They
would then beg for mercies. Appointment is given for two weeks (15 days) in Lamala Moolla
influenced-Ţambaaro culture.
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6.14. The Leadership and Organization of Military Campaigns
The balee womma has the power in consultation with the corofra to declare war, lead the
army, and organize the army. Invitation to war from the enemy side is sent to the corofra.
When war invitation and threat comes, the corofra summons Lahee womma and balee womma
for consultation. Conflicting views were forwarded regarding the roe of the wommas in the
military campaigns. Some argued that the badee womma and lahee womma do not go for
fighting during war. Others said although the balee womma may march to the war front, he
doesn’t actually engage in fighting. Some insisted that the balee womma would also be
present in the fighting giving overall guidance and direction.
The badee womma’s and lahee womma’s role is to see the army and the general off. He
conducts the welcome and blessing ritual when the army comes back home after fighting. As
one informant argued, “The lahee womma and the corofra would send the army giving its
pronouncement of blessings. The army would be prayed for in the sacred Dagale tree site.”
The war general is called gazana, who is chosen on basis of bravery. The gazana is like
defense minister who is appointed on the basis of strength, bravery, discipline, etc. He could
be from any clan. There are also very renowned war generals called qari-gossa. The corofra
gives order to the qari-gossa. The qari-gossa is chosen on the basis of bravery.
The organization of fighting is to such that the qari-gossa takes the vanguard, frontline
position; behind him is migiso, who encourages the qari-gossa. If migiso gets frightened there
is grisidda. If the one gets weakened, killed or frightened, the other takes on. The ware /army
had infantry and cavalry. The war/ army was organized in bands and the brave warriors called
the gazanas would lead the army.
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Fig. 6.4. Military Leadership hierarchy
Gazana
Qari-gossa
Migisa
The warfare technology of Ţambaaro included
spears, shield and swords. The spears called bagazu
were of three types. One was called maçamé (one
that had a sort of protruding part which would tear
apart the enemy once stuck into the body); the
other was a medium sized one, a long broad
surfaced blade capable of also cutting; the third was
a thinner, more sharpened one which could pass
through the body piercing. The shield is held in left
hand and used for defense. It is made from the hide
of gasanich (hippo) by potters. Bagazu (spear) is
made by ţomano (black smiths). Bissa (big-sized
knife) with long and wide blade was also an
important war arsenal. The bissa was used when
they fought face to face.
Grisidda
Some writers add other military positions. The
Aersida or zaeshiqas were those who would give
command to the army to encircle the enemy and attack it. The murtqas were those who
would give the command to the army to the detach the enemy into two halves so as to attack
it (See Hale-Mariam Desta, 1999).
6.14.1. Defense Ditches
The Ţambaaro military defense system also included digging ditches. Today defense ditches
are seen as relics of historical events. Ţambaaro had constant war relations with its nearby
and distant neighbors. One of the defense systems was to dig ditches along those sides where
the natural defense is weak. In other words, these ditches were dug at all directions except
the borders with Dawro and Jimma Abba Jiffar as these directions have natural defense of
Ommo River. Some of the defense ditches measured very long distances. So Ţambaaro
Wommas had dug these defense ditches with very deep wide margins. The ditches were dug
by mobilizing all able bodied males. The check points at all directions were continually
protected and chosen warriors would stand day and night as sentinels.
Each defense ditch is termed by specific names: Adde Wadaya, Amaro Kobate, Angiso
Wussissa, Arijami Bodena, Abale Boroja, Abaco Durgi. These were the check points where
watchmen would stand and oversee for any enemy signs. If men went away for a war or other
mission, a woman would serve as a watchperson, informants claimed.
6.14.2. Religion, Politics and War
The war arsenal was also backed by the ‘tool of cursing’. Diviners would also often give them
guidance and counseling. In Ţambaaro traditional religious system, there existed borrowed
and gradually incorporated religious forms of different groups that later assimilated in to
Ţambaaro society. These religious forms such as hawzula, adama, yafaro and others played
important roles in political, economic and socio-cultural affairs. The leaders of these sprit
possession cults and the seasonal ceremonies they held often served as legal justice
dispensing agents. Those in conflict or have legal cases would often take their matters there
and adjuration would be made. During wars, the war leaders would often consult the hawzula
or adama cult leaders, who would then do some magic and it was said they would send some
torrential rain or other danger over the enemy power. Informants claimed the hawzula cult
was particularly a great help for the Tambaaro during its wars with the Wolayta and Jimma
Abba Jiffar.
The bandicho ritual as military arsenal was particularly well known. According to informants,
Ţambaaro forefathers recourse to the bandicho ritual as an aid supplement to fighting. It is a
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form of cursing ‘producing words of cursing and blessing.’ This ritual was brought from the
‘Yemerera’ land as informants claimed. Before marching to any Warfield, the fighters and clan
elders and all wommas would congregate at Daggle sacred tree and conduct this ‘cursing and
blessing’ ritual. It was believed this cursing uttered in agreement by the elders, invoking their
ancestral ghosts and the Gamabala Magano would give the Ţambaaro psycho-spiritual
confidence and power and it would send a ‘sprit of terror and fear among the enemy.’
Informants believe the spells of cursing pronounced by he Lamala Moolla elders would be a
lethal blow to any enemy whether a lone individual or an invading army. Informants believed
this religious dimension maintains its geo-political identity. Informants claimed the Lamala
Moolla had a great confidence in their power of cursing which was terrifying and scarier to the
enemies than any confidence in horse power or military arsenal.
6.15. Gender and Politics in Ţambaaro Traditional Politics
Ţambaaro traditional systems of politics and government are essentially paternalistic. The
politico-legal identity of the nationality is based on the ancestral fathers. There is nothing as
such the ‘motherland’ concept in their politics. It is their male ancestral land, be t the Lamala
Moolla or the pre-Lamala Moolla groups or any other ethnogenic groups. The male-father
ancestral figure is the quintessential base and the very spirit of the political and legal system.
All the key positions of political leadership are solely in the hands of the males. Women have
no rights to be attaining to the position of any one of the three key wommaship. Neither do
they participate as leaders in the lower political hierarchies at sub-clean, lineage and family
level. The father- husband figure is the key decision makes in all family and household politics
as well as neighborhood politics. The womma's (balee womma) wife was called Qoricho an
equivalent of empress or queen. The wife of the corofra is also given similar title, Qoricho. She
is highly respected. She did not work in farms. She did not go to markets; others would bring
needed commodities to the family. The qoricho wore a red hemmed broad, big cloak called
Qamisa; it is like jalabia not worn as a skirt). They tied the cloak with a long strip of belt. The
cloak was made with special care.
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CHAPTER: SEVEN
ETHNOHISTORY AND ETHNOGRAPHY OF RELIGION
In this Chapter, we shall present an ethnohistory and ethnography of religious institutions and
philosophies in Ţambaaro. This will be done in two parts. Attempt shall be made to entertain
all the major ethnogenetic groups in the pan- Ţambaaro Nationality where possible. The
different such groups and their imprints on the religious philosophical and institutional map of
the Nationality will be examined. Certain ethnogenic groups, however, shall be unavoidably
emphasized as availability of data permits.
PART I: ETHNOHISTORY OF RELIGIOUS PHILOSOPHIES AND INSTITUTIONS
7.1. Origins of Different Religious Philosophies and Institutions in
Ţambaaro
The Ţambaaro religious landscape is made up of distinct religious philosophies and
ethnohistories that were produced by different ethno-social groups in the land. Some of the
religious philosophies and institutions were original to the land whereas others were
introduced to the land with the arrival, in different time periods, of various ethno-social
groups.
It is most probable that the earliest known inhabitants of the present Ţambaaro land, such as
the Gudda and Magada, Erer-Masiwa, Dawi-Digala groups, must have developed their own
religious system that helped them make successful adaptations to the environment. It is
known in the ethnological science theories that all ethno-social groups, whatever their level of
technological and social development, have their own system of religious philosophies and
institutions; for without such philosophies and institutions, it would have been difficult to the
people to understand and master their ecologies. Religious philosophies and institutions have
been developed, according to ethnological theories, to satisfy the fundamental questions and
desires of human beings (Kottack, 2002; Hammond, 1972).
The earliest inhabitant groups have thus had their own religious philosophies and institutions.
Of the type, content, nature and elements of these philosophies and institutions, however, we
have no data at them current state. From what available oral tradition state, we may presume
that, depending on their primitive socio-economic and political level of organization, they must
have had very primitive forms of religious philosophies.
We are, too, not certain as to the nature and types of religious philosophies and institutions
that were espoused by the other pre-Tambaaronite population groups. It is, though, probable
that these groups may have espoused a religious system that more or less resembled the
traditional African religious system of ancestral worship, which is also a fundamental religious
system of the latter population groups including the Lamala Moolla, Çatta and others.
What is relatively better documented and of what current oral tradition provides fresh
accounts are the religious systems and philosophies of the most recent population groups that
have become part of the Ţambaaro Nationality: the Lamala Moolla, Çatta, Tigra, Kalmana,
Woçifina, Handarama, Gondorima, etc. These religious forms and philosophies have been the
underlying superstructure basis of the Nationality until the arrival and gradual dominance of
the modern religious philosophies and institutions, namely, Christianity and Islam. We shall
now proceed to the presentation of the origins and basic philosophies of the different religious
systems.
7.2. Origins of Lamala Moollaic Religious Systems
Elders generally claim that Ţambaaro ancestors-before leaving their leaving ‘Yemerera’ land
and their post settlement period, as well as the period of their long years of trekking in
between, their ancestors adhered to what they tall a belief in only Gambella Maganoliterally, the ‘black deity’. It appears this religions-philosophical system has been the original,
98
most indigenous one of the Lamala Moolla. It is not, however, clear and yet to be confirmed
whether their Sidama kin adhered to the same system of religious philosophy. It is clear,
though, that the Magano concept is etymologically and linguistically the same in the Sidama
Nationality.
This religious philosophical system, according to informants, continued to define Ţambaaro
ethno-religious identity at least in the subsequent several decades (perhaps longer) following
their settlement in the present day land. In the decades and centuries following their
settlement, the 17th , 18th and 19th centuries, this indigenous religious system continued to
survive as other religious philosophical systems gradually began to be borrowed by the people
sometimes and forced up on other times until the original religion then finally “gave in its
hands in the 20th century to the more systematically organized, appealing, and politicoeconomically and ideologically powerful religious systems, particularly Christianity and Islam.
7.2.1. Lamala Moolla Religious Philosophy in 17th and 18th
Centuries: Religious Exchanges with Other Groups
As the Lamala Moolla began to settle down and come of age in their new found land, they
began on one hand to fight for their geo-political identity with the indigenous inhabitants and
other neighboring groups, and on the other, exchanging and borrowing new religious
philosophical systems with the groups.
According to informants, the Lamala Moolla began making marriage relations with their
neighbors and with such relations new forms of religious systems began to flow to their land.
We also surmise the religious systems of the indigenous Kalmana groups might have also
infiltrated9.
One dominant historical development in Ţambaaro religious history was thus the introduction
of the Fandano religious system (q.v.) which was a common religious system in Hadya groups.
It came to Ţambaaro through “the wives who came”. Fandano religious system appears to
have been corruption resulting from Muslim and Christian influences. Same historians suggest
it might be a corrupt version of Islam in evidence for the ancient Muslim Hadya kingdom
(Braukämper, 2004). In essence, Fandano religion, as expressed by informants, is a form of
spirit possession cult where a charismatic person embodying a spirit manifests bizarre
religious behaviors and mystic expressions such as glossolalia, jerking, and other expressions.
The adherents gather around the compound of the religious leader and partake in the various
socio-spiritual and legal adjudication, sooth-saying and problem solving sessions.
Ţambaaro traditional religious system also incorporated in to its system more other religious
forms from Kambatta, Hadya, Jimma, Yem, Wolayta and other groups. What Ţambaaro elders
called Jarra (Amharic Zar) is one such form, a form of spirit possession cult known by different
names although with more or less similar contents and philosophical systems in various ethnic
groups. The qalicha cult, for example, is one such dominant religious form in Oromo areas.
The Hawzula, Adama (q.v.) and similar religious forms now still in existence in Ţambaaro are
also borrowed such forms from neighboring areas.
7.3. Religious System in Ţambaaro: from Late 19th to the Present
7.3.1. The Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Roots in Ţambaaro
Existing historical documents indicate that the Ethiopian Monophysite Orthodox Christianity
begun spreading to and arriving at the south and southwest Ethiopian land as early as the 13 th
century when ardent EOC missionaries waged hot and large missionary preaching campaign.
The names of such priest as St Abune Teklehaymanot who was said to have converted the
Some writers, though, argue that the Lamala Moola groups have managed to wipe out over 38 different
religious cults that prevailed in the land before their arrival, through offending the deities of the cults or
through using the institution of cursing that was part of their own traditional religious system (See HaileMariam Desta, 1999).
9
99
famous ‘pagan’ Wolaytan king Motolemi into Christianity and thus spreading the faith to this
area is well acclaimed (Wana Wagesho, 2004; Bahru, 2002; Braukämper, 2004). Similarity,
the Kambatta- Tambaaro region was also brought under the EOC influence as early as the end
of 13th and the turn of 14th centuries during the era of the acclaimed Emperors Amde Tsion
(1313-1344) and the ensuing emperors, Yishaq (1414-29), Zar'a Yā'kob (1434-68) and
others. Some writers claim the nearby Kambatta was already a dominantly Christian kingdom
before the Graň Ahmed Wars (1531 -1552) (See Tesfaye Habiso and Haile Daniel Megiso;
1992).
The historical progression in Ţambaaro religious identity took a major thrust with the
introduction of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity (EOC). Some learned informants locate the
historicity of this event within a specific time framework: ca. 1878. A man named Fitawrari
Sheto Shonkoru10 was credited to have brought EOC to Ţambaaro land. Material evidences for
this appear to exist, with the existence of on extremely old Ethiopian Orthodox church named
Durgi St. Mary Church-at the outskirts of Mudula town.
EOC was more forcefully strengthen in Ţambaaro with added impetus from Menilikan era
(1889-1913), as the overcoming empire began to set in place in more forces the sign of its
ideological power- the church. Influences of EOC culture seem to play a dominant role in the
life ways of many Ţambaaro today (although Protestant Christian influence is much stronger).
The practices of fasting in Wednesday and Fridays and the lent and other instituted fasting
seasons are popularly practiced. These practices however also display subtle syncretization
processes.
Photo 7.1. One of the oldest EOCs in
Tambaaro, Durgi Mariam Church
The manner of conversion of locals into
EOC in the past took a form of mass
performance. According to old men
informants, during early years of Haile
Sellasie
1
(1930-1974),
the
representative administrators declared
to all people on Mudula market day that
they should all convert to Orthodox
Christianity. Then mass christening
occasion was arranged and the locals
were
“sprinkled
en-masse”
into
Christianity. They were given Orthodox
Christian names such as Wolde-Mariam
Haile-Mariam, etc (for males) and
Wolete-Mariam, etc, for females. Hundreds of people christened by a priest administrator and
they would then bring gifts of honey and butter to the administrator and a feast would be
organized. The males were christened by the Amhara ruler, females by the wives. They would
sprinkle the water and tie the cross symbol on their necks.
There are some indications of the hybridization of Ethiopian Orthodox Christian concepts and
practices with indigenous religious forms in Tambaaro. Terms such as Kitosa, Mariayame, etc
reveal such hybridization. They are common particularity among the Lamala Moolla. The idea
of Kitosa as a deity was, according to some informants, an element of Tambaaro origin even
before the ancestors came from ‘Yemerera’. Obviously, the term Kitosa is a corrupt version of
Christ and it is in al likelihood probable that it is a syncretization of original Tambaaro religion
with Orthodox Christianity, as the elements and influences of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity
The expression, Sheto Shonkoro in the local narrative is equivalent to the two separate Menilikan
administrators who begun ruling Tambaaro area following the 1891 occupation. They were Fitawrari
Eshete and Dejazmach Gafarso Shenkoru.
10
100
could be traced as far back as to 13t and 14th centuries in south Ethiopia. Similar corrupt
terms also exist in other southern Ethiopia nationalities such as Wolayta, where the roots of
EOC influences go back o 13th c. The idea that same informants claim the Lamala Moolla
originally was already Christian before the introduction Christianity is not a valid one.
7.3.2. The Question of Muslim Origins in Ţambaaro
Islamic religion seems to be of minor historical significance in Ţambaaro. Although the religion
appears to have been in Ţambaaro for long time now (over a century-- exact time of
introduction yet not known) the local adherents are few and far in between.
Muslim religious influence in current Ţambaaro religious landscape is very insignificant,
compared to Christianity in general and Protestant Christianity in particular. Despite this,
Muslim origins based on local traditions, go deeper in Ţambaaro. A number of distinct social
categories in the land claim ancient Muslim religious roots. They claim an ancestral figure who
was a Muslim, bearing Muslim name.
One of such groups is the Kalmana- Gondorima groups consisting five distinct sub-clan groups
in the current inventory of cans in Ţambaaro. They claim a certain Haji Abrha was the apical
ancestor in Yemen, Arabia who gave birth to the two founding fathers, Adiyo and Wakena or
Wakamo, whose descendants, respectively, are Kalmana and Woçifina, and Gondorima,
Handarama and Beella,
Another group that claims Muslim roots is the Farzaano clan. Descendants claim their
ancestors came from Arabia (specific country or locality not known) in an unknown past.
According to informants, the ancestors passed through Sudan. We do not have detail
information on the specific routes the ancestors passed through, the duration they stayed,
their encounters with the indigenous inhabitants of Ţambaaro land upon their arrival.
Informants claim some branches of the Farzaano group today live scattered in different parts
of the country such as Arsi, Kambatta, etc
Photo 7.2. A Muslim mosque
Some informants argued that the first batch of known Muslim
adherents came to Ţambaaro about 100 years back. The leader
was called Hadji Shokota. They came from Maçça, Jimma.
Currently, the Muslim community built up around this family
has become well established. The man was the first to
introduce water powered flour mills into Ţambaaro.
Some local intellectuals wrote that a renowned Çatte man
played his own significant role in the first ever organized and
formal attempt at spreading Muslim religion in Ţambaaro land.
He was claimed to have obtained favorable support from the
Emperor Haile sellasie I himself in his efforts. The man, named
Sheik Seid Aba Zamzam, was said to have been imprisoned for
his religious missions during the Italian ear in Soddo Prison
(Tekle Tesema, unpublished manuscript, 2009).
The argument by some informants that Ţambaaro were Muslim
from the beginning is not valid though Muslim elements, existed in Ţambaaro beginning from
the settlement of people groups from Muslim influenced areas such as Jimma Aba Jiffar and
also the coming of certain Muslim origin families, descendents of whom claim their ancestors
came to Ţambaaro from Arabia some time in the past which is not exactly defined). Islamic
elements infiltrated in to Ţambaaro area also through trade and commerce beginning
particularly from the time of the long distance trade.
101
7.3.3. Origins and Current State of Protestant Christianity in
Ţambaaro
In the religious history and identity of Ţambaaro evangelical (protestant) Christianity occupies
an even more popular, and above all deeply felt- impacting and widely grassroots level.
According to informants, which is also in congruence with the written historical sources,
protestant Christianity was first introduced to Ţambaaro land in early 1920s and 1930. Local
missionaries from neighboring Wolayta, Kambatta and Hadya brought evangelical Christianity.
The Wolayta missionaries were particularity very popular in spreading the gospel message of
Protestant Christianity in neighboring nationalities (Markina, 2008; Lapiso 1992).
Photo 7.3. & 4 Full Gospel Church in Mudula
Since then, amidst fierce competition,
pressure and suppression from the state
sponsored Orthodox Christian Church, as
well as particularly under the Derg Regime
(1874-1991), protestant Christianity grew
rapidly (See Grenstedt, Stafan. 2000). Its
impacts began to be felt deeply and the most
severely affected being Ţambaaro indigenous
and borrowed religious forms. Protestant
Christian songs hailing from every corner,
from small kiosks to big hotels and bars,
appear to be evidence for such wide
presence in the Ţambaaro land at present.
7.4. Origins and Current State of Some Other Traditional
Religious Cults
As stated above, the present Ţambaaro religious landscape is reminiscent of the existence of,
and to some extent the persistence of, different religious systems that were espoused by
different ethno-social groups. Based on the information provided by local informants, the
inventory of the various traditional religious systems in Ţambaaro land included some very
popular ones in terms of commanding people’s allegiance and adherence in the past as well as
in terms of their pragmatic utilities in the Ţambaaro socio-cultural and politico-economic
landscape.
Most dominant among these religious systems include: Adama (originated among the Çatta
group); Yafaro, (among the Tigra group); Yejjo (among the Kalmana and Woçifina groups);
Wombo (among the Gondorima- Handarama and Beella groups); Genoina and Jarra (among
the potters’ group); Hawzula (a renowned deity probably originating in Kaffa Garo area and
gradually emerging as a celebrated deity of war and rain among the new comer Tambaaro
group beginning from the first half of 17th century); Fandano (among the Hadya originated
groups or among those people who ‘took wives from Hadya areas’); etc.
7.4.1. The Adama Cult of the Çatta
According to oral tradition, when the ancestors of the Çatta group first emigrated from their
original Borena land in some undefined date in the past, they were said to have brought their
own religious philosophy and institution to the Dawro land. The religious priests who served as
the medium of the guardian spirit called Adama gave divinations and directions during the
migration. The guardian spirit was said to have ‘rested’ in any person from the Çatta group
and it was transferred from one person to other over the generations.
When the Çatta finally immigrated to Ţambaaro in an undefined date in pre- Menlik II era;
they brought the cult through the medium of a man named Amero Huluqo. Since then, the
guardian sprit was identified with the Çatta group through its manifestation by human agents
with a title of Qerba. A line of Qerbas on whom the sprit ‘rested” include: Qerba Hisabo,
Qerba Hidibo, Qerba Huluqo, Qerba Helore and Qerba Lemancho.
102
7.4.2. The Yafaro Cult of Tigra Group
The Tigra group in Ţambaaro is described as the descendants of ancestors who came from the
Tigra clans of Wolayta and Maçça, according to the local informants. The group is called the
Tigre-Malla clan in Wolayta. Their ethnogenesis is traced back to a man who was believed to
have emigrated from the Tigray area of north Ethiopia. He was gradually befriended with the
Wolayta Malla royal family and eventually happened to become the founder of the third
dynasty in Wolayta, called the Tigre Dynasty which runs a about a line of Kawo (kings ) over
nine generations ending with the last Kawo, Tonna in 1894. It is not, however, clear whether
the present Tigra groups in Ţambaaro did really come from Wolayta or Jimma, or directly from
Tigray region11.
There exists today a protected scared forest with some Muslim historical significance in
Ţambaaro. It is a reflection of the religious and political relations between Ţambaaro and
Jimma Oromo. According to informants, this scared forest was established as spiritual cult site
for a cult called Yafaro, which was a Tigra cult. It was introduced to Ţambaaro through warfare
encounters whereby a Ţambaaro killed a spirit medium during a clash some 5 generations
back. The cult spirit was said to have transferred to the killer Ţambaaro, when he came back
to his home country. Since then cult was established in Ţambaaro land. The trees were
planted before 4 generations back by a man named Tobaro Manchamo according to Ato Abera,
great- grand son. The scared forest has served as a scared temple where adherents came and
partook in the cult.
These days, however, the descendants of the founder man have made complete shift to
Muslim region and hence the Yafaro cult of the Tigra clan has almost become absolute. The
cult and scared site have as a byproduct effect of helping preserve indigenous trees and
contributed towards forest conservation.
7.4.3. The Yejjo and Wombo Cults of the Kalmana–Woçifina and
Gondorima- Handarama Groups
Yejjo cult was a well- known and widely practiced religious form among the Keffa nationality
and other ethnic groups that were brought under Keffa influence. Among the Me’enit of Bench
Maji Zone, for example, they used to have this cult which they called Yerro which they noted
was introduced to them from Keffa (Zerihun Doda, 2008). It is a complex system of religious
philosophy and institution which was in existence since time immemorial, it origin not being
well-established (Ernesta Cerulli, 1956).
The origin of Wombo cult is not as clearly tied to the Keffa group as the Yejjo cult. But both
Yejjo and Wombo cults were traced to the ancestors’ time of sojourn in the Keffa area before
they finally immigrated to the present Ţambaaro land preceding the arrival of the Lamala
Moolla, Çatta and other groups, at least more than 16 generations ago. According to
informants, the ancestors acquired the Yejjo and Wombo cults through a warfare encounter
with groups who had these guardian spirits in them. The guardian spirits were said to have
transferred to the ancestors of Kalmana-Woçifina and Gondorima-Handarama when their
ancestors killed men who were mediums of the spirit. It is not clear what the philosophical
significance of this transfer of the spirits meant, whether it was a means of revenging the
‘blood of the victims’, or the spirit entered into a new human medium when it lost its former
medium.
Since the Lamala Moolla group arrived in the land, the Yejjo and Wombo cults began
interacting with other religious systems and gaining some acceptance among the new comers.
However, according to informants, the Yejjo cult was dealt a lethal blow with the death of the
11
Some writers (see Haile-Mariam Desta, 1999) ascribe the Yafaro cult to the Hogofo clan. This might be
the case if this particular Moollaic clan gradually adopted this cult as other Moollaic clans also specifically
adopted other cults, like Ade clan adopting Gawdue or Libana cult
103
Kalmana king Waqqo whereas the Wombo cult continued with some favor among the
remnants and the Lamala Moolla groups. 12
7.4.4. Origins and Current State of Hawzula and Jennoina Cults
The Hawzula cult of the Aqama, the Jennoina and Jarra cults among the Potters, the Fandano
cult among the Hadya –influenced families and groups, etc, all continued to exist in Ţambaaro
religious landscape until the gradual dominance of new religious forms of Christianity and
Islam and their eventual complete control of the religious landscape of Ţambaaro. The origin
of the Hawzula cult is not well-known among the local informants as there was no informant to
narrate about it. But it appears that this cult must have infiltrated into Ţambaaro land from
neighboring Wolayta where the cult was one of dominant cults among certain groups. For
example, among the Doyyaha, Womigra and Damota clans of Wolayta and Kambatta, the
Hawzula cult was a renowned one until it was finally pushed to obsolescence through
protestant Christianity.
The origins of the Jennoina and Jarra cults are not well known. It is probable that the cults
may have been brought to the land by the ancestors of the potters groups. According to local
informants, the cults have today become completely obsolete.
7.4.5. Origins and Current State of Fandano Cult
Of all the traditional religious systems in Ţambaaro, the Fandano cult was popularly practiced
among the people. According to Lamala Moolla elders, before the introduction and gradual
dominance of Christianity, the Fandano cult was a major religious identity for many people
including the Lamala Moolla.
Local informants generally attribute the origins of Fandano cult to Hadiya nationality. As far as
its origins in Ţambaaro land is concerned, thus, it is traced back to the contacts between the
Ţambaaro and the nearby nationalities of Hadya, Dubamao, Donga, Maraqo, etc, among
whom the practice of Fandano cult was wide-spread and its root go deeper into the past (with
unspecified origins in time).
As indicated above, some scholars have tried to associate and link the origins of Fandano cult
to the 16th century influence of Ahmed Graň War when Muslim religion was widely acceptance
in Hadya. As the Ahmed Graň influence and dominance waned and gradually the Christian
dominance was returned to area, these Islamic elements were gradually intermixed with
indigenous religious elements and then creating the Fandano cult (See Braukämper, 2004;
Haberland 1972).
Before the introduction and gradual dominance of Christianity (particularity Protestant
Christianity) the Fandano cult had a popular acceptance among the Ţambaaro. Those who had
no similar sprit- possession cults were more likely to be attracted to it. Other groups who had
their own spirit possession cults (the Wombo, Hawzula, Adama, Yafaro, etc) continued
practicing their own, where as the Lamala Moolla and others who did not have their own sprit
possession cults were likely participants. As indicated elsewhere, the Lamala Moolla as a
group, though, had revulsion and negative attitude towards it, considering the cult as not
belonging to their ancestral religious philosophical system.
In fact, it is recorded both in oral tradition and existing local written sources that the Lamala Moolla
adopted the Wombo cult together with the Hawzula cult from early 17th century following their
experiences of reportedly miraculous performances performed by the deities of these cults. It is believed
among the local people that the deity Wombo made two rivers, Lammo and Kokka, appear from dry
rocks thus solving the water problem of Tambaaro. The Hawzula deity was reported to have been
standing on the side of Tambaaro during the warfare with the Maçça Oromo and Wolayta. It is recorded
in the oral tradition that the Wolayta feared more than anything else the Hawzula deity. May be seeing
this, the Wolayta latter adopted this cult. Some groups in Wolayta used to adhere to the Hawzula cult
until recently.
12
104
The cult has gradually become obsolete beginning from the introduction of Christianity; with
its more or less final death process began occurring with the dominance of Protestant
Christianity.
7.5. Syncretization Processes, Current States and Attitudes
Over the centuries, a gradual syncretization of different religious forms took place in
Tambaaro land. Although the various ethno-social groups managed to maintain their own
religious cults without any active proselytization efforts, there occurred a gradual mixing of the
philosophies, values and practices of these different religious forms. The attitudes of the
various ethno-social groups to these traditional religious forms apart from their own were not
generally hostile and condemning. However, among the Lamala Moolla groups, there appears
to have persisted the idea that their own original religion of belief in Gamabala Magana was
perceived as better and superior to the others. Such belief was particularity evident among
elders when they talked about the various religious cults. Their attitude towards the Fandano
religious cult was particularly very negative.
According to elders, Ţambaaro indigenous religion, the one that their ancestors brought from
Sidama, was uniquely different from the rest. Elders claim the various religious forms brought
through marital relatives (usually through wife line) were inferior to their ancestral Gambella
Magano religion. Some elders regarded religious forms such as Fandano, Hawzula Wombo,
Jarra, Yejjo, etc, as witchcraft and lowly, satanic ones; their ancestors knew nothing except
Gamabala Magano.
The Ţambaaro traditional religious system is thus generally composed of religious systems
brought by the ancestors of the different groups at different times and in different mechanism.
The most notable religious identity acquisition mechanism were marital and trade relations
within and between the different groups both inside the land and outside of it.
It is interesting to note that through the complex process of religious systems interaction,
some forms were more rapidly and easily weakened than the others, at least in the sense of
being actively practiced. The religious identity of Tambaaro nationals is thus composed of the
results of the syncretization process of the various religious systems over the centuries. Latter
and more recently, the identity of the traditional religious system
and the peoples’
attachment to these traditional religious systems was dealt with a serious blow following the
introduction of Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, Catholicism, Islam and more so of Protestant
Christianity.
Elders declared that at the present Ţambaaro traditional religious forms (including the Lamala
Moollaic belief system centering on Gamabala Magano and the remnants of the Kalmana
dynasty as well as the imported forms of Jarra, Fandano, Adama, etc) are in a precarious
state. Some informants stated Gamabala Magano and Fandano have almost become obsolete.
However, others indicated that there religious forms still continue to exist, albeit in a
clandestine manner, in some remote villages of the woreda. The current religions affiliation
profile of Ţambaaro nationality is divided among Ethiopian orthodox Christianity, Catholic
Christianity introduced in 1950) Islam and Protestant Christianity. According to a 2001 E.C.
statistics of the woreda Administration, adherents of protestant Christianity overwhelmingly
outnumber others.
105
Religious forms of Gudda-Magada group: Unknown past
Religious forms other lost groups: Dawwa- Digala, Hantala- Sigga, etc: Unknown
past
Religious forms for Kalmana –Woçifina and Handarama groups: pre- 15th century
(Yejjo and Wombo)
Fandano, Hawzula, Adama, etc: Post- 16th century
Gamabala Magano cult: 16th century
Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity: 1870s
Evangelical Christianity: 1920s
Islam: some claim over 100 year’s existence; others say preaching began in 1930s
Catholicism: 1950s
Fig.7.1. Chart on the chronological succession (and arrival of) various religious
systems in Tambaaro land
Group
Religion
Kalmana, Woçifina
Yejjo
Gondorima, Handarama, Beella
Wombo
Tigra
Yafaro
Çatta
Adama
Different groups with Hadya links
Fandano
Lamala Moolla and ‘associates’
Gambella Magano
Aqama and other groups
Hawzula
Fig. 7.2. Different ethno-social groups with their espoused religious cults
106
PART TWO: ETHNOGRAPHY OF TAMBAARO RELIGIOUS SYSTEMS
In this part, we shall present ethnographic accounts of some selected issues in traditional
religious philosophy and institution. We shall focus on those religious systems for which we
have obtained relatively better information: the Lamala Moolla’ Gambala Magana and the
Fandano cults. Other belief systems that bear religious underpinnings shall also be described
here (e.g. ethno-anthropology, ethno-cosmology, ethno-medicine, conceptions of life and
death, etc).
7.6. The Essence of Lamala Moollaic Religion
Ţambaaro Gambala Magano is the supreme deity. He dwells in the sky. Informants claim
ancestral Ţambaaro did not have any form of elaborate worship ceremony, liturgy, clergy and
rules. They simply prayed, invoking the name of this black deity. However, deeper analysis of
informants’ statements reveals that the ancient Lamala Moolla religion is not devoid of rituals
and liturgy. It appears that the religion is part of the Sidama ancestral worship complex, as
the rituals of paying homage to the ghosts of dead ancestors by offering sacrificial foods and
drinks is an evidence for this complex ancestral worship system. The ancestors in Ţambaaro
tradition hold high and venerated place; they are believed to be towering onlookers of their
living progenies’ actions and are regarded as part of the living world.
Thus as of old, Ţambaaro household heads would take fresh milk, honey and meat and place
them on the graveyards of their dead ancestors. The practice is particularly elaborated during
masala (q.v.) festival. Explaining why they offer milk, honey, meat, etc informants noted that
it is a sign of respect and sympathy with their ancestors. “Why would they not be given when
we enjoy and celebrate?” said one informant. Giving honey represents, according to one
informant, that the dead man was a strong person who used to enjoy drinking wine. Milk and
meat offering also symbolizes the chosen items are high regard for the dead man.
Conducting religious rituals by assembling together under the sacred Dagale tree to
commemorate dead ancestors during annual festivals such as masala is another evidence of
the presence of elaborate worship system where ancestors are the epicenters and their ghosts
as the mediums between the living offspring and Magano.
Ţambaaro traditional religion also incorporates the ritual of planting a tree called masincho13
has been a symbol of respect and commemoration for their paternal ancestors. A walk across
the Ţambaaro graveyard is an evidence for this: the masincho tree is seen in every graveyard.
The masincho tree, like the Dagale (oak tree), occupies a central palace in the Ţambaaro
ethno-religious identity. As a tale goes, during their post-settlement era, when the clan wars
were common, there was a story of a woman frantically fleeing with her baby son from an
invading army, as she fed, she saw a big masincho free with a high hole in its trunk and she
hid her son inside and thus saved the son. Afterwards, she told it to her son and from that
time onwards, the tree came down in history to enjoy the status of a totem figure. The Lamala
Moolla respect the tree highly; they plant this tree in the graveyards of their ancestors letting
it carry the charisma and honor of their ancestral ghosts.
In sum, lahaa (the ceremonially kept gold ring), Tuppa, masincho tree and Dagale sycamore
were the quintessential elements of Lamala Moolla indigenous religion. The lahaa (ring) was
kept in a rotating manner in the elected man’s house.
7.6.1. The Theology of the Gambala Magano
It was interesting to note ancient Lamala Moolla associated the Supreme Being with black
color. The philosophy behind this blackness, though, is not clear; we are not sure at this time
whether this blackness is really an attempt to impute the deity a black identity so that he is
like one of them, closer to them. Existing elder men associate the dark-blue color of the sky
13
bisana in Amharic; croton in English; scientific name,
Codiaeum variegatum
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with the creator who lives there. Since the sky where this deity must be living in is dark blue
in its color they reasoned he must be a black deity.
The Lamala Moolla indigenous religious theology appears to be a well-advanced, monotheistic
belief system. As informants claimed, their ancestors “knew no other smaller deities, neither
did they worship as their gods other objects except invoking the name of this one Supreme
Being, Gambella Magano”. There is no plural term for Magano- it is always a singular form.
There is only one Magano who is a supreme deity, creator of all tings. His abode is sky
“samo”. The sky is not equivalent to the deity; it is his abode “Gambala Magano” living in
“Gambala samo.”
7.6.2. The Theology of Anna Magano: God the Father
The Lamala Moolla indigenous religious philosophical system also has the concept of “creator
as father.” According to informants, ancestors considered Magano as “anna” father. The
concept of God as father is a very complex here, one that is also highly used in the
monotheistic Judeo- Christian and Islam religions. The way ancestral Lamala Moolla used and
addressed their Magano as their anna is a beautiful model of affinity and closeness of
humanity to deity. In indigenous Lamala Moolla religious system, thus, the supreme creator
was not one that was far and distant, unconcerned with the affairs of humanity. He was a
close father and the people are his children. According to informants, every Lamala Moolla
could address Magano as his father.
Both “Magano” as father and the actual biological father are highly revered; the latter when
joining the ancestors’ world through death, continues to command profound intervention and
presence in the world of the living. Thus, every Lamala Moolla man is expected to
commemorate his father, especially during the masala feast. They would spill milk and honey
on the graveyard, and also anoint butter on masincho tree which is a sacred tree which is
planted on the graveyard as a symbol.
7.6.4. Religious Priests, Systems of Prayer and Traditional
Medicine
In the context of traditional societies, systems of medicine are inextricably tied to religious
philosophies. The manner of managing, preventing and controlling diseases, misfortunes,
dangers, etc, that affect the wellbeing of the people, livestock, land and crops-are essentially
handled by religiously-oriented and inclined specialists. The religious leader is at the same
time the people’s doctor, the physician of the land, the animals and the plants. Every
household head is also both a religious priest and a health officer over the wellbeing of his
household, his farmstead, and his animals. In Tambaro as of old, religious leaders would often
administer management of diseases and misfortunes by offering animal sacrifices at
designated epicenters such as Tuppa-- the first geographical site where the ancestors settled
in Tambaaro; at Dagale sycamore tree that sacred tree which has lived the whole
ethnohistoric period, a symbol of Lamala Moolla ethno-geo-bio-identity. When dangerous
pestilences, wild animals, misfortunes, wars, etc, befall the community, the religious priests of
the people would thus conduct the anima secretarial rituals, meant for promoting healthy
socio-spiritual environment by acknowledging the ancestors.
The supreme religious priest leader of Lamala Moolla traditional religion is balee womma, king
of spiritual matters. The balee womma, along with other political religious officers is thus
responsible for the health and well-being of the entire community and bio- physical
environment. In times of economic, social, political and health crises, when drought and
pestilence hit the land, when a deadly enemy neighbor rise up against the land, when
dangerous wild beasts threaten etc, the religious priest would thus conduct the prayer and
propitiation rituals. The Gambala Magano and the ghosts of the dead ancestors would be
invoked by offering animal sacrifices. He would slaughter the ox, praying in the names of the
ancestral ghost symbols, blessing all the seven clan descendents. He would pronounce
blessing, saying,
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“Masincho maçoch! [Let the tree (croton) hear you!]
“Lahee maçoch!”[Let the lahaa (the arc of covenant) here you!]
“Tuppa maçoch!” [Let Tuppa (the ancestral grave place) here you!]
After the ritual they would feast on the meat. The balee womma would sprinkle blood on the
tree and the congregants. The Lahee womma, king of the lahaa, will also take part in the
rituals; but his main duty was to keep and protect the lahaa.
There are generally two major kinds of sacrifice offerings in traditional Lamala Moolla religion.
One is the sacrificial offerings dictated by sudden or other misfortune events as described
above. The other is that which is conducted in commemoration of dead ancestors in times of
major annual or other ceremonials such as masala festival. The former is a form of crisis
management while the latter is a form of preventive measures
7.6.5. Worship Temples and Corporate Worship
Lamala Moolla traditional religion does not involve elaborate physical architectures; there are
no built worship temples. The time of corporate worship in times of annual festivals of masala
and in times of political and socio-economic crisis, all people would assemble together and
partake in the corporate worship, the essence of which being placating with the ancestral
ghosts, the mediums through which Gambala Magano reveals him self.
The “temple” of worship is the epicenter of the sacred trees and places. These sacred trees
and places (the place is in Tuppa, the original place where ancestors first rested finally) are
temples. The Dagale sacred sycamore tree is one of such prominent temples. Sacred trees are
therefore the epicenters in traditional Lamala Moolla religious rituals and ceremonies. Although
Lamala Moolla traditional religion is not one in which the tree themselves are worshiped as
objects, the sacred trees, nonetheless, occupy central place in the system; they embody the
entire philosophical system of the religion, they symbolize the proximity of the deity to
humanity; they make the spatio-temporal succession and location of the nationality
meaningful; they define the very ethnogenetic unit, existence and continuity of the nationality.
Photo 7.5. & 6 Lamala Moolla Corporate worship epicenes: Left Dagale Tree; right
Tuppa, the ancestral epicenter where the first ancestors planted the masincho tree
When they conduct these rituals, they would invoke the name of Gambala Magano and those
of the ancestral fathers. It was believed when these sacrifices are properly performed, the
misfortunes would subside.
Tuppa, now at Bohhe kebele, some 5 k.m from Mudula has been epicenter and quintessential
temple in Lamala Moolla religion, represented by masincho tree as embodying ancestral
ghosts, the mediums to the spiritual world. They would call on Gambala Magano at this
ancestral epicenter. Prayers, blessing, cursing, covenants, vows, etc, are made at this place.
Informants believed the ancestral ghosts dwelt in or embodied in the tree.
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According to informants, prayer and rituals conducted at this site was the key element in
Tambaaro’s preparation for war with neighbors (near and far). They claimed Tambaaro’s
ability to defend itself and not bow and pay tribute to any neighboring or distant kingdom was
partly due to their “feared” power of Gambala Magano.
7.7. Essence of Fandano Religious Cult
According to informants, Fandano religious form is not part of the original Lamala Moolla.
Some elders dub it a shufuro, i.e., something which is trivial. It is despised because it is not
related to the high status ancestral Lamala Moollas. Informants describe it as a form of
witchcraft, a bitta, i.e., black magic which is transferred to Lamala Moolla men through
marriage with Hadya women.
Fandano, as some elders argued, is not an organized community-involving religious system
like that of others; it’s practiced often as an individual family affair. The person who is a
medium of the Fandano sprit is often described as one who appears weird, lives a bizarre form
life; he grows his hair, does not wash his body and cloths; he refuses sex; and does exhibit
other bizarre forms of practices.
On a typical Fandano ritual day, the wife of a Fandanchu (one who practices Fandano religion)
prepares a form of porridge with much butter and the man lets the family members taste the
food. The wife/wives also brew borde (local beer). The porridge is made of barley flour. All
Fandano adherents conduct such rituals each in his house.
The people would say ‘ebelu fandanchu!’ meaning, “so and so is a Fandano practitioner”; this
was applied to a person who was neither a Christian (Orthodox, Protestant, Catholic) nor a
Muslim. Any adherent to a religion which is different from these mainstream religions was
celled called a fandanchu.
7.8. Religious Syncretization
According to one old man ca. 90 years old, he was a fandanchu, one who practiced Fandano
religions cult, when he was an adult. He said he inherited it from his mother’s side, who was a
Hadya. He said none of this Fandano element existed in the Lamala Moolla. He was a
practicing Fandanchu. he said he used to practice witchcraft, divination, “sprayed ash in the
air to prevent rain from falling’, etc. he said he practiced bitta (magic) by dipping the blade of
his spear in the burning coal, and tying a bundle of grass on the handle; he said he denied this
cult when he converted to protestant religion. He said he reaffirmed his commitment to the
Gambala Magano religion of ancestors.
From men like, looking at their religious experiences past and present, it appears that there
still exists an active form of religious syncretization. For Ţambaaro older men like this
informant, converting to Protestantism doesn’t prevent them from adhering to his ancestral
religion. Here is religious syncretism in action calling the name of yesusa (Jesus) for
informants like this old adherents to kalehiwot (word of life) protestant Christian
denomination, together with calling on, and making a deference to “Tuppa” sacred site and
tree representing ghosts of Lamala Moolla was not antithetical.
7.9. Expressions of Religious Worship and Women’s Participation
Ţambaaro worldview generally bestows preeminence to men and males in all matters of life.
Women and females in general have occupied a subservient position in all spheres: politics,
religion, economy, society and culture. Such overtly and overly male-dominated situation is
part of the general framework of realities in traditional societies in Ethiopia and beyond.
In religious spheres of life, women have occupied no positions and roles of leadership as well
as even active participation in the male-dominated world of religion in Ţambaaro. Their roles
and participation in Ţambaaro traditional religion ( across all forms of the diverse religious
systems) limited to the roles of providing support to the religious ceremonies and festivals as
food cookers, drink preparers, and facilitators of other necessary procedures. However, in
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certain aspects women as wives, daughters, mothers and sisters often partake in the religious
world of their groups by sharing in the beliefs, practices and behaviors as adherents to the
religious system. They partook by way helping fulfill the observation and protection of the
religious mores, norms and values; this they mainly do as primary socializers of the new
generations of community members as well as initiators of the new entrants to the social
groups ( when for example a woman joins the group as a wife).
We have no information to account about the role and participation of women in the religious
world of the different pre-Ţambaaronite populations. Neither do we have information to talk
about their roles and status in various religious cults (such as Adama, Wombo, Hawzula,
Fandano, Yejjo, etc).
As for the Lamala Moolla group a relatively better data source exists. Women used to anoint
Dagale sacred tree’s trunk with butter and tie a thread of cotton on the trunk. This was done
as expression of thanksgiving when their petitions are answered. They prayed to the Dagale
tree saying, “Dagale if you grant me this and this I would do this and this for you.” when they
think that their prayer requests are granted they perform their vows.
Another form of religious expression in Lamala Moolla traditional religion is deference to
ancestral ghosts during the masala festival. The masala festival is a New Year festival and a
key aspect of this festival is offering of food and drink sacrifices to ancestral ghosts. This must
be done on the morrow of the day of the masala. the ox is slaughtered. On the next day of the
masala festival, the family head (father) would take milk, honey and part of meat; he would
take one of his sons with him. They would go to the grave yard. If the grave is an old one,
they would smear the masincho tree which is planted on the grave. They would take three
pieces of ensete leaves, put the milk and honey on it. This practice is called çoqqisha. Those
who can afford to get milk and honey they offer; those who cannot, the offer what they have.
Women would never be part of this paternal ancestral commemoration ceremony by directly
appearing in the graveyard. Rather, their participation was indirect in that they would make
ready all the necessary raw materials needed for the ceremony.
The çoqqisha ceremony was always performed on a Sunday (called Abba) following the
Saturday, called Officho, on which date the masala ox- slaughtering takes place. The balee
womma was responsible for declaring the festival date of the masala. The day must always be
on Saturday (Officho), because the çoqqisha ritual, the ritual of ancestral ghost
commemoration, must be on Sunday (called Abba) Sunday has been the day of big rest,
merrymaking and ancestral ghost commemoration. It is yet to be verified what connection
exists between Ţambaaro concept of this rest, Sabbath Sunday, and the biblical concept of
Sunday. In Ţambaaro, the masala festival must always be on Saturday; the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church’s official date Meskerem 17 (September 27), considered as ‘the official date
of the finding of the True cross’ has no relevance in Ţambaaro traditional calendar of masala
festival. They waited for a Saturday, come what may. It would be entirely antithetical to the
Lamala Moolla’s very ethnohistory to slaughter the masala ox on another date. The day Abba
(Sunday) appears to be the day of the ancestral fathers.
Preceding the Saturday masala festival adherents to traditional Lamala Moollaic religion would
celebrate the Awayya ritual. This ritual is performed on Tuesdays. Special food from bul’ea,
the flour produced from the dough of false banana) is made by mixing with butter. This ritual
was another form of commemorating the paternal ancestors.
7.10. Religion and Public Festivals: The Masala Celebration
Masala, a term for the Christian version of the so-called “the Finding of the True Cross of
Christ’, has been a renowned public celebration event commemorating New Year. It is
celebrated in the memory of the ‘finding the cross of Christ’. The practice seems to have been
a relic of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church festival of ‘Mesqel’ showing the influence of this
religion in Ţambaaro area which may be traced back to early 14thc. This ‘Christian origin’
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institution down the ages has become indigenized and syncretization between indigenous and
Christian values took place.
The masala celebration takes place under the Dagale sacred tree, and declaration of the
ceremonial event was broadcast in markets by messengers (the fuggicho/ potters’). The
celebration day must be on Saturday (reasons for this not exactly known), Fridays and
Sundays represent days of ‘fasting’ and ‘rest’, respectively. This also a relic of Orthodox
Christian influences.
7.11. Ţambaaro Traditional Religion and Various Belief Systems
about the Created World
All societies espouse certain distinct and well established models of ideas and beliefs about the
created world. Although these systems of belief about the world may vary from place to place,
the underlying motifs and philosophies seem to be generally converging (Hammond, 1972).
Myths and philosophies about the origins and emergence of human beings, the biotic world,
the cosmos, etc; meaning about certain fundamental questions such as life, death, etc, appear
to be universally sharing fundamental principles.
In Ţambaaro we do not have sufficient data to narrate abut the various belief systems and
worldviews of the different groups of people. Rather rough information from local informants
on these issues suggests that the different groups in Ţambaaro Nationality seem to share
similar belief systems about the created world.
According to local informants the sun is called arinich. Moon is aganio. Certain beliefs were
associated with the sun. When mothers were churning milk outside home, they would take a
part of the butter and spray it up towards the sun as a sign of warship. Star is celled beezeta.
Beezeta is mentioned in relation with blessing; Well wishers pronounce their blessings, saying,
“May your progeny be innumerable like the stars!”
A myth regarding the sky was that in the past the sky was very near/ close to humans. Once
up on a time the mule struck it and the sky cursed the mule and went high to its today’s
position and the mule then became infertile.
The ethno–anthropological belief the Lamala Moolla group, which appears to have been
internalized by other groups as well, was that Gambala Magano was regarded as creator of
humankind. Details of creation myth were lacking, though. A myth related to the phenotypical
resemblance between humans and apes states that the ape was formerly a human being.
Once upon a time the ape (when he was like a human being) borrowed money but was unable
to repay; he went to the bush and became ape.
Ţambaaro conceptions of the spiritual world are such that they believe in the existence of evil
spirits as opposed to the benign ones. The arch benign spiritual being is Gambala Magano. The
opposite they call Shaţana, an Amharic version of Sayţan, which means Satan, the devil. This
evil being is believed to indwell in or along river shores, bigger trees, in shrubs. He is believed
to have immense powers over the land. He caused madness, accidents and deaths. Other evil
beings also lived around graveyards. The graveyards were also feared because the ghosts of
the dead were believed to lie there. Evil eyed persons called goromote were also feared as
agents of the evil spirits; it was believed persons with this power would take buried human
corpses, transport them on hyena back and eat the flesh. The potters are often suspected with
these evil practices.
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CHAPTER: EIGHT
ETHNOHISTORY AND ETHNOGRAPHY OF ECONOMIC LIFE
This chapter presents the ethnohistory and ethnography of economic and livelihood aspects of
Ţambaaro nationality. We will first deal with the ethnohistory part and then proceed to the
ethnography part in two separate parts. Attempt is made where possible to treat all the
various ethnogenic- social groups in the nationality (that makeup the constituent elements) as
far as their economic and livelihood history and culture are concerned. But we should note at
the outset that, as in other chapters, here also we make some unavoidable biases to the
Lamala Moolla group.
PART I: ECONOMIC AND LIVELIHOOD HISTORY
8.1. Origins of Ţambaaro Economic and Livelihood Systems
Looking at pre-1560s economic life obliges us to treat the economic history from two angles.
The first is the economic life and production practices of indigenous populations of Ţambaaro
land. The second is that of the Lamala Moolla and their ‘associate’ group before their final
settlement at Ţambaaro land. A third possible group may also exist: the various ethnolinguistic groups that have come, settled and assimilated themselves into the mainstream
Ţambaaro economic ad livelihood system. But these latter groups could safely be treated as
part of the general Ţambaaro.
As stated elsewhere above, before the Lamala Moolla and other groups came to the present
Ţambaaro land, there were different population (ethno-linguistic) groups who had already
made economic adaptations to the Ţambaaro land. Although we do not have convincing
evidences, existing oral traditions indicate that the earlier inhabitants of the land, Gudda and
Magada were said to have led a simple primitive communal life style. They simply lived on
gathering fruits and hunting small games. The Gudda–Magada groups had no sophisticated
system of land cultivation; nor had they domesticated livestock.
Other informants, however, hinted on the existence of a simple hoe-based agriculture in the
Gudda-Magada era. The Gudda –Magada “simply dug their gardens and cared nothing about
what is going on around”, informants said. The other population groups that were said to have
wiped out the Gudda Magada groups and began their own economic adaptations to the land
included Dawwa Digala, Dodda Wuça and Hanţala- Sigga groups. (Needless to mention, we
are not sure whether these population groups were contemporaneous or lived in successive
historical epochs). Informants had no clear idea as to the manner and kind of economic
activities of these groups. No remnants of these groups currently exist in Ţambaaro, nor are
the relics and ecofacts that depict the economic lives of these groups. Our educated guess is
they might probably have started their lives as pastoral nomads and began incipient
agriculture as they were said to have come as political- economic predators Gudda and
Magada groups.
The most recent pre- Ţambaaro population groups: Kalmana, Woçifina, Handarama,
Gondorima and Beella were said to have made a relatively successful politico-economic
adaptation to the land. Informants both from the remnants and others argued these groups
descended from the same ethnogenic stem. Some local intellectual informants doubted this,
though, giving a more probable explanation. The Kalmana and Woçifina groups were /are
descendants of the Keffa –Bosha groups who were pushed down by the Oromo expansion. The
Handarama –Gondorima and Beella groups were/are descendants of the indigenous
populations of the ancient Enaria kingdom; they are the Hoffa groups held vast areas in
today’s southwest Ethiopia (including Sidama, Gedeo, and Kambatta area).
Now, at the time of the coming of the Lamala Moolla and other groups to the present land,
these recent indigenous groups were already an advanced peasant societies leading mixed
agricultural production. Existing eco-facts and oral traditions of the remnants indicate that the
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Kalmana- Handarama groups had brought an advanced agricultural system from their Keffa
Bosha and other areas. The Kalmana group had an advanced political-social organization,
maintaining a well established kingship. Such political–social organization was not possible
without the economic infrastructure. The pre-Lamala Moolla populations were advanced land
cultivators and animal/livestock keepers. They produced various cereals such as maize,
sorghum, and root crops. Cotton as a cash and raw material crop was also known. Coffee was
not known as a stimulant crops and thus not cultivated as some informants noted. The
technology of ox-drawn plowing was not known in the pre- Ţambaaro era.
8.2. The Economic Life and Livelihood from 1560s To 1891
According to informants, the ancestors of Ţambaaro proper were ‘peasants’ in their pre -1560s
era. Both at their original ‘Yemerera’ land, and during their ca. 120 years’ long itinerary
history, they were engaged in mixed agriculture. The standard popular narration of the Lamala
Moolla ethnogenesis contains a venerated reference to a type of sorghum called yelelo, a
white sorghum. This indicates that the ancestors were crop cultivators. On their way to the
present day land, the Lamala Moolla and their “associates” grew other root crops, such as
woyse (false banana.) Informants claimed the Lamala Moolla ancestors continued producing
the crops which they were using in their ‘Yemerera’ land. Following the settlement of the
Lamala Moolla and their “associates”, their subsequent assimilation and interaction with
indigenous inhabitants of the land and the neighboring populations, the inventory of crops
grown in the land became more diversified.
As a common saying goes, “the Ţambaaro land grows all manner of crops except salt”. It is
probable that in the 200 or more years from the 1560’s to the Menilikan incorporation in 1891,
different crop and animal varieties might have been introduced to the Ţambaaro land. The fact
that the present Ţambaaro nationality is composed of quite rich varieties of people who came
to the land in different epochs from various agro–ecological and economic cultural background
has contributed to this rich mix of crops that are cultivated in the land.
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Photos 8.1-5 Some selections of the varieties of crops grown in Ţambaaro land
The mix of crop varieties in Ţambaaro land had in the period between 1560’s and 1891 at
least three sources: one was that the Lamala Moolla themselves brought crop and animal
varieties from their Sidama origin. They might have also caught up agricultural experiences
and crop varieties from their encounters over the more than 100 years itinerary with different
population groups. Secondly, the indigenous inhabitants of the land had already developed
their own agronomic and agricultural experiences, with various types of root, tuber and cereal
crops. Thirdly, the different neighboring nationalities such as Wolayta, Dawro, Hadya,
Kambatta, Jimma- Oromo, etc have had also chances to export their own agronomic and
agricultural experiences to Tambaaro land.
With all these agronomic and agricultural bases and experiences, it is therefore no wonder
that the (current) Ţambaaro land is suitable to cultivate all manner of crops “except salt”.
8.3. The Menilikan Incorporation and Introduction of New Agro
Economic Practices and Contents
Ţambaaro land was incorporated into the central government set up by Menlik II in 1891 after
about four years of fierce resistance. With the incorporation, it is probable that more and new
agro- economic practices and newer crop and animal varieties were introduced.
At the moment, however, we are not sure what crop and animal varieties such as chick peas,
beans, some ţeff varieties were introduced following the Amharic rule. Some beasts of burden
such mules were said to house introduced to the area by the first Amharic administrators
coming to Ţambaaro. We are not sure, though, whether these beasts of burden including
donkey and horses were indigenous to the land. Horses were, however, already in use as
means of cavalry in pre-Menilikan era. We are not sure whether the Lamala Moolla had
brought these beasts of burden and war from their ‘Yemerera’ land.
Photo 8.6 Beasts of burden such as mules were believed
to have been introduced in the post- Menilik II era
The technology of ox-drawn agriculture in Ţambaaro land was in
existence for long time. Informants, though, told the pre-16th c
indigenous inhabitants of the land did not have this technology.
Neither did the Lamala Moolla or other groups such the Çatta
bring this technology with them. It is probable that ox-drawn
agriculture in Ţambaaro was began during the post 16 th c
settlement with diffusions of the idea and technology from
neighboring groups. It is even more probable the technology
might have arrived following the Menilikan incorporation.
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8.4. Economic Life in the Era of Incipient Feudalism: 1891-1936
The Menilikan incorporation in 1891 brought about a new politico-economic order in Ţambaaro
land, as was the case in other parts of south Ethiopia. The here-to-fore vast land was begun to
be apportioned into measured acres and given to the peasants. A system of land tax was
introduced whereby every land holding peasant would pay a fixed amount of tax. A new
“balabat” (land lord) system was imposed on the people. The balee womma (the feather king)
was changed to the ‘balabat’ who would thenceforth act as a landlord and facilitate the feudal
serfdom, see to it that land taxes are collected duly and timely.
The post- Menilikan incorporation era brought a more ‘orderly’ and modern system of land use
and political economy, but with heretofore unknown type and degree of economic dependence
of the ruling class on the peasants. It brought a new form of economic exploitation on the
peasants. New groups of economic exploiters were introduced. Dr Lapiso g. Dilebo in his
different books (1991; 1992; 1999) vastly argued how the incorporation by the Menilikan
government brought the peoples of south Ethiopia under a new form of political economy that
usurped the people’s economic freedom.
According to informants, pre-Menilikan Ţambaaro was characterized by a simplistic socioeconomic class structure whereby the womma (ruler) families enjoyed upper economic class.
They did not need to engage in production activities. They had the lower classes such as the
‘Aldada’, ‘Debona’ and ‘Erasha’ groups who met the various economic and artisan needs of the
royal families. The ‘Debona’, ‘Aldada’ and ‘Erasha’ groups did not have their own land use
right. They lived on the lands of their masters. The common non- caste socio-economic class,
the peasants, lived their own independent life. They occasionally contributed their labor
service to the royal families.
The Menilikan incorporation changed all these socio–economic structure and system. The
system brought improved socio–economic status and power to few local people, the balee
womma and other traditional politico-religious leaders. The bulk majority of the nationality has
fallen into the lower economic base and into a network of social-economic exploitation with the
introduction feudal system (See Tesfaye Habiso, 1992; Abera Kalacho, 1984; Haile-Mariam
Desta, 1999).
The nefteňa and melkeňa class (a politico-economic class of pioneer soldiers and feudal rulers)
were gradually emerged as the members of the upper socio-economic class in Ţambaaro land.
Informants did not, however, note that these new Amharic ruler classes were actively present
in Ţambaaro before the Italian occupation.
8.5. The Italian Occupation and Economic Life in Ţambaaro:
1936-1941
The Italian occupation (1936-1941) was a brief interlude of economic re-orientation. The
system broke up the feudal rule and it toppled down a feudal socio–economic structure that
was built up for about 50 years (1891-1936) (see Lapiso, 1992).the local land lords and the
Amharic dominated central government representatives were deposed and deprived of all their
economic power, benefits and privileges. However, the local and other non-Ţambaaro
personalities who befriended the Italian system were permitted to retain their socio-economic
status and privileges (Bahru, 2002).
The incipient serfdom and slavery machinery was brought to a halt, albeit temporary. It
seems, the Italian occupation in a sense brought a relatively better economic independence as
the peasantry was relieved of the economic exploitation. However, informants remember the
period as a time of more vicious economic burden. The extent of economic inhumanity of the
Italian task-masters was so unthinkable that some older persons who were witnesses of the
time shudder when they narrate. Some informants told the Italians put local men in “yoke”
and tilled the land using human energy.
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The peasants were burdened with more vicious tax and tribute system. They were forced to
pay different forms of tax in cash and kind: honey, egg, milk, crops, live animals, etc. The
Italian task-masters burdened the peasants with intensive labor work. The infrastructural
developments particularly road building was based on the local peasantry labor force. The
positive aspect of the economic development efforts of the Italian occupation era in Ţambaaro
(as in other areas) is debatable. Although the Italians built impressive road structures (today
relics/ marks of the ancient Italian road patterns still exist in Ţambaaro) and other social
amenities, these nonetheless did not take the local people into account as the beneficiaries;
they built it for their own purposes and much of these developments were destroyed by them
when they fled, or by the war of liberation (Bahru, 2002; Lapiso, 1992).
8.6. Economic Life In The Post- Italian Era: 1941-1974
The Italian occupation in Ţambaaro was ended with re-introduction of the feudal system. As
the restless five years ended, the peasantry was more forcefully pushed into a frenzied
serfdom, of ‘seasonless and ceaseless toiling’ in the words of Lapiso (1992). The Ţambaaro
people were relived of land tax for five years following the Italian defeat. Local informants
noted this was an economic compensation for the patriotic resistance of the locals and their
political leaders together with the Amharic nefteňa. After the five years, the tax-relief ended;
the people once again entered a circuit of feudal and serfdom of tolling. More number of
nefteňa and melkeňa came as the exploitative political-economic class. The invigorated Haile
Sellasie l regime, assisted by the British political-economic engineers (Lapiso, 1992),
introduced more and newer forms of administrative laws that brought an iron rule on the local
economic life. More tax and tribute system were introduced.
The lower stratum caste groups the ‘Debona’, ‘Erasha’, Aldada and the like were subjected to
double-sided economic burdens and toiling: on the one hand, to the local ruling classes and,
on the other, to the nefteňa and melkeňa classes. They had no access to the land of their own.
Sixty to 100 local peasant households would work on the land farm space of one feudal lord,
bringing various forms of tributes and taxes, with all forms economic services. The wives,
daughters and sons of the peasant would all work hard in different capacities and realms of
economic services. Although the Haile sellasie I government attempted to introduce more
progressive economic policies (such as abrogating the forcible conscription of peasants to work
for the feudal landlords, it did not help much (Bahru 2002).
In the words of informants, economic life and condition in the post-Italian era (1941-1974)
were all in all harshly exploitative and extremely abusive. This state of affair continued until
the eve of the revolution and finally abolished in 1974.
8.7. Economic Life and Condition in the Derg Era: 1974-1991
The Ţambaaro nationality like its other neighbors accepted the end of the feudal imperial
economic system with great expectation and welcoming. Indeed, the 1974 revolution and the
subsequent march 1975 land proclamation were great heralds of economic independence and
betterment. The doubly exploited socio-economic classes, the ‘Debona’, ‘the Erasha’ and the
‘Aldada’ and other non-caste, land-poor sections of the society got their own land and began
leading their own free economic life. The exploitative machine of feudalism, slavery and
serfdom, with all their power classes of the “balabats’, melkeňa and nefteňa, were toppled
down.
According to informants, the educated student groups who were educated outside Ţambaaro
played big roles in mobilizing the people for economic freedom and empowerment, building
schools and other social amenities. The economic assets of the ‘balabats’ and the power
classes amassed through exploiting the peasantry were looted and put into building social
institutions for the people.
The euphoric early years of the Derg era, however, did not last long. People’s expectations for
better economic life and independence were thwarted by series of cruel derg laws of taxations,
the terror of conscriptions into national military services, etc. Independent groupings and
associations for better economic life were not possible due to the overarching and omnipresent
Marxist–Leninist ideology of the Derg. Free economic thinking, trading, commerce, etc were
117
not allowed. Independent and economically powerful youth could not be created. Local and
regional Derg officials created an economic hell for the people. Local informants remember the
names and deeds of such vicious Derg officials as Petros Gebre, who could harass, imprison or
kill any person at will. The situation continued until the Derg finally collapsed in 1991, despite
its attempt at bettering economic life with introduction of mixed economic policy in 1990.
8.8. The Post-Derg Era and Ţambaaro Economic Life: 1991 To
The Present
Informants from across all the spectra of the society claimed that the EPRDF brought a new
era of economic opportunities to the Ţambaaro nationality. With the recognition of the
nationality’s geo-political and ethnohistoric identity questions, the people began to see some
veritable signs of economic betterment and empowerment. Economic development which was
in halt throughout the Haile sellasie I and Derg era was began as improvements in
infrastructure (road, electricity, telecommunication , etc) and social services (health,
education, etc) improved. The establishment of the hydro- electric power in 2000 and the allweather gravel road in 2008 (that connects the woreda center with other zonal towns)
particularly helped accelerate the economic development.
Despite this sign of practical economic betterment and independence, there are yearnings for
the ‘good old days’ in terms of land productivity and food security. Informants argued new
waves of climatic changes are threatening the entire fabric of economic life, especially since
the last few recent years. Poverty, beggary, thievery and hunger are becoming real threats.
Informants attribute these problems more to natural factors than to politico-economic policies.
Photo 8.7. The proverbial, historic Lamala
Moollaic sorghum, yelelo
Today, Ţambaaro nationality engages in a mixed
form of agriculture system whereby crop/land
cultivation and animal husbandry are carried out side
by side. This mixed form of agriculture system has
thus its origins in the distant past (i.e., in its
essential characteristics it has not changed over the
past 300 or so years). But the system has over the
years
registered
a
number
of
important
developments in various spheres such as the mix of
agronomic and agricultural practices, the types of
crops cultivated, the manner and types of
agricultural farming tools, etc.
Building on the cumulative developments of the past
years, thus, today, it might be said that the
Ţambaaro today cultivate all manner of crops
(cereals, roots, tubers, fruits, vegetables, etc.
Indeed, the topography and agro-ecological features
of the land is suitable for the production of “all
manners of crops but salt,” in the words (claims) of
the local informants. The land is cultivated with both the indigenous and imported varieties of
crops (cereals and root/ tuber crops), including the historic Lamala Moollaic sorghum, yelelo.
Many varieties of cereals, fruits and vegetables have been introduced in the last 300 years and
more so in the last 100 years. (example, certain varieties of teff, wheat, maize, peas, beans,
etc; root and tubers such as sugar beat, yam, etc; fruits such as avocado, mango, orange,
etc; vegetables, such as cauliflower, onions, garlic, etc. (this importation of various cerals
fruits and vegetables has been attributed to the efforts of travelers and pioneering colonizers
as well as merchants that crossed the land or came to the land (as in other southern parts of
the country) from the northern Ethiopia (see Haberland, 1972).
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Photo 8.8-10 Selected views of Ţambaaro topography and agricultural lands (note
ţeff and sorghum crops)
8.9. A Brief Overview of Drought and Famine in Ţambaaro
The earliest orally recorded accounts of famine in Ţambaaro land goes back to, according to
older men informants, ca. 1850’s when tribal wars were hot and rampant. This time frame was
determined based on old informants’ estimate ‘4 generations’ time. One of the horrible earliest
accounts of famine was what informants call the ‘ashkera’ era. The term ‘ashkera” from what
informants describe referred to presumably a food deficiency induced disease –displayed in
the bodies of malnutrient persons. The food deficiency was so severe that death was common.
Ashkera-affected persons were so common in all houses, when food was obtained from
somewhere, they would not let the patient eat the food lest it would kill him as he was so
weakened by famine. They would rather sprinkle the food on the body of the patient. The
patient would regain strength by inhaling the smell of the food.
This deadly famine episode was said to be the result of the incessant tribal wars. The people
had little or no time to cultivate the land as the able-bodied males were engaged in fighting.
Ţambaaro was besieged in all sides by belligerent nationalities (Wolayta, Maçça, Hadya, etc).
The decades of early and mid 19th century (and even before and after that until the Menilikan
incorporation) the Ţambaaro had to fight all these enmities in all sides; inside home, they had
to fight food shortage induced by these political factors.
Informants made no mention of the recent famines episode of the late 19 th century what has
come to be known as the ‘kifu qen’ (the bad day). A four year long famine episode mingled
with human and livestock diseases. The time was just in the early years of Menilik II(18881892) (Bahru, 2002). Though informants located the ‘ashkera’ era somewhere in 1850s, it
might be possible the time was this kifu qen era.
All the way from the ashkera era to the 1973 famine episode, there neither was nor recorded
significant famine. The 1973 famine episode was a significant factor in Ţambaaro economic
and livelihood history. It was caused by rain shortage and drought as informants noted. The
government provided food handouts by airplane. Food rations were thrown from the air in
selected level plain fields in Gesuba and Gidansobba.
Photo 8.11. People waiting for food rations at the
world vision center, Mudula
The third famine episode was the 1984 famine episode a
nation wide famine which wiped out lots of human and
animal lives. According to informants, the 1984 famine
claimed so many lives that there were no ‘edir’ (a
traditional self help association) efforts to handle funeral
procedure. According to informants, the government
responded to the famine episode by settling about 12,000
household heads in Gambella, Gojjam, Pawee areas
(north-west Ethiopia). The NGOs notably the world vision
came at this critical moment to the rescue of so many
lives. The Christian humanitarian organization set up
feeding and medical centers through out the Ţambaaro
woreda whereby it embarked on a massive life saving
works. The Ţambaaro people are indeed grateful to the
119
world vision not only for its life saving work in the 1984 famine, but its development endures
since then. We had the opportunities and other development projects that are now functional.
Famine, drought and food insecurity lessened down since 1984, but reappeared with more
frequencies since the last 3-4 years. Informants mentioned the famine episodes of 1993, 2008
and 2009. They claimed the 2008 famine and drought killed many human lives (especially
children). Climatic changes and resultant recurrent drought have dealt heavy blows on the
livelihood bases of the people. Informants claim poverty, beggary, thievery and other social
evils have become rampant with increasing productivity loss, drought and growing population
size.
Photos 8.11 – 15 World Vision Ethiopia “the NGO that saved thousands of lives
during the famous 1984 famine in Ţambaaro
8.10. Trends in Deforestation
According to local informants, much of the present Ţambaaro area was covered with
indigenous trees – (acacia, zigba, doqma etc). Legends say the acacia forest made a canopy of
long distances and vast areas that arboreal animals used to walk and run on tree tops from
one end to the other without dropping on the ground. Now much of the land is cleared of
indigenous tree forests.
The main factor was overpopulation leading to increasing clearing of the forest for farming and
illegal timbering. During pre-Derg time, there was no land shortage and population size was
not as such high. But in Derg’s time population size begun to increase. Reforestation
processes were made during the Derg era and it has increased in this regime. The Lammo
indigenous forest area, one of the remnant forests in Ţambaaro is now juxtaposed with other
manmade forests (gravellia, tid, acacia, eucalyptus, etc). Planting these trees begun in late
1980’s, culminating in more aggressive re-forestation efforts most recently. We visited
seeding farms in the Lammo forest area. Forest protection is now being given more attention.
Other protected remnant forest areas are not available now in Ţambaaro, except small tract of
forest land in Ambuguma where manmade trees exist. The Lammo forest land houses a
number of wild animals such as colobus monkey, hyenas, hares, wild pigs, etc. Formerly,
bigger wild beasts such as lion and tiger existed. Now these have vanished as the forest
thinned. During the Italian war, much of the vast Ţambaaro land was a thick forest, serving as
an ambush for the patriots.
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Photos 8.16-17 Note the remnant forest converges of a selected neighborhood. Note
how the mountain ridges were cleared fro land cultivation
8.11. A History of Market Exchange and Trade Relations
Our discussion with elders and other local intellectuals reveal that trade and commodity
exchange have been important aspects of the Ţambaaro economic system. The market
exchange system of the pre- 16th century indigenous populations was not known, although it
may be guessed there existed primitive bartering system. According to informants, the mid
16th c to early 17th c was generally characterized by bartering system. Even the politicoeconomically (supposedly) more organized new comer groups were not conversant with more
advanced market exchange system. People from the high land brought cabbages and other
crop products that were not accessible to lowlanders, who in turn brought sorghum and other
commodities so that they exchanged these at a central place (a primitive market place).
Sometimes toward the close of 17th and beginning decades of 18th cc an advanced market
exchange system was introduced probably through diffusion from the neighboring areas. The
first money based market exchange started with Maçça a term that signified the type of iron
material brought from the Maçça (Oromo). It was used for digging/ tilling the land. It was a
heavy iron object. Four marça iron bars were exchanged with a heifer.
The Maçça iron bar was succeeded by amole maţinne (a bar of salt). This salt bar was a wide
spread symbolic money throughout the country. We do not know when and how this was
introduced to Ţambaaro land. But it was probably diffused from its contacts with the
neighboring nationalities. For how long this market exchange system endured we do not know
either.
Informants narrated the amole maţinne was replaced by the tamina –‘a small sized cent’ that
was introduced during Menilik II era. Informants did not remember what /whose
symbol/image did the tamina bear. Nor did informants mention about the Maria Theresa
(known in Amharic as martreza) note that was known in the country sometimes preceding the
Menilik ii era or also sometime in post- Menilik ii era. The tamina was replaced by a “white
ţagara birra”, a heavy iron bar. Informants did not describe how this iron bar differed from the
Maçça. This ţagara birra stayed rather long time in Ţambaaro until the coming to power of
Haile Sellasie I in 1920s four ţagara birra was equivalent to one big fattened ox.
The ţagara birra was then abolished by the proclamation issued by the Haile sellasie I
government (specific date cannot be established here). It was replaced by the first ever paper
money called birr. The birr and cents bearing Haile Sellasie I’s image were then replaced by
the current paper money and smaller bronze coins. In between, the Italian government
introduced its own money system the lirre (lira). Informants also mentioned about chencha,
shilling and bobla. It is not clear whether these were contemporaries with lira, though
informants said they were introduced by the Italians. However, the shilling was brought by the
British. The coin was a small sized one with a hole at the center. The shilling was replaced by
a coin bearing the image of Haile Sellasie I and lion.
121
BarterinG
Pre- 17
th
c
Birra
Maçça
GIRO
17th
-18th
N
BAR
Shilling/ Bound
Ca. 1950s
post-Italian era
Amole Maţinne
th
GGGMMM
early 18
MMMMATI
Lira /Bobla Chencha
NE MATINE
1930-1941
Tamina
19
th
early 20th
Ţagara Birra
1900s to 1920s
Fig.8.1. Chronological order of succession of money systems as conceptualized by
Ţambaaro informants
8.12. Markets and Urban Growth
Development /and origin/ of urban centers in Ţambaaro is associated with market relations.
Except one urban center which is now more of a historical relic than a dynamic town, Durgi,
the rest urban centers were originated in relation to market forces. Qeleţa town which is a
registered urban administrative center since 2004/2006-grew as a result of a market forces as
was Mudula and others. A big market day on Tuesday marks this town. The market is an
epicenter for trades from as far as Wolayta, Dawro, Hadya, and Kambatta. This market has
origins since Italian occupation (1936-41). Similar market-driven towns are on formation in
other kebeles.
PART II ECONOMIC ETHNOGRAPHY
8.13. Philosophy and the Organization of Work
In this section we will present ethnographic descriptions of economic organization. Issues
discussed include the philosophy of work; meaning and characterization of poverty and
wealth; trends in resource distribution; organization of labor; age and gender division of work;
social class work, classification of work; production, exchange and maintenance of production
tools; agronomic calendar, etc.
The social cultural values and philosophies that govern economic activities have been derived
from different groups of people that came to the Ţambaaro land from different geographical
and cultural backgrounds. The current work ethic and organization in Ţambaaro land are thus
the result of the long year’s synergization of values and norms originating from these different
ethno-cultural groups. All of the following have in some way and degree have contributed to
this current work ethics:



Indigenous population of Kalmana Woçifina, Gondorima and Handarama groups;
Lamala Moolla and ‘associate’ groups;
The latter day comer groups from neighboring areas, such as the Çatta, etc
8.13.1. Classification of, and Attitudes towards, Different Work
Categories
Work according to Ţambaaro informants is a productive activity whereby basic survival needs
are met. Every economic activity is interwoven with spiritual values.
Productive activities in Ţambaaro economic culture are categorized into land cultivation,
artisan work, livestock rearing and household chores. Farming, that is, crop production and
animal husbandry is/ has been by far the most important economic activity. Non-farm, non
artisan economic activities such as trade is recent phenomena. Such economic activities are
not regarded as ‘real’ works like farming; farming is very important defining economic activity
for the economic identity for the bulk of the population.
Artisan economic activity: pottery, weaving, woodwork, ironwork, leatherwork (tannery) has
been the ever existent work category side by side with mixed farming but this category of
economic activity has been the single most important category that divided society along
status power lines. Farmers’ groups enjoyed higher social statuses. Artisan groups particularly
potter have occupied the lowest economic and social stratum in Ţambaaro economic history.
122
Social status ‘purity’ has been essentially tied to link with pottery and other artisan
occupations.
For those groups engaged in artisan economic activities, these activities were not the sole
means of living. They have used these activities as supplementary sources of livelihood. Some
of them, however, have engaged in these artisan occupations as their sole economic activities.
The attitudes of non-artesian groups to these economic activities have changed over the
centuries. These work categories have been conceptualized as ‘impure’ ones. The ‘pure’
peasant social classes did not even dare to think of engaging in such tasks; this was
particularly the case with pottery. Over the years, positive attitudinal changes towards
weaving, woodwork and ironwork (to some extent) have been created. Some non-artisan
groups have begun engaging in woodwork, ironwork, and weaving as additional economic
activities. Such types of changes in attitudinal towards pottery and potters are yet to be seen.
Occupational switching has also taken place across these various categories of work. Some
artesian groups have, for example, made complete ceasing (e.g. The ‘Aldada’, tanner group)
and shifted totally to farming.
8.13.2. Organization of Labor and Participation of Different
Social Groups in Economic Production
Labor and work are organized against gender, age and social class lines in Ţambaaro as in
other similar traditional societies. Some works are clearly demarcated for females while some
for males. Household chores are exclusively for females. Food preparation (including bringing
raw food items from farms), cooking, serving the meals, house cleaning, organizing household
utensils, making certain home appliances (e.g. Food serving utensils, sifting and containing
equipment made from grass and farm trees), etc are all women’s work. Some farming works
are also feminine. Every married woman has had a backyard plot of land where she planted
some “feminine” crops (such as cabbage, condiments, and the like).
Masculine works are generally carried out ‘off home’. Ox-drawn agriculture is completely
masculine. Tilling the land, sowing seeds; weeding, harvesting and storing crops are also
masculine. Women’s participation in these firming stages has been limited to preparation and
serving of food to the (male) laborers. Caring for livestock is carried out by both sexes. Milking
cows and handling dairy products are feminine tasks. Preparation, collecting and provision of
animal feeds are also shared among the two sexes.
Economic productive works are also organized along age line. In Ţambaaro nationality,
children begin engaging in productive work quite early in life. It is still today, common to come
across with a small child of about 4 to 5 collecting firewood, getting animal feeds, fetching
water, tending cattle, making errands, etc. Active engagement in tougher farming and
feminine works begins at bajame and wodalicho stages, (stages of adolescence for females
and males, respectively).
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Photos 8.18-23. Children are active laborers in the productive activities in Ţambaaro
(they engage in some simple works such as tending cattle and also tough works
such as collecting fire wood by climbing trees (see bottom, middle); they also take
responsibilities in selling goods and carrying goods to markets; note children
winnowing cereals in the market, top, middle; two kids carrying grass for sale, top,
left; a kid selling an ensete decorticating tool, bottom, left)
Carrying commodities to markets and selling are done by both sexes and all age groups. Small
children and females are active carriers of goods to markets and sellers of these goods and
other services. It is thus common to see small boys and girls carrying goods to markets and
selling them.
Some artisan products are solely made by one sex (male or female) but carried to markets for
sale by either or both sexes. For example, blacksmith (the tumicha) are solely males; their
products can be brought to the market for sale by both sexes. Wooden products are solely
masculine jobs, but they can be brought to the market and sold by both sexes. Products made
of grasses are solely feminine, and are almost solely sold by the same sexes. Sisal and false
banana thread products are solely masculine. Pottery work is by and large the task of women,
males engaging in locating, extracting, and transporting of raw material, the soil. The pottery
products are carried to markets and sold by both sexes. Small children also engage in the
carriage and sale.
Work is also organized across class. As indicated earlier, some occupations are ascribed at/ by
birth. One’s social class position is thus defined by the types of occupation. The ‘higher’ social
class was in the past relieved of engagement in economic activities. The womma families (all
the three wommas) never engaged in such activities. The ordinary citizens have voluntarily or
pseudo- voluntarily worked for the royal families.
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Photos 8.25-28 “Some works are solely feminine or masculine; some works may be
produced by either sex; some commodities are sold solely by either sexes…”
8.13.3. Pooling of Labor
In Ţambaaro, productive economic activities are carried out both independently and on team
basis. Much of routine household chores, farm works and other artisan works are performed at
private, household level. Certain aspects of productive activities, however, demand the pooling
of labor. Thus, there are such group- based, cooperative work in farming and food reparations.
Weeding of crops is particularly best suited for such cooperative pooling. Boys and youths
have the enfila, a small group of youth that works in team turn by turn in each other’s farm.
Bigger forms of cooperative works also exist. Dabba is a name for such a large group of
individuals which is more elaborated and organized. In dabba labor organization, several
family heads or household members become members. On a particular labor work day (on
farms), the wives would prepare and provide foods and drinks. Construction of residential
house building is also another work that demands cooperative pooling. In the past, before
modern flour mills were in place, women often shared their labor to grind grains turn by turn
in each other’s house.
Photos 8.29-30 Young men engaged in enfila, a traditional form of labor pooling in
weeding crops, Osheto qebele
8.14. Definition of Characterization of the Poor and the Rich
Ţambaaro vocabulary has clear-cut terms for the poor and the rich: buţich and dubalash,
respectively. The philosophy that is still resilient regarding why or how someone becomes poor
125
or rich is that poverty and wealth of a person are determined by fate and the divine will. Some
common proverbial statements depicting such underlying philosophy include:
“He whom god has bestowed wealth become rich.”
“He who is poor thinks it is god who deprived him.”
“A poor man’s cow dies; a wealth man’s cow gives birth to twins.”
“Rain falls from above; only in homes where god has determined wealth comes. “
These expressions clearly indicate how religion shapes economic views. Up on further probing,
some informants, however, indicated that poverty and wealth are also determined by one’s
degree of hard work and commitment. “he who works hard gets rich”, was not, however,
equally and forcefully stated. Some people are destined to be rich and some poor. Such
attitudes might not be, of course, necessarily shared by all social groups.
8.15. Production Tools (Implements)
In Ţambaaro, as in other traditional societies, production practice has been carried out
manually. Human energy was the sole source of work until it was supplemented very lately in
history by animal energy. These days, animals play key role as energy /labor source. Beasts of
burden (donkeys, mules, horses) carry humans and commodities to markets and other places.
Farming activities from farm preparation to harvesting and storing are all manual. Various
production tools are used in carrying out the various productive activities. The following are
some categories of such tools.
8.15.1. Farming Tools Made Of Iron Works
Baçe, sickle, is used for mowing grass as well as cutting. Modern and indigenous sickles are
used side by side. Modern one is bought from shops. The ţumano often renovate modern
sickles when they get dull.
Ţagara is a heavy duty splitter whose iron material is about 30 cm long with 5 cm wide at its
center. It is inserted into a hole at the end of a club with egg shaped head and about 70-80
cm length. The local term is tazicha. The wooden handle is made of a local tree called garba.
The iron end is called tagara. The tool as a whole is called misani.
Haqi kalta is a wooden hatchet; wooden part with angular shape at the end. The handle part is
about 60 cm long. The iron part section is about 20 cm long. Iron blade is inserted to split
wood.
Tikke – is soil digging tool. It is a thin iron bar sharpened at the end. Two such bars are tied to
wooden handle used for hoeing. Marça and woffalu are two connected iron parts fashioned into
sharpened tool, used in plowing the land in ox drawn agriculture.
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Photos 31-35 Some of farm tools (digging, cutting, wood splitting, hoeing, etc)
8.15.2. Various (Feminine) Tools:
false banana decortications tools, unçatta (false banana dough) cutting tools, water and other
liquid storing to utensils; food cooking utensils, cereals winnowing, storing and sifting utensils
, etc.
Photos 8.36-38 Some selections of ‘feminine’ tools (earthen bowls, pots and
ironware (knives)
The earliest inhabitants of the land, Gudda and Magada might have employed the most
primitive tools such as stones, wooden sticks and other natural objects. The subsequent
population groups must have had better economic adaptations to the environment. The recent
pre- Ţambaaro population groups and the subsequent new comers employed digging poles,
hoes and other farm tools. According to informants, use of sophisticated farm tools was lately
developed. The use of big, digging sharpened wooden poles was commonly practiced. Later,
iron topped farming tools were introduced.
The use of ox drawn agriculture was even much more recent. The various land tilling
implements and the ox drawn plowing was gradually diffused from the subsequent population
incoming and trade contacts probably beginning from the early and mid 19 th century. Owning,
managing and maintenance of production tools were shared between both sexes. Males were
responsible for ‘masculine’ tools while females were for the “feminine” tools.
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8.15.3. Sisal Works (Ensete Leave Products)
Ensete (false banana) is a multi-purpose plant in entire south west Ethiopia, including
Ţambaaro. One of the multiple uses of this tuber plant is that sisal is produced by scrapping its
planks. The fleshy materials scrapped out and serving as qoçço after passing through various
fermentation stages; the remaining thin thread like parts are made to dry and they become
very hard and strong threads. These threads are used for making ropes, called wodoru;
wodoru is made by males, usually boys. An innovative, similar sisal work is that ropes are
being made by using threads strapped out from sacks.
Photos 8.39-41. False-banana (ensete) thread products
8.15.4. Bamboo-Works and Wooden Works
Sissa- is a split bamboo wood sharpened at its sides. It is about 50 cm long. It is used for
scrapping false banana stem when making unçatta. Akate is a wooden club with thick, ball
shaped end, having a shallow hole and it ends with triangularly sharpened parts, which
resemble beer or soft drinks bottle cap ends. It is used for crushing the tubers of false banana
when making scrapping (decorticating) it for unçatta production. The material is made of
abalo (a type of very strong tree variety) wood. It is made by males. Fathers may send it to
markets by their sons, daughters or wives.
Phtos 8.42-43 Akate
sissa
8.16. Means of Transport
Photo 8.44. Mule transport
Ţambaaro nationality has depended on traditional,
indigenous means of transport for centuries.
Domestication of bests of burden is shrouded in
unknown, unspecified past. Mules, donkeys and
horses have been put to the use of means of
transporting both humans and goods.
Water transport mechanism was necessitated by
the socio-cultural and market relations Ţambaaro
has had with its neighbors beyond river Ommo,
notably Dawro. The Ţambaaro have crossed the
river Ommo for centuries using traditional
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transport technologies. One useful technology, locamo is made from the goat’s skin which is
fashioned into very smooth state by scrapping, assisting with butter and other ointments. This
locamo is a see-going vessel, used for transporting people, commodities.
8.17. Agricultural Season Calendars
The seed sowing season makes up an important part of traditional seasonal calendar in
Ţambaaro. The seed rowing calendar begins after Hamle 4 (July 10 or 11). The first 10 days of
hamle is called torjume sanna (10 days) followed by honse sanna (9 days), ezete sanna (8
days). Then comes lamale sanna which is “outside of the main seed sowing calendar.” Crops
sown during the first cycle (toriume sanna) include the ‘meher’ (spring) crops such as beans,
ţeff, wheat; peas wheat, beanm barely, etc
8.18. Crop Protection
Ţambaaro protect corps in the field by erecting a small triangular house that is set on a frame
of wooden poles on four beams. This is called machi godduto, a similar structure also exists. It
is called gidani goddu, literally, ‘ape control’. It is a house made of woods and thatches,
erected over elevated wood poles, meant for watching wild animals such as monkey which
spoil farm crops.
Photo 8.45. A gombisa (barn)
The men would watch incoming wild beasts that get to the crop.
They also watch for thieves. The boys also protect crops using
dambarsa: which is a form of tool made of thread or leather stripe
with a holder for stone pebble and the pebbles are thrown to
chase away or kill pest birds.
Harvested crops are protected by being stored in a well-built barn
called gombissa. The barn is made of woods and bamboo tree; it
is a hemispherical shape wall with triangular thatch roof.
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8.19. Apiculture
Photo 8.46. Qachut, a beehive made of bamboo tree
Ţambaaro have practiced apiculture since the first
time the various people groups discovered the art in
some unknown, unspecified past. The land and agroecology of Ţambaaro is suitable for the production of
honey. Honey has been an important socio-culturally
and spiritually valued product. It has been used as
part of the ordinary dietary and basic ingredient in
local drinks. It also has been a high status element in
the ancestral- honoring rituals whereby it was spilled
on the burial/ grave site.
The traditional manner of honey production involved
use of various smoking mechanism to attract the
swarming bees and once they are captured they would
prepare a place for them to rest.
Baskets were
hanged on trees. Qachut a beehive is a cylindrical
shape with about lob 120 cm long and about 100 cm
circumference. It is made by men women may bring it
to markets and sell it. Bamboo is grown in highland sections of Ţambaaro land. Males make
various products by using the slices of the wood.
8.20. Market Surveys of Commodities
At the major market day in Ţambaaro such as Mudula (Thursday market) varieties of
commodities are bought and sold. Our inventory of commodities revealed that present day
Ţambaaro market is a show ground for practically every type of commodities– from
vegetables, fruits, cereals, roots, tubers, live animals, poultry; various forms of art works –
wood works, pottery, iron works, bamboo works, grass works, leather works; cotton woven
products; animal feeds; local liquors; animal products, such milk, butter; stimulants such as
local cigars/ tobacco; etc.
Photo 8.47 Iron works
Photos 8.48-49. Wooden products Photo 8.50. Grass
works
The market is an epicenter for all manner of services: women serving local liquors (borde
/beer), areqe; local cigars; shoe shining, ironing clothes, mending cloths, house wares.
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Photos 8.51 woman selling local beer Photo 8.52 Woman readying local alcohol
(areqe)
Photo 8.53 Man getting cigarette service
Photo 8.54 local cigar pot Photo 8.55 Tobacco ‘bread’ being sold
addicted smokers getting cigarette smoking service
Photo 8.56
Women – girls, mothers alike are major participants in the making, buying, selling,
transporting of goods and services. Some products are gender specific: only women make and
sell them: example includes grass works such as sifting, winnowing utensils; pottery; men
make iron works, wood works solely but women may sell them.
According to informants, some 4 -6 decades ago, the inventory of commodities at Ţambaaro
markets were quite significantly different from those of the present, where modern
commodities dominate; in those days, indigenous, local made commodities dominated. Most
cherished, dominant commodities brought to Ţambaaro markets by ‘sirara”, long distance,
merchants included abujdedi (a type of cloth which was factory made inside the country or
brought from abroad), salt (through Alaba, Wolayta), drugs, pebbles, etc. They bought coffee,
tobacco, live animals, etc from Ţambaaro. Locally produced products dominated in the past.
These products have persisted until today; however, our market survey on a historically
significant, big market day confirmed these.
Buyers, sellers and merchants come from all corners of the woreda and beyond, particularly
from nearby woredas. For example, merchants from Dawro bring butter. They cross Ommo
River, which is a natural boundary between Ţambaaro and Dawro towards south west, using
traditional innovative water-going vesicle, silicha, made of goat skin.
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Ţambaaro had trade relations with neighboring and distant nationalities for centuries with
Kambatta, Hadya, Wolayta, Dawro, Oromo, etc. Dawro and Oromo of Jimma areas would
cross Ommo River; Dawro often brought butter; Maçça brought maresha (a part in ox drawn
plough). Ţambaaro called it maçichu maresha, meaning the maresha/plough of Maçça.
(Ţambaaro call their Ommo neighbors beyond Ommo river as Maçça, which derives from one
of the big moieties of Oromo nation, Maçça.)
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CHAPTER NINE
SOCIO-CULTURAL ORGANIZATION AND PROCESSES: A HISTORY AND ETHNOGRAPHY
In this Chapter, we shall present an overview of the historical and ethnographical aspects of
Ţambaaro socio-cultural system and organization. Issues addressed include: patterns of
kinship relationships (marriage, marital and premarital sex relations; family life, child birth,
growth, parenting and parental relations; etc); age grading, forms of social boding; patterns
of personal adornment through apparels, body marking, and beautification; recreational
activities that glue social relationships (songs, dances, music, games, etc); dealing with
misfortunes (disease, death, bereavement, mourning, funerals, etc); etc
References are generally and frequently made to the Lamala Moollaic socio-cultural systems as
these have over the years become dominant and well- internalized by other ethno-social
groups and hence part of Ţambaaro culture. Information on the socio-cultural systems of other
different groups was not obtained due to various factors (not the least of which is the fact that
these groups have more or less adopted the Lamala Moollaic socio-cultural systems). Of
course, some groups (such as, for example, the so-called ‘Erasha’ or “Bete-Israel’ groups have
managed to preserve some of their socio-cultural systems (we will present this in some
detail).
We have no information whatsoever regarding the socio-cultural system and organization of
the pre-Ţambaaronite population groups, both the extinct ones and the currently assimilated
ones. No one was able to provide us with information on the culture systems of the extinct
groups. The remnant pre-Ţambaaronite groups have successfully become assimilated and thus
have long adopted the Lamala Moollaic socio-cultural traditions.
9.1. A Brief Introduction to the Socio-cultural History: the
Development of a Ţambaaro Culture
The fact is that over the long years of successful co-existence and peaceful interactions, the
different ethnogenetic and social groups that make up the present Ţambaaro Nationality have
now successfully created what might fairly be termed as a Pan- Ţambaaro socio-cultural
system. Some local intellectuals argue much of the system is today a product of the Lamala
Moolla group. Because of the long-years’ co-living and mutual inter-influencing of the different
groups, however, the present socio-cultural system might be rightfully a heritage which none
of the groups may claim as only their own possession. All of the major groups now proudly
point to a common Ţambaaro socio-cultural system and identity that makes Ţambaaro as a
unified nationality distinct from other nationalities.
The socio-cultural history of Ţambaaro has passed through a distinct discernible epochs
whereby a progressive emergence of a Ţambaaro cultural system happened. At the initial
epochs in the history of the socio-cultural system (which may be located presumably
somewhere in the beginning from the mid 1550s, the different ethnogenetic and social groups
have managed to continue espousing their own distinctive socio-cultural identities. This trend
continued until the different groups gradually were brought into unavoidable mutual
interactions whereby their distinct socio-cultural elements begun to be subjected to effective
hybridization process, a process which has not yet come to a completion, but which has
resulted in a discernible pan-Ţambaaro socio-cultural identity.
In the process of the socio-cultural intermeshing of the different groups, some of the parts of
the systems managed to survive fitting to the changing conditions of the environment and
socio-cultural landscape. Some were in the process befallen with the fate of obsolescence.
Thus, today, we can rightly assume that many elements of the socio-cultural systems of the
different ethnogenetic groups of Ţambaaro have become extinct, or at best have become
modified, changed or hybridized.
Over the process, certain discernible Ţambaaro socio-cultural elements have emerged in which
all the different ethnogenetic groups now participate, taking it as their own way of life. Some
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of such Ţambaaro socio-cultural systems include: the various public festivals, notably, the
Masala
festival; the political tradition in which each clan participates through its
representative as a magaba; patterns of material cultures used by them, e.g. residential
house architecture; use of common language which is a major element of culture; patriotism
that results from common historical-cultural traditions in the military and warfare sphere as all
participated in the defense of their common land; a similar Amharic vernacular which all
Ţambaaronites now use; etc.
The unique socio-cultural aspects of the different ethnogenetic groups is now even the more
being rapidly overshadowed by the ever-increasing reality of the common, encompassing
socio-cultural forces of the contemporary time. Thus, the socio-cultural and politico-economic
unification factors are bringing all the distinct groups into one socio-cultural umbrella. The
exposure of the different groups in the same forces of ideologies, such as religious ideologies
(e.g. Protestant Christianity which is a powerful unifying factor socio-culturally, at least in
principle) is a good example. This process in all likelihood will continue more forcefully until
the Ţambaaro socio-cultural system and identity will be finally consummated.
What we present below thus needs to be understood as the socio-cultural system as it
functioned in the past, as it morphed over the years and as a dynamic reality, not as a
constant, fixed entity.
9.2. Kinship System
9.2.1. Kinship and Marriage Rules
Traditional Ţambaaro marriage rules were such that it has been exogamous – in the sense
that the descendants of an ethnogenetic group (in Ţambaaro case a clan-group) do not marry
within, as obviously is the case in other societies as well. Marriage rules have been and still
continue to be very strict particularly among the Moolla group. The issue has become a matter
of loud crying and oppositions among the different groups within the Moolla corporate, as it
has got a rather unique code in that all descendants of the original ‘seven brothers’ still regard
marriage within themselves as a taboo. The issue has created gaps between the older and the
younger generations (specially the intellectual ones). The basic argument presented by the
younger generation is that the Lamala Moolla has now so propagated and become vast that
there is now no biological or cultural reason to prohibit marriage between the different clans
descending form Lamala Moolla.
The rules prohibit any marriage formation between two persons who bear a Moollaic blood in
their veins, whatever the distance in the genealogical relationship may be. The Lamala Moolla
groups have thus carried on its ancient tradition of marrying out, from groups which do not
bear any Moollaic blood. They have since the 16th century continued this tradition; thus, the
males have been taking wives from groups such as Wolayta, Dawro, Hadya, Donga, and other
pre-Ţambaaro groups; their women have been given to groups in the land that do not bear
Moollaic blood. The Moollaic marriage rule is now said to be inflicting a special harm on their
female population as the women are lacking chances of marriage because they do not get
their male matches in the land, as more and more males in one way or another bear the
Moollaic blood. The number of males in the marriage market for the females has become
gradually decimated and thus more and more females are today remaining single. Out of
desperation, some individuals are taking bold steps whereby they makes campaigns against
the Moollaic marriage rule; due to the effects of this and other efforts some are hesitantly
breaking the rules and getting married within the Moolla line.
The ‘associate’ groups that were part of the Moollaic itinerary group contented to marry within
their own sub groups as others have regarded them as caste groups due to their ascribed
occupational status. But over the years, the Aldada and Debona groups have become more or
less succeeded in making equal marriage relations with all groups, while the Erasha continue
to be excluded.
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9.2.2. Polygamy
Ţambaaro traditional marriage system was essentially polygamous. Males have had the right
to marry more than one wife. This polygamous marriage rule of all the various groups in
Ţambaaro Nationality was to be expected as a matter of fact; it is the trend and pattern in
traditional, paternalistic societies, with settled agricultural system of production.
All the neighboring nationalities have had this form of marriage system in the past and the
system has been progressively declining and in some sense is almost disappeared as a overt,
cultural practice. The main factor behind this demise of the polygamous marriage system of
Ţambaaro, as in other neighboring nationalities, have been the forces of modernization,
changing socio-economic and political conditions as well as the influence of Christianization of
the nationality.
9.2.3. Mate Selection and Betrothal
In the past, neither the girl (bajame) nor the boy (wodalicho) had freedom to choose and
marry by their own decision. This is the normal practice – at least in the most commonly
practiced marriage types. Mate selection was in the hands of the parents – particularly the
father. One commonly practiced rituals of mate selection were the father of a wodalicho would
take a stick and go to the home of his son’s would be wife. This practice is termed ‘bringing
the stick’. This is one of the symbols of mate selection – and if one man had already ‘brought
the stick’; no other person would then go to request the parents of the girl. She is considered
‘betrothed’.
During betrothal stage, the boy’s party (represented by two males of his clan) would give
various articles to the girl’s mother and father. Dress, umbrella, etc are handed over to the
mother. To the father, they offer gun, cap, overcoat, etc. To the girl they give cash to buy
various articles such as customs. This is a more recent practice in the distant past; the
betrothal process would take long time. The boy’s party may be made to come again and
again until the girl’s father finally decides to give the girl to the boy’s party. The boy’s party
may come to request for three or more cycles. The boy’s father assigns a gaana (go-between)
who is selected on the basis of being capable to attract and win the favor of the girl’s father
through forceful negotiation.
The first day of coming to betroth the would-be wife, the boy’s party may not be allowed to sit
down; they would stand and express their mission. The father may not utter any word; the
party goes back. At a second or third round, they may be allowed to sit down and now begins
the negotiation. When the father gives his good will and is ready to give his daughter, they
prepare a reception ceremony, whereby the boy’s party is invited coffee, drinks and food.
Then they give the bride-price to the father. In the distant past – probably before Menilik II
era (1889-1913) and in the early periods of the era, they would give as a bride price – ‘three
marça’ – a bar of iron representing money valley at the time.
9.2.4. Types of Marriage
The forms/ types of marriage discussed below are not necessarily originally espoused by all
groups of people in the Nationality; nor are they to be understood as solely belonging to
limited ethnogenetic groups at the present. There is a sense that these various marriage forms
were Lamala Moollaic in origin (though we cannot establish this as a fact at the moment);
however there is a likelihood that these marriage forms have been the results of the long
years amalgamation and hybridization of institutions of marriage attributed to different
ethnogenetic groups. Now we can safely argue the forms were gradually accepted by all
groups in the Nationality and hence are Pan- Ţambaaro in their current state.
I. Qorsisha (Arranged Marriage)
A typical marriage form is called qorsissa, arranged by parents, without the involvements of
the children. This form dominated in the history of Ţambaaro marriage system. This form of
marriage involves long and elaborate process and rituals – and it might be termed ‘the normal’
form of marriage; by ‘normal’ it is not, though, meant that it was practiced by the majority;
rather it meant a formally ratified and culturally respected form of marriage arrangement.
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Arranged marriage form involves elaborate procedures and weddings arrangements. Some of
the institutions in this form of marriage are the following.
Çiççu or woffu: - was a bearer of good or bad fortune that crosses one’s way on the road. It
could be a kind of a bird or any other coincidence such as a sick person in the girl’s family. The
çiççu is also a go-between the two families. Alternative term is gaana.
The arranged marriage form thus involves an elaborate wedding ceremony. The bolocha
(wedding) ceremony takes place both at the girl’s and the boy’s home. The bride, when
wedding day appointment is fixed, begins to make herself ready for the wedding day. One of
the preparations involves the ritual of finger nail cutting. The nails are almost cut to the very
roots. To medicate bleeding and pain, they would deep the finger in a butter soup. She was
assisted by her friends in this finger-nail cutting. As the wedding approaches, the bride also
drinks kosso, a concoction prepared from the fruits of a repulsive tasting tree fruits which is
used as an intestine purging and clearing potion; (also used as an antidote against tapeworm
in many Ethiopian societies). The purpose of both finger nail cutting and kosso drinking is
meant to make the bride totally submissive to her bride during sexual intercourse. It was
believed that if the bride’s fingernails are not plucked out, she would scratch the bride-groom
during intercourse as she would struggle hard due to pain as the bride groom struggles to
deflower her.
Çifla: is a group that comes with the bride groom to accompany the bride to take home. While
the group is dancing and singing outside, the relatives give counseling and directions to the
bride. They wash her, cloth her and make her ready. The bride’s mother would sit calmly and
decently in the living room. As the bride is ready for the ‘taking’, the company handover the
dowry which are carefully counted and evaluated. The bride takes specially prepared butter,
stuffed into a pot. She takes two types of butter, yuuma and zuuma, which she uses for
anointing and making a special food.
During the wedding day, the girl’s family prepares feasts (of small degree); various drinks
were prepared; ox was slaughtered and meat was cooked. The boy’s party would come on the
day dancing. The bride-groom best-men would also bring a girl with them to take care of the
bride. The boy’s party would be fed one to two days and they would then take the bride to the
bride- groom’s home.
The bride would be given by the mother cooked foods, butter and other things. The boy’s
party would then mount the bride on a mule; but before doing so, the bride should be
mounted on a female horse, as a sign of wishing fertility. The boy’s family would make huge
wedding party. As they arrive at the boy’s home, the bride is made to sit on the lap of her
mother-in-law, and embrace two children (one male and one female) and the mother would
pronounce blessings. After this ritual, the bride accompanied by the bride groom’s sister and
others, would get inside home (the boy’s father’s); but before they enter, the sisters and
others standing would perform a mock ritual whereby they struggle to prevent them from
entering. At this time, the bride-groom gives some money and is allowed in. Inside home,
they head towards the qoroţo – a specially enclosed room at a corner in the house. At this
stage, the other girls nearby also would try to protect the bride and the bride-groom from
entering, where n the bride-groom gives a gift of money, and they now get into the room.
The new couple would spend their ‘honeymoon’ here in the special room. The bride is
expected to resist all urges to go out for a fresh air outside. Neither does she go out for a call
of nature. The ‘kosso’ she drinks on eve of the wedding is believed to clear all solid waste so
that throughout the four days, there is no need for going to toilet. The bride – now the wife- is
not expected to see the faces of her father-in-law. Neither she ‘uses’ or utter their names
lightly. In fact, she would use an alternative name or term any article that has got a similar
letter or sound with the name of her father and all other male elderly. This norm is termed
bal’esha. It is probably a Lamala Moollaic mores carried over from their Sidama land, where
the practice is strongly held.
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After the honeymoon, the family would make a ceremony meant to get together the bride and
her in-laws. A sheep will be slaughtered and drinks will be prepared. Before they feast, a strip
of carefully cut-out fresh hide of the killed sheep – a strip cutout right over the head down to
the scrotum – including the scrotum - would be hang over the neck of the bride. This signifies
well-wishing of fertility. The father would also sprinkle the blood on the faces of the family
members.
Mini-agisha/ Balisha: - a ceremony which the bridle-groom’s parents prepare to let the
bride ‘mix’ with the new family. The new wife is then taught how to call and treat the
bridegroom’s parents and other older males. This is done by a girl (a relative of the bride) who
takes a gourd of milk and an unused gourd; she makes the bride sip the milk and teaches how
to call the name of the father, of clan name, etc. She tells her “let you be dumb as like this
gourd if you raise the names of your husbands’ male relatives”. This is the balisha ritual. The
balisha ritual forbids the bride not to address her male in-laws’ names as well as even the
names of objects whose initial sounds /letters match with the in- laws’ name
Photos 9.1-3 Gourds
The bride may continue in ‘honeymoon’ being limited to a special room in the bride- groom’s
house. This may continue up to four months. After this time she begins mixing with the inlaws. The mixing day in marked with a special ceremony wherein the family slaughters cattle,
smear the newly-weds and family members with the blood, as a covenant. On that day, the
bride handovers special gift articles which she made at home and brought it with her. She
gives a leemat (a table on which the father eats food) to the father, soruwa (bowl), and
similar other articles. There articles are made of grass. She also gives borkano, a mattress
mode of wood, to her mother-in-law. This borkano is carved of wood by craftsmen. (See
figure)
Photos 9.4-5- Soruwa
Photo 9.6. A borkano a pillow made of carved wood.
It has three opening with roughly rectangular shape.
It is about 20 cm by 30 cm size.
The best-man of the bridegroom was called tamishra or
shafi jaala. When the bride gets inside the çagula house
(honeymoon room), he accompanies the two inside. The
mixing of the new bride with her in-laws also includes a
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ritual called the looga ritual- a ritual whereby a sheep is killed and the hanuffa, a
carefully cutout strip of skin including the genitalia, is put on the bride as a symbol of
fertility. This ritual is done when a man is marrying his first, virgin wife.
Kiffa ceremony: – About three months after the wedding, the bride’s mother requests her
daughter’s friends and age mates of both sexes to go and visit her daughter. The friends
would take different articles such as food items prepared by the mother, household utensils,
etc. Upon arrival, the bride groom’s parents would prepare foods and drinks and welcome the
bride’s friends.
The bride groom makes maximum care not to come into face to face with his mother-in-law
until a get-together ceremony is made, which may wait until the bride is taken home for child
birth. For this purpose, the kiffa ceremony is made. This is a ceremony whereby the
bridegroom and his associates come together with the bride to the bride’s family for a ‘mixing’
or getting together. This kiffa ceremony –getting together –might be made some three or four
mouths after the wedding. The kiffa ceremony is marked with slaughter of cattle (ox),
sprinkling blood over the couple and family. The ox’s freshly cutout strip of skin including the
genitalia part is put on the man to symbolize fertility. The new couple and neighbors would
feast. The group that came accompanying the new couple would go back home after two days,
but the couple would stay up to a week unite they exhaust the meat feasting.
The new couple begins to live in the home of the father. The new couple is expected to live in
the house until they give birth to a baby. They would then shift to their own home built near
the house. The couple’s house is built at the left side of the big house to signify respect for the
father.
II. Heragishe /Herato Çirro (Abduction)
When and if this form of marriage becomes difficult, people opted for the other alternative
marriage arrangements. One such marriage is called heragishe or herata çirro. When a man
seeking a wife finds that it is difficult for him to afford the bride-price or wedding costs or if he
finds that the girl’s parents refuse to ‘give’ her; also if the girl has contempt for him. He waits
a favorable time and place, ambushes the girl when she goes out for water fetching, etc. He,
accompanied by his associates, would abduct the girl.
III. Labetu (Labu or Etanmaru: Marriage by Enticement and Brokerage
Another form of marriage does not use force; the girl may be coaxed or enticed by some gobetweens and marry, without elaborate process. The boy and his parents may seek
reconciliation through negotiation, by sending gaana (an agent of reconciliation) who would go
and open negotiation with a proverb: ‘your heifer is lost’, signifying the ‘stolen girl’ is now
found.
Labetu is engagement and marriage based on the active interaction and agreement between
the two sexes, facilitated by go-betweens. The two get to know each other often during
masala festival dancing, called masala-boloia. They dance and sing in the homes of newly wed
couples. The two may get into covenant by putting a lemon onto their mouth and dividing it by
biting.
IV. Ragita Marriage by Inheritance
The fourth form of marriage is called ragee. It is called levirate in technical anthropological
sense. That is carried out when a brother or a relative ‘inherits’ the widow of a deceased
husband. This form of marriage also does not involve elaborate process.
9.4. Pregnancy, Childbirth and Parenting
9.4.1. Pregnancy
When the new wife gets pregnant, she is expected to prevent herself from eating some food
items such as taro (gobisa in Ţambaarisa), avocado, sugarcane and others; because these
items are believed to come out smeared over the infant upon birth.
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In Ţambaaro tradition, the new wife is expected to give birth to her first baby in her parent’s
home. Thus, sometimes near the last trimester, the mother would send two women from her
neighborhood to bring the pregnant daughter home. The bridegroom’s parents may try to
resist the request, but after negotiation they finally give in. The bridegroom’s parents would
welcome the women and invite foods and drinks. Then they bring the pregnant daughter
home.
9.4.2. Labor and Childbirth
As the labor approaches, the pregnant reports to her mother. Her mother first tells her to get
strong and be patient. But as the labor gets intense, the mother prepares a special bed near
the fireplace where the pregnant lies/rests. Then other neighborhood women are summoned.
The birth attendant – who is a member of the “Erasha” group (who call themselves “Bete
Israel”) – is called and she begins to assist the laboring woman. If the labor gets intense and
very difficult, they change home; she is taken to other homes which must be at higher
elevation or upper side because this is believed to hasten the birth. But if the labor gets still
stronger, the husband may be called in and made to hold her waist to “facilitate” the labor
(but this is the case when the women gives birth at her husband’s home, as it is the case
sometimes).
Following the birth, the woman is made to drink a sauce or a soup made of barely flour mixed
with some condiments. After three days, they would wash her body. The woman would also
drink a boiled butter fluid; they would put butter on her head and those of other women
present. Following the birth – within the next two days – the family would send a messenger
to tell the husband’s family. Then the husband would come together with other accompanies
and would bring a sheep which they would kill and feast. Upon arrival, the sheep would be
killed and the strip of carefully cut skin – from the head to the scrotum – is put on the neck of
the husband – to signify fertility. The blood sprinkling ritual is also conducted. After this, the
bride’s mother and the bridegroom’s mother (?) and her company come to take back the
woman. The woman’s parents would give her a heifer if she gave birth to a baby girl and an ox
if it is a baby boy.
9.4.3. Child Naming, Upbringing, Breastfeeding
There was no special ceremony whereby the baby is given its name. The name may be given
by the mother, father or other family members. Name in the past were given based on the
circumstances and events during the birth. If the baby is born at a happy, good time, it might
be granted such name as ‘Lafebo’ - for a male. If it is born during conflict times, names such
as Ţumano (“peace”) are given. Now, following the influences of Amharanization and
Christianization, Amharic and biblical names are mainly given.
Breastfeeding in the past would continue until the baby gets stronger and the breast milk
exhausts. The child begins to take solid foods and milk and soups - sometimes within few
months. There was no traditional medication – such as medicinal plants as birth and
pregnancy protection. However, the mother would not share the same bed for some one year
and hence there was no sex and this served as traditional birth spacing mechanism
Children were brought up without much ado. They would be trained as early as 4 – 5 years to
shoulder responsibilities. Thus a small baby – of 5 or 6 years may be seen collecting fire wood
even today. Parents used to command absolute power and control in the lives of children. It
was generally autocratic parenting. The father had particularly absolute authority over the
children. Children are also taught to hold relevant attitude and respect towards the parents.
An outgoing, wayward child would face staunch admonition
There used to exist, in relation to child upbringing, a harmful traditional belief and practice.
One such practice was the practice of banishing infants born malformed. When a deformed
baby is born deaf, handless, blind, etc all the women, led by community leaders’ wives, and
carries the misfortune–befallen child, march to a giant hole, chanting, carrying dried leaves
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and grass and throw the baby over the cliff alive. They would exclaim, ‘Keeho! Keeho!’ let us
not see this again!” This practice was in effect until recently, 1940s and 1950s.
9.5. Husband- Wife Relations, Divorce and Remarriage
In Ţambaaro traditional custom, the husband commanded absolute authority over his
wife/wives. The wife would take the husband’s name. For example, if her name is ‘Abebech’
and her husband’s name is ‘Ţumano’, her official name would be ‘Abebech Ţumano’. She
would not take her father’s name. Such practice is common elsewhere such as Wolayta in the
past.
The wife would not dare to call her husband by his name. She should offer him a reverent
respect. The husband had total control of household property, including all the assets, even
including the wife’s own cattle, sheep, poultry, etc. He was the absolute decision maker. The
more or less democratic political system in the community is not applied at home, between
husband and wife and parents and children. If the wife finds her husband’s treatment of her as
unbearable, she may go and complain to her parents, who then would take it to the husband’s
parents. Even if the situation is unbearable, she is advised and encouraged back to her home.
Second or remarriages are possible for males. A man would marry another wife if his wife
dies; but a woman may not marry another new man of her choice; she was ‘inherited’ by her
husband’s brother. Divorce was generally discouraged in traditional Tambaaro cultural
landscape. This scenario has generally been changing, especially since the Dergue’s time
(1970’s), and now in this regime many improvements have been registered.
9.6. Trends in Premarital Sexual Relations and Values of Virginity
Traditional marriage rules in Ţambaaro were very strict in matters of premarital sex relations
and virginity. Although the rule was sterner and more highly punitive on women, males were
also not expected to engage in any premarital sex relations.
However, in certain circumstances, following post-circumcision stage, the society condoned
some behaviors, even encouraged them that might have sexual connotations. Yet, those
practices were not expected to lead to engagement in sexual intercourse before marriage.
Thus, the wodalicho and bajame used to engage in ‘yaburu sunqu’, literally, ‘lip love affairs’.
This might not necessarily lead to marriage; it was not sexual friendship; pre-marital sex was
considered a taboo for both sexes. The ‘lip- biting’ love affair is more of plain friendship matter
than sexual.
The ‘lip biting’ love affair was a much cherished youth affair. The circumcised males and the
girls play together- singing, dancing following Masala festival. The girls go to picking ‘duffa’ (a
kind of grass that flowers in September) for makings grass-work objects from the grass. The
circumcised wodalicho follow them to the field and they play, sing and dance. As the play gets
hot, the wodalicho test and tease each other by playing ganli çacho, felling down each other
by applying force. The wodalicho also go and pick a girl, bite her lower lip and bleed it. They
do it covering them with a gabbi (a cotton woven sheet). It the man does not succeed in
bleeding her lip, she despise him. When he succeeds, she presents him article slash as water
glasses, coffee cups, etc.
In Ţambaaro traditional custom, virginity was highly respected. As a matter of fact, every first
time marrying female must be a virgin. Pre-marital sex was a thing unheard of in the past. It
applies to both sexes although it is very stringently applied on females. Pre-marital sex was a
taboo and as such, if a girl by some accident gets pregnant and gives birth at home, it was
considered as a great threat to the social order. In the past, if a girl gets pregnant at home
before marriage, it was taken as a very horrible breach of mores and the girl would be treated
very contemptuously. No one would marry her except an old man, or a widower, she would
live her life as a shameful and despised person. The fate of the illegitimate baby was to be
thrown into a ‘mukuro’, a deep gorge. The women from different clans and neighborhoods
would gather, take grass, ensete leaves, tree branches, etc. and would march singing ‘Keeho!
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Keeho.” This is a shout of ‘warning and well- wishing let such incidence would never happen
again. They would come back, by washing their bodies in the rice. Males were not expected to
appear in front of the women at this event. This ritual was meant for condemning such
mishaps and teaching a lesson for others.
9.7. Age-grades, Rites of Passage and Characteristics of
Adolescence
9.7.1. Male Adolescents: the Wodalicho
Male adolescents are the youth in Tambaro are called wodalicho14. Wodalicho are those who
have come off age: ready to shoulder responsibilities in marriage, economic production,
warfare. Wodalicho engage in hogaţo, hunting; engage in labor works in farms; Wodalicho
stage continues until a man marries, establishes his home, and begins engagement in various
community responsibilities.
Things the wodalicho were not permitted to engage in include going to funeral ceremonies,
looking into funeral burial hole (because ‘it might causes infertility’); and carrying corpse.
Wodalicho are identified by their physical and biological features; playing with females during
festival dances; economic contributions; participating in festival dances; etc.
Circumcision (see below for detail) takes place when males reach wodalicho stage. Parents
take maximum care when the adolescent is circumcised and being fed. The may feed him to
the maximum, he may be taken care up to a year. In post- circumcision weeks, the wodalicho
engages in ‘gaami çecha’- a kind of physical struggle among the circumcised wodalicho.
9.7.2. Female Adolescents: the Bajame
The female youth in Ţambaaro are given a title, bajame, which is an equivalent/ opposite of
wodalicho–young males. The bajame age group females are identified by various biological,
behavioral and role characteristics. According to Ţambaaro conceptualization of bajame, a girl
enters this age grade when she begins to see her first menses; her breasts become visibly
bigger and pimples show up in her faces.
Bajame is also identified by her beginning joining dances and plays during weddings and when
she engages in yaburu sunqanchu practice: the practice of getting into ‘lip-lover’ relationship.
During the plays, it is customary for a wodalicho and a bajame engage in such practice. The
wodalicho is expected to bite bleed the lower lip of his ‘lip-lover’ bajame. This practice
precludes any sexual relationship which is strictly forbidden. Such practices are usually times
of mate selection for the males. Another signs of the bajame is when the girl breaks household
utensils, the family calls her, bajame; one who is ready for circumcision. Circumcision begins
when a female enters a bajame circle.
Another sign of bajame is that during play times (especially at festivals) a girl and a boy get a
lemon and divide the lemon into equal halves by their teeth. This marks their friendship; but
they don’t get into marriage. In fact, the two who divided the lemon, are not expected to get
married, the culture forbids. A bajame is expected to engage in various works, especially
preparing various household utensils from grass. She is expected to make these utensils (art
works made of a special kind of grass called duffa). these utensils are regarded as essential
ingredients of her dowry during marriage. If the bajame does not engage in these works she is
rebuked and considered lazy.
The household works of bajame include, sweeping the dirt, cooking food, collecting firewood,
clearing a livestock dung, etc. She was not expected to go to market and neither was she
allowed to go to school. In the past, the bajame age limit was from 25 -30; this is the age at
Below this stage osicho adaba are those who do simple tasks such as collecting firewood, tending calves,
do errands etc. Çilla are well as small kids. The breastfeeding babies are mamula. Mancho are married
adults, Nubacho are older males
14
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which she would marry. Girls/females above the bajame circle are termed menticho; above
that they are called amata – when she becomes a mother. Unless she gives birth she is called
menticho- a married woman. Above the amata, the woman is called emechota – an old
woman. Emechota is also called nubachota.
9.7.3. Circumcision as a Rite of Passage
Circumcision has been an important part of Ţambaaro tradition. The philosophy behind this
ritual is that uncircumcised guys are unclean, girls become sexy and they ‘break’ household
goods- behaving unruly, uncircumcised males find it difficult to make sex, etc.
The circumciser was a member of the ‘Bete-Israel’ group for both sexes. Circumcision was
taken very seriously and it was like wedding, bolocha. The ritual was accompanied by different
ceremonies, creates a number of social ties, and incurs lots of investment. The parent of girl
or boy being circumcised (in the past the age was a bit advanced- 25-30 years) seeks in
advance- a jaala – the person who would ‘hold the eye’ during the circumcision. There were
two kind of jaala: one was a jaala for helping the circumcisee drink kosso (a bitter juice made
of a fruit of a tree), the other is a jaala for covering the eye. On the eve of the circumcision
morning, the jaala would bring about 10 individuals (the number is not fixed) they would
spend the night playing, encouraging the boy /girl to be circumcised.
Circumcision takes place early in the morning on Saturday. Girls would be made to sit on a
mortar, open their feet wide, one woman tightly holds the feet and another woman covers her
eye.
The circumciser then cuts the clitoris. Males were similarly circumcised by the male
counterpart. Circumciser who uses a maglale (a knife) to cut the prepuce; he would pull the
prepuce tightly and tie it with a clipper and cut the prepuce.
Photo 9.7. Demonstrating the manner in which a girl is circumcised
Post- circumcision days and weeks were full of foods, drinks, plays, celebrations. The “eyeholders” and their parents would be responsible to bring meatsheep /goat in some cases oxen and slaughter. Then they feed
the meat –sheep/goat in some cases oxen and slaughter. Then
they feed the circumcisee. The male jaala would also bring a harp
called ditta (see below) so that the circumcisee would soothe his
sore pain by playing the harp. After some two weeks, the jaala
would call the circumcisee to his/ her family where the
circumcisee, with accompanying friends, would pass the night by
feasting and playing.
Photo 9.8 A ditta that is played
during post- circumcision weeks
to help sooth the pain
These days, many of the
associated
with
Female circumcision as an
stricter punishment so
carried out clandestinely
various rituals, norms and values
circumcision have become obsolete.
act itself has been subjected to a
that these days female circumcision is
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9.8. Forms of Friendship
In Ţambaaro, some forms of means of forming friendship exist among equals or otherwise. It
may be age and sex specific of not. One such form of friendship is the loomee ritual whereby
two equals (in this case female get a lemon, divide it by their teeth, hold each half of the
lemon in their mouth. From that time onward, the two would call each other “loome”, literally,
“lemon”. This practice is also common in Wolayta in the past; the very name and practice are
also found there. It may be that this practice has diffused from Wolayta through marriage and
other relations.15
Another interesting form of friendship formation is that when one gets a uniquely shaped
maize /corn head (like a double/ twin head), one would haste to give it to the sister of one’s
brother’s wife. This would create an occasion for a great feast. The woman would throw a big
party and celebration would take place. The man would also take a fatty ox and they feast for
two weeks. Henceforth, they would become real friends (without any sexual connotation). The
ceremony is named, adaaro, named from the term for a twin headed corn.
9.8.1. Circumcision Ritual as a Basis for a Social Relationship
The Ţambaaro practice circumcision of both sexes. Needless to mention, elaborate rituals and
ceremonies are held. On average, females are circumcised at around 15 years of age. Males
also get circumcised at advanced ages like females. The jaala is a person who is responsible
for ‘holding’ or ‘covering’ the eyes of circumcise. Two forms of jaala exist for females; kosso
jaala, those who encourage the girl by helping her drink a bitter juice made of a tree fruit that
is meant for anesthetic value; and elle jalla, ‘the eye friend’, literally. The two (the jallas and
the circumcised guy) afterwards continue a venerated relationship.
9.8.2. Greeting as a Non-material Culture
Photo 9.9 An indigenous mode of greeting
Typical Ţambaaro greeting expression is “ţuuma!” meaning ‘peace,
how are you?’ it is widely used among the Hadiya and Kambatta
people as well. In the past, typical greeting mode was kissing cheeks
among equals across both sexes. Small boys and younger people
would kiss the hands of older persons. Nowadays, there is a shift to a
different mode of greeting. Typical, ‘modern’ greeting style is now to
‘kick’ shoulders in one direction 2 to 4 times especially among young
people and adults. Older greeting modes have continued among older
persons especially in rural areas
9.9. Beautification, Body-marking, Dressing and Hair Styles
9.9.1. Beautification and Body-marking
In traditional Ţambaaro, girls below the bajame stage would cut their hair on both sides with
some part of hair left. Boys will cut all hair except a tip at the center called gutto. In bajame
stage, girls would let the hair grow into medium height and they would comb it erect. No
hair/head cover was used. Married women would normally grow their hair and cover it with
pieces of apron.
Body marking included a tattooing that circles around the cheek on both sides called hatara.
The bajame would also mark their gums – both sides by pricking with needle. They would
smear the pricked mark with soot to make it ‘beautiful’. Women, specially unmarried ones –
would pick out a tooth from their front part to look beautiful. This was called bitramitta. The
Many Wolaytic terms, cultural elements and practices exist in Ţambaaro. The ways in which such
cultural diffusions have taken place is not clear, though. Some Wolaytic terms in Tambaaro include: maţine
(slat), wodoro ( rope), wozana (heart), bolocha/ bulacha ( wedding), etc)
15
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putting of a circular mark on hands was based on a belief that would serve as money when
they die and go to the other world. Both sexes would also put marks on their hands and
sometimes on their cheek. This was called içinna. These marks might have medical treatment
values. Adornments – rings, etc are put in the hands, feet and neck. During festivals, bajames
would paint their hands red by smearing with the dough of a plant tuber called onsholola.
9.9.2. Dressing
Dressing has a history which starts with a period – early settlement time in before the 116th
century – when cow/goats hides were used as apparels. As recent as early 20 th century,
women wore a stripe of bids tied threads (stripes of hide) that was worn under the waist,
covering the genitalia, the buttock uncovered. Males wore cowhide covering their genitalia.
Gradually, these dresses were replaced with cloths made of cotton–woven sheets. Males wore
a gown over their waist and their simply put on an open wide cover below their waist. Women
wore cotton woven ‘bulluko’ tied with belt. The also wore shishina (a cotton made skirt).
The okona (buluko, a big cotton yarn made blanket) is also used as a bed cloth. Thread yarn is
brought from other areas. The blanket is embroidered with black and red colors at the hem.
Photo 9.10.
blanket
Okona
(Buluko),
a
Then, beginning from the 1940’s a type of
factory- made cloth called ‘mardofa’ was
introduced. This was replaced by more
modern looking factory made customs,
particularly beginning from the late
1960’s, following the fall of feudal regime
and coming of the Derg in 1974, more
improvements were registered, with
culmination in wide spread use of modern
cloths and total abandoning of indigenous
ones. This process reached its peak with
EPRDF. Indigenous cloths, representing
cotton–woven ones, are now being re-introduced, as expression of ethnic identity. But they
are worn only during festivals, shows, etc by selected few.
Photos 9.11-13 Modern re-indigenization of ethnic cloths Kitta: sweater, with short
sleeve worn above waist. The color combination of white, representing yelelo (indigenous
sorghum); green (representing topography and, land productivity); red, representing
patriotism; and black, representing sympathy and brotherhood. The weavers (usually from
the Aldada clan) make it. For both sexes, kitta is used.
A recent past dressing style for women was to wear s skirt called shinshina – made from
factory made clothes (called abujiedi and jersi). Males wore a short and a Ti-shirt called jiji. As
said above, these indigenous apparel designs are now being reinvented as part of the ethnic
cloth production. (See pictures above)
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In a distant past – until the time of Haile Sellasie I– (1930) – it was said men would wear a
cloth prepared from goat skin – which was made smooth by smearing with butter. This was
called quetta. Women wore a homemade cover called mashko – made of a string of beds tied
to a strip of leather; this was tied on their waist, covering the genitalia, the buttock being
bare. This was worn by girls below age seven bajame. Mashko was in use until late 1960’s;
until the same time too, males also would cover their genitalia with abujiedi cloth, the buttock
being bare. They call it wizdro suppe. The distant past, until 1930’s, 1940’s, men and children
also wore lemda – a cloth made of goat skin. It was worn over the waist. Girls covered their
genitalia by mashko. Mashko was a distant past cloth.
Since the early 1990s, with the introduction of liberal free-market based system of political
economy, big discernible changes have taken place in the realm of costumes. Modernization,
western model clothing systems and cloths have gradually come to dominate the cloth culture.
Photo 9.14-15 A glimpse of modern apparel culture in a market day at Mudula
9.10. Ţambaaro Traditional Residential Houses
Four types of houses are in use in Ţambaaro, this first and most ancient being Ţambaarichmini (literally, Ţambaaro house). This is a cone-shaped hemispherical (circular) house
covered top to bottom with grass, its wall structure being made of various woods; (woyse/
ensete) false banana leave strips are used for tying horizontal reinforcement beams with
vertical beams. At the center of the house is erected a thick pole about 5 meter long. The
house has one door/ entrance with no windows. The entrance door beams are made of hand
chiseled wood beams. The height of the door is about 1.70-1.80 cm. The door beams are
called qorre (upper bean). Fenga is the main door; gocha, side beams; and zere, lower beam.
The inside of the house is divided into two main sections. A partition of wood structure divides
the two. At the left side of the house, there is a quarter for livestock. Above this quarter a
structure is made on which various items such as cereals are put. It is called sakut.
When the house is built, it is carried out by labor sharing. Neighborhood will contribute labor
and material; women will cook food and provide drinks. As the house is ready for entering and
living in, a ceremony (with spiritual significance) is held. The owner of the house sits beneath
the pole throws a cooked taro at the top, center point of the house (the point when the pole
joins the top). As he throws, words of blessing and well-wishing are done. This is done after
they have eaten and well fed.
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Photo 9.16-20 Ţambaarich- minne and its widow owner (Note the different parts of
the house)
Ţambaaro indigenous house, apart from the hemispherical one, is also built in a rectangular
shape. It is about 2.5m high; with main door and no windows. The wall is covered with grass;
the structure /body being farmed by tying horizontal wood beams with threads of certain tree
species (creeping trees). The roof is thatched with grass. This house is called dassa or zuufa.
It is regarded as a temporary shelter and transitional in nature in that it is used as one which
serves for the time being until a family builds and moves to other permanent house. This
house is, however, also used as a permanent house for those who could not afford to build
other house types.
Photo 9. 21-22 Zuufa, an indigenous Ţambaaro house used for temporary purposes
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The third form of house in contemporary Ţambaaro is a triangular, cone-shaped one with walls
structured by nailing wooden beams. The roof is a cone- shape –thatched with grass. The
house like the original hemispherical one is supported by a pole at the center. This house is
termed as elfiňa. It is said to have diffused to this area from Hadya nationality. It began to
take inroads into Ţambaaro since early years of the Derg era (1974-1991), now being the
most dominant form.
The most recent form of house is made of corrugated iron roofs, with wall structure build by
wooden frames and plastered with mud bricks. This form of house began for the first time
during Haile-Sellasie I era (1930-1974), in rare distribution. It used to be a dominant socioeconomic status symbol. Now it has become common. Initially, there used to exist certain
beliefs associated with corrugated iron. Such beliefs discouraged people building this house. It
was believed that ‘building this house makes one poor’; ‘it kills cattle’.
Photo 9.23 An elfiňa house
The indigenous houses are now being obsolete. The Ţambaarich- minne is particularity at the
state of virtual obsolescence. It is being replaced by the 'elfiň' house; Modern, corrugated iron
roof houses are also coming to the dominance, next to the elfiňa.
Inside a Ţambaaro house, typical inside room plan is that it has livestock quarter at the left
side of the house. Livestock generally share the house with humans. In limited cases
Photo 9.24. A selected section of a rural settlement. Note the distribution of the
elfina houses and the corrugated iron-roofed houses; not a single Tambaarichminne is in view
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some well-to-do families build separate quarters for livestock. The remaining part of the house
is divided into two bigger halves, by a wall of fence made of bamboo tree or the stalk of
sorghum. The section lying just next to the entrance part is the multi-purpose room, the’
saloon’; the section behind the partition fence is the place for cooking and storing feminine
house appliances. Females generally lie in that section. Children also lie in the saloon, on a
casually prepared ‘bed’ (this is basically a mat spread over the leaves of false banana or other
dried grass materials.
A typical indigenous bed is made of wood, four pieces of wooden beams are erected a
rectangular shape, and horizontal and vertical wooden beams are tied to the erected poles.
Then dried false banana leaves are spread over the bed. Above it salena, a mat made of
locally grown dates tree or a cowhide is used as a mattress.
Photo 9.25-28 The inside sections of a Ţambaarich minne
9.11. Games, Recreations and Forms of Friendships
9.11.1. Music, Songs, and Dances
Males and females, especially unmarried ones – would entertain themselves by singing and
dancing specially during festival and wedding times. A typical play/game (for males) was
qolicho, ‘yegena çewata’ – a kind of rugby.
Both sexes played hiyyo, a sort of singing and dancing during wedding and circumcision
ceremonies. The content of the song would focus on teasing or appreciating opposite sex.
There was a recreating song and dance called gifata. It is a type of song play which males
play/sing during Masala ceremony and also when marching for various group work in farming.
It involves dancing as well. Much of the recreational and entertainment were done during the
masala festivals – this was mainly dancing and singing.
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9.11.2. Traditional Games and Sports
Much of traditional recreational activities and games were usually associated with the events
following circumcision rituals and wedding ceremonies. One such game is free physical
struggle between males following recuperation of their circumcision wound. It was called
gami-çenço; a game is a game that involves a free physical straggle between two males
immediately following the healing of their circumcision wounds. It attracts spectators who
would enjoy the game. It is meant for testing which of the two is well fed by his
mother/family. In a sense, it is also a form of checking and monitoring how parents care for
the circumcised sons. All the boys circumcised at similar period would come for this game of
show of post- circumcision physical ability.
Photos 9.29-30 Children playing a jump over the rope
A ditta
Another play was called qulfu-matto, a game which involved playing a ditta ( a guitar) as a
game in which they would hide a needle somewhere in a corner and one guy would search for
it following the ditta player. This game was part of the post-circumcision recreational games.
There was also a game called sadiqa,, a type of game whereby a plate made of wood carving
wherein two rows of holes are dug. The holes are filled with pebbles (3-4) of pebbles or other
tree fruits.
Various simple games existed for females; example, ţoţobe, a game played by drawing lines
on the ground, putting a piece of stick and pushing it by their feet.
Indigenous recreational plays and games have now more or less become obsolete,
particularity in urban settings. Some of children’s plays are not necessarily limited to the
Nationality alone. They are found across other cultures as well. An example could be
children\e play whereby two children hold the ends of a rope and one or more children jump
when the rope holder’s move the rope up and down. (See picture above).
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9.12. The Socio-Cultural Organization and Management of
Misfortunes and Funeral Rituals
9.12.1. Philosophies of Misfortunes (Diseases, Death, etc)
It was often believed a person dies when his /her ancestral ghosts are angry or when one is
bewitched. Death is highly feared. It is associated with bad omen. It may occur due to cursing
by parents. The ghosts of dead parents/ ancestors were regarded as if part of the living
community. The deed ancestors were highly respected. Even when they talk or converse
during casual interaction, any reference to a dead ancestor was carefully monitored. They
would often say, “folisan seman marro!” meaning, “let the gods have mercy on his soul!” Any
conversation making reference to the dead ancestors was precede by this and similar other
expressions.
Belief in the power and influence of the malevolent supra-human beings was also strong. For
example, macara/ bicare (madness) is caused by attack by shaţana. A person stricken with
madness was believed to be physically huge.
9.12.2. Main Human Diseases and Their Treatment
For mental illnesses, the main management was by manipulating the evil sprit that caused the
illness to come out. The patient, if he/she became aggressive, would be tied to a pole. His/her
feet would be inserted through a hole dug in the thick pole. Treatment for mental illness was
often to exorcise the evil spirit indwelling the patient. The heeler would order the family to
bring a rooster. Then he orders the evil spirit to leave the patient. In so dong, it was believed,
the patient becomes free and normal.
One major health problem in Ţambaaro has been shekere, malaria. The histopathology of the
disease is not known. Informants claim malaria has existed in Ţambaaro land for centuries.
Treatments for malaria included slaughtering a black goat, cook the meat in a big mouthed
pot, and let the patient’s head into the pot’s mouth apply the smoke. It was believed that
malaria would be cured this way. They also let the patient drink gall bladder of a black goat for
malaria; they would also drink a juice of a sour plant. Some individuals were believed to have
the medical knowledge.
Another disease is demume-(typhoid). Demume was believed to transmit to others if they
enter into a house where the patient resides. They put a rope on the outside of the house.
Only one person would be with the patient. No one would wash his body until he is cured. If
the bed sheet is washed, it is believed it would relapse and kill. The treatment was to bring
very cold water from the river by rising up early in the morning and pour the water on the
patient's head by putting a sieve on his head. The smoke application mentioned above for
malaria was also believed to be efficacious for treating demume.
When a person was struck with gordomy (small pox), they would look for another person who
was earlier struck by the disease and healed. He would come and take care of the patient.
They would not even mention the name of the disease. They called it simply woga mossu, a
big disease. They would wait until seven days; if the patient is not cured until then, then he
would die. Where the patient dies, no one would say so and so has died; they would say, "He
was broken!" No normal mourning and funeral would be held. People believed the disease was
the "Wombo's" disease so that they went to the Wombo shaman to receive sacred water to
drink. (Wombo was a feared guardian sprit that was the center of the religious cult of the
Gondorima and Handarama groups.)
For fractures, there was a specialist healer orthopedist called zuuqaniu. This healer would deal
with every form of fracture even a case pronounced, ‘let this foot be cut’ was dealt with by
zuuqaniu). Another healer lafaniu was on ethno-surgeon. This healer, for example, would
insert a knife or similar surgical instrument into the uterus of a sick pregnant cow whose
fetus/ calf is dead and capture the dead calf and bring it out, to the safety of cow.
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For other diseases such as snake bites, woshe machara (dog’s disease), etc, the traditional
pharmacist would concoct juices from various roots and leaves of plants (which they don’t
reveal to any other person) and treat the patients.
9.12.3. Animal Diseases and Their Treatment
Known animal diseases included ţinticho (Aba sanga); bobra (desta), and shulula (gendi).
Shulula is treated by applying pounding pikare barbaru (a tiny, highly pungent pepper) and let
drink the sick animal the juice. For bobra (desta), they would burn the sick part with a hot iron
bar. For aba- sanga there is no traditional treatment. Such veterinary practices are done by
farmers themselves. The skill is acquired through traditional experimentation.
9.12.4. Death, Bereavement, Consolation and Funeral
When comforting the mourners, they would say “Maganuu qarsu!” meaning, “May God comfort
you!” Pronouncement of comforting expressions varied according to the age of the deceased.
For young ones, they would say “may God give you another child!”
In the past, mourners would hurt themselves by bruising their cheeks with thorns (usually
females); by beating themselves with whip; and by falling down. Bereavement and such selfinflictions were particularly stronger on women. Wives upon their husbands’ death would
shave their hairs entirely, tie a strip of cloth around the head; don’t cut their finger nails, and
never wash their bodies; they would wear black cloths. This would continue for a year; she
would never go out for markets. After a year, she, accompanied by relatives of the deceased,
would hold her husband’s spear (its tip being bent down as a sign of the death), wear a black
gown and would go to market and they would let her drink local beer, which they would
prepare. The widow would put on a feather if her husband was a brave fighter. After a year’s
bereavement, they would settle issues of whether the widow would marry her deceased’s
relative, if she was young. If she refused to marry, she would be forced to leave the home.
The deceased’s relatives would never permit her to bring any outsider as her new husband.
Photo 9.31. The nagaritta
The funeral of big, known persons would involve
elaborate mourning dances and songs. A big drum
called nagaritta played. Nagaritta is a big
hemispherical shape drum with two end tops
plastered with softened leather. The main body is
made wanza (oak timber) wood. The makers are
potters. The mourners would be accomplished by
the ceremonial beating of the drum. The artistic
drum beating was not done just by every body; the
potters had the skills. This material culture with
associated intangible elements has now become
obsolete. (The nagaritta is played by placing the
drum on floor. There were two pieces of these nagaritta that were beaten in pairs. The beater
would sit down on the floor).
The relatives of a known deceased person would also put on a guffo, a cap made of the skin of
colobus monkey’s head. When such renowned men (those who were brave fighters, who
performed feats at war who killed big wild beasts, etc) dies, a messenger puts on a balee a
white colored feather, taken from a bird called workom; stuck on both sides of his head and
would go to markets to declare the death. A special practice in this aspect was the practice of
lessa. Lessa is a ritual of expressive culture in which a man would mount on a horse, roam
throughout the villages and markets, declaring the death of a famous older man. He would
narrate the genealogy of the deceased, his deeds, and inform the funeral date. Such practice
has now become obsolete.
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Photo 9.32. A guffo
9.12.5. Burials (Disposing of the Deceased) and the Graveyard
Symbols
Tambaaro bury their dead within 2 to 3 days of the death of a person. If a small child dies, it
would be buried within the same day. There was not a tradition of keeping the dead body fro
weeks and months (even years) as was customary in other nationalities (e.g. Konso, Basketo,
etc; se Zerihun Doda, 2008)
A visit at Ţambaaro graveyards would reveal an interesting historical pattern of change and
continuity, tradition and modernity all in one site. Very old masincho trees stand in queues, in
decreasing order in age. Modern sepulture also stands at the other corner of the burial yard.
Modern burial symbols are well-built sepultures with Christian cross symbol towering over.
This depicts a historical change from the indigenous forms to the modern one. The modern
and traditional forms are found in mixture. There is a strong indication of religious
syncretization. At one particular burial sepulture, we saw beautiful stone structure with cross
sign and horns attached at the base. Our field guide narrated to us the horns indicated the
wealth of the deceased man that he has owned several cattle.
Photos 9.33-35 An artist’s design of the Tambaaro traditional coffin (wongro)
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CHAPTER TEN
FOODS, FEMALES AND FESTIVITIES
This Chapter (though it could be rightly treated in the Social-Cultural Organization Chapter) is
allotted a separate section with the aim of treating issues of food, females and festivities in
Ţambaaro. The Chapter outlines issues of cuisines, culinary, dietary beliefs, nutritional
behaviors, table etiquettes and food- based household utensils, and food-based public
festivities in which women take major or sole roles.
These material and non- material cultural aspects of a nationality constitute one of the most
conspicuous dimensions of what cultural anthropologists call the “expressive culture (Kottak,
2002). The Chapter offers females a fair treatment as they are the cores of the food and
dietary cultural beliefs and practices of a given society. In this connection, we shall present
certain food-related festivities in which females/ women have major and or sole roles.
10.1. Origins and Development of Culinary and Cuisine
Culture in Ţambaaro
The term cuisine refers to “a style of cooking, especially one that is notable for high quality.”
It also signifies a “range of food prepared by a restaurant, country, or person” (Encarta
Encyclopedia, 2009). Culinary is also more or less related to cuisine. Its essential meaning
encompasses the kind of food a person, a group or a society cherishes, or the way foods are
cooked. So in this section, we will be using the terms cuisine and culinary alternatively.
The different ethnogenetic groups that now constitute the Ţambaaro Nationality have come
from various agro-ecological conditions and thus this has helped create the rich food and
dietary culture of Ţambaaro. We do not at preset have any information on the food and
dietary beliefs and practices of the distant past pre-Ţambaaronite populations. They were ‘lost’
with all their food culture. The present food and dietary beliefs and practices of Ţambaaro are
built up of quite much diversified groups of people who have come from different socio-cultural
and agro-ecological dimensions. With them they have brought rich experiences in food and
dietary culture and finally helping the formation of a rich Ţambaaro food culture.
In the words of the local informants, “Ţambaaro land is suitable for all sorts of crops except
salt.” This signifies the rich diversity of the food culture. Thus, today, quite a wide range of
edible food items are found in Ţambaaro ranging from cereals, roots, tubers, leaves, to fruits,
etc. However, not all of the food menus are accessible to all groups of people at all sections of
the Nationality. There are variations in terms of agro- ecological differences. Nonetheless,
since the Ţambaaro Nationality is a compact group in terms of its geographical coverage,
there are no problems in accessing the different food items that are produced in any part of
the land as there are well-developed market systems.
Although there are intraregional and agro-ecological variations in the types of food crops
grown and foods eaten, we may argue that certain food items make up the major, staple food
items for the entire people of the Nationality. Thus, woyse (false banana) is by far the most
important food crop in Ţambaaro as it is also for other neighboring nationalities (termed as
‘the Ensete Culture Complex Areas’). False banana is a plant of diversified uses, not only
dietary. In fact, it defines the very dietary cultural identity of peoples of southwest Ethiopia
(Zerihun Doda, 2007). The crop is a source for many types of food items. The most common
food item produced from the woyse plant is unçatta bread that is prepared from the
decorticated stem of the plant after being subjected to periods of fermentation. The
underground, root part of the plant, the tuber, is also a cherished food item. It is eaten by
being cooked in a pot.
Woyse is also a source for a cherished food item which is made in the form of porridge. The
porridge is made of bule’ta, a finely distilled and sun-dried watery part / juice of the stem of
the plant. (See below how the porridge is prepared from bule’ta).Other root and tuber crops
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are also very dominantly utilized in Ţambaaro. Of these, the most important ones include taro,
potato, sugar beat, yam, and the like.
Cerals are also used as important food sources, some of which are claimed to be indigenous to
the Nationality. For example, indigenous cerals include sorghum, teff, barley, beans, maize,
etc. Some of the food items made from cereals were introduced from other areas or brought
to the land during the Menilikan era (1889-1913) and the Italian Occupation (1936- 1941).
The most cherished cuisines of Ţambaaro are thus the products of woyse, sorghum, and cattle
products (milk and butter). Unçatta has been staple food eaten as common diet with
cabbage, pepper soup, etc. A Lamala Moollaic cuisine was also most often mentioned as being
the most cherished cuisine: the bread made of the yelelo (white sorghum), the indigenous
sorghum claimed to have been brought by the Moolla ancestors. The bread made of the
indigenous sorghum was often a status dish when it was presented to visiting guests. It was
eaten with a whitish cheese. The white sorghum bread with ‘white’ cheeses was not, however,
a staple food, found in every home or eaten always. The sorghum itself has now become
hybridized with other varieties and it is very rare. Cheese, milk and other animal products are
also very scarce at the present.
10.2. Special Cuisines and Their Culinary Methods
10.2.1. Meat
Meat is eaten both raw and looked. When it is eaten raw, they would prepare pepper, butter,
and wassa (bread from unçatta and sorghum flour). The raw meat is cut into pieces. The
wassa is broken into slices. The shaata (small bowl for putting pepper sauce) is put at the
center.
Meat is eaten also boiled. They first wash it. They put and mince it on ganga (a wooden beam
for made this purpose). The minutely minced meet is then boiled on a pot. After it is mixed
with butter and different condiments and when the meat is ready they transfer it onto a
shaata (earthen bowl). Then unçatta (false banana bread) and wassa (sorghum flour bread)
are made ready. Then the cooked meat is transferred onto a smaller shaata and put on a
lemat (table) and gets ready for eating. This meat is called sulso. This type of special meat is
not given for any one except the father.
10.2.2. Atekano
Special festival food items include a ceremonial food prepared from the unçatta a food
material made by scrapping (decorticating) the fleshy substance of the barks of false banana
plant, a common tuber crop in Ţambaaro and the south Ethiopia. The unçatta is cut into very
fine piece using a knife made for that purpose, called masha; the cut pieces are then sifted to
distil the material to isolate the grassy threads. The sifted, distilled flour is then roasted over a
pottery pan over a fire place. The roasted unçatta powder is then mixed with milk and
smeared with butter and condiments. This is then ready to be eaten; it may be eaten with
milk or pepper sauce.
Photo 10.1. Masha on sale
10.2.3. Bul’eta Porridge
The bule’ta porridge is cooked by putting a small earthen bowl on
fire. The raw material is the bule’ta. It is a distilled and sun-dried
liquid material that turns into powder. They stirred by using sirini- a
three-fingered stirring stick. Butter would be ready beside the
hearth; melting condiments are made ready to purify and make the
butter tasty. When the porridge is cooked, it is purred on to shaata,
a small bowl. They add maţinni (salt) and the condiments such as
okashi, (cinnamon), shuuta (nech azumud, a kind of condiment with
sour taste) and gambala manuta (ţiqur azmud, a similar condiment
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with black color)). These two condiments are put in small gourd hoisted on the wall. They then
stir the porridge. The butter filtered by kokano, an earthen pot used for this purpose). They
would add much butter. The porridge then gets ready for eating.
Photos 10.2-5 Unçatta on sale in the market
10.2.4. Bule’ta Mucho
Other special festival foods are also prepared from bule’ta. This bule’ta used for making
mucho, a kind of porridge-like-diet, cooked by stirring, adding much butter and condiments.
Mucho and atekano appear to be similar both in their material content and the culinary
method. However, they differ in that atekano is prepared from the dried, fleshly matter of
unçatta whereas mucho is made from the liquid-turned into solid material, bule’ta. Mucho is
more related to porridge made of bule’ta as so is mucho. The difference lie sin the types of
ingredients they put in the dish and the culinary process. Mucho takes much longer culinary
process than porridge. Mucho is more of a festival-time food and as such is of higher ‘prestige’
than porridge, which can be cooked at any time.
Photo 10.6-7 Different sized shaata on sale
10.2.5. Qessa (Cheese)
Other culturally prestige Ţambaaro cuisine included qessa (cheese). It was served with
masinqi-wassa (bread of sorghum). The woman would bake one, full circular bread on the
earthen baking pan. This is made by pouring churned up milk separated from butter onto a
pot. This pot is then put on fire side (not on the hearth). It is covered on its top. Then they
wait sometime and check it whether it is cooked. They then take it a way from the side of the
hearth. The cheese part separated from the ougate( the fluid part) is transferred onto a new
storing pot. When they want to make cheese, they pour it from the pot. They make ready
melted butter and condiments. They use waţecho (a kind of good smelling wood) to wash and
smoke the shaata (bowl). They pour the dried cheese onto the bowl. They stir it by adding
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butter and condiments. They put the cooked cheese on ţillo (a kind of bowl). They add much
butter. This cheese thus prepared is served with the sorghum bread.
Photos 10.8-10 Butter and cheese on sale in the market
10.3. Some Ordinary Cuisines and Their Culinary Methods
10.3.1. Preparation of Hanicho
Hanicho is the tuber of false banana. It is pulled out and the leaves and stems /barks are cut
away. The hanicho is separated from its covers by carefully scrapping with knife the covering
part that is removed out is ţabaro. When they cook the hanicho they put a big put on the
hearth. The hanicho is sliced in to smaller shapes. The sliced pieces are added on to the pot.
The base of the inside of the pot is layered with bigger pieces of the ţabaro. This is for
protecting the hanicho from being too watery. They add cabbage, pepper and other
condiments when it is cooked. This hanicho dish is then eaten with a pepper sauce or milk.
10.3.2. Preparation of Donika
Donika is Ţambaaro term for potato. Ţambaaro identify two types of potatoes. 'Oromo'
potato, a finger shaped one; and normal ball-shaped like one). This donika is dug out by ayla
(a digging tool). They would bring this donika on a container. The donika in washed and is
boiled on a pot. When it is cooked, it is transferred onto a broad leaf (of false banana) spread
on the floor. Children like this very much. Sauces are also made of this donika. They also
make bullo, porridge, by mincing donika into pieces and mix it with other powder (of maize or
sorghum). They would add butter.
Preparation of shukare (sugar beat or sweet potato) also resembles that of donika. But it is
not subjected to different cuisines as donika is. Shukare is a more staple tuber crop in the
southwest Ethiopia where it has been a witnessed drought –resistant crop. Since it is very
sweet in it taste, children like it very much.
10.3.3. Preparation of Qoţine
Qoţine (cassava) is also part of the Ţambaaro cuisine. It is very big sized tuber. It is males
who dig it out because it demands much strength. Women carry it home on a container. The
tuber is cut into slices (some small sized ones are left as they are) and they cook it after
washing. It is cooked in a big pot. The qotine is eaten with pepper sauce or milk.
10.3.4 Preparation of Bilabilo
Bilabilo a kind of diet prepared from unçatta mixed with flour/ powder of ţeff, and barely and
also mix it with cooked cabbage. This diet is prepared by cooking it on a pot, mixing with the
unçatta flour, barely or teff flour and added with butter and condiment. This is made for the
father. Another version of this bilabilo is prepared for children; usually they add hamela
(pumpkin) as an ingredient which is not added in the father's dish; the others also eat with
children.
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Photo 10.11-12 The hamela (pumpkin crop)
plant behind the house
Note the woyse (False banana
10.4. Preparation of Drinks
Ţambaaro prepare two forms of local drinks. One is alcoholic and the other is non-alcoholic.
The latter kind, the soft drink, is made without adding the alcoholic element, an element that
induces intoxication; it is called geesho. Soft drinks are made using different raw materials:
barely, sorghum, sugar cane, etc. The same raw materials are also used in the preparation of
alcoholic drinks; the difference is the addition of geesho and other intoxicating ingredients.
The culinary process sis not necessarily uniform throughout the different localities; there may
be variations in process of adding ingredients, steps followed, the kind of taste produced, etc.
Photo 10. 13-14 Local drinks on sale
The most common alcoholic local drink is called seelo. This seelo is made from millet,
sorghum, teff, or barley. They would roast it and keep for a week. They take a dried geesho
leaves and pound and mix it with the roasted millet. They would then squeeze the mixed
material on a big pot put on the hearth. They would use womsho, a filtering object (made of
grass). They womsho is put on the mouth of a big pot. The mixed material is transferred onto
the womsho for filtering; the filtered liquid is stored in the pot. The residue is put on a shaata
(a big bowl). The residue is pounded on a mill. They would bring back the pounded residue,
add water and filter again to make the initially filtered liquid called naasha (a thick liquid).
They would continue this squeezing. They would take from the initial naasha and prepare it by
adding condiments and put it inside on a pot separately.
The fermentation process may take 2 – 3 days. Fermenting ingredients are added. Other type
of drink is called qarebo, which is also made from barley or sorghum - but without adding
intoxicant material, such as geesho. Such drinks are until today prepared and sold in markets
by women. A simple walk through a typical market day would reveal this. Unless it is a festival
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or other ceremonial time such drinks are not prepared always. Water and milk are always
available, at least in the past – as far as milk is considered.
A different form of local drink, called areqe is also part of the drinks cuisine of Ţambaaro. It is
a very strong form of drink. Its intoxication power is higher compared to others. It is produced
through distilling the liquid from various cereals through applying fire and boiling in pot. The
distilled liquid is collected via a long stick of hollow attached to the baling pot on fire.
Photos 10 15-17 Local strong drink, areqe, on sale and customers enjoying
10.5. Stimulants
10.5.1. Coffee
Stimulants have been in use in Ţambaaro from time immemorial. Coffee has been put to such
use, although we don’t have evidence as to when coffee as a stimulant drink begun in
Ţambaaro. In many southern Ethiopian parts, coffee grew in vast natural forests – it existed
for millennia until it was discovered in Keffa area by local people – the time not known though.
Photos 10.18-19 Coffee pots on sale
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Ţambaaro also use different forms of stimulants apart from the normal cuisines, food and
drink items. Coffee is used both as ingredient in the normal regular diets and also as a
stimulant. The coffee bean is used for its stimulation values though not necessarily exclusively
as such. The leaves of coffee plant are also used for making hot tea-like drink that is drunk as
an ingredient in a daily diet. The ‘leaf-coffee’, as it is literally called both in Ţambaaro and
other neighboring southwestern Ethiopian nationalities, is a very important element in the
cuisine. It is prepared as follows. The matured leaves (that turned to yellowish color) are
picked from the plant or the ground and are washed. The leaves are then pounded into pieces
in a mortar. The pounded pieces of the leaves, wet with water, are then squeezed to distill the
liquid while the residue is avoided. The distilled liquid is boiled in a pot. It is mixed with
several types of condiments such as garlic, cinnamon, and other shrubs. The hot juice is then
drunk as a corollary of a standard diet such as roasted cereals or cooked maize.
10.5.2. Tobacco
Tobacco is grown in Ţambaaro as a stimulant plant. It is made/ prepared in two forms for use
as a stimulant smoking substance. Firstly, is its fresh green leaves are picked, pounded and
are stirred; then pounded into bread form – with typical black color. The bread is then used by cutting pieces and putting it on the smoking pot, at the top of which is coal fire (see picture
below). Secondly, the dried tobacco leaves are crushed into pieces. These pieces are then put
in a smoking pot and are inhaled. Sometimes, smokers would make a make-shift modernlooking cigarette and smoke it. This second type is often frequented among youthful and
urban-influenced smokers. The odder rural people prefer the first option.
Smoking method from the indigenous smoker-pot is as follows. Powder of died tobacco leaves
or a piece of the tobacco ‘bread’ are put in a pot which is capped with another earthen-ware;
coal fire burns the cigar; inside the pot is also water. The earthen pot has a hole on which a
long bamboo stick (a pipe) is inserted. Men and women would put their mouths to the other
end of the pipe and inhale the tobacco. These local cigar services are often provided as
additional, free bonuses to attract customers towards the local beer. It is served by women
merchants. It is called gayya. The liquid inside is a fermented bear. The long inhaling bamboo
stock is called ujumo.
Photos 10.20-23 The tobacco corner in a typical Tambaaro market
A visit to Ţambaaro markets would reveal this. There is a special part/corner in the open
market where women sale this service. Smokers would come, sit in circles, and inhale from
the pot using a long reed turn by turn. A cloud of smokes and a noise of coughing are
interesting scenes here.
Informants associated the use of smoking cigarettes with its soothing effect. According to
smoking informants, it ‘helped them cope with stresses and forget about the drudgeries of
their poverty-stricken life’. Some informants also claimed gnawing a bit of the ‘bread’ of
tobacco has anti-pain effect for abdominal crump.
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10.6. Dietary Beliefs and Practices
There are certain food and drink varieties which women, children and other social groups are
prohibited from eating or using. This prohibition is stronger on women. Women, for example,
do not drink milk towards their last trimester. Neither do they eat cheese. This is, because, it
is believed these sorts of diets stuck on to the fetus. They usually eat unçatta. They also drink
churned-out milk. As the labor nears, they drink "kosso" (teemu) (a concoction made of a
bitter kind of tree fruit). This is believed to clean the fetus of its dirt. As she nears the birth,
she prepares halamu (a soft thread substance taken from the inside part of false banana
pulp). This is used as a towel to clean and dry the fetus. She also prepares hasuma, a bed for
the new-horn.
Women and children also were forbidden to eat the whitish special cheese cuisine because it
was believed that if she ate it, she would defecate on bed at night. Women were also not
allowed to eat the bread made of the yelelo, the ancestral white sorghum variety. It is
conceived of us the paternal ancestral food. It is believed it the women eat of this sorghum
bread, she would urinate on the bed. Thus, the special whitish cheese and yelelo bread were
for the male-husband-father figure.
There were also certain beliefs and practices relating to infant/ baby feeding. As an infant gets
stronger, the mother would prepare kaacha, the first ever feeding for the infant. She prepares
an injeba a small cup made of pottery. The kaacha is prepared adding a black cobblestone, a
piece of kosso (bitter fruit of a tree), and a finely pounded powder. She adds water. Then she
puts droplets of the concoction on her palm and lets the baby taste. This would cause the
infant diarrhea. This is done with the belief that the dirt inside his intestine gets out purged
out by this concoction. They begin given the infant cow milk after some five weeks.
10.7. Household Nutritional Behavior and Table Etiquettes: The
Special Privileges of Husbands
Ţambaaro household dietary rules were very strict in the past,; the father-husband head of
the house was a near monarch who was treated with special care and deference as far as table
etiquettes were concerned. The wife was considered like a servant, not an equal partner. The
husband-father ate alone; no one would share a dish with him. The wife is not permitted to
eat together with her husband. She must first serve him. Then she serves the children. She
eats finally after serving others. The mother and children ate either together or separately.
The father-husband ate specially and carefully prepared cuisine. The mother and children did
not share with him as he ate such choice dish. The wife prepares this cherished food and
serves it to her husband. The leftover may be eaten by the children.
In certain festival occasions, such as the Masala, the wife may be permitted to eat together
with the husband. When the Masala meat dish is prepared and ready for eating, the father first
dips from the pepper sauce with meat and tastes; and then lets the wife taste. She sits beside
him. He then lets her eat from his hands, putting the meat into her mouth now and again. She
is not permitted to do the same fro him. If in case she resists, saying "this is bigger for my
mouth'’ he would slap her. Even this ‘eating together’ is not a mark of genuine equal
partnership; it is rather is cultural more to be fulfilled more to honor the ‘spirit of the festival’
than to honor equality.
Older women informants indicated that in their days, back in the past, the wife would rise up
early in the morning and prepare shenedera (porridge) for breakfast and serve her husband
while yet he was in bed. After making ready the breakfast, the wife would then carefully go to
the bed and wake up the husband. He would not rise fast. She would wait standing beside the
bed. She would make ready heated (boiled) water for washing his hand. He would rise up
stealthily and wash. The porridge would be served on soruwa (a grass-work bowl) on which
the porridge would be put with the shatta. She would then go back to the hearth. She would
stand behind the dividing wall between the hearth/fireplace section and the saloon and peep
through the opening whether he finished eating. He would not call her. When she sees that he
stopped eating, she would then go back to his bed. He would go to farm work very slowly.
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The dish a father-husband is served for breakfast is different from that served for supper. He
ate porridge for breakfast. His diet for supper was cheese. In between (for lunch) he may eat
other dishes. As the husband eats his special supper (cheese), the wife would be standby, and
she would fill and re-fill the bowl with new cheese dish as he eats. She would serve him a
carefully brewed seelo (beer) for his drink
For lunch, usually 'normal' ordinary food items were prepared such as gabza (taro) fafenu
(cabbage); unçatta (bread made from false banana flour) and the like. There food items were
served for the normal family members. The special porridge and cheese cuisine were the sole
diets for the husband. For children, a ‘second-rate’ cheese might be prepared simply by mixing
with cabbage. The special, whitish, butter dominated cheese was for the husband. The
mother—wife was prohibited from eating it as, needless to mention, it was believed that she
would urinate on the bed at night
10.8 Crockery, Cutlery and Other Culinary Utensils: An Inventory
Ţambaaro traditional crockery and other cuisine utensils are made of pottery, grass-works,
ironworks, gourds, etc. Cooking, water storing food eating utensils are generally made of
pottery. Pots and bowls of various sizes are used in the household for such storing and food
holding functions. Water storing pot is called bosso. Bread baking pan, ‘miţad’, is also made of
pottery (see picture below). Water-drinking cups are made of gourds. It is called tulicho.
Coffee-drinking cups called wancha are also made of pottery. They are bought from the
‘Erasha’ or ‘potters’.
Food-serving, storing, winnowing, sifting, etc, utensils are also made of a special kind grass
(called duffa). Examples include: soruwa, a bowl shaped object; memmeta, a sieve, lemat, a
table like utensil (on which husbands/fathers are served their dish); etc. Cutleries are made of
iron works by iron-smiths. Some of them include masha, a big knife used for cutting unçatta;
bilama, smaller knives for cutting meat, onion, etc; are made by ţumano (ironsmith).
Today, the indigenous crockery and cutlery are being replaced with modern equivalents; but
also are used side by side with modern ones.
10.8.1. Gourd Products
Gourd, called qadita, is used as a raw material for making liquid holding and drinking cups.
Such cups are used especially for drinking local beers. We saw in our market surveys that
such products are still in use, side by side with modern cups and plastic glasses.
Photos 24-26 Gourds
10.8.2. Grass-work Products
Ţambaaro make beautiful art works from a grass species called, duffa (a grass growing long,
looking barely when it flowers in September). The stem of this grass is used in making various
types of utensils. The products are embroidered with beautiful colors dyed with shop bought
paints. Some of the grass work products (which we surveyed and saw during our market visit)
include the following.
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Lemat (mesob, Amharic equivalent), is a table-shaped object with a wide end that stands on
flour and wider-spread end at the top. It is used for placing and cooked food items during
meals. The husbands are entitled to eat from this table.
Photo 10 27 Lemat
photo 28. Dawudita
Photo 30 Soruwa
Sampa (dawudita) - is a wide, circular tray which is of different sizes, on average measuring
about 30 cm radiuses from center. It is used for winnowing cereal and also putting cooked and
uncooked food staffs. Soruwa: is a small, bowl used for placing rousted cereals and serving
during meals. It is also used for similar other purposes in the household. Menne/ memmeta,
sieve is used for winnowing ţeff, unçatta, and other cereals to sift dirt. These glassworks are
solely made by grown up girls and mothers make it.
Photo 10 31-35 Sieves of different size; children sieving in a market day
10.8.3. Pottery Products
Miţad (Amharic word, no Ţambaaro equivalent) is a circular- shaped earthen ware with about
30-40 cm radius (different sizes). It is used for baking local bread (maize, sorghum, teff
flours). Smaller miţad is called liţ. Jebena (no Ţambaaro equivalent) is a tea pot used for
making coffee. Bigger size pots (efanchu or ganita:) are used for storing water, distilled local
drinks and sometimes crop seeds are stored. They not often brought to markets, because of
their big sizes. If a customer wants such big-sized pots (some pots might hold up to 100
liters), he or she would go to the potter’s house and give orders. When the pot is ready, two
persons would go and carry it together inserting a wooden club to a rope which ties the neck
of the pot.
Milk pot (Ţambaaro term not given by informant) is used for churning milk to create butter.
Shaata is of different sizes on average about 10 cm high and bowl of about 15 cm wide. They
are bowls used for storing foods or eating food from, usually meat and other festival foods.
Some of the bowls are with lids. They are embroidered with beautiful symbols, as are the
grass works. Biţira is a small hemispherical, beautifully embroidered pot used for drinking milk
from. It may hold about half a liter. Coal fire holder and burner is also made from
earthenware. It has no Ţambaaro term, as it is a recent urban life introduced utensil.
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Ph.10 36 Bitira Ph. 37. Big pot Ph. 38 Coffee cups
(bowls) Ph. 41 Baking pans
Ph
39
Coffee
pots
Ph
40
Shaata
Ţambaaro make interesting earthenware for the purpose of feeding infants. When a woman
gives birth to twins, she would order the potters to make a twin –mouthed bowel and biţira
which she would use to feed her twins. Angalanjo is such a bowl with twin sections used for
washing the faces and bodies of twin babies. Injeba is a pot with twin opening used for serving
water or milk to twins.
Photo 10.42 Angalanjo
Photo 10.43
Pic. Injeba
10.9. Festivals, Foods and Females
10.9.1. The First Fruits Festival
There is a ritual whereby the father conducts this ritual when the crops ripen and are ready for
harvest. No one would begin to touch or even go into the crop-field until the first fruits of all
ripen crops (such as maize, pumpkin, yam, taro, etc). This mores is especially strict on
women. The father would take the samples from each crop variety and pronounce blessings
and then handovers to the wife who would cook in a pot. The mother would put pieces and
bits of cooked food and put on to the father's hand who would put the food in four corners of
the house, mumbling, “My ancestral ghost! We praise you!" They also sprinkle seelo (beer) on
the food propitiating the jacho spirit (a sort of guarding spirit, who would get angry if not
propitiated). On the morrow, the father would look at the sprinkled food offering and it is
claimed that the offered bits of food were not there since it was believed the jacho has eaten
up and they would be happy.
10.9.2. Female- Specific Festivals and the Role of Food
A mother who has given birth to twins would not go to market. They would prepare an
atekano, and make ready a ewe which has become menopause. They would tie a thread on
the ewe's neck. The atekano is prepared and they put a smelly shrub (called natra). The father
sits with the woman; they would bring another couple who had given birth to twins, who
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would sit together. Then all the neighborhood women would be called; they spend the night
feasting on food. They would sing and dance. They put the natra on the woman’s head. The
ewe is slaughtered and her blood is sprinkled on the mother and others. The hanchufa, a strip
of the skin cut out from head to breast, and would be inserted on to the woman's neck.
They would cover the woman’s head with halamo, a soft thread from false banana leave used
as a scarf. They would get a grass and tie it on to a stick. All of the women would then play
and sing "Endigo, Endigo!”(meaning, ‘mother of children!" During the ceremony, they would
prepare a twin of cup from earthenware, (see picture above). she would also prepare a twin
cup (attached at the base) for her twins who would drink milk from this pot If peradventure
one of the twins dies, she would not demand any contribution from the local edir (saving and
self – help association) because it is believed the other baby might also die.
The women would invoke the name of Mary in all the rituals and songs associated with
childbirth and food festivities. They believe Mary was the goddess who would bless them. The
women (not male) would often offer food and drink offerings to this Mary whom they consider
a deity. Informants claimed this belief in Mary was a pre- Christian influence and origin.
However, we can not say this claim is valid.
When she gives both to alaba (male baby), after four days, they take out the dried ensete
leaves which were used as mattress for the bed. Two women take the leaves out and take
them to the woyse (false banana) farm and throw the leaves under four woyse plants. There
four woyse plants become their properties. The neighborhood women would prepare food and
all the women and men would gather and feast. Some would give gifts to the woman. This is
called gobati. They would sing!
"Ousua madalae ousua madalala
Anga bata atabe"
Meaning "the mother of children" --- this "mother of children" is St Mary for them. They
regard St Mary is the goddess who gives fertility and blessing. This song is sung in honor of
Mary. The husband would know that the new born is a baby boy when the women call him and
tell him to go and bring four fresh leaves of the false banana. For a baby boy, they would
ululate four times. When the mother gives birth to a baby boy, the husband would take care of
her very lovingly and feed her carefully.
A mother who has given birth to 9 children is given woija; that is, they make a crown that
would be hung on the wall in the inside corner. The 'crown' is made of a kind of creeping tree
variety. They would make seelo (beer) and call neighbors and conduct the wocha ceremony
whereby they feast and bless the mother. The baby born at this juncture is called wochamua.
If it is female, she is called wochame. An infertile woman is not treated well. The husband may
leave her and marry another.
A woman who has given birth to 12 children was called herro eltee. They would kill a big cow
which has stopped birth. When a cow gives birth to twins, they would get a pack of bolea (a
salty soil) and would gather all the cattle and put the cow amidst the cattle. They even
prepare atekano to the honor of the cow; the twin calves would be left to suckle the breast
entirely, no one would milk the cow.
10.9.3. The Masala Public Festival: A Time of Food Festivities:
Past and Present
Public New Year celebrations in Ţambaaro are influenced by Amharic Orthodox Christian
factor. The Ethiopian New Year (Meskerem 1/ September 10 or11) is called lengiba which
signifies a type of grass which they mow and bring home. Lengibe heralds the new year- and
the basis for the Masala celebration. Christmas is called qolicho tomme, signifying, the qolicho
game (a kind of rugby game) played during Christmas. Easter fasting month (April is called
hudadi, and Amharic version is kadade. Similarly Easter festival is sasigga (Amharic – fasika).
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The greatest of all public festivals and annual calendars is the Ethiopian celebration of the
“Finding of the True Cross, Mesqal in Amharic which the Ţambaaro call Masala. Informants
claim the Masala celebration was their original, per- Amharic Christian contact. However, such
a claim is not supported by available historical evidences. Those who claim to have come from
Sidama land attribute it to their Sidama origin; but the Sidama don’t have the Masala festival;
there they have a New Year festival called Fitche.
According to informants, many aspects of the Masala festival have now become obsolete due
mainly to modernization and Christian influences. The following are some such key aspects.
The ritual of smearing the ox before slaughtering it with the muchu( a porridge made of
bule’ta, false banana powder), as a part of propitiating the jachio spirit which is a malevolent
one. It was believed that if the ritual is not carried out, the evil spirit will revenge the people.
The people would immediately rash to home by taking fresh blood of the slaughtered ox, to
sprinkle their home, smearing the pole, door posts, etc. Jacchi malla: - is a ritual involving
eating roasted meat by taking bits and pieces of the meat before eating the meat. This is to
propitiate the evil spirit.
Çoqssa ceremony is one of the key elements of the Masala festival involving the
commemoration of ancestral ghosts by offering meat, milk, honey, etc, on morrow of the
Officho (Saturday).
Awacho is ceremony carried out three days before Saturday, on Tuesday as part of the
Masala. When the ox is slaughtered, on Saturday, the people used to divide the meat among
themselves on Sunday, they take to their homes on Saturday few pieces just for that night’s
supper.
In the past, the Masala ox should not be slaughtered until noon day- when all the cattle get
inside home after being tended from early the morning. The pasture land was particularly
protected for this purpose two months before the Masala festival. Even the milk cows were not
milked, the milk was totally left for the calves to enjoy. All the firewood and livestock feeds
were prepared in advance (well ahead week before) and there was no need for colleting
firewood and animal feed, etc. the boys and girls would find time to devote themselves to
Masala plays. But now the ox is slaughtered just simply early in the morning and the people
simply divide the meat and disperse to their homes. Neither are there now the pasture lands
on the Masala day.
The Masala festival also even controlled the way market days were conducted. Major market
days (Mudula-Thursday, Qeleta- Tuesday, etc.) would come to halt at least two weeks
following the Masala. On the first market day following Masala the celebrants would take
flowers to the market – so that all the market places would seem heap of flowers.
Photo 10.44. A bag boys make from a grass used for
collecting gleans and bits of meat while the Masala Ox
was slaughtered
There was a kind of Masala song and play which the small
boys and girls would enjoy. They would sing a song in
Wolaytic asking for a few salts from any passerby woman.
She would normally give them. It was not known why and
how this song in Wolaytan language was adopted. The
purpose of the song and getting salt was to use the salt as
an ingredient to make a pepper sauce which they would use
when eating meat which they would collect during the
Masala ox slaughtering day. The boys would prepare a
special container from a grass for this purpose. As the
Masala ox is being slaughtered the little boys would collect
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bits and pieces of meat and fill it in their small bag.
Food and drinks are the epicenters of the Masala festival. Females play pivotal roles in the
food and rink preparations of the festival. Feasting on meat, drinks and other specially
prepared dishes at this festival week is a major enjoyment, merry-making and reunification of
social and family bonds among people. It was a time of feasting on food both for the living and
the dead. It was considered so callous and irreverent for the faithful adherents of the
traditional religion not to honor and commemorate their dead ancestors with choice foods and
drinks during this Masala festival.
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CHAPTER ELEVEN
ŢAMBAARO HERITAGES
This Chapter presents description of Ţambaaro heritages. The heritages described hereunder
are limited to material-cultural heritages as far as manmade heritages are concerned. The
natural heritages include some known waterfalls, river bodies, forests, gorges, caves, etc.
Historical heritage sites and objects are generally the material cultural evidences of the past in
Ţambaaro land. Some important historical heritages studied and described here include relics
of the Italian Occupation era, stone steles, battle fields, ancient palace wreckages,
ethnogenetic / ancestral shrines, etc.
11.1. Natural Heritages
Ţambaaro land teems with beautiful and graceful natural sceneries. The land is particularity
conspicuous in terms of the abundance of waterfalls that stride (and in some part gallop)
gracefully forming as part of its several river bodies. The following is a description of the
natural heritages of Ţambaaro.
11.1.1. The Lammo River
Lammo River is one of physically and historically significant rivers in Ţambaaro land. It
originates in a place called Wagebeta in Duna Woreda, Hadya. As it comes from that place, it
gets bigger and wider when crossing the Ţambaaro land. The River is rich with ethno-historical
themes. The Lamala Moolla Ţambaaro Nationality attach it with the roots and geo-identity of
their ancestors. They call, "Lammo Ţambaaricho," meaning, “the people of Lammo”. The River
feeds the Ommo River (called Umma in Ţambaaro). River Ommo (Umma) is a natural border
between Ţambaaro and Dawro.
The economic significance of this River is also great. The Osheto irrigation site, built in late
1970s by Derg with over 2 million birr, provides big livelihood support to a number of qebeles.
This River is a source for big and beautiful water falls, which could also serve as tourist
attraction. (See below.)
11.1.2. Lammo Waterfalls
The land of Ţambaaro overflows with several rivers that are tributaries to River Ommo. The
hilly undulating topography over which the rivers flow creates beautiful waterfalls. Of the
several waterfalls, the four part series of Lammo Waterfalls is very significant. The Waterfalls
take their name from the River Lammo which is a historically important one, defining
Ţambaaro geo- identity. Lammo Waterfalls is not just one waterfall in one point in place; four
separate waterfalls are formed at four different points on the course of the River. The most
significant and biggest of these is found at about 5-6 km from the Town of Mudula. The length
of the fall is estimate at 20-30 meters.
Photo 11.1. Malabe Waterfall
Photo 11.2. One of Lammo Waterfalls
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Near the waterfall, there is another smaller river, named Malabo, which originates at some
point near the Town, flows into Lammo River. Another river, originating at the Ţumissa ridge
in Ţambaaro, flows parallel with Lammo and joins at some point (Osheto) with Lammo before
finally entering River Ommo. Lammo Waterfall at Osheto is a fourth waterfall as part of
Lammo River. It is located between Farsuma and Osheto Gultuma qebeles some 22 km from
Mudula. This is the biggest waterfall of the Lammo falls. The other waterfall of Lammo river is
located at Hoddo Gultuma qebele, some 12 km form Mudula. This water fall is used in water
mills.
11.1.3. The Gonjo and Gombissa Rivers
Gonjo River Joins in the way with Lammo, feeding it, and finally entering Ommo River. Gonjo
River also serves as a boundary between Ţambaaro and Hadya at Gimbicu. Another River,
Gombissa, is a natural boundary between Hadarro (Kambatta) and Ţambaaro. The ethno-geoidentity of Ţambaaro is expressed as, "Gonjora Gombissi Merero", meaning, ‘a land situated
between Gonjo and Gombissa rivers’. Gonjo River also borders Ţambaaro and Sorro woredas.
Gonjo Waterfall is part of Gonjo River which divides Hadya and Ţambaaro. It originates in
Badde qebele Ţambaaro. Wawarsa River has also its own waterfall. This waterfall is located in
Ga’echa qebele, some 15 km form Mudula. It forms this fall as part of river Wawarsa, which
originates near Mudula town and finally enters river Ommo (Umma in Tambaro). Just side by
side with Wawarsa, Senna Waterfall throws itself over a cliff parallel and almost few meters
away from Wawarsa, flows into the valley enters the Ommo River. Senna originates in Mudula
town. Just between Wawarsa and Senna waterfalls (rivers) originates Gambala River right
from the top of the mountain and flows down over the cliff in to the valley. It doesn’t form
waterfall. It is called Gamabala River because of its dark blackish color.
11.1.4. River Ommo
Called Umma in Ţambaaro is a historic river which has held significant place in Ţambaaro
ethno-history. It is the river which ancestors of the different ethnogenetic groups of Ţambaaro
have crossed during their historic immigrations and emigrations and continue to cross for
social, economic and related interactions. The River borders Ţambaaro and Dawro, Ţambaaro
and Wolayta, Ţambaaro and Hadya, Ţambaaro and Oromia (Ommo Nada Woreda). Enemies
from Jimma Aba Jiffar (Maçça) crossed the river to fight with Ţambaaro. Now the river is
crossed every market day by Dawro and Ţambaaro.
11.1.5. Gojeb River
This river meets with Ommo River, partly diffuses in to Ţambaaro land and joins with Ommo in
Ga’echa qebele.
Photo 11.3. -4- A place where Ommo meets with Gojeb (Picture, right, an artist’s
depiction)
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11.1.6. Ajora Water shade
It is interesting to note that Ajora water shade is attached a rich ethno-historical narrative
among Ţambaaro. Although the waterfall that forms on the River Sanna is not located in the
Tambaaro territory, the water shade that forms part of the waterfall has some historical links
to the people.
11.1.7. Buhho Waterfall
Buhho Waterfall is part of Buhho River. It is located about 17 km form Mudula, east side. It
originates in Dunna Woreda, Hadya. It is located between Soyame and Belela qebeles; it
drains in to Ommo River. This waterfall appears to be the most attractive and the longest one.
We estimated the length at about 500 meter the giant valley through which it runs is very
wide. It may measure up to 1 km from one side to the other. It is at a border with Hadarro
Ţunţo Woreda, Manodye qebele.
Photo 11.5. Buhho Waterfall
Photo 11.6. Ajora Waterfall
11.1.8. Qazal’a Natural Forest
The vast plain in lowland part of Ţambaaro, Ommo valley, contains natural forests, thickly
covered; the forest houses wild animals including lion, giraffe, and tiger.
Photo 11.7 Qazal’a Natural Forest in the Ommo River Valley16
The Ommo River Valley in Tambaaro is a home for rich and diverse forms of natural resources such as
mineral water, basalts, limestone, animal salty soils, etc. These and various other natural resources
deserve closer investigation b concerned bodies.
16
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11.1.9. Olido Mineral Water
A renowned hot- spring located neat the Ommo valley, used for its medical values. Local
people from the Woreda and even as far as from Addis Ababa come and use the hot water. It
is claimed to have curing potential, many people reportedly being cured from various ailments.
No organized religious or other structure are set up in the area; people just go and use it. It is
said to have be named after Olido, a man who was claimed to have first discovered it some
three generations ago. The water is used in the form of drinking and it is believed that it
purges out various intestinal and other ailments.
11.1.10 Resin Forest
Ţambaaro natural forest near Ommo valley is endowed with resin. This tree, widely distributed
in vast area, is not yet put to any economic use. It is located in Ga’echa kebele.
Photo 11.8. Tambaaro resin tree
11.2. Historical, Natural Heritage
11.2.1. Malabe Gimba: (Gimba Cave)
Near the Lammo river and fall, under the surface above which Malabe waterfall forms there
exists a historically significant cave. The cave, (which we fortunately turned out to ‘discover’ it
for the first time, at least in official sense, as the Woreda administration did not know its
existence until we found it,) is a wide, well formed one. We couldn’t go deep inside as it was
too deep and long as well as dark. WE did not have at our disposals appropriate cave
searching tools.
The cave was said to have been serving as a place of refuge during war times. According to
one of our key informants, his grand father’s generation was a time of frequent war with
neighboring and distant groups and the cave was a place of refuge at that time. Further,
during the Italian war of occupation local people used this cave as a hiding place.
Photos 11. 9-11. Malabe Gimba beneath Malabe Waterfall
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11.2.2. Sinore Mukura
This is very giant, deep natural hole, beneath a water fall. It was a natural hide-out refuge for
people. During the clan wars, they would hide their properties, women and children under this
hole. The hole is named by a man, Sinore. Sinore Mukura, meant a ditch of Sinore,
presumably deriving from the legend that the man fell to his death over the cliff into the
gorge.
The Sinore Mukura hole overshadowed by another waterfall called Qazame that falls over a
giant escarpment. The river Qazame originates in Mudula 02 Qebele and joins Lammo River.
It is a year-round river.
11.3. Cultural- Historical Heritages
11.3.1. Defense Ditches
Defense ditches are now visible in the vicinities of Mudula. These were dug (exact date not
known) during wars with neighboring ethnic groups, particularly Wolayta and Hadiya.
Informants estimated the time at 4-5 generations ago; this might be in mid 19th c when
neighboring ethnic kingdoms such as Wolayta were following territorial expansionist policies.
The ditches today are visible covered with trees and filled up with siltations; they were dug by
human-labor. The marching enemy soldieries and horsemen were said to have fallen into the
ditches unaware. The ditches are not designated a specific name or title of a leader who
organized the digging. The length of the ditches is not measured and hence unknown at the
present.
11.3.2. Italian Relics in Ţambaaro
In Osheto, some 22 km from Mudula, there exist relics of Italian military depot. A huge oil
tank lies in the field. The site was said they used this depot as a distribution center (oil /fuels)
to Jimma, Hadya, Dawro, etc. This site also houses other relics such as parts of military tanks
and dozers. A mark on the tank part reads: 12:23:36 (presumably December 23 rd 1936,
indicating production date). Model number read MD 70214.
Photos 11. 11-14. Italian war relics
11.3.3. Gesuba Airplane Field
A vast plain field, now part of which ca 80 hectare is given for corn investment, is located at
Ga’echa Qebele. This vast level, plain field was first put to use as a makeshift landing surface
for airplanes by Italians, during the occupation (1936-41). From that time onwards, this vast
plain field continued serving as a makeshift helicopter landing space. This field is also
renowned for its being a historic site when Ţambaaro held war with raiders from Jimma Abba
Jiffar’s kingdom in pre–Menlik II period.
11.3.4. Durgi Town
Today a small urban settlement 5 km from Mudula, Durgi, is a settlement with great historical
background. The name Durgi is one of place names in Ţambaaro that is reminiscent of Italian
occupation and presence in this area. One of the strategic settlements which the Italian army
used was Durgi. The present government built-road which connects Mudula with zonal and
other woreda centers ends at Durgi. A worn-out road which the Italians made runs through
Durgi towards shores of Ommo River. The term itself, Durgi¸ was a reminiscence of Italian
language heritage. “Durgi”, according to informants means, a starting point in Italian.
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11.4. Ethnohistorical Sites/ Heritages
11.4.1. Kalmana King’s Palace Site
This site is located at place called Hoddo some 15 km from Mudula. The site is now
transformed into farming area. According to informants, different kinds of artifacts such as
stone tools are picked out when conducting farm activities. Kalmana Dynasty’s place was said
to be seven fence stages so strong it was impossible for the invading Lamala Moolla to
conquer, until they finally succeeded by means of political marriage.
Today, this site is located at Sigazo kebele some 7 k.m from Mudula town. The topography is
marvelously attractive mountainous and in between gorges dominate. According to informants
and our own visit to the site the king’s site is known for its still visible earth works of defense.
The king who protected by ‘seven fences’; the fences; represented the seven separate
quarters; each with surrounded by deeply dug ditches and entrances; the watchmen, would
stand on the doors for enemy movements. Of the seven separate quarters, one was the site
for the king’s place, the other was the meeting filed.
The meeting place was marked by a huge podocarpus gracilior tree (zigba), which, according
to informants, existed until recently; early 1990’s when the historic place tree was cut down.
We had the opportunity to take picture to mark of the tree: the stump of a parasite tree which
grew on the king’s tree.
It was said the invading Ţambaaro had to fight fiercely and use political tactic of marriage with
the king’s daughter to finally topple this ancient dynasty. It was said the whole surrounding
was covered with impregnable trees and bushes. To clear away these dense trees that
surround the king’s place, it was said the Lamala Moolla dispatched a herd of goats which ate
up the leave and helped clear the dark and made the place visible. It could be hypothesized
that the Kalmana’s palace defense wall and gorge was built either following the arrival of the
invading Lamala Moolla or even before that the Kalmana had other pre-Ţambaaro enemies
probably the Wolayta kingdom or other neighboring dynasties /such as the Kambatta Oyata
Dynasty. It is quite probable if what some historical sources say is valid, the Kambatta Abeto
Hamelmal’s kingdom might have made attempts to include this Kalmana’s territory and hence
the latter erected this marvelous defense structure. The hypotheses are yet to be verified.
Artifice’s that were unearthed from this place site include pottery products, flour mill (grinding
stones) and the like. We could not verify this by photographing.
It was hypothesized there existed a group called Gudda Magada who lived before the
Kalmana occupied the land, it was also hypothesized that Gudda –Magada was one of the
coexistent vassals of the Kalmana. Informants were divided in between these two hypotheses.
It seemed the Gudda-Magada were not the contemporaries, rather they were the ones
dislocated by the Kalmana and either exterminated or chased out of the territory.
As to the time frame and identity of the Kalmana, it could be probable that they were the
contemporaries and may be part of the pre- 16th centaury smaller kingdoms and dynasties in
south Ethiopia.
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Photo 11.14. Kalmana ‘Palace’
Photo 11.15 The stump of the \parasite tree
which grew on the ancient Kalmana’s tree
11.4.2. Hodo Untouchable Forest
This is a privatively planted and maintained forest where varieties of indigenous trees are
found. The protected, sacred mini-forest was a property of religiously known family that
worships a deity called Yafaro (belonging to a group that is claimed as descendants of Tigra
group). They practiced a spirit possession cult, using the forest as their scared temple. As a
bye- product, the practice and the spiritual ecology has contributed to the conservation of
forests and biodiversity. The “Hodo Ayneke Den” as it is called in official record, is located at
about 6 km from the town centre.
Photo 11.16-18 Hoddo ‘Ayneke Den’ (Hoddo Sacred Site)
11.4.3. Durgi Mariam Church
This is an Orthodox Christian Church which was said to have been transplanted from a locality
called, Woria, Badda Qebele to the present location, ‘Durgi, in 1905. The church was initially
said to have been built in (ca.) early 1890s by an Orthodox Christian–Amhara Administrator
following Menilikan occupation of the arc in ca. 1891 by a man named Fitawrari Shonkoro
Mariam, who was said to have brought the ark from “Kofele, Arsi”.
A different version of story has it that the ark was said to have come from its original area not
exactly known in 1809 to Kofele presumably in Arsi. Then the ark came to Woyra, Ţambaaro
in 1914. Then from Woyera area it came to Durgi in 1941 due to the land shortage problem.
The historical significance of the church vis-à-vis Ţambaaro is of its oldest Orthodox Church in
Ţambaaro. The local people, particularly the potters group, resisted the planting of the church
because of its location in their alleged land. The church houses various artifacts such as
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religious books, holy bible donated by Queen Taitu and warfare tools used by patriots during
the occupation by Italians.
Photo 11.19-20 Durgi Mariam Church
11.4.4. Boshu Odecho
A sycamore tree located at Gesuba plain some 22 km from Mudula is renowned for its being
an epicenter of market exchanges between Ţambaaro and Dawro. Merchants from Dawro
bringing varieties of commodities first gather and trade goods at this site, before they go to
other markets – Qeleţa and Mudula. This market center has existed since the two nationalities
began meeting. The market is on Tuesdays. Two crossing “doors” over the Ommo River,
Kolate and Dara crossing points are used to cross the river to and fro.
11.4.5. Tuppa: Lamala Moolla Ancestral Sacred Site
This place, located 5 k.m from Mudula, is in Bohe qebele. This place, according to informants,
is the first place held by ancestral Lamala Moolla, a place that brought to end their long years,
restless itinerary since their dispersal from ‘Yemerera’, Sidama. The place is commemorated
by masincco tree which is planted at the center of the Tuppa plain.
The present tree at the ancestral site was replanted when the original one, “planted by the
seven brothers’ ancestors,” was dead by reason of age. This tree and Tuppa has remained
until quite recently, an epicenter of Ţambaaro spiritual, social, political affairs, along with
Dagale sacred tree. This tree is and the sites represent and symbolize the very essence of
Ţambaaro ethnohistoric identity. Ţambaaro religious philosophical system itself is embodied in
this context of plant-place nexus. The plant-place embodies the very spirit of the Gambala
Magano who, though lives in the “black sky”, also lives through the ancestral ghosts. Thus,
traditional, Lamala Moolla people identified themselves with the masincco tree at Tuppa, which
is the gathering and corporate identity expression and allegiance renewal center. (Every other
masincco is also held in high esteem.)
Tuppa has been a scared place where the annual celebrations and political office transfer and
appointment ceremonies are held. The rituals of ox-slaughtering and ancestral adulation are
carried out here. Every passersby be on mule-back or on foot, would step down, stop and pay
worshipful respect to the tree and the site, invoking ancestral fathers’ name and Gambala
Magano. That was in the past; now things have changed dramatically due to influences of
modernization and Christianity.
174
Photo 11.21-22 Tuppa, ancestral site of Lamala Moolla
11.4.6. ‘Graň- Planted Stone’
Like in other parts of Ethiopia, in Ţambaaro, there are stone relics that have commonly come
to be called “Graň stones”. The Ţambaaro call these stones Ayamo Kinno. According to the
Woreda Information Office, there are about five such stones of which three now exist in the
Woreda, the other two in Hadarro Ţunţo. The one such stone we visited was found lying at
Hoddo- Bultuma kebele, some 12 km Mudula.
According to Ţambaaro folktale, Graň had reached this area and he planted these stones “with
his left hand.” The stone according to informants was not liked by the local people; there was
a belief that it causes misfortunes in human lives. So the locals tried to take it throw away in
the valley. But they were prohibited by the qebele. The laying stone structure is a stele. Its
height measured about 1.50 meter. According to an informant it was too heavy that ten adult
males tried to lift and carry it to throw it way.
Similar oral traditions exist regarding the unique, almost supra-human strength of Amhed
“Graň” in neighboring nationalities (See Tesfaye Habiso, 1992).
175
CHAPTER TWELVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
12.1. Summary and Conclusion
From the foregoing discussion of the results of the study, we may draw some useful
conclusions on the Ţambaaro Nationality’s ethnohistory and culture.
First and for most, it is safe to conclude that the Ţambaaro Nationality has attained its present
state of ethnic identity through centuries of dynamic, ongoing and multifarious factors. This
ethnic identity is a result of the long period of intra- and inter-ethnic interaction at various
levels and fields of interactions.
The present day Ţambaaro Nationality is an entity that is composed of different ethnogenetic
elements that have managed to arrive at the land on different epochs from different
geographic and ethno-social directions. From these multiple groups, who have brought each
their own social, political, cultural, economic and religious experiences and institutions to the
land, what might be called an all inclusive Ţambaaro ethnic identity has been forged. This
supra-ethnic identity which transcends the worldviews and circles of each distinct groups, but
which in its essential nature takes the elements of each group, is now well- accepted and
appreciated in the present day Ţambaaro.
Yet there is not to be expected that a uniform, all-encompassing understanding of such
Ţambaaro ethnic identity exists among all the distinct groups. Hegemonic tendencies have to
some extent been espoused among certain members of the dominant social groups.
Over the long period of intra- and inter- ethnic interactions, some social and ethnogenetic
groups have successfully managed to come out conspicuously as the dominant groups. These
groups have played pivotal roles in setting the ideological, political, religious and socio-cultural
agendas for the otter groups. The various smaller groups have over the years come to
effectively embrace and internalize the socio-cultural and ideological values and institutions of
the dominant groups.
The present day- Ţambaaro land has been a land of opportunity for different ethnogenetic
groups who have at different epochs managed to arrive at the land and tried to adapt
themselves to the topography and ecology of the land. The earliest known inhabitants of the
present –day Ţambaaro land were the Gudda and Magada groups. The inventory of the groups
of populations that have inhabited the land before the land was dominated by the Lamala
Moolla and other groups such the Çatta, etc, is not exactly known. At the current level of
knowledge, the known population groups include: Hanţala-Sigga; Dodda-Wuça; DawwaDigala; Erero-Masiwa; Kalmana-Woçifina; Gondorima, Handarama and Beella groups. It is not
known exactly whether these different groups, apart from the Gudda- Magada groups and the
recent Kalmana- Gondorima groups, have inhabited the land contemporarily or at successive
epochs. Neither is it now exactly known concerning the ethnogenetic roots, the current
whereabouts and other aspects of these population groups.
Of the ethnogenetic groups that now constitute the Ţambaaro ethnic entity, the Lamala Moolla
groups have claimed a Sidama origin. This claim of Sidamaic origin of the group was further
investigated by the research team by going to the different Sidama woredas and it may be
now safely concluded that the claim is tenably true. Although the Sidama side of the story and
the Ţambaaro side differ at some important levels and angles, there seem to be more or less
converging views on both sides. Further, although there exist some disagreement among the
Lamala Moolla local intellectuals as to the exact geographic and ethnogenetic origins of the
Moolla groups, it may be concluded based on the Sidama side of the story that the Moolla
groups have broken away from the Hawella clan of Sidama some, on average, 18 generations
ago.
176
Marginalization and the resultant discrimination and exploitation of one group by another has,
as a matter of fact, existed in Ţambaaro for centuries and it has now progressively been
declining due to the influences of modernizations, political actions and Christian values. The
dominant groups have created institutionalized means of leveling off and covering the real
nature and meaning of the discrimination by offering the groups with different politico-social
titles that at the surface seemed to bring them to the arena of socio-political equality with
others. The case of the potters group (who called themselves, the ‘Bete-Israel’) was
particularly appealing and appalling. The group has had maintained their own versions of
ethnohistorical themes concerning their origins, their ideologies, their fates and destinies.
The political, legal and military history and culture of Ţambaaro Nationality was similarly
shaped through the centuries of intra- and inter-ethnic iterations among the various social and
ethnic groups. There now exists a distinct Ţambaaro political culture that sets it apart from
other nationalities in the country. The political, legal and military history and culture of
Ţambaaro has been dominated by the Lamala Moolla groups and to some extent by other
groups such as the Çatta groups. The highest echelons of the political, legal hierarchy were
controlled by individuals recruited through ideologically sanctioned criteria from these
dominant groups. Individuals from other groups have participated as representative leaders of
their clan-groups.
The Lamala Moollaic traditional political and legal system was basically a form of primitive
democracy whereby political offices and privileges were rotating among individuals from
different dominant clans. The politico-legal officer was not a monarch and autocrat as in other
kingdoms in the past. Definite terms of office, accountability and responsibility were
formulated to govern the behaviors of the offices and safeguard the sacred socio-cultural
institutions and the political- territorial integrity of the land.
The Nationality has had an intense form of enmity with the neighbors notably the Wolayta,
Hadiya and ‘Maçça” nationalities. Over the centuries, the Nationality has managed to maintain
its territorial, political and economic independence through lethal warfare. Its independence
was so protected until in 1891 it was incorporated into the Menilikan Empire.
The religious history and culture of Ţambaaro is also forged out of the experiences, institutions
and philosophies that have come and been contributed from different ethnogenetic groups
over the centuries. Different religious philosophies and institutions vied for recognition and
supremacy with each until all of these traditional forms were finally toppled down effectively
by the introduction and domination of Christianity, notably Protestantism. Before this, the
different traditional religious cults and institutions, such as the Gambala Magano (of Lamala
Moolla), Wombo ( of Gondorima- Handarama ), Yejjo ( Kalmana-Woçifina), Adama (Çatta),
Hawzula etc, have played key roles in organizing the peoples’ economic, social, and political
activities and providing them a sense of purpose and direction in all matters of conduct.
Ţambaaro economic and livelihood history and culture are a rich tapestry in themselves.
Different groups have worked towards the creation of a rich economic history and culture. The
land has entertained different groups that followed economic adaptations from the simplest
form of hunting and gathering (that of Gudda and Magada) to today’s advanced form of mixed
farming. Today, the Nationality comprises still diverse forms of economic and livelihood
alternatives: nomaidism, craftwork, trade, land cultivation, mixed farming, etc. The luster and
lush of the land’s topography, agro-ecology and resources have enabled the existence of
almost all forms of plants and crops that grow in the land. Food security problem was not a
common one in the past as the land was very fertile and favorable. The problem became
intensified in the last few decades due to a number of problems. It has escalated in the last
three years.
The land of Ţambaaro teems with diverse forms of heritages: material culture, historical
artifacts, and sites, archeological sites, ecofacts, natural sceneries, etc. These various forms of
heritages have not been accorded due attention in terms of systematic inventorying,
documentation, study, popularization and commercializing.
177
12.2. Recommendation
Some useful recommendations may emerge from the above conclusions:
The rich ethnohistory and culture of Ţambaaro is too vast to be fully addressed in this
beginner study. It is, therefore, important to continue further studies to document these rich
repertoires of Ţambaaro ethnohistory and culture. Areas that need urgent further research
may include:
the need to understand the exhaustive inventory of the pre- Ţambaaro population
groups;
the need for determining the ethnogenetic origins of the various know pre- Ţambaaro
populations;
The need for determining the whereabouts of those of these known preTambaaronites.
There is a need to make specific investigation on the age of some material evidences
that depict Lamala Moolla origins. The historic sacred Dagale tree for example is
estimated at 350 years. There is now a need for confirming this through more
scientific dating mechanisms.
There exist in Ţambaaro numerous ethnogenetic groups whose close relatives also live in other
nationalities. There is a need to make further investigation on these groups.
Although there exist quite numerous distinct ethnogenetic groups in Ţambaaro, today all of
these claim allegiance to Ţambaaro ethnic identity. All of them have worked hard and
sacrificed their lives for the protection and realization of Ţambaaro ethno-geo-political identity
and independence. Today, there is a beautiful sense of this Ţambaaro identity being shared
among the majority of the people. This value needs to be further cultivated and protected
from any other malignant ideologies which seem to create divisive elements.
Some of the social groups in Ţambaaro have carried the burdens of marginalization and some
still continue to carry the fresh wounds that still need to be healed. Although there is a
promising level of social integration and decreasing level of marginalization in today’s sociopolitical arena, some still contrite to be marginalized. This social evil needs to be addressed
decisively and effectively, for the full participation and realization of democratic human rights
that are enshrined in the FDRE constitution.
The vast and beautiful natural, cultural and historical heritages of Ţambaaro need to be
systematically studied further, inventoried, documented, promoted and put forward towards
making use of them in economic development.
178
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Foreign Language Sources
1. Bahru Zewdie 2002 A History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1991 2nd AAU Press
2. Braukämper, Ulrich. 2004.
Islamic History and Culture in Southern Ethiopia.
Collected Essays. Gottingen Studien Zur Ethnologie LIT VERLAG Munster
3. ______________. 1973. “The Correlation of Oral Tradition and Historical Records in
Southern Ethiopia: A Case Study of the Hadya- Sidama Past.” In Journal of Ethiopian
Studies. Vol. XI. No. 2. HIS University , IES
4. Cerulli, Ernesta, 1956. "Peoples of Southwest Ethiopia and Its Borderlands" in
Ethnographic Survey and Africa, Ed... Daryl Ford. London: Intentional Africa Institute
5. Donham, D.L. 1974. From Ritual Kings to Ethiopian Landlords: Malle, Southwest
Ethiopia, c. 1894-1974. Stanford University Press.
6. Grenstedt, Stafan. 2000. Ambaricho and Shonqolla From Local Independent Church to
the Evangelical Mainstream in Ethiopia: the Origins of Mekane Eyesus in Kambatta and
Hadiya. Doctoral Thesis Presented to the Faculty of Theology, Uppsala University.
7. Haileyesus Seeba, 2001. In Living on the Edge: Marginalized Minorities and Hunters in
Southern Ethiopia. Eds. Denna Freeman and Alula Pankhurst. AAU, Dept of SoSA.
8. Haberland, Eike, 1981. “Notes on the History of Konta, a Recent State Foundation in
Southern Ethiopia.” Bibliotheque d’historie d’outre-mer. PAris
9. Haile-Mariam Desta, 1999. “The Cultural History of Tambaro 1891-1991.” An
unpublished Senior Essay in History (B.A. Degree). Kotebe College, Addis Ababa
10. Hamer, John, 1977. “The Origins of the Sidama: A Cushitic Speaking People of
Southwest Ethiopia”. School of Oriental and African Studies: London
11. ____________ 1970. Sidamo Generational Clans Cycle : A Political Gerontocracy.
London School of Oriental and African Studies: London.
12. Kottak, C.P. 2002. Anthropology. The Exploration of Human Diversity. 9th ed. Boston:
McGraw-Hill.
13. Lapiso G. Dilebo 1996. The Italo- Ethiopian War of 1887 – 1896, From Dogali to Dowa.
Addis Ababa: Artistic Printing Press
14. Mekonnen Bishaw 1990. “Current status and future directions of socio-cultural
studies in Ethiopia.” In proceedings of the symposium of silver jubilee anniversary of
the les. Addis Ababa AAU
15. Microsoft ® Encarta ® 2009. © 1993-2008 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved
16. Peter Hammond, Introduction to Cultural Anthropology. 1971. McGraw-Hill Co.: New
York
17. Tesfaye Habiso 2008. A History of the Hadiya in South Ethiopia - From Their Origin to
the Revolution of 1974. An Internet based document
18. Wolde Sellasie Abute, 2001. “Kambatta”. In Living on the Edge: Marginalized
Minorities and Hunters in Southern Ethiopia. Eds. Denna Freeman and Alula Pankhurst.
AAU, Dept of SoSA.
19. Zerihun Doda, 2009: Ethnohistory of Basketo Nationality. SNNPRG, ILCHS,: Hawassa
20. ____________, 2009: Ethnohistory of Me’enit Nationality. SNNPRS, ILCHS: Hawassa
21. ____________, 2007. Characteristic of Ensete Growing Peoples of Southern Ethiopia”.
A Chapter Contribution to the Ensete Book Writing Project. Norwegian University of
Life Sciences and Hawassa University
Amharic Sources
1. Bahru Zewdie, Yeetiopia Taric k 1947- 1983. (In Amharic). Addis Ababa University
Press, Addis Ababa
2. Bekele Wolde-Mariam Adelo 1996 (2004). Yekefa Hizboch ena mengistat açir tarik.
Addis Ababa: Mega Printing Enterprise ( A Short History of Keffa Peoples and States)
3. Betana Hotesso 1983 (1991). Sidama: Hizbuna Bahilu. Bole PRitnig press: Addis
Ababa (The Sidama: The People and Its Culture)
4. Lapiso, G. Dilebo 1993. Yeetiopia yemekera siratina ye ertira ţiyaqe sostena mesihaf.
Addis Ababa: Commercial Printing Press
179
5. _____________, 1990. Ye itiopia Rejim yehizb ena yemengist tarik (In Amharic) the
Long History of Ethiopia’s Peoples and State). Addis Ababa: Commercial Printing Press.
6. ______________ 1999. Yeitopiawinet tarikawi meseretoch ena mesariawoch (In
Amharic) (The Historical Fundamentals and Instruments of Being Ethiopians). Addis
Ababa: Commercial Printing Press
7. Markine Maja 2008. Autobiography and the History of Kale Hiwot Church. SIM Printing:
Addis Ababa (Amharic)
8. Tesfaye Habiso and Haile Daniel Megicho. 1985 (1993). Kambatta: Yeastedader
akababi ena yebihereseb tarik beitiopia qiš 1 q.2. (vol.1 No.2
Addis Ababa.
Unpublished
9. _______________________________. 1984 (1992). >> >>
qis 1. q.1. (Vol. 1.
No.1)
10. Tekle Tesema, 2009. “Ye Çatta hizb tarik”. ( The History of the Çatta People, an
unpublished manuscript)
11. Wanna Wagesho, 1994 (2002). Yewolayta hizb tarik.. Commercial Printing Press (The
History of Wolayta People)
12. Ye Tambaro Woreda Bahil Profile 2008. (An Amharic document prepared by expert
group in the Woreda Culture and Information Office
180
APPENDIX
1. List of Key Informants17 (Selected)
No.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
Name Key informants
Deslaegn Wanore
Lamore Bifo
Bassore Bardulo
Gibore Gintamo
Lalago Lamore
Alemayeha Alamo
Godewo Ulato
Dodhamo Woraqo
Wochore Dogiso
Belachew Bardilo
Bergeno Balango
Simlno Awalo
Girma Gobebo
H/mariam Dagnew
Assefa Atebu
Masebo Danamo
W/R Adise Darb acho
` Wolete mariam Mechere
“ Ansigame Woraqo
“ Orome Angule
“ Ayelech Menchamo
“ Sigame Godanche
“ Workinesh Siwore
“ Baltene Uwito
“ Lalote Anshebo
Youth Yohannis Bekele
“ Hailu Mendino
“ Tamirat Feleke
“ Tadele Alamo
“ Shiferaw Bogale
“ Brihanu Kebede
“ Berhanu Fanta
“ Abebe Agule
Tseganesh Yosef
Mulunesh Lalange
Senayit Tadese
Almaz Wolore
Beyenech Tadese
Brihannesh Gebre
Tigist Ayele
Firehiwot Yosef
Age
68
65
80
80
63
42
78
66
67
75
85
80
50
51
67
80
65
70
60
75
90
65
70
73
53
30
29
25
24
24
30
24
30
24
19
18
25
22
18
19
18
Address
Farsuma
Durgi
Sigazo
Farsuma
Qalaxa-01
Waro
Le Zambara
“
Durgi
Mudula
Tupha
«
Mudula
«
Tupha
Tupha
Mudula
>>
Hodo Bultuma
Mudula
Hodo Bultuma
Sigezo
Mudula-02
Sigezo
Mudula
Hodo Bultuma
Farsuma
Bohe
Mudula
Bachira
Mudula
«
«
«
“
Mudula
Hodo Bultuma
Mudula
Bohe
Mudula
“
This list of key informants is limited to those whom we have contacted and interviewed either
individually or in FGD sessions; many other informants whom we have interviewed briefly and informally
at various occasions such in markets, on roads, heritage sites, etc. are not included here. This list includes
informants across age groups (the youth, adults and older persons); sex (males and females) as well as
across educational and social backgrounds. The individual and group interview sessions were carried out
in two field visits from August 19 to September 25, 2009.
17
181
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
W/ro Worqe Abagero
Ato Abera Hanamo
“ Shigute Adare
Simeon Sigamo
Ayele Bufiso
H/Mariam Beyore
Basa Balushe
Elias Chinesho
Tekle Tesema
Alemayehu Arifino
Mihretu Angoye
Getachew Gibore
H/Mariam Desta
Desalegn Somano
Gaduda Gabiso
Gobaro Hayeso
Wolasa Wokiso
Ligamo Riqiwa
Bogale Bote
Debiso Daphaso
Mukura Bodoye
Kayeso Sida
Assefa Mukura
Kelayu Hadero
W/Micheal Menebo
75
45
55
65
71
55
80
45
51
54
30
32
32
48
72
78
80
60
65
68
85
76
50
62
54
“
“
Osheto Bultuma
Sigazo
Sigazo
Bohe
Gidanso
Mudula
Durgi
Durame
Mudula
Mudula
“
“
“
“
Sidama/Hawela
“
“
“
“
Sidama/Gorche
“
“
“
Aleta Wondo
Sidama/Aleta Wondo
“
Hawassa
Mudula
182
II. Data Collection Tools
A. SNNPRG, Institute of Nationalities’ Culture, History and Language Studies
Ethno-history & Culture Study on the Tambaro Nationality
Checklist for collecting information on the general profile of the Ţambaaro
Nationality
(Note to Research Assistant)
Please contact relevant officers with appropriate expertise from relevant departments or
localities in the Woreda Administration. Record clearly the information in a separate note
book or sheets of papers (A-4 size) on the following questions. After you have interviewed,
please compile a concise and legible report and submit immediately following the interview
(Typewritten report is appreciable). Please, make sure also that you collect maps (current and
past) of the zone, and the woreda, and other relevant documents that provide us with relevant
information on the Tembaro Nationality.
Note: key sectoral offices to be visited: Health Office, education Office, Agriculture and Rural
Development Office, Woreda Administration, Culture and Information Office, Finance and
Economic Development, etc
A. Zonal Profile
1. Name of the Zone
a. Current official name
b. Former names, if any (since when?)
2. Location, topographic, agro-ecology, of the zone
a. From Federal center
b. From regional center
c. Climatic conditions
d. Agro-ecological zones
e. Highest point and lowest point
f. Major rivers. Lakes, etc within the Zone of bordering or crossing the ZOne
3. Neighbors of the Zone
a. Natural boundaries (NEWS18)
b. Administrative boundaries(NEWS)
c. Ethno-linguistic boundaries ((NEWS)
4. Administrative divisions
a. Number and names of the woredas within the Zone
b. Total number of kebeles (urban and rural)
c. Major urban centers/ towns
5. Socio-demographic information
a. Total population size(By age and sex (I, 1984 ii, 1994 iii, 2007)
b. Number and names of ethnic groups/ nationalities
c. Major religions (with percentages)
6. Livelihood system
a. Major economic activity
b. Major crops grown
c. Major cash crops
7. Infrastructure, social amenities, etc
a. Road system (connecting the Zone to the regional and federal centers and
neighboring zones (Describe)
b. Number of educational institutions
i. Elementary (GO, NGO, Private, Other
ii. High school ((GO, NGO, Private, Other
iii. Preparatory(GO, NGO, Private, Other)
iv. Higher learning institutions (GO, NGO, Private, Other)
c. Number of health facilities (GO, NGO, Private, Other)
18
North, East, West, South
183
d.
e.
Electric system
Telecommunications (Fixed and mobile)
B. Tembaro Woreda Profile
I Location, Topography, Agro-ecology, Etc
1. How far is Tambaro Woreda from Addis Ababa? Form Hawassa?? From the zonal center?
2. Longitudinal and latitudinal information
3. Describe the topographic condition of Tembaro Woreda
a. Total area of the Woreda:
b. Highest peak point (Names and number of mountains)
c. Lowest point
d. Location above sea level
e. Names and number of major rivers lakes etc within the woreda and crossing the
land, or making a natural boundary
f. Forest coverage
g. Etc
4. Describe the agro-ecological condition of the Woreda
a. Names (with local terms) of seasons
b. Climatic division (e.g. hot/cold, etc)
c. Percent lowland
d. Percent high land
e. Percent mid land
II.
1.
2.
3.
Ethnonym, administrative names, neighbors and bordering entities of the Woreda
Official ethnonym of the nationality
Official woreda designation (since when?)
Natural boundaries(such as river bodies, mountains, etc) if any
a. To the east
b. To the west
c. To the north
d. To the south
4. Administrative boundaries
a. To the east
b. To the west
c. To the north
d. To the south
5. Ethno-linguistic neighbors
a. To the east
b. To the west
c. To the north
d. To the south
III. Socio-demographic Information
1. Total population size of the Woreda (by age and sex) [ 1984, 1994 , 2007]
a. Total rural population
b. Total urban population
c. Average population density
d. Total number of households
2. Ethnic mix with in the woreda (Any other ethnic groups in the Woreda?)
3. Major religious composition (with percentages)
a. Major types of religious beliefs adhered to currently:
b. Indigenous religion’s name:
c. Current status of indigenous religious (if endangered?)
d. What religion do the majority of the people follow?
4. Major languages spoken (Official work language and household and other general purpose
language)
5. Total number of kebeles (urban and rural)
184
6. Major urban centers
7. Percent of population living in lowland and highland
8. Zones or places where Tembaro people live outside of the Woreda, if any?
IV.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
V.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Livelihood system
Major economic activity
Major crops grown
Major cash crops
Major livestock raised
Any food security challenge/ famine episodes (when and why did they occur?)
State of natural resources:
Major types of wild animals (with local terms: past and present)
Extent of forest coverage (current and trends in deforestation:
Important plant/ tree varieties (indigenous and imported):
Soil/ land degradation status
VI. Natural, Historical and Cultural Heritages
1. Major natural heritage sites (names with description; e.g. Water falls, mountain peaks,
lakes, etc)
2. Major cultural heritage sites (Names with description)
3. Major historical heritage sites (names with description)
4. Important archeological sites, if any
VII. Infrastructure, social amenities, etc
1. Road system (connecting the Woreda center to the zonal, regional and federal centers and
neighboring zones (Describe)
2. Number of educational institutions
a. Elementary (GO, NGO, Private, Other)
b. High school ((GO, NGO, Private, Other)
c. Preparatory(GO, NGO, Private, Other)
d. Higher learning institutions (GO, NGO, Private, Other)
e. Total number of elementary level students: _
f. Total number of high school students:
g. Number of Tambaro how have graduated from colleges levels (Degrees and diplomas)
h. Participation of females in education (Across various régimes):
3. Heal services and facilities
a. Number of health facilities (GO, NGO, Private, Other)
b. Major health problems of and causes of death the Woreda
4. Electric system (Hydro-power/ generator/ length of hours; since when? etc)
5. Telecommunications (Fixed and mobile, since when?)
VIII. Additional Information
1. How and since when has the Tambaro attained its current Administration status?
2. Administrative history of Tembaro across the various regimes (1891 to the present)
3. Names of major personalities who administered Tembaro during pre-EPRDF times
4. Total number of clans
185
B. SNNPRG, INSTITUTE OF NATIONALITIES’ CULTURE, HISTORY AND LANGUAGE
STUDY
Ethnohistory and Ethnography of Ţambaaro Nationality
Outline of Key Themes for Data Collection /Guiding Questions and Analysis
August 2009, Hawassa, Ethiopia
Zerihun D. Doffana (Assistant Professor of Social Anthropology)
I.
Ethnogenesis, Questions of Identity and Formation of Ţambaaro
Nationality as an Independent Entity
a. Questions of ethnonyms and misnomers
i. Etymology of the name Ţambaro
ii. What variant of the ethnonyms exist
iii. What the correct/ proper ethnonym is
iv. What changes have occurred over the time in the ethnonym
v. Any misnomers and derogatory names proffered or used by outsiders
vi. What did the ancient Ţambaro call themselves, etc
b. Who are the Ţambaro: origins, ethnogenesis and migrations
i. The question of apical founding ancestors of Tambaaro nationality
ii. The founding stem clans
iii. When, how and how the founding ancestor/s came to the present
location
iv. The question of earliest/ indigenous inhabitants of the present
Ţambaro land
v. The new comers’ interaction with the original inhabitants:
vi. What happened to the original inhabitants, etc
c.
The historical geography of the itinerary and settlement of ancestors
of various groups in Ţambaro
d. Interethnic
interactions
and
how
these
shaped
Ţambaro
ethnohistorical identity
e. Concepts of Tambaaro ethnic identity and composition among various
groups
II.
Ţambaro Religion, Philosophy and Ideology : History and Ethnography
a. Brief survey of Ţambaro religious history
i. The Ahmed Grań Wars and influence of Islam? Early and mid 16 th
century/ Relics/ imprints of Islam;
ii. the question of Fandano, Gambala Magano and other traditional
religious cults religion in Ţambaro
iii. Mid 16th to end of 1880s: Religious syncritization, weakening of
Orthodox Christianity
iv. Religious exchanges between Ţambaro and neighboring ethnic groups
v. 1891 to 1936; reintroductions of EOC; decline of indigenous religion?
vi. 1920s, 1940s, 1950s to 1974: roots of evangelical Christianity;
competition with and pressures from Ethiopian orthodox Christianity;
Italian religious persecutions
vii. 1974- 1991; era of persecution on Ţambaro evangelical Christian
groups; state of traditional religion
viii. 1991- to the present: reinvigoration of religious expressions; current
and future states of traditional religion; etc
b. The ethnography of Ţambaro traditional religion, ideology and belief
system
i. Philosophy of life; death and life after death
186
ii. Ţambaro ethno-anthropology (views of origins, nature and destiny of
humanity)
iii. Ţambaro ethno-biology (views of nature of plants, animals, etc)
iv. Ţambaro ethno-cosmology: (origins, nature of the universe: the sun,
moon, stars, physical world, etc)
v. The spiritual world: concepts of supernatural being; how he is related
to the world; good spiritual beings; malicious spiritual beings;
vi. Exercise of spiritual powers: magic, witchcraft, divination, etc
vii. Systems of worship in Ţambaro traditional religion
viii. Types, privileges, appointment, and duties of religious officers
ix. Key worship , scared sites, objects
x. Elements of traditional medicine; curing, diagnosis and pharmacoepia
xi. Role of women in traditional religious life
xii. Religion and politics
xiii. Religion and economic activity
xiv. Religious festivals and calendars
III.
Economic Life of Ţambaro: Ethnohistory and Ethnography
a. A brief survey of Ţambaro economic history
i. Hunting, gathering, beekeeping; etc; Domestication of plants and
animals; Origins of production; agriculture;
ii. Beginning of settled agriculture?
iii. Introduction of various crops, cereals, livestock
iv. Origins of cash crops
v. Era of economic domination and exploitation: 1891 to 1936: serfdom ,
slavery, etc
vi. Brief respite from serfdom: Italian War of Occupation: 1936- 1941:
Aspects of Ţambaro economic life during this time; economic
development works by the Italians in Ţambaro area, if any;
vii. Reinvigorated feudal system and economic exploitation: 1941 to 1974
viii. The Ţambaro, the 1974 Revolution and Land to the Tiller: Economic
life during the Derg era (1974 to 1991)
ix. Era of economic freedom? The post- Derg era
x. History of commerce and trade relations:
1. within the ethnic group;
2. with neighboring ethnic groups;
3. Major commodities traded during the pre- Menilik era;
4. the medieval and 19th century trade routs that connect south
to north and what role the Ţambaro had
xi. Timeline of symbolic values attached to commodities
xii. An overview of livelihood challenges(famine, etc)
b. An ethnography of economic organization
i. Philosophy of work
ii. The social organization of work and economic production
iii. Allocation of economic good/ resources (land, water, etc)
iv. Production practices (land cultivation; animal husbandry; weeding;
etc)
v. Means/ instruments of production(types, uses, making, etc of farming
tools
vi. Organization of labor work
vii. Meaning of poverty and wealth
viii. Distribution and exchange of good and services
ix. An ethnography of Ţambaro dietary and culinary practices
IV.
Polity, law and social Control
a. A brief survey of Ţambaro political history
i. Up to mid 16th century; medieval time;
187
ii. Ţambaro and the Adalic Islamic Ahmed Gran’s political influence?
(1531 -1552
iii. Ţambaro and Kembata’s Abeto Hamelmal’s reign (1553-1612: any
relation and influence?
iv. Roots and characteristics of Ţambaro indigenous democratic political
system; whether this system was changed into kingship/ whether
Ţambaro had its own dynasties; genealogies of know kings of Ţambaro
(16th c to 1891; political relations with neighboring ethnic groups and
kingdoms
v. 1891 to 1936: Menilik II (1889-1913) comes to Ţambaro area; a
history of administrators from the Menilik empire; origins of serfdom;
characterizes of political rule; local resistance during this time;
vi. 1936 – 1941: Italian war of occupation: The Ţambaro during this time;
aspects of Italian rule of the time; aspects of local resistance; aspects
of good governance and development of the Italian era
vii. 1941 to 1974: The new. British- engineered systems of government,
rules, etc and it effects on the Ţambaro; politico-cultural hegemony of
the Amharic rule; Identity suppressed; aspects of serfdom; local
resistance to political domination; etc
viii. 1974 to 1991: Ţambaro in the Derg era; key aspects of this era vis-àvis Ţambaro
ix. Post Derg era: political emancipation?
x. Women’s political participation across the different eras
b. An ethnography of Ţambaro law, polity and social control
i. Philosophy of government, law and justice
ii. Bases of authority and power
iii. Privileges, regalia, etc of political officers
iv. Types, hierarchies, and major duties of political officers
v. Appointment of political officers and transfer of political offices
vi. Political participation of citizens and clan groups
vii. Law and social control
1. Philosophy of right and wrong
2. categories of crimes; punishment for crimes; types
punishments
3. Means of conflict resolution
viii. Politics and religion
V.
of
The Social Organization of Ţambaro Nationality
a. Territorial social organization
i. Which clan members live in which specific locality
ii. Whether different clan members live mixed within the same area
iii. How each clan dominated in the present locality they occupy; etc
b. Principles of kinship/ descent
i. How people trace their descent
ii. Foundation of kinship
iii. How a person becomes a member of a particular clan/ lineage;
iv. Patrilineality; matrlineality; bi-lineality; etc
c.
Organization and formation of domestic groups
i. Family: local term; essential members of family group; which family
type dominates: nuclear or extended; trends; family authority
patterns; to whom family head is accountable; etc
ii. Marriage: local term; types of marriage; age at marriage; principles
of mate selection; marriage rules; premarital sex rules; marriage
payments; wedding: marriage breakdown(divorce), if any; local
188
term; reason for divorce; settlement of divorce; trends in these social
institutions: change and causes for change; etc
d. Principles of social relationship, grouping, friendship, etc
i. Bases of personal friendships; what is a friend?
ii. Ritually based friendships: friendship/ kinship created through various
means (e.g. the jalla concept, if any)
iii. Age based groupings: Age cycles; from infancy to old age;; criteria for
joining an age group; initiation rituals;
iv. Sex specific grouping; etc
e. Social
i.
ii.
iii.
stratification
Major divisions/ strata in Ţambaro society: past and present
bases of social inequality
Marginalized groups: craftsmen(potters, tanners, blacksmiths, etc):
origins of this marginalization
iv. Trends in tolerance, acceptance and inclusion; etc
VI.
Material Culture, Technology, and the Expressive Culture
a. Architecture, building, woodwork, etc
i. Living houses: design; philosophy behind designs; size; number of
rooms; materials made from; how, etc; changes over time;
ii. Household utensils: cooking; drinking; food serving; beds; stools; who
make them; from what; changes over time
iii. Funeral monuments: trends;
b. Personal adornment, beautification, body painting and markings
i. Philosophy of beauty;
ii. hair dressing(age and sex wise);
iii. body paintings and marks; if any;
iv. changes over time; etc
c.
Costumes:
i. origins of costumes;
ii. raw materials costumes made from;
iii. types of clothes worn by females and males; across age groups;
iv. costumes as social status symbol; marital status; political status,
etc);
v. trends in costumes;
vi. commerce in costumes between Ţambaro and neighboring / distant
ethnic groups; etc
d. Music, musical instruments and dancing
i. Music: Local term; who composes music; ownership of music; types
of music; wedding, funeral, recreational music;
ii. Musical instruments: wind blown; percussion; acoustic; etc (names;
how they are made; who makes them; trends in music and musical
instruments
iii. Dancing: any uniquely Tambaroan dance style? Various types of
dances ( by age; sex; occasions; etc) trends in dance, etc
VII.
e. Games, gymnastics, recreational activities:
i. Major types of games and their origins and current status
ii. Major types of gymnastics, their origins ad current status
iii. Etc
Females, food and festivals
a. Tambaaro cuisine, culinary and crockery
b. Special cuisines
189
c.
d.
e.
VIII.
Ordinary Cuisines
Basic crockery and cutely
Foods, festivals and the role of females
Ţambaro Heritages
a. Historically important sites, objects, personages, etc
b. Natural heritages sites, objects, etc
c. Archeologically important places, sites, etc
d. Cultural heritage sites, objects, etc
190