Selections from Roehrig (ed.)
Transcription
Selections from Roehrig (ed.)
HATSHEPSUT Queen Princess to to Co-Ruler Dorman Peter F. The only existing records of Hatshepsut*s childhood and the years she spent as princess at the royal court are those that she herself had inscribed on the temples Deir at el- Bahri and Karnak during her later kingship. These accounts are couched terms that patently emphasize her mythical descent in from the Theban god Amun-Re and her oracular still monarch; a girl, as future their intention become pharaoh from retroactively having been divinely sanc- to present the erstwhile princess as tioned to selection, while is the time of her girlhood. searches in vain for contemporary references to One Princess Hatshepsut recorded during the reign of her father, Thutmose would not expect her In fact, one mature deaths who came to With — to inherit the throne before her, until their pre- not to mention a third, also the throne when the few titles monuments lar quartzite who was both that can A be dated to her tenure as chief queen any unusual status or wielded tomb, impressive enough for the time, it does not seem to have been finished.^ sarcophagus inscribed with her queenly Up to this point there of queen. But Thutmose II two or three years old — also a A rectangu- titles was political role dis- that who Thutmose asserts in his Hatshepsut, on the throne a son perhaps named Thutmose minor queen named —born Isis.^ to him not The unusual tomb biography that after the death of II, facing queen. Early i8th Dynasty his son stood in his place as King of the Two Landsy having assumed the the throne while his ofthe rulership sister, upon of the one who begat him, the God's Wife, Hatshepsut, country, the Two Lands being in Curiously, nowhere does Ineni state the Instead, he The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden Aswan showing Senenmut appears with the traditional regalia of a just Opposite: Fig. 36. Hatshepsut. Detail of a lifesize granite statue, early i8th Dynasty. who than that nature of this royal succession was alluded to by the architect Ineni, Fig. 37. Graffito at seems to have died unexpectedly only into his reign,'^ leaving by Hatshepsut but by Theban were no intimations Hatshepsut was destined to play a greater few years Amun, but for her in the isolated southern cHffs of the covered inside. a her half Hatshepsut acquired the normal that she then held extraordinary power.'' mountain, but II, Great King's Wife and God*s Wife of do not suggest was prepared named Thutmose, their father died.' Thutmose the accession of brother and her husband, queenly be prominently featured, two of her brothers, Amenmose and since at that time at least Wadjmose, stood to I. (see cat. no. 95) makes by virtue of her King's Mother it managed the name of the new pharaoh. perfectly clear that Hatshepsut roles as chief queen —was the prime and affairs her care!' — apparently God 's Wife rather than as mover in governmental affairs. 87 consort and pharaoh.'° Another offering depiction, from a limestone chapel at Karnak, presents a more explicit amalgam of female and kingly attributes, with Hatshepsut garbed in the usual tight-fitting robe but wearing a regal plumed crown with ram's horns, and her cartouches preceded by the Egypt, and Mistress of Ritual acquires kingly titles King of Upper and Lower titles 38)." It (fig. and crowns is at this point, (as at least queen had done previously), that Hatshepsut 's kingship to begin. Yet the visual when she one other Egyptian may be said and textual incongruities of such an offering scene must have been striking to the literate observer. Indeed, there evidence that in the later years of her co-regency, Hatshepsut had is several such scenes recarved to eliminate the queenly features and replace her female image with the male one of her later persona.'^ Another curious iconographic measure was attempted at the temple of Buhen in Nubia, which was decorated jointly by Hatshepsut and the young Thutmose sanctuary, Hatshepsut is shown still On III. garbed in a long dress but adopting the wide striding stance of a male, as gown had become elastic (see fig. Thutmose 2),'^ Since at if the hem of her Buhen the deceased was venerated together with the II the walls of the local god, Horus, Hatshepsut had not yet given up the active celebration of her husFig 38. Hatshepsut dressed as a woman and wearing a plumed crown with ram's band 's memory; but horns. Block from the Chapelle Rouge, Karnak, Thebes, early i8th Dynasty. that was soon Probably by the seventh regnal year of Thutmose Quartzite sentations of Hatshepsut had so a During the early years of her regency, Hatshepsut had herself portrayed in the traditional garb of a queen, often grasping the God's Wife of Amun, distinctive insignia of the engraved by Senenmut at as in the graffito Aswan, which commemorates the port of two obelisks to Karnak at her behest temple of Semna in Nubia, Thutmose III, as (fig. trans- 37)7 At the reigning king, was depicted as the donor of the renewed temple offerings, but Hatshepsut was portrayed at one accompanied by her queenly pains to sanctify the granite statue of side, wearing her long gown and In this period she also took titles.^ memory of her recendy Thutmose Khnum II, found at deceased husband; a Elephantine and intended shows him to change. many of her III,'"* repre- assumed the masculine form seen in royal monuments. In laying claim to the throne as "male" pharaoh, however, she was forced to alter the basis of her legitimacy.'^ Ignoring the inconvenient facts of her marriage to Thutmose II and her former career as queen, she contrived instead an elaborate signaled mythology of her predestination, supposedly by an oracular event during her by her miraculous her father, Thutmose Bahri, while ished from sight. in I now to be based on direct descent from was Thutmose From male form and ruled partner to the younger II, and Theban god Amun-Re.'^ birth through the Since her right to rule was father's reign glorified at her own temple the father of her own Deir el- Hatshepsut was represented this point on, as a pharaoh, a fully equal Thutmose in co-regent, van- III. and even senior But she never attempted to and obscure her female essence; her inscriptions consistently employ bears a dedicatory inscription from Hatshepsut "for her brother."^ the feminine gender, maintaining the tension between male and for the temple of But it there, in a jubilee cloak seems clear that Hatshepsut 's control over the mechanics of government, hers by default since the death of her husband, eventually required ideological expression as well, and relatively early on she devised a prenomen for coronation name: Maatkare. the ka of Re," life its first chief queen's of a complete sentence, "Maat is all her representations. Thus Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis into a "male" place gradually, over a period of years, and of exploratory phases. The extended belies the pretense that her kingship pharaoh took went through a series transitional period itself had been preordained. meaning "The proper manifestation of the sun's Hatshepsut 's assertion of male kingship was not a usurpation of prenomen, enclosed within a cartouche, was royal power, which in any case she had wielded from the death of force.") This used on (It is a herself, the equivalent female elements evident in almost appearance in conjunction with the quintessential title God's Wife, while Hatshepsut was represented in queenly regalia and female costume 88 HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT — an odd confluence of Thutmose II. It should rather be viewed as the end result of an unprecedented experiment in which the possibility was explored that a female sovereign could ascend the Egyptian throne.'^ I. For the genealogical interrelationships of the early Thutmoside family, see Wente Amenmose was named crown prince in year 4 of and Wadjmose was accorded his own mortuary chapel in western 1980, pp. 129—31. his father, 7. Habachi 1957, pp. 92-96. 8. Caminos Thebes, for which see Lecuyot and Loyrette 1995 and Lecuyot and Loyrette As deceased members of the 1996. structed royal family, both princes remained local 9. cult figures. 2- 10. For example, Hatshepsut is shown in a secondary place, behind Thutmose and the queen "mother," Ahmose, on Berlin pp. 255-57, pi. 34. The questioned in C. Goedicke and Krauss 1998. Wildung The title God's Wife of Amun, connected with the cult of Amun, was this depiction, see Gardiner, Peet, and Gerny 1952-55, no. 177, and prenomen, see Urkunden 12. Gabolde and Rondot 1996. p. 172, pi. iv. For example, see Caminos 1974, 14. For the date, see Hayes 1957, pp. 78-80, 81, fig. when 15. An early sign of this shift may be seen in Senenmut's shrine the office held considerable economic and political significance. title An inaccessible location Carter 191 7. such as this was typical of interments minor queens of Thutmose Catharine H. Roehrig's "The III, for which see Lilyquist 2003. See el-Silsila, Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" Urkunden 4, pp. 59-60; see also Dziobek 1992, 16. where Hatshepsut Caminos and James vol. 2, pis. 74, 82. calls herself the at Gebel "King*s First-Born Daughter"; at the Chapelle Rouge at Karnak (Lacau in the divine-birth reliefs at her Deir el-Bahri temple (Naville 1894-1908, 1990. i. 1963, pi. 40. These events are represented and Chevrier 1977—79, pp. 97—153) and in chapter 3. On the age of Thutmose II, see Gabolde 1987b; and von Beckerath On the age of Thutmose III at this point, see Dorman 2005. 6. see also pi. LVi; 4, p. 34; see Dorman 2005. Chevrier 1934, 13. three 5. depiction of can be recon- the basis of the extant traces. 11. prepared for queens of the early Eighteenth Dynasty, such as the tomb of 4. For also 1974, it ordinarily given to major queens in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, a time connoting a female priestly 3. stela 15699; see on The Dreyer 1984. for a textual occurrence of titles II authenticity of the stela, however, has recently been 1998, pi. 42; see also Urkunden 4, pp. 201—2. Hatshepsut has been entirely erased and recarved, but pt. 2, pis. xlvii-lv), respectively. pis. 34, 63. 17. On this subject, see also Ann Macy Roth's essay in chapter i. Relief Depicting 38, Thutmose II Early i8th Dynasty, reign of Thutmose II (r. 1492— 1479 B.C.) Limestone H. 107 cm W. (42/8 in.), 109 cm {^^2% in.) Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor During the Eighteenth Dynasty, each successive ruler added a structure of great temple of Amun at some sort to the Karnak. Kings fre- quently chose to have a courtyard and a huge gateway, or pylon, built in front of the existing temple complex, thus creating a entrance. new principal Between 1957 and 1964, restoration work was done on what is now called the temple's Third Pylon.' This gateway was constructed by Amenhotep HI (r. 1390—1352 and CO -ruler, Thutmose Amenhotep's architects structures built by III. B.C.), nephew the great-grandson of Hatshesput*s For the foundation, had used blocks from earlier kings. Among were several limestone blocks from a these festival court built about a century earlier in the same area by Hatshepsut 's husband, Thutmose The block on which \\.^ this relief is carved was removed from the foundation of the Third Pylon during the winter of 1957-58. It had originally been part of the southern face of the 38 northern entrance into the festival court built by Thutmose presenting who is right hand nw H.^ The king is shown kneeling, jars (libation vessels) to With Amun, king is identified as "Aakheperenre Thutmose- Protector-of-Re," which is written in the car- This image of a kneeling king offering nw jars is repeated in the colossal statues of Hatshepsut (see extended touches above him, and by his Horus name, cat. nos. 91, 92), and "Forceful Bull of Powerful Strength," which tated that in the statues the king's hands, held was (dominion) hieroglyphs to Thutmose. The appears in the rectangular device behind him. aloft in the relief, are seated at the right. Amun holds his out the ankh (life) but the weight of the stone dic- shown resting on her knees. PRINCESS TO QUEEN TO CO-RULER THE JOINT REIGN OF HATSHEPSUT AND THUTMOSE III Cathleen A. Keller Our information regarding the chronology and events of the regency period, before Hatshepsut completed her transformation into king of Egypt/ is limited to a few Indeed, on monuments of the time they frequently appear together as twin male rulers distinguished only by position (Hatshepsut usually takes precedence, as in fig. 41) or, occasion- common sys- dated sources and a somewhat larger number of undated ones. ally, The tem of dating (both using the regnal years of Thutmose latter sources are assigned this time span by virtue of their by regalia (see cat. no. 48).^ number of officials known choice of names for Hatshepsut (Hatshepsut rather than Maatkare) a and continued in power titles (queenly rather than those used only to refer to reigning kings), and the manner of her depiction dress). A scholarly consensus has developed that by regnal year 7,^ (in female rather than male when her first known datable use of royal titulary occurred, a critical stage in Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis had been reached. tion of male what costume and later. ^ It attitudes appears to have taken place some- was, however, fully developed by the time she began the decoration of her temple at Deir el-Bahri, had Her adop- started in regnal year 7,^ and persisted whose construction until the last dated refer- who have to They also shared a III),^ and have served during the co-regency when Thutmose III reigned alone.^ Historians envisaged a government divided into isolationalist (Hatshepsut) and expansionist (Thutmose III) factions probably miss the mark.'° Although the joint reign did not see the extensive Thutmose military activity that characterized the sole reign of there is evidence that Hatshepsut may have Nubia; moreover, her imperiaUst rhetoric male rulers." The joint reign was, single is led a III, campaign into consistent with that of best-known foreign expedition of the however, not a military venture but the royally ence to her as king in regnal year 20 J There was no mention of sponsored voyage to the exotic land of Punt, undertaken to obtain when Thutmose III embarked on his Megiddo campaign incense and other costly and precious materials for the cult of Hatshepsut late in year 22, which thus marks the latest possible date for the end The approximately Amun-Re at Karnak.'^'The expedition was depicted in extenso on the southern portion of the middle portico of her Deir el-Bahri of the joint reign.*^ fifteen-year period in effectively shared the throne of which the two Egypt has yielded little rulers evidence of rivalry between the two kings or their respective courts. temple,'^ adjacent to the rebuilt chapel of Hathor, associated with foreign lands. Its successful return early in the joint reign. is Many historians have placed Fig. 41. Hatshepsut whose as identical from the Chapelle Rouge, Karnak, Thebes, early i8th Dynasty. Quartzite 96 HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT 9, Hatshepsut 's and Thutmose shown kings. Detail of a block cult is dated to year celebration of a Sed festival — powers however, the evidence that — in regnal year i6; actually took place And event joint reign's building program were although our knowledge of Thutmoside con- struction projects in the north of the country is meager, dence that Hatshepsut's architects were active el-Silsila, at we have evi- numerous sites in Kom Ombo, Hierakonpolis/El- the Nile valley proper (Elephantine, Kab, Gebel this not conclusive.'^ is The accomplishments of the prodigious.'^ a ritual renewing the king's royal Meir [Cusae], Batn el-Baqqara and Speos Artemidos, Hermopolis, and Armant'^), as well as in Nubia'^ and the Sinai. However, it was in the Theban area that the core of her building program was centered, with projects undertaken on both the Nile 's west bank (Medinet Habu, Deir of the Kings'9) and east its bank el-Bahri, and the Valley (the temples of Karnak^"" and Luxor, along with their processional connection""'). At Karnak, in particular, The Chapelle Rouge, Fig. 42. and a shrine built by Hatshepsut in the early i8th Dynasty now reconstructed in the Karnak Open- Air Museum, Luxor Hatshepsut continued the conversion of the temple, founded by Senwosret I (r. 19 18—1875 ^'^') early in the expanded by Amenhotep I and by her Middle Kingdom and father, Thutmose I, turning come, so that "those the respectable but not spectacular complex into a true national what shrine and in the process confirming the dynasty's, not to mention will say: her own, association with the god Amun-Re. Hatshepsut's constructions at Karnak reshaped the heart of the joint reign was considered the southern counterpart of Heliopolis, the cult center To the earlier part of the joint reign belong her erection of a pair of obelisks quarried by Thutmose IP^ and her fabrication of a small limestone structions axis at were a shrine.^"^ monumental entrance Deir el-Bahri" by Dieter Arnold to the and the Palace of Maat,""^ still 42), to to the southern (royal) two pairs of new complex giving entrance in chapter 3), Kingdom now known sanctuary, as the Chapelle it is detail here, be mentioned. some 'How like her it is, adoption of kingly attributes. scrutiny.5^ exaggeration, but instead to offer to her father (Amun)'!"^' we remain unsure of naked (and unnatural) is Its the reason for Hatshepsut's attribution political That serious internal by earlier scholars to ambition does not stand up to developments made political it necessary for her to continue as co-ruler until Thutmose could assume sole rule has been suggested more supporting that sets tory it is its more this thesis is scanty.^^ One recently, but evidence aspect of this co-regency from other periods of joint rule apart in Egyptian his- sheer length,^^ which the ancient Egyptians, being no prescient than ourselves, could not have foretold. that existing artistic conventions made it difficult to It may be depict a female co-regent taking precedence over her male counterpart, eventually prompting Hatshepsut's adoption of kingly regalia even in the absence of any points of commonality in the corpus should tradition, seen in the rebuilding will hear these things will not say that which not possible to treat Hatshepsut's monuments in First, there is the who my inscriptions) Rouge house the portable barque of Amun.""^ Although any a extant portion of the Middle included a quartzite shrine, (fig. Among her later con- of Karnak (the Eighth Pylon; see "The Temple of Hatshepsut obelisks, have said (in In the end Middle Kingdom temple, which by the time of the of the sun god Re.^^ I emphasis on the restoration of of deteriorated structures, such as cerns.^' specific political or diplomatic con- Equally obscure are the reasons for the damnatio memoriae inflicted upon her by her former co-regent some twenty years after the period of joint rule.^*^ This was surely too long a time for Hatshepsut's youthful co-regent to have waited, if simmering the temple of Hathor at Cusae and the "heart" of the temple of resentment were his motivation, before embarking upon the task Amun-Re of defacing her monuments and destroying her images. at Karnak.""^ It is festival calendars evident also in the recalibration of the and the reinstitution of cultic and festival cele- brations, following a period of what Hatshepsut describes as igno- rance of religious matters.""^ Second is the concentration on the of Thebes, the dynastic and theological seat of the royal family. Here is wherein concretized the theme of royal and divine reciprocity, Amun rewards the king with legitimacy and prosperity in exchange for "the beautiful flourishing Finally, there is efficient monuments."''^ surely Hatshepsut's desire to accomplish things so truly unique^° that they 1. would amaze even generations yet to For the period of the regency, see "Hatshepsut: Princess to Queen to Co-Ruler" by Peter site F. Dorman earlier in this chapter and Dorman 2005. Dorman 2005. 1988, pp. 18-45, Dorman 2. See conveniendy 3. Dorman 2005; note in particular Gabolde and 4. Winlock 1942, pp. 133—34; Hayes Rondot 1996. 1957, pp. 78—80. 5. Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 152-53, no. 181, 6. For a summary discussion of this argument, see 7. On stelae from Sinai (Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952—55, pp. 179, 181, 184, pis. LVii, LViii) pi. Lvn. Dorman 2005. 150—54, nos. 174a, and on the exterior of the Chapelle Rouge Karnak (Lacau and Chevrier 1977-79, pis. at 7, 9). THE JOINT REIGN 97 8. For the most recent chronology of the 9. See Dziobek 1995, pp. 132-34, and "The Royal Court," below. 0. Wilson L Redford 1967, cited in 1951, pp. For the campaigns of Thutmose Nubian campaign, see Habachi the see III, at engagement {Urkunden The precise 11. Even less likely to III is Sed a Karnak. 16 jubilee 25. founded upon two separate is that from "regnal year dedicating the obelisks to Amun, essay, 4, p. down 15 II Peret i," 367, 11. p. 359) 3-4). The is 27. Khnum temples, Amenhotep III in his temple of Montu in For die obelisks of Hatshepsut 1993. at list Our knowledge of of monuments and no— 11; 1971, pp. in years 15—16 (Barguet 1962, on axis a second, larger pair stood Gabolde 2003, p. 421). east of For the Palace of The Chapelle Rouge was "The Place of the Heart of Amun" (Nims called Lacau and Chevrier 1977—79; Graindorge 1993; Carlotti The shrine's decoration remained unfinished It was largely completed subsequently, but at was III. On the restoration of tradition, see 4, p. 386, Chappaz 1993a, For the temple of p. 104. The 4-13; Chappaz 1993a. 11. restoration of deteriorated limestone structures of the Middle Kingdom (Gabolde 1998, pp. 137-40). 28. As Speos Artemidos inscription {Urkunden stated in the p. 386, 8-9, 11. p. 388, 11. 4, p. 384, 11. 8— 11, 14-17) and exemplified in the form, orientation, and decoration of the Satet temple ref- in Elephantine (Wells 1985 and 1991; see also the references in n. 16, above). Elephantine, primarily at were quarried see Kaiser 1993 (with bibliography); for 29. more The phrase was used with some frequency; p. 200, 1. Urkunden 3; 4, p. 298, 11. see, for instance, of Hatshepsut's Urkunden 4, many scholars have empha- 1-6. Although "divine birth" {Urkunden 4, pp. 215—34) and "jeunesse" {Urkunden 4, pp. 241— Thutmose 1984. For II dedicated Kom Ombo, see see p. 43, Caminos and James 4, pp. and Ratie 1979, 4, p. 386, 11. 4, p. 387, 65) texts For Hierakonpolis/ Thutmose For Gebel el- Chappaz 1993a, pp. p. 176. 1. 17; 30. which stress her association with her father, and contrast with the lack of piety expressed toward her royal This desire Thutmose may be why elements of Mentuhotep II (see, for example, posed pillared facades there For Armant, see is rulers. of earlier monuments, such as the temple and the temple of Amun of Senwosret II Gabolde 1989, were advanced by male never copied in the design of her Deir el-Bahri temple. 1993. For Hermopolis, see p. 47. el-Bahri, efforts to assert royal legitimacy, citing the pp. 138-39), similar claims of divine ancestry 4-13; Gardiner 1946, Gardiner 1946, I, half brother and predecessor, 98— Fakhry 1939. For Speos Artemidos, see Chappaz 1988 and 10, p. 389, 1. from Deir Elephantine, see 383—91; Gardiner 1946; Fairman and Grdseloff 1947; Ratie 1979, pp. 178—82; Bickel and Urkunden at 4, p. 382. 1963, pp. 7, 11, and pp. 46—47. For Batn el-Baqqara, see Urkunden by Hatshepsut Urkunden For Meir (Cusae), see Urkunden 99. a variant I, were adapted but The use of superim- on the Mentuhotep II temple; the repetition of Osiride figures across the upper terrace facade that fronts a pil- surely derived from the Senwosret Karnak temple (compare Ratie 1979, p. 183 (with bibliography). lared court Buhen (Caminos 1974 ) and Semna (discussed by Dorman 2005) and Ibrim (Caminos 1968, pp. 50, 58, pis. 17-22). Gabolde 1998, Primarily at Serabit el-Khadim: Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 37— regency render an unusually sensitive homage to the works of earlier peri- At the south temple at 38; Valbelle and Bonnet 1996, pp. 59, 71, 78-79, 100, ods 181-83. 114, The decoration of the Eighteenth Dynasty temple currently being prepared for publication is Deir el-Bahri For Medinet Habu, see plans and reconstruction by Holscher (1939, pp. 6—17, 45-48, pi. 4). is is pi. xxxviii). The I identity of the creative genius at work undeniable and was surely approved by the king. 12—13; Urkunden 4, p. 368, Urkunden 32. There does not appear 4, p. 384, 11, to 11. 3—6. have been any attempt to remove Thutmose ments of the period. Indeed, Hatshepsut used Ann Macy Roth in chapter 3. For the Valley of the Kings, see Gabolde 1987b, pp. 76fF., and "The Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" by Catharine H. than instituting her own. See the remarks of Dorman 2005 and, for an 3. For Hatshepsut 's work n. 25. in the heart of Karnak, the Palace of Maat, see below, For the Mut complex, see the essay by Betsy Bryan the jointly produced Kamutef temple, Karnak, a royal mansion north of the to in inscriptions dating see Ricke 1954. inscribed way stations 34. Murnane 35. On the problem of expressing female precedence within the male-oriented Egyptian system, see Robins 1994b. pp. 109-10. 1977, pp. 43—44- artistic On its effect on Hatshepsut's Dorman 2005, citing Gabolde and Rondot 1996, p. 215. One can only imagine how the western Asiatic states perceived the Egyptian female regent system; they may have viewed it as offering an adoption of kingly regalia, see A list of on a wall of the Chapelle opportunity to gain military advantage because the traditional male leader of the Egyptian army was absent. the Chapelle Rouge, marking the processional route between HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT of Hatshepsut, Teeter 1990. Chappaz 1993a, so-called palace of from Hatshepsut's reign (Gitton 1974). Rouge (Lacau and Chevrier 1977—79, pp. 73—84). In the context of the festival of Opet as inscribed on six The For earlier reevaluation his regnal year calendar rather 33. Amun temple, is prominently referred monuments dedicated by Hatshepsut was which shows in chapter 3. III during his minority; nor was reference to him omitted from royal monu- by the Epigraphic Survey of the University of Chicago. For Deir el-Bahri, see the essays by Dieter Arnold Roehrig in chapter at may never be known; but that the monuments of the co- 31. and 98 Aswan sized the stridency Silsila, 21. graffito at Kaiser 1980 (Satet temple), and von Pilgrim 2002 (temple of Khnum). For El-Kab, see Murnane 1977, 20. Senenmut detailed discussion, see Kaiser 1975, pp. 50—51, Kaiser 1977, pp. 66-67, Dreyer 9. in the the temple of Amun-Re used sandstone (Wallet-Lebrun 1994) to replace the joint reign are early 1970s, see Ratie 1979, pp. 175-96. For a summary of the constructions of Hatshepsut the statue of 8. a (Nims Hathor, see Urkunden founded upon two types of primary mention the monuments. For I soon dismantled by Thutmose sources: archaeological, including in situ remains of the constructions and 7. Festival Court. (For the develop- Gabolde 1987a, 1993, and 2003.) These see of Thutmose hall) 1995; Larche 1999—2000. portions reused in later projects; and textual, comprising royal and private the Satet and Thutmose 's reused by the end of the joint reign. rather than indicating a historical event. considered to have been initiated chiefly by Hatshepsut. 6. in 92fF.). later 1955, pp. 113— 14); on the north among the wished-for results of monuments begun during the building programs of this period known by the is Maat, see Barguet 1962, pp. 141-53; Hegazy and Martinez 1993. 26. by Eric Hornung and Elisabeth Staehelin (1974, pp. 56, 64—65), in a Wiinsch-Kontext, erences up Gabolde 2003, p. 420) and the temple stands between the Fourth still day" {Urkunden last side of the shaft occur, as noted inscriptions that set On the Eighth Pylon, see Martinez columned with On the north side of the base are inscribed the IV Shomu, For the purposes of this This shrine was pp. 96fF.; occasion of the Sed festival" {Urkunden 4, "first Ann festival jointly celebrated on the obelisk of Hatshepsut to "regnal year 16 relationship was lunu, Thebes was Karnak, see Golvin 1993. The pair installed inside the wadjit (papyrus- have occurred at The p. 16. North Karnak; Gabolde and Rondot 1996. dates of the quarrying of the obelisk, words 24. (Uphill 1961). and Fifth Pylons were obelisks (Habachi 1957, pp. 3. The argument for a year inscriptions The were probably the pair mentioned 1—2). Kitchen 1982. chapter Grimal and Larche 2003, i43fF.; ment of this area of Karnak, her inscription For the Deir el-Bahri temple, see the essays by Dieter Arnold and Thutmose 5. 23. location of the land of Punt has been the topic of much discus- Macy Roth in 4. 4, p. 386, Gabolde 1998, pp. lunu Shema'u, "Upper Egyptian Heliopolis." and Redford 1967, in and Lacau and Chevrier 1977—79, clearly stated in the Egyptian language: Heliopolis and additional campaigning Redford 1967, pp. 60—63. Hatshepsut refers sion; see generally 3. 22. p. 63. 1957, pp. 89, 99-104, 1955, p. 114, pp. 154-69- Speos Artemidos, to the refurbishing of troops, surely in preparation for military 2. Karnak and Luxor: Nims 1993a, pp. 93!?. most recendy Redford 2003. For pp. 57—59. For the possibility of Asian activity in Nubia, see Chappaz joint reign, see 36. Nims 1966; discussed in detail in Dorman 1988, pp. 46—65. Kingdom 4, co- regencies in general, see Murnane iff- 1977, PP- These pots almost certainly contained cool water and Cerny 1952—55, {kehehu)\ see Gardiner, Peet, which Thutmose no. 181, pi. LVii, in III offers cool water and Hatshepsut offers white bread to the god Onuris-Shu. 5. The pointed loaf is probably white bread {ta-hedj)^ based on its resemblance to bread identified as such numerous Middle Kingdom examples including in those cited in n. Provenance: above. 3, Sinai, Bibliography; Maghara Gardiner, Peet, and Cerny 1952—55, p. 74, no. 44, pi. XIV; Hikade 2001, pp. A King and the 49. 154-56, no. 6 11, Goddess Anukis Early i8th Dynasty, 2nd half of joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose (1469-1458 III B.C.) Painted sandstone cm H. 71 (28 in.), W. Musee du Louvre, Inscription of Hatshepsut 48. andThutmose At applies to both rulers. right, "the Upper and Lower Egypt Maatkare" III nw Thutmose God, Lord of the Sandstone stands at Inscribed area: H. ca. 87 (29K cm (34^ in.), W. 75 cm Two Good Lands, Menkheperkare" proffering a long pointed loaf^ to left, "Hathor, Mistress of Turquoise." Both kings in.) are depicted as male rulers and Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 45493 Not two pots to the figure identified as "Sopdu, Lord of the East,"^ while her co-regent "The year i6 (1453 B.C.) lars wear broad col- but are distinguished from each other by in exhibition their other dress and their regalia. Hatshepsut, wears the khepresh (or blue) crown and a short This depiction of the joint rulers Hatshepsut kilt and Thutmose loose robe that swings free at the back and mine III in the Sinai was inscribed near a turquoise by an official who had been appointed named Kheruef, "to explore the [myste- rious] valleys" in search of stone so beloved of Egypt's this elite. semiprecious At with a projecting triangular apron over a hangs to above her ankles. Thutmose just CAK 1 . Evidence for a New Kingdom presence in the Sinai prior to the joint reign of Hatshepsut expeditions follow a hiatus in such activity that Thutmose had occurred during the Second Intermediate (Gardiner, Peet, Period (1650-1550 B.C.) and marked an impor- nos. 171-74, pi. tant resurgence of mining.' graffito is the from the site similarity to site at may The only Eighteenth Dynasty example of Maghara, coupled with examples at the in general, see fact that this its 2. Peet, 3. date, regnal year 16, appears floating Its supply dwin- and Cerny 1952-55, pp. 24, 36); for from the indeed have been carrying out some inde- The be mined extensively. el-Khadim during the Middle Kingdom (Gardiner, Kheruef pendent reconnoitering.^ Hikade 2001. dled, leading to the increased exploitation of Serabit much -used mine Serabit el-Khadim, suggests that andCerny 1952—55, pp. 149-50, LVi). On New Kingdom expeditions Of the Sinai turquoise sources, Maghara was the earliest to close and suggests only modest activity III site, The floating graffiti see nos. 175-77, 179-81, pis. lvi-lvui. date has Middle Kingdom for examples, see Gardiner, Peet, precedents; and Cerny 195^-55, nos. 57, 86, 90, 91-93, 100, 104-6, 115, above the sky sign^ that forms the top border of 118, 120. It a symmetrical offering scene, suggesting that CO -regencies in the Twelfth Dynasty; for Middle it was used bis) In this relief the goddess Anukis, a divinity Upper Egypt and with linked with southern close ties to necklace, Nubian associated toward the face of deities, proffers a menit with female divinities, a king. The menit necklace was shaken rhythmically during temple and ceremonies; tival ual, when imparted it life. fes- proffered to an individ- The king, probably Hatshepsut, wears the composite atef crown and a false beard.' Anukis made is The clear identity of the goddess by her distinctive flaring headgear, probably of ostrich plumes. tures of both king The fea- and goddess are rendered in the style of the latter part of the co- regency. This block was once part of a sandstone tight-fitting shendyt kilt. the begin- launched mining expeditions in the Sinai. These III wears the red crown of Lower Egypt and a ning of their joint reign the co-regents had (39/* in.) B59 (formerly E 12921 King of offers Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and III, cm 99.5 Paris in other contexts to indicate the temple^ built by Hatshepsut for the goddess Satis on the island of Elephantine, near Egypt's southern border, to replace an earlier limestone by Senwosret structure erected have fallen into decay.^ I, which may The new temple was an elevated rectangular structure surrounded thirty rectangular pillars toward the midwinter Anukis and ator god, with Satis, by and was oriented sunrise."^ together with the local cre- Khnum, formed the Elephantine triad, Khnum and Satis consorts and Anukis their offspring.' The three divinities were united more by topography than by any mythic Khnum, as ties. Lord of Elephantine (Abu) and Lord of the Cataracts, was associated with the annual inundation, which was thought to originate in THE JOINT REIGN 99 b. Gold and Diam. 2.5 lapis lazuli cm (i in.); scarab: L. cm 1.5 in.) (^/s The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase, Edward These two S. Harkness Gift, 1926 26.7.764 made of cosdy fine rings are materi- and inscribed with the names of the als rulers Hatshepsut their bezels are mounted on would have allowed them the fine mud joint and Thutmose HI. Both of to which swivels, be used to impress sealings that protected documents, as well as the content of bags and chests, from tampering. The lapis lazuli ring (b) is inscribed Menkheperre, given dess, Maatkare, identified as as a used as an official seal, Provenance: with the star Sothis (Sirius), the island of Clermont Ganneau excavations, 1907—10; acquired frontier, and was considered the astral herald was of associated with the island of Sehel and luxury goods imported into Egypt from the Elephantine, Temple of Satis; pp. 323-24. 2. Kaiser et 1972, p. 159, n. 7. al. Werner reconstruction (1980, pp. 254, 255, 40), locates the block Bibliography: La vie au hordduNil 1980, p. no. 142; Valbelle 1981, pp. 14-15, no. 118, 115, 77, al. on the (pi. xli, b). two (pi. xli, a) Satis temples and Eighteenth Karnak appears temple larly prompted by the poor to have state been used as The First a Rings with Cartouches of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III letter t seal. III follows the netjer nefer (Young is Gold and green God) not present suggesting that the Liiyquist 2003, p. 182. Provenance: 5oa. Unknown; purchased from Mohammed Mohassib Sob, Probably western Thebes, Wadi D, Tomb i; Carter; formerly purchased at Gabbanat el-Qurud, Luxor by Howard Carnarvon collection (1472-1458 B.C.) jasper Sob. cm (% in.); plaque: L. 1.5 cm (^ in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Diam. Ill's, is to be read as feminine. Bibliography: a. its Prophet of working above the cartouche of Hatshepsut but above that of Thutmose 50. 2.3 Gift of Mrs. Frederick F. Hatshepsut 's work on the Satis at 1. 2. Hatshepsut and Thutmose rear wall of chamber (1972) compares these of the Twelfth Dynasty Dynasty actually have 118B; Franco 2001, p. 286 (note) Early i8th Dynasty, 2nd half of joint reign of 257, no. On Satis, see Valbelle 1981, pp. 112—27, ^rid Valbelle 1984. On Senwosret's temple, see Kaiser 1977, p. 66. Kaiser et "The fig. 5, Kaiser's fig. 4, far too large CAK C, one of the rooms decorated by Hatshepsut. 3. (a), reverse the inscription expression On Anukis, see Otto 1975a; Valbelle 198 1, especially On the menit necklace, see Staehelin 1982. On the atefcrown, see Goebs 2001, it is which bears on square-cut jasper ring south.*^ pp. 114-27. because have been worn by a woman. In contrast, the in 1908 CAK 1. something clearly royal favor rather than Horus of Nekhen (HierakonpoUs) Tjeni," may caverns at the First Cataract; Satis was linked the inundation; and Anukis was It mark of bestowed to Good God- (and) the she live!"' and has been having belonged to a foreign wife of Thutmose HI.^ Elephantine, and protection of the southern life, may on the "The Good God, underside of the scarab Thompson, 191 5 15.6.22 Winlock p. 125, fig. 5oa. Hayes 1959, p. 104 1948, p. 35, pi. xix, d; Hayes 1959, 66 (bottom row, second from right); Liiyquist 2003, pp. 181, 182 (with bibliography), no. 140, figs. 179, 184 (top row, right) been simi- of the Senwosret I structure (Gabolde 1998, pp. 137-40). 4. The Satis temple dates back to the Early Dynastic Period (Kaiser 1977, p. 65, fig. i), and it have served an astronomical as well as tion. appears to a cultic func- Hatshepsut's temple, the best preserved of the numerous rebuildings, has been the object of much study; see Wells 1985 and 1991. 5. On Khnum, ram or ram- usually depicted as a headed male, see Otto 1975b. The attested in the reign of Senwosret triad I was f). first (Valbelle 1984, coL 487). 6. These included ivory, ebony, and boxwood, exotic animals and animal skins, gold, and ostriches and ostrich eggs; see Valbelle 1981, pp. 96-97. 100 HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT 50a, b 50a, b, bases SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR TO PRINCESS NEFERURE In the early Eighteenth Dynasty, several men titles that single out entrusted with the upbringing of the royal children women and came into use.' Usually translated as Royal Nurse {mn't nswt) and Royal Tutor (mnf nswt), the titles appear only in the Eighteenth Dynasty. Both are derived from the word mena^ which means "to suckle"; the feminine interpreted literally, as "wet nurse."^ into the reigns of their nurslings Nurtured the A title can be number of Royal Nurses and gained a second title, One Who God Qdt ntf)? Because of their close bond with the reignwomen are often prominently represented in the tombs of husbands or sons, and at least One of these was burial in the Valley of the Kings. Sitre, who was ruler (see While the is Hatshepsut's nurse, buried in a tomb only a short distance from that of her role of a Royal is art Nurse somewhat more is relatively clear-cut, the office of difficult to define. In one representation a seen teaching archery to a prince; however, most images simply young The men seem to child, have acted sometimes a boy and sometimes at first as a guardians and later as over- This (cat. no. 60), is the III, first showing the close association between a Royal Tutor or Royal Nurse and a young member of the royal family, and the statue itself, Senenmut seated and Neferure on his Senenmut lap, is unique in pose. very clearly valued his relationship with the princess to a high degree, for he had not one but ten statues made of himself with her, including one that was carved out of the bedrock above his tomb chapel on Sheikh abd el-Qurna, in the vast necropolis of western Thebes It is in the Kingdom, form of a block in which a man is pulled up in front of him and shown seated wrapped princess, and holding her finger to her mouth, two a on the ground with in a cloak. To (fig. 47).^ from the Middle statue, a type that dates Senenmut added the small head of the depict the tutor with a girl. honor of signal fig. 75). Royal Tutor tutor two were given the from the years of Hatshepsut*s regency for Thutmose work of Egyptian lived ing king, these their statue that dates her nephew and Neferure 's half brother his knees this traditional form wearing a sidelock of hair artistic conventions that identify young child. The composition expresses Senenmut 's guardianship of the princess, whose small form, with her head tucked under pletely surrounded and thus protected by his large his chin, is com- enveloping one. This eloquent image became the one repeated later in the d3masty by tutors who seers of the physical and/or intellectual training of the maturing child (or wished to commemorate a relationship with a royal charge.^ Senenmut In a few cases a tutor, like female counterparts, himself commissioned six other block statues of this t3^e, at least five of children) in their care.'* was eventually granted the after his title One Who Nurtured the reign of first Thutmose evidence of II, Senenmut with Neferure. Block Fig. 48. Block statue of function Hatshepsut's husband and Neferure *s father. this relationship, Senenmut 's Theban tomb chapel (TT Agyptisches filled this and was probably appointed during however, comes stanie carved into the 71), early i8th in the form of a bedrock above Dynasty Senenmut with Neferure, early i8th Dynasty. Granite. Museum und Papyrussammlung, Berlin (2296) HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT set up in the temple of Amun at Karnak, whose estates he On the two best-preserved examples (see fig. 48), the title Royal which were oversaw. The most famous Royal Tutor was Senenmut, who Fig. 47. God Qdi ntr) charge became king. for Hatshepsut's daughter, Neferure, Our the Tutor does not appear in the inscriptions.^ Presumably it was considered unnecessary, for the statue itself embodied the tide. Two other statues depict Senenmut with Neferure. One of these, now Egyptian Museum in Cairo (fig. 49), shows Senenmut seated on in the Fig. 49. Senenmut with Neferure, Museum, Cairo (CG early i8th Dynasty. Granite. Egyptian Fig. 50. 421 16) Senimen holding Neferure and accompanied by Carved wife. tomb (TT the ground with one leg raised. lap, The small Neferure sits sideways on his her back against his knee, while Senenmut 's huge hands hold her snugly and protectively against his chest. This pose tional is based on tradi- images of a mother and child that date back nearly a thousand years to the age of pyramids. a tutor, when Senimen, who was a boulder above his The Only on one other occasion was also briefly a guardian tomb carved with final statue the image example (cat. no. 60), this is the him (cat. no. 61). him Like the only work of its kind. is the first Royal Tutor or Royal Nurse to depict himself together with his royal charge, the statues to Senenmut it seems natural to himself. This group is all attribute the idea for the more impressive because the representation in sculpture of a royal and a nonroyal person together is unprecedented and abrogates a number of seemingly invio- of Egyptian late rules art. These include the general conventions royal person, even a child, is royalty; that a royal individual undoubtedly inspired by the example of this with One (let depicting her divine birth. Senenmut 's is at work may owe also Deir el-Bahri. The his astonishing corpus Mistress of the is Two woman Lands, officials. Beyond of statuary indicate an innate talent that honors. '° Although Senenmut has no in designing image Hatshepsut *s temple in the temple (fig. 45) was he who provided ture, sculpture, have that, the is likely to at titles that state a direct involvement Deir el-Bahri, the presence of his and the evidence of his statues suggest that the inspiration for this monument, in which it struc- and landscape combine to form one of the world's great architectural masterpieces. CHR 1. its form to as the woman On this title, see ibid., pp. A longer version of the title is One Who Nurtured the Body of the God hZw ntr). On this title, see ibid., pp. 327-29. On the title Royal Tutor, see ibid., pp. 322-27. who nurtured the The miniature king 7. These king on the lap of an adult, used as a retrospective commemoration of a 314-21. {sdt 4. For more on a small Queen Ahmose- 3. For a The same composition of occurs in connection with 2. 5. lap. titles who had two nurses. For information on these titles and the individuals who held them, see Roehrig 1990. Nefertari, 6. on her "Chief Nurse Sitre, also called Inet."^ her former nursling, Hatshepsut. of a in The first evidence of the The lifesize statue is a bench with a miniature king seated sideways inscription identifies the to step toward his later great artistic creativity and capacity for innovation he demonstrated in alone touches) a person of lower rank. Museum's Egyptian Expedition among the fragments of statuary on which he seems first that a never touched except by another royal other unique sculptural Hatshepsut*s temple role of guardian to Neferure, acquired early in his career, was probably a represented in a larger scale than non- Senenmut. Many pieces of a statue were discovered by the Metropolitan sitting They were which once stood on the middle terrace in Hatshepsut 's temple, probably near the reliefs person or a deity; and that a royal person never interacts in an obvious way statue, have been recognized and rewarded with further responsibilities and Because of the variety and number of Senenmut 's tutor statues and the fact that he Dynasty 252), early i8th high position as one of Hatshepsut 's principal (fig. 50).^ representing Senenmut with Neferure shows striding forward, holding the princess before earliest of Neferure, had his above Senimen 's Theban nurse or tutor of the king, occurs in two later tomb paintings. used by it into a limestone boulder list this tomb, see "The Tombs of Senenmut" by Peter F. Dor man, below. of these statues, see Roehrig 1990, pp. 282-86. statues are now in the Agyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Museum, Cairo (CG 421 14). Berlin (2296), and the Egyptian 8. On Senimen, 9. Winlock 10. see Roehrig 1990, pp. 52-64, 280. 1932a, pp. 5, 10. See "The Statuary of Senenmut" by Cathleen A. Keller, below. SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR II3 6o 114 HATSHEPSUT AND HER COURT Senenmut Seated, 6o, seat records that the statue of the Lady of the with Neferure Two was made "as a favor Hatshesput." Hatshepsut probably gave up the Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose period of Hatshepsut III, (1479-1473 s regency D. 48 The EA God's Wife when she became king, and the statue can therefore be dated with relative cer- B.C.) tainty to the years Diorite H. 72.5 title when she served as regent for cm in.), W. 23.5 cm (9}^ in.), The (i8/s in.) Trustees of the British original placement of this statue unknown. The invocation Museum, London are given in the 174 Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479— 1458 B.C.) Diorite H. 53 cm (20^8 in.), W. 14 cm (5K in.), D. 26.5 offerings The is on the front Field Museum, Chicago, Gift of Stanley Field and Ernest R. Graham 173800 name of Amun, and seven aspects of the god are on the proper left side listed in the inscription of the seat. Therefore This Senenmut presents statue Neferure, in a pose that is carrying unique in the corpus This statue depicts Senenmut in his position as the statue probably stood guardian of Hatshepsut 's daughter, Neferure. precinct of Amun's temple, perhaps in the area ingly ajffectionate gesture of the princess, The of North Karnak, as one author has convinc- right princess sits on his lap, and he holds her close to his chest, enveloping her protectively in his cloak. Neferure wears her hair in a braided sidelock and holds her finger to her artistic There lips, two conventions that identify a young child. is as there no royal cobra, or uraeus, is at her brow, in all the other statues depicting somewhere Senenmut, Hatshepsut, and in the names were relatively The flat. before the periods when these almost no modeling around the upper on both figures the Senenmut 's title mouth One lids, Eaton-Krauss 1998; Eaton-Krauss 1999, pp. 117-20. is in the inscriptions, since implicit in the statue itself. inscription that runs down the front of the cloak identifies him as "Chief Steward of (in cartouche) Princess Neferure, Senenmut." An inscription on the proper right side of the The Provenance: Acquired stifF princess wears the sidelock of youth a scepter that is in Luxor young Neferure 's in 1906 left hand she holds sometimes connected with the goddess Hathor' and and in a slight smile. by the otherwise poses of the figures and their rigid gazes and the royal uraeus. In her may be associated with the acquisition of the title God's Wife, which she seems to have inherited from of Royal Guardian or Royal Tutor does not appear the relationship is the formal effect created straight ahead. attacked. CHR I. whose Senenmut 's shoulder. The gesture emphasizes the intimate relationship her eyes are huge, with encircles the seem- between Neferure and her guardian, softening with Senenmut. Both faces are very youthful and arm is names of suggesting that the statue was buried out of way of Egyptian statuary. Also notable Amun are all intact, ingly argued.' In the inscriptions the harm's cm (lo^s in.) Thutmose IIL cm Senenmut with Neferure 61. Lands, the God*^ Wife, Bibliography: London, pis. British 30—32; Hall 1928, pp. 1—2, pp. 30 (bibliography), 120-25, no. Dorman Museum pi. II; 2, 1914, Meyer 1982, 304-5 (text); 1988, pp. 118—19, ^45> 188—89 (bibliogra- phy); Roehrig 1990, pp. 71-72, 277-78; Fay 1995, pp. 12-13; Marianne Eaton-Krauss in 2001, pp. 120—21, no. 44 Russmann et al. her mother when Hatshepsut became Except for hands, heads, and Senenmut 's king. feet, both figures are enveloped in a large cloak that touches the ground on Senenmut 's left and that provides a wide, smooth surface for an inscription. From this inscription Senenmut 's name has 60, profile and back SENENMUT, ROYAL TUTOR II5 HATSHEPSUT'S MORTUARY TEMPLE AT DEIR EL-BAHRI Architecture as Political Statement Ann Macy Roth While Eighth Pylon ture for the procession."^ at Deir el-Bahri in western Thebes. This beauti- temple erected at the base of sheer limestone cHfFs was built according to her Djeser-djeseru, or "holy of holies," it own was intended of the cult that would ensure her perpetual site different constituencies within the and religious allusions Not only death. It is These address power and it would have communi- cated Hatshepsut 's message to contemporary observers. who combined one Amun, Amun-Re, Medinet Habu — upon At this the city of Thebes (fig. 63).^ at — this huge ceremonial rec- Hatshepsut either built or added to each of these temples.^ The temple at naded porticoes in the divine barque of Amun-Re from its bank of the Nile across the river to the cemeteries of the west bank, was assigned to home their ancestors. Amun-Re the Karnak temple on the The temple 's east central shrine rather than to Hatshepsut herself, probably in order to accommodate from Karnak, by at this festival. ritually associating the The procession two temples, emphasized bond between Hatshepsut and Amun-Re. The main axis of the b.c.).^ Mentuhotep of the second golden his, connection, the external appear- that flanked central ramps leading to terraces his ancestors and not known else- its local traditions. Another visible, external feature of Hatshepsut 's temple was colossal statuary. The its Osiride statues along the uppermost colon- nade and the sphinxes lining its causeway show none of the gender ambiguities found in Thus some of the smaller pieces. and external appearance Amun-Re and would to the — were all designed as a traditional, legitimate king, the successor to the great Mentuhotep, a ruler god and who had proper the support of revive Egyptian culture, bringing great to his city, Thebes. This clearly have appealed to the Few represent a most conspicuous features of Hatshepsut 's temple— location, show Hatshepsut honor They male king.^ the to who accompanied reunited Egypt at the end Egypt, and Hatshepsut was thus associating herself not by and the populace of Thebes, who as the founder this Theban form used by traditional, construction. This annual procession included the king, the B.C.), only with Mentuhotep but also with Thebes and Deir el-Bahri played the principal role in the where they honored 2051—2000 Mentuhotep had patterned his temple on the safftomb, (figs. 56, 89). its festivals, priests, II (r. Both of these suggested a con- ance of her temple echoed that of her predecessor's, with colon- Beautiful Festival of the Valley, an older festival clearly enhanced its its Hatshepsut implied to viewers that she was the founder of another Luxor, served as the end points festival processions that inscribed a the it, age of Egypt's history,^ and by placing her temple next to where main divinity of Thebes. These temples at architectural form. was probably already viewed Re, the sun god and traditional ruler of the gods, and the small temple of three Mentuhotep a local to Deir el-Bahri, Karnak temple, the Opet temple at tangle Thebes were dedicated took place in and around of the First Intermediate Period (2150—2030 a deity the its golden age. To emphasize the rituals and processions enacted in with that the temple's architecture and iconography but also time, four temples at activities that nection between Hatshepsut and the Eleventh Dynasty king Egyptian population and use to consolidate her Apart from the most conspicuous aspects of the Deir el-Bahri temple were location and home city, Thebes. of her Karnak, which was probably the point of depar- to serve as the life after lated expressions of Hatshepsut 's political agenda. at aligned with the front of Hatshepsut 's plans.' Called therefore not surprising that the temple contains carefully calcu- historical is her principal architectural achievement was her own monument, her Deir el-Bahri temple out Egypt in the course of her two-decade reign, mortuary temple ful terraced Hatshepsut built and restored temples through- message would Theban populace. ordinary Thebans, however, would ever have entered the temple to admire the relief decoration of the colonnades and the shrines of the upper terrace. Only the elite of Thebes joined bers of the court and officials from the capital city of mem- Memphis in 147 Fig. 63. Map of Thebes, showing the principal temples of the early i8th Dynasty and the routes of festival processions Dubll-Bahri Dkirkl-Mkdina Templi'iit Mtntuhotepll MM fK,tt>hLp<,u[ ASASU Mehenket-ankli (Temple orThutmose HI) ' * Temple »1 AmcnhiUcp I 1 I? CukivQud Land I: the north to participate in rituals for Hatshepsut and her father decoration on and the annual Beautiful Festival of the crown of Upper Egypt and smiting Nubians, while on the north Valley. he wore the red crown of Lower Egypt and defeated enemies from Asia or the Aegean. There was also a progression from the outside was placed on the early years (2465—2389 Dynasty, a period of strong kings of Re at Heliopolis, its who A particular focus innermost shrine, and its a in general roughly correlated with cipal axis was 148 Decoration on the exterior and near the including scenes of foreign wars or of hunting and fishing in the world its inside. stressed their ties to the far deserts in itself, whose center decoration was arranged cos- its its entrance showed places that were farthest from the temple, mographically.^ Both replicating and rationalizing the geography of the larger world, the temple had of a temple to of the Fifth B.C.) north of Memphis. An Egyptian temple was seen as lay at south side depicted the king wearing the white was invoked, alluding kings built impressive pyramids near Memphis. cult its of Egypt during the Old Kingdom, when powerful a very different set of historical precedents to the glory For these viewers, own cardinal points, actual orientation. which The prin- identified as the east-west path of the sun. hatshepsut's building projects The and Delta marshes. Such images represented the king's mastery over chaos. Inside the temple one encountered more ordered scenes of festivals and the king receiving ers, and finally, in gifts and prison- the innermost rooms, intimate scenes of the king offering to the gods. Hatshepsut 's temple consisted of an entry-level courtyard and two higher platforms, each reached by a central ramp. Colonnades flanked the ramps on each and a third pair of colonnades level, obeHsk on the colonnade below are boats bringing incense trees flanked the entrance to the highest platform. Behind these colon- and the other treasures back to Thebes, again depicted nearest the nades Hatshepsut placed the temple 's central ramp. reliefs that most explicitly bolstered On the walls of the northern colonnade at this level are the most her right to the throne and the equation of Thebes with Heliopolis.^ The iconography of the lower colonnades graphically arranged. (fig. 57:3) is On the lowest level, reHefs on the geo- explicitly political scenes, presenting Hatshepsut 's divine birth end wall and election to the throne of Egypt, events that would have taken of the southern colonnade depict Dedwen, the Lord of Nubia, place in northern Egypt, in the palace at Memphis. In the center holding a rope attached to a list of southern towns, each repre- sented as a crenellated oval with a Nubian head protruding from is and Hatshepsut is visited by Amun-Re in the guise conceived during their meeting. By this historical southern border of Egypt proper, the quarrying and load- ter of her royal father's body (and thus the legitimate heir to the ing onto boats of two monolithic obelisks for the temple of Karnak (see cat. no. 78). The the ramp, where Hatshepsut boats proceed northward toward is shown obelisks and the temple itself to the temple, she is in Thebes, presenting the Amun-Re. (Here, represented as a man.) Thus as throughout the colonnade encapsulates the geographic expanse from Nubia in the far south to the I, wall shows events that took place the top. at the The colonnade's back Hathsepsut's mother, Ahmose, of Thutmose Thebes itself, which appears next North of the ramp Hatshepsut is to the central ramp. depicted as a sphinx, smiting northern colonnade she is shown fishing marshes and offering statues and calves and fowling in the Delta to the gods, perhaps in daugh- had been called Son of Re since the tant because Egypt's kings Fourth Dynasty. Directly above the scene of Hatshepsut 's conception. Queen Ahmose is shown giving birth, and on scenes in which Hatshepsut is either side are presented to various gods and pro- claimed king of Egypt. The themes of Fifth and trampling on western Asians. In the central scenes of the identifies herself as the throne) and simultaneously as the daughter of Amun-Re, impor- border town of Elephantine, where the granite was quar- ried, to myth, Hatshepsut this level's decoration, Hke those below, have Dynasty antecedents. Scenes of a king's expedition have recently been found Sahure 's temple at at Abu Punt to and a Sir,"" narrative of divine conception and birth survives in a literary text, papyrus Westcar, which recounts the divine births of the kings of the Fifth Dynasty.'^ Part of the story is lost, first but it three seems Memphis. The scenes of stereotyped violence on the lower, outer- clear that most claim descent from Re. While the papyrus dates to the Seventeenth of the temple are ones that would normally appear on level narrative scenes and fishing and fowHng showing the transport of the obelisks in the marshes represent the king's order- its have antecedents also Fishing and fowling are in royal temples first of the Old Kingdom. attested in a fragmentary scene the Fifth Dynasty mortuary temple of Sahure Abu While the scene of transporting at Sir. has no exact parallel in the last (r. 2458-2446 obelisks (r. 2353—2323 To may have been the (fig. 57:5). '° the middle level again reflect geography Depicted on the south side is the trading mission that Hatshepsut sent to Punt, a land far to the south of Egypt whose exact location undertaken is still at the unknown.'' Previous voyages to Punt were height of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, to obtain exotic goods used in temple contexts, particularly incense. hills earlier times. On the southern end wall are images of Puntite villages and the exotic goods the Puntites offered the story, since was — Theban area, where the area of Deir el-Bahri. She a chapel dedicated to earliest is period as the wife and also an important mortu- she personified the western frequently identified as the Mistress of Punt, so her shrine 's proximity to the Punt colonnade was appropriate. To the north was a smaller shrine dedicated the jackal-headed a to Anubis nected with the use of his prince who was (fig. 57:6), god of mummification. Like Hathor, Anubis was mortuary god. His occurrence here, however, is probably con- name (Egyptian jnpw) to refer to the the designated heir to the throne, a role that Hatshepsut claims in the adjacent Birth colonnade.'^ Both Hathor and Anubis were particularly important rise Hatshepsut 's expedition would have recalled the glorious achieve- ments of honored from the ary goddess in the has scenes inspiration for Hatshepsut 's reliefs. The colonnades on (fig. 57:7), mother of the divine kings. Hathor was depicting the transport of granite columns for his mortuary temple and the south of these colonnades Hathor B.C.) from Aswan B.C.), must transmit an older it propagandistic motive only makes sense in the context of the from Old Kingdom, the causeway of Unis, king of the Fifth Dynasty B.C.), who Fifth Dynasty. ing of the natural environment for the satisfaction of the gods. They point was to glorify and legitimize these kings, Dynasty (1635 — 1550 the entrance pylons of temples. The more its of Osiris in the Thus late Fifth Dynasty. the middle terrace as a whole emphasizes divinity and the divinity of Hatshepsut 's kingship. to in the period before the combine within herself the It expresses Hatshepsut 's claim roles of Hathor (who was both the Egyptians; like the scenes in the lower terrace, these are set in a daughter of Re and the queen of the kingly god Horus) and foreign land, but here a peaceful trading partner rather than Anubis (the legitimate heir a chaotic enemy. Echoing the scene of boats transporting the on the two colonnades to the throne). are unified The narrative cycles by the divine scent of incense ARCHITECTURE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT I49 which means "to make divine") {s-ntr^ that pervades both. Punt is "god's land," source of incense trees; and prior to Hatshepsut's conception awakened by the divine smell of Amun-Re is husband's body, the same scent in her likes Ahmose with her," fills her The uppermost that, after which was terrace of Hatshepsut's temple, the priesthood, is members of carried a long inscription recount- ing Hatshepsut's coronation, while the southern colonnade con- (now mostly tained offering scenes of obliterated of the colonnades' later kings). In front mummiform by the inscriptions pillars are colossal statues of Hatshepsut in the guise of Osiris (fig. 59). Three groups of shrines open on the upper terrace. The Theban scenes of the of Opet on the east. off the central court itself (fig. 57:9) colonnaded court is Cut also III. contained Thutmose I and with the on the north wall and the festival into the west wall of the courtyard were is complete. Hatshepsut, her father, and other and Re. Thus the emphasis queen herself The gods. (fig. 57:12), with Hatshepsut's Eighth Pylon, which in to Amun, was aligned this on family is an open-air Egypt. cult place altar was equated with all Throughout reHefs of the Old Kingdom glyphic writing includes (fig. 57:11), Thutmose in the Valley of the Kings, southwest of 20 Deir el-Bahri, which The double chapel of Hatshepsut and Thutmose contained I east-west offering chapels. Large false doors of red granite stood at their western ends (see cat. no. 87 for Thutmose I's), surmounted by scenes of piled offerings. side walls present mirror images. owner of the an offering a mortuary To The chapel, seated before a table of list, and ritual. priests reliefs on the longer the west they depict the tall loaves of bread, performing the sequential actions of Farther east are three registers of offering Some of the The hiero- often indi- captions also and Fifth Dynasty (inside Dynasty (outside the tem- appealed, respectively, to the it) officials, period of glory familiar to each. With its by where she reflecting a past references to Thebes, where Hatshepsut's family originated, and also to Memphis, two great periods of Egyptian ruled, the temple ties history and the two most important cities of the Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt into a — harmonious whole. This tying together reflected theme indeed, the unification of Upper and Lower a cyclical refoundation of the Egyptian state symboli- renewed by each new king. cally The and on the eastern walls facing them, scenes of cattle being butchered were style. temple cosmologically and geographically within the Egyptian universe. Allusions to the Eleventh a very old Hatshepsut intended for herself and her father. is programs locate Hatshepsut's architecture and decorative Theban populace and Memphite Tomb who cating a plural with the tripled determinative rather than the three ple) corresponding to I, and in proportions many Old Kingdom spellings, the north To the south was the double chapel dedicated to Hatshepsut and her father not only between the temple, the elegant raised relief resembles may have of Heliopolis in northern ties royal ancestors. To served the cult of the sun god Re, in the city Amun-Re colossal Osiride statues along the colonnade identify period served as the principal entrance to Karnak temple. members of her Hatshepsut with the ancestral king Osiris, the dead god Its The cult places surrounding the courtyard were also geographi- offer to Hatshepsut's earthly relatives but between her family and the have Old Kingdom antecedents.'^ (fig. 57:10), offering to family are the recipients of offerings, as are the gods (cat. no. 83; fig. 61). whose main shown On the upper terrace, the process of making Hatshepsut divine members of Hatshepsut's family as well as to the of Amun-Re.'"^ strokes that later replaced such tripling. The central shrine of members reliefs his mother, Seniseneb, are niches decorated with offering scenes, which were dedicated to cally arranged. Smaller chapels around Hatshepsut's family, including one chapel to the north where decorated with festivals, located geographically, Beautiful Festival of the Valley and Thutmose II open sun court the the govern- not as well preserved as the lower The northern colonnade areas. Thutmose Anubis while Hatshepsut and her mother, Ahmose, own body.^' accessible only to the highest- ranking ment and he "does what he those of allusions to the early Fifth have been meant to emphasize an Dynasty in the decoration earlier juxtaposition. It ing the Fifth Dynasty that the city of Heliopolis, with the sun state, may was dur- its cult of god Re, became the religious center of the Egyptian forming a counterpart Memphis. In Hatshepsut's to the reign, "Southern Heliopolis," marking it nearby administrative capital Thebes began as the to at be called same kind of religious cen- Dynasty kings had legitimized bringers and registers of piled offerings above. This arrangement ter. of scenes by claiming divine birth and glorifying the city of their divine father, Sixth is identical to the layout of east- west offering chapels in Dynasty nonroyal chapels, a layout rowed from that probably 150 is mostly lost, depictions in Re, Hatshepsut — by invoking their monuments their rule —communicated to her court the parallel status that her construction projects earlier prototypes.'^ While the decoration of the northern court dedicated cult was bor- Just as the early Fifth its to the sun entrance vestibule include hatshepsut's building projects and program of ritual processions conferred upon both herself and the city of her divine father, Amun-Re. 1. The fact that Hatshepsut's father, Thutmose honored I, is in the temple 8. might suggest that building was begun by him, particularly to those who accept John Romer's arguments that Valley of the Kings (see Romer by Catharine H. Roehrig Thutmose I began Tomb 20 1974 and "The 1908, pt. 6, p. 9, pi. CLXViii), so previous Zygmunt Wysocki where Thutmose terrace, Thutmose name Thutmose depicting to 2. work could only have been name with replaced Hatshepsut's III II as the initial builder. that Kemp of to Hatshepsut. Rainer structed by Seti I in their (1294—1279 B.C.) While the oldest of these three names, for program but does not later and Ramesses II (r. 1279— 1213 12. which — other two the festival of Opet and the decade Amun of Opet visited Medinet Habu Hatshepsut. temple, its —were perhaps The Opet feast is first attested in barque shrine and at B.C.). of the Valley, Deir el-Bahri (Murnane 1982, inscriptions Some kingly later shrine's original builder (Habachi 1965). Medinet Habu every ten days tion of Hatshepsut's small is ple itself, however, hints These two newer festivals may themselves have festivals had perhaps fallen into journeys. axis stations on of Karnak temple and extending it Although it is 17. type offering There seems cults Harvey is and Moss 1978, pp. 522—37. This patinvariable in the early Sixth Dynasty, have been used to in the royal mortuary as seen in the first depiction when cult of Re increased in importance Amarna period the family of Akhenaten For example, those quoting the shouts of the boatmen. There to a phyle organization in the palace in Naville LXXiii, as discussed in Kingdom 19. is made parallels are given in Stadelmann (1979, 1894- 1908, A. M. Roth 1991, pp. 194-95. nautical term tS-wr identifies facade of in the later Eighteenth was given great prominence (Dorothea Arnold 1996). 18. feet (170 of a royal fam- small Third Dynasty shrine of Djoser in Heliopolis, in the Fourth Dynasty, Hatshepsut The in throughout Egyptian history between sun to be a correlation Deir el-Bahri axis runs parallel to Karnak's axis about 550 seems and an emphasis on family, prototj^e for the at list (A. M. Roth 1993), and during the the transverse 1978, pp. 34—35). cited in Porter and early Fifth Dynasties, when the toward Luxor, was presumably con- Weeks on both colonnades were pointed out example, the chapels of Mereruka and Kagemni in the pyramid cemetery, ily in the often said that the main axis of Hatshepsut's temple aligns in the is a reference pt. 3, pis. lx, A reference to the Old same volume A. M. Roth 1991, (pi. Lxxiii). p. 27. has suggested the importance of Heliopolis as a p- 321) New Kingdom temples at Thebes. Kees (1949, p. 434) an inscription of Hatshepsut the term jwnw srrfw at Deir el-Bahri as the (Upper Egyptian Heliopolis) first to refer to the use of Theban her Eighth Pylon, the earliest of the monumental gateways built along the area {Urkunden 4, p. 361). In addition to the historical allusions to the transverse axis of Karnak temple to emphasize the processional route to Fifth Luxor temple, Kingdom, Hatshepsut's is also about 550 feet south of Karnak's it main axis (see the plan in Golvin 1987, p. 202, pi. and runs Hyksos from more plausibly, the Egyptian Delta and, for the rebuilding of Egypt after the depredations of their rule. For a recent edition and translation of the inscription making this claim, see 6. In the depiction of the Ramesseum, Ahmose New I, First Hatshepsut's grandfather and the Dynasty unifier is shown P. Allen 2002. first king of the as a statue together with of Egypt, and Mentuhotep, suggesting that three were regarded as founders of golden ages. The texts that labeled J. Wildung 1969, pp. 11— 12. these colossal statues often contained feminine references, but these inscriptions would not have been visible to viewers outside the temple. rise of Heliopolis as the religious center of the Old reliefs also allude in their subject lection of incense (important in Punt matter to the god Heliopolitan themes: the divine birth of the children of Re; the col- where the incense rises in the east, land all rituals, on an open altar to but particularly in solar religion, cense the god himself) from of the rising sun; and particularly the transportation of obelisks, symbols of the Heliopolitan of Min in the Nineteenth Dynasty Kingdom's Eighteenth Dynasty, Menes, the all festival Dynasty and the Re and i). Hatshepsut claimed a similar feat by taking credit for her grandfather's expulsion of the Levantine 7. parallels, see, for with that of Karnak temple, surveys have shown that an extension of the roughly parallel to 5. For Old Kingdom meters) to the south (see the plan in summary of a (Altenmiiller 1967, pp. 17-18), and other elements of the standard scenes nected to the Opet festival. 4. unknown. For is interesting suggestions, see Feucht probably occurred there as well. their processional Her construction of the Eighth Pylon, beginning some temples of the early Fifth Dynasty kings Sahure and Neferirkare the revived older traditions, rest references to incense The A/B abeyance or degenerated into small where the barques could name of the god tern of offering-chamber decoration hidden (col. 1256). B.C.). The Teti emphasized them on her Theban monuments and seems to have built numerous way 16. The plan of the tem- Dynasty (1981-1802 provincial affairs during the Twelfth to the title Kingdom Art and 2003. end points were already in place. These since the temples that served as their Theban although Luxor Eleventh Dynasty forebear the recent discussions of the term and 15. Medinet Habu temple suggests that it may already at a possible and 2004. What links The procession of Amun of Opet to col. 1258). 31, For a recent publication, see Blackman 1988. attested only in later periods, but the orienta- have taken place in her reign (Stadelmann 1980, trees in pots, Puntites, 1995, pp. 503-12. by was May 13. Middle Kingdom that Hatshepsut in location. its 14. incorporated into the colonnaded Luxor temple, suggesting II at from the species offish depicted These scenes from Sahure's temple include myrrh Archaeology, Prague, on Hatshepsut's tides with feminine endings occur in on the barque shrine court of Ramesses col. 574), in the to judge presented by Tarek el-Awady at the Conference on Old festival in initiated representations end point, probably already existed (Borchardt 1896). Punt clearly lay on the Red Sea, boats bringing exotic animals back to Egypt. Information about them was festivals appears to go back to the Eleventh Dynasty (2124-1981 B.C.) (Graefe 1986, col. 187), the with the solar sym- these scenes. Both East Africa and the west coast of the Arabian Penninsula Theban temples con- festivals, the Beautiful Festival capital its the hnhn stone so important in the earlier part of the Fifth Dynasty. 11. Stadelmann (1978) demonstrates similar orientations and connections, particularly — have been suggested as (1989, pp. 201-5) discusses this ritual draw on Naville 1894-1908. that follow Hatshepsut's scenes would thus have combined Unis's narrative of transporting materials from the borders of Egypt to honor his early work on the temple. Barry by the Eighteenth Dynasty. The descriptions of scenes bol of the obelisk by Hatshepsut emphasize the connection of these four buildings and their attendant 3. ID. in the Some wall decoration area could have been inserted II in this (Naville 1894- lished 9. (1992) suggests that changes in the upper Thutmose point to II, suggest that the patterns evident in later temples were already well estab- Two Tombs of Hatshepsut" discovered in the middle colonnade bear Hatshepsut*s early stages. in situ decoration dating before the reign of Hatshepsut, extant fragments in the volume). However, the foundation deposits in this Although there are comparatively few Egyptian temples with well-preserved cult. This evocation of the Memphite gods in Thebes was later continued by Thutmose Re at III in his Karnak. complex of smaller temples around the temple of Amun- He built a temple to the north (significantly) of the principal temple dedicated to the Memphite god Ptah, and another, farther Heliopolitan form of Re. their counterparts at the The high priests of both bore much larger temples in m3ow, respectively (Kees 1949, the same the north: hrp east, to the titles as hmwt and wt p. 430). ARCHITECTURE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT I5I 78. symbol of the union of Upper and Lower Fragment of an Obelisk The names and images of Hatshepsut Egypt. Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, year i6 (1463 B.C.) in.), W. 42 cm (16/2 in.), D. 46 cm Boston, Gift of the Heirs of Francis Cabot Lowell, 1975 75.12 the pyramidal top of the southern obelisk, Provenance: 1975 jubilee, or in year 16, Sed festival, Aswan.' The two great monoliths, each nearly 100 feet tall (29.5 m),'' were carved with scenes depicting Hatshepsut and her co-regent, Thutmose III, set up Bibliography: W. S. Thomas Thus when he still stands, but at some time upper part of the southern obelisk Relief decoration in the southern portico false fell obelisks that were quarried earlier in Hatshepsut *s depicted wearing male CHR hatshepsut's building projects Ostracon with Drawing of Queen of Punt 20th Dynasty, ca. 11 50 B.C. H. 14 cm In setting up obelisks at Karnak, Hatshepsut (5^ Agyptisches in.), W. 8 cm (3/3 in.) Museum und Papyrussammlung, Museen zu Berlin 21442 was following a tradition begun by her father, Thutmose seems to I. Before commissioning her own she have erected a pair commissioned by her II (Gabolde 1987a; Gabolde 2003, pp. 417-22, 430-35)2. the beard of a king, and the double crown, a the Staatliche 1. husband, Thutmose attire, 79. Limestone reign and were also set up at Karnak. and 78 152 at Deir el-Bahri depicts the transport of two other the fragment from the southern obelisk, is his systematic of the lower terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple many pieces. Hatshepsut began 1995, p. 175, no. 77 images on these two obelisks were preserved.^ Fourth and Fifth Pylons. The northern obelisk On this later Smith 1942; Habachi 1977; on her monuments, her names and in the temple of Amun at Karnak, between what we now call the broke into encased the bases of appearing before or offering to Amun-Re. They were of the pair III Thebes, Karnak temple; acquired in Joyce L. Haynes in N. Hatshepsut ordered two obelisks from the granite quarries at next to the sacred lake at renovation of the area, some time after her attack To commemorate her lies Hatshepsut 's two obelisks in stone during his death. which she celebrated a distance. which now Karnak. Thutmose (18/8 in.) Museum of Fine Arts, from remain intact on both obelisks, as seen also on Granite H. 106 cm (41^ temple, their inscriptions were probably not legible Habachi 1977, ern obelisk 3. is p. 60, where the weight of the north- visible tion recorded in the commemorated first such expedi- New Kingdom. Hatshepsut the expedition in reliefs deco- rating the southern portico of the middle terrace given as 323 tons. Although the obelisks were In year 9 of her reign, Hatshepsut sent an expedition to the land of Punt, the from outside the of her temple at Deir el-Bahri (see Ann Macy Roth's essay, above). Particular attention was 81 taken to represent the local houses, unlike anything seen in Egypt, as well as animals, plants, and trade goods that would be transported back Egypt. to The Egyptians also carefully depicted the people of Punt, with their distinctive clothing, jewelry, facial features, hairstyles, ral beards worn by the is a block king, Parehu, and his wife, Ati. especially interested in the The with her curved spine and heavy may be This was artist the queen, rolls of flesh. an attempt to depict an extreme form of what may showing the body of is now termed steatopygia; or some cultures as con- This limestone chip, or ostracon, was used pad by an artist who was particularly taken with the distinctive image of It Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose Thutmose III (1479- 1458 B.C.) Limestone Hatshepsut H. 10 cm Queen was painted some three hundred years III (1479-1458 B.C.) Painted limestone W. (4 in.), The Syndics of the 13.2 cm H. 41 cm (5/8 in.) Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge (16/8 in.), W. 29 cm (iiYs in.), Rogers Fund, 1936 36.3.271 The woman Ahmose, represented on this fragment the principal queen of Thutmose I Ati. after intact, some times, for details unknown were altered reasons. wig of short, curled locks was changed to a lappet is and is in ancient Ahmose 's original that covered her ears wig with a vulture This relief Asasif, in Temple. It fragment was uncovered the in depicts the creator gods, at the god Atum, one of Egypt's left, investing Hatshepsut with royal regalia. Both the god and Hatshepsut wear the double crown that symbolizes the headdress, and her baton, which would have union showing the Punt expedition were been similar to the one held by her granddaugh- Hatshepsut 's crown also has a uraeus who interest to those generations visited the temple still of many chr later. ter Neferure in catalogue no. formed 61, was trans- chr into a lily scepter. Lower area of Hatshepsut 's Valley the time of Hatshepsut and indicates that the reliefs cm D. 7.8 (3/8 in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, E.G.A. 3 100.1943 mother of Hatshesput. Although the face noting prosperity.' as a sketch Atum and it simply show that the queen was obese, a condition understood in Relief Fragment Depicting 81. Queen Ahmose and natu- men. The most famous section of the Punt reliefs Relief Fragment with 8o, between Upper and Lower Egypt. at the brow. Her face was probably hacked off during the later reign of her nephew Thutmose III. CHR I. The queen's body may also have represented a Provenance: Western Thebes, south wall of the combination of the two. For a discussion of these upper court of Hatshepsut 's temple conditions and other possible artistic representa- given by R. G. Gayer- Anderson in 1943 at Deir el-Bahri; tions of them, see Ghalioungui 1949. of Art excavations, 1935-36, acquired Bibliography: Provenance: Western pi. Thebes, Deir el-Medina; Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft excavations, 1913 Provenance: Western Thebes, Lower Asasif, site of Hatshepsut *s Valley Temple; Metropolitan Museum xxxvii, fig. Mysliwiec 1976, pp. 87; Vassilika 1995, pp. 46-47, no. 19 Bibliography: Lansing and Hayes fig. 4; Bibliography: Dietrich in the division of finds 51, 54, Hayes 1937, p. 4, 1959, p. 89 Wildungin Wildung 1997b, pp. 144-45, no. 145 (with bibliography) architecture as political statement 153 Three Reliefs Depicting 82. Running Soldiers Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479-1458 b.c.) Painted limestone cm W. a. H. 31 b. H. 32.5 cm (12/4 in.), W. 39 c. H. 33.5 cm (13J4 in.), W. 59 (12/4 in.), Agyptisches Staatliche 41.5 cm (16^/8 in.) cm (15^8 in.) cm (23)^ in.) Museum und Papyrussammlung, Museen zu Berlin (a) 18542, (b) 14141, (c) 14507 These reliefs come from the east wall of the upper terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple Bahri, Opet the Deir at el- where they were part of a large scene of Karnak which the image of the god festival/ in Amun was transported from his temple at to the temple of Luxor, a few miles to the south. In this earliest representation of the festival, groups of jubilant soldiers are depicted running both north (left) and south (right) in celebration. Relief (a) shows Egyptian soldiers, painted red, the conventional color for and carrying art, Two are throw armed with stick,^ men in Egyptian branches for the tree battle-axes festival. and one with a and a fourth carries a standard The Nubian depicting two horses. soldiers rep- resented on relief (b) are painted brown, their facial features differ slightly from those of the Egyptians, and each carries a bow and arrows as well as a battle-axe. Relief (c), like (a), depicts Egyptian soldiers armed with throw axes. One at the front holds a fan. sticks The gular patches on the back of the soldiers' suggest that they wear ment 1. 2. kilts a protective leather gar- two found similar to Kings (see and rectan- in the Valley of the chr cat. no. 36; fig. 27). Lipihska 1974, pp. 163-67. These are often called boomerangs, but unlike true boomerangs, Egyptian throw designed to return sticks are not when they miss their mark. Provenance: Western Thebes, upper terrace Hatshepsut 's temple at Deir el-Bahri; of (a) acquired in 1907, (b) acquired in 1898, (c) acquired in 1900 Bibliography: 82a, h. Porter and pp. 375-76; Lipinska 1974, pp. raphy); Karl-Heinz Priese pp. 1 16-17, nos. 16, 17; Moss m Agyptens Aufsdeg 1987, Laura Donatelli ndVantico Egitto 1990, pp. 84-86, no. 3; Wildung in Wildung 1997b, pp. 146—47, Grimm and 82c. Porter Schoske 1999a, and Moss 1972, 1972, 166-67 (with bibliogin Arte Dietrich nos. 146, 147; p. 58, no. 14 p. 375; Lipihska 1974, pp. 164—65 (with bibliography); Karl-Heinz Priese in Priese 1991, pp. 76-77; Janusz Karkowski in Geheimnisvolle Konigin Hatschepsut 1997, p. 113, no. 13; 154 Grimm and Schoske 1999a, p. 58, no. 14 hatshepsut's building projects 81c Relief Fragment Depicting the Deified King Thutmose I 83. Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose (1479-1458 B.C.) III Painted limestone H. 41 cm W. 46 cm (i6/a in.), (iS/s in.) Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim 4538 Thutmose Hatshepsut 's father, I, is depicted wearing an elaborate crown made up of two feathers, ram*s horns with a sun disk, and cobras. The curved beard of a god that this relief is is at his chin indicates an image of the deified king. The from Hatshepsut *s Deir el-Bahri temple, probably from one of the small niches along the west wall of the upper terrace (see fig. 61).' CHR I. N. Strudwick 1985, p. 15, citing Provenance: Western Thebes, temple 1981. Hatshepsut 's Deir el-Bahri at Bibliography: Moss Wiebach 1972, p. 355, Steindorff 1900, where the from the Anubis shrine 1997, p. 55, and cover Porter and thought to be Hatshepsut 's temple; Peck in ill.; fig. 17; relief is Schulz and Seidel 1998, p. 185, no. 71 Relief Fragment Depicting Hatshepsut, Recarved as 84, Thutmose II Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479- 145 8 reworked B.C.), later Limestone H. 44 cm (17/3 in,), W. Musees Royaux d'Art 33 cm (13 in.) et d'Histoire, Brussels E 3044 The king is shown wearing the squared-off false beard of a living pharaoh and the atef crown crown of Upper Egypt flanked by two the white ostrich feathers and combined with a pair of ram's horns, a sun disk, and a uraeus brow. At the back of the crown sentation of the god Horus Although the cartouche is the at a small repre- in falcon form. that is partially pre- served in the upper right corner of this relief was recarved of Thutmose in antiquity II, with the throne the hieroglyphs to the the cartouche, an ankh followed ending ti depicted (may she was name left of by the feminine live), indicate that the originally Hatshepsut. The king profile of the face has also been altered. The recarving was presumably done by order of Thutmose after Hatshepsut 's death. III chr THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT Cathleen A. Keller Any investigation of the statues of Hatshepsut must begin her temple Deir joint reign. with the examples recovered from her temple at el- Bahri, for, although in a ruined state, they constitute the largest corpus of surviving images known Moreover, since they derive from a tion to date from her common site, reign.' regional varia- not an issue.^ Finally, the fact that a significant proportion is of the Deir el-Bahri corpus is made up of architectural statuary allows us to use the temple 's construction history to devise a sty- framework listic for the freestanding statues. In 1979 Tefnin published a chronology of the stylistic development of Hatshepsut 's statuary that rests Roland and iconographic upon the stylistic changes manifested by three series of engaged limestone statues Deir el-Bahri.^ These are all associate the king with Osiris Osiride figures, that and thus present him The development Tefnin ruler. is, posits as a deceased began with four the sanctuary and proceeded outward, first at statues that to the ten statues in examples enclosed within niches in the rear (west) wall of the upper terrace (like cat. no. 74), and then to the twenty-six statues that fronted the upper terrace portico.'^ This sequence reflects Tefnin *s hypothesis that the embeUishment of the temple was parts of the temple (on the west), initiated in the inner which were most important terms of ritual, and culminated, with some exceptions, at the in outer sculptures of whose Osirides possess close stylistic Thutmose II's reign:^ vertical plays against the a affinities round face and with straight nose emphatic horizontals of the widely spaced eyes and broad mouths In both, the distinct smile (fig. 64) creates a relatively benign expression. Similar features appear, for example, in a relief that shows Hatshepsut on a limestone block from Karnak sanctuary Osirides have skin that ally is reflect aspects As we titles while retaining female will show, these feminine 158 both the Karnak and Gebel other, stylistically related mary characteristics epitomized in (cat. nos. 95, 96) and in works from the same temple. '° The of this stylistic pri- phase are the individuation of Hatshepsut 's appearance (as distinct from earlier depictions of her in the generalized style of her immediate predecessors) and a unique combination of feminine The of royal power. this phase, traits with masculine symbols face lengthened and, at the beginning of sometimes took on a geometric appearance; later a broadening across the cheekbones, coupled with a narrow, sometimes pointed, chin, created a heart-shaped countenance. brows in the works of this phase arch high above the almond-shaped eyes; the nose begins to assume a profile; the lips more serious. figures become These thinner; The slightly tilted distinctly curved and the expression tends to be characteristics are shared by the Osiride from the west wall niches of the upper terrace and the two limestone depictions of Hatshepsut as a (cat. no. 74) maned sphinx (cat, no. 89). The seated images of Hatshepsut are among the most interest- tion. They do not constitute a series, but rather are a group of iconographically and stylistically unique images united solely by their seated pose. their The meaning and other statues in question are true series, and effect depend at least partly on this fact. Thus each series expresses a different concern: the devotional pair represent the permanence of adoration; the donor images stand for maintenance of the temple's protection; and the Osirides offer may forms would be replaced by increasingly masculinized representations, evident in her seated statues from Deir el-Bahri is yellow, the color tradition- Hatshepsut 's decision, for a brief time early in the co- (fig. 38). 9 male and the adoption of full kingly iconography multiplication of the offering ritual; the sphinxes suggest the 11.^ used for representations of females. This color choice regency period, to adopt kingly transformation of Hatshepsut 's figure from female to final The queen of Thutmose as chief Deir el-Bahri, throughout the remainder of the ing portrayals of her, for they exhibit the greatest individual varia- (eastern) part of the temenos, or sacred enclosure.'' The sanctuary The at el-Silsila shrines as well as in hatshepsut's building projects proof of the repetition of the jubilee." The seated ever, depict the single recipient of a cult ritual, statues, how- and with their nuanced variations, these images must represent the peak achieve- ment of Hatshepsut *s stylistic, textual, sculptors at the time they were made. Their and iconographic differences also account for the position of primary importance they occupy for historians and art profile seen on most statuary from Deir el-Bahri; these appear to be associated with the male Hatshepsut. The three remaining seated statues probably are the earliest surviving three-dimensional portrayals of Hatshepsut as a male ruler. that The is, crystalline limestone statue shows her male, regalia but with a torso that (cat. no. 96). The face distinctly heart is is in full kingly, extremely feminine shaped and displays the remnants of a very prominent nose. These features and the change in royal statue. iconography suggest a date Again the later than that of the granite texts retain referents that are chiefly feminine. The next example, an over-lifesize granite image, preserves a much enlarged, one might say flagrant, nemes headcloth and a defemi- ninized torso (fig. 66). While some of the inscription's epithets exhibit feminine gender endings, the primary titles are rendered in their traditional masculine form. The headless torso and legs of a small black porphyritic diorite portrayal of a male king completes the corpus of seated images Although the work lacks Fig. 64. Over-lifesize of her temple at texts that identify it (fig. 67). as a representation head of an Osiride statue of Hatshepsut from the sanctuary Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. Limestone. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, historians from Deir el-Bahri alike, 1931 (31.3,155) both as exemplars of the development of Hatshepsut's kingly iconography and as indicators of the evolution of style in the joint reign, during which Hatshepsut 's image became increasingly masculine and was invested more and more with male kingship symbolism.'^ Recent studies of Hatshepsut 's transition from chief queen of Thutmose regent of Thutmose III confirm the II to stylistic regent and later co- and iconographic evi- dence provided by the seated images: Hatshepsut assumed male guise only after she had already taken a Two earlier that of the two is kingly titulary/^ The thought to be the badly damaged diorite statue shows Hatshepsut cloth, sheath dress, is full seated images portray Hatshepsut in female dress. in fully feminine guise, wearing a khat head- amulet necklace, and other jewelry (fig. 65). It inscribed with her complete royal titulary and uses feminine gender endings throughout. Hatshepsut 's kingly status ever, indicated shows her headcloth more emphatically in female dress (cat. no. 95). are poorly preserved, is, how- in the granite seated statue that and jewelry but with the royal nemes Although the texts inscribed we can determine on this work that her titulary also uses feminine epithets. In facial features this statue represents a departure from the received artistic style of her predecessors, but it does not exhibit the heart-shaped face, pointed chin, and aquiline Fig. 65. Lifesize statue of Hatshepsut in female guise headcloth, early i8th Dynasty. Diorite. New York, Rogers Fund, and wearing the khat The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1930 (30.3.3) THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT I59 of Hatshepsut scribed — — its was the belt buckle gesting that Perhaps his attacks on sculpture in the temple back and seat are unin- made attacked, sug- masculine in form, it represents the comple- Hatshepsut 's is full any event, Thutmose transformation into a on monumental a The scale. is into a expressed ing (cat. no. all own from a most this facial features. pieces to into group are the superhuman scale To this end, he and occasion- titles, and erasing her cartouches removed from sacred ground and tossed The fragments of the temple east that were thrown into the hole south of Hatshepsut 's causeway served the works immediate male 11.'^ two open quarries located precincts. '9 dis- Among striking characteristics of the his and from them. Once they were destroyed, he had the tance by means of their heroic proportions and exaggerated I her entire figure from the temple 's relief dec- striking off their uraei open courts of the temple and to impress viewers Thutmose oration. Before destroying her three-dimensional some of these were intended in the dramatic In images, he did away with her kingly status by can be classified as archi- tectural statuary, for they hold their ally 94) and kneel- (cat. nos. 92, 93).'^ Although are freestanding, Amun. seems to have planned removed Hatshepsut 's name, best-preserved and the colossal figures of the king shown standing III memorial temple for predecessors, examples are the Osirides from the upper portico (figs. 59, 68) reluctant to to convert Hatshepsut 's temple, Djeser-djeseru, best embodied, however, in which her male aspect may have been it undertak- destroy an entire temple dedicated to the colossal statuary from the temple at Deir el-Bahri, in Moreover, he ing. tion of Hatshepsut 's metamorphosis. kingship icon a virtue out of necessity, since tearing down would have been an enormous did indeed portray her. Fully it as for the fill own in causeway leading Despite Thutmose of the to Thutmose Ill's temple, Djeser-Akhet.^° Ill's campaign of destruc- both the number and the variety of the muscular development of the male torsos; tion, the completely male kingly dress; and the ues of Hatshepsut that survive are impressive. If enlarged and simplified facial features appro- the attitudes of these statues are traditional, their priate to the colossal scale of the figures. appearance ''^ In Although the by masculine fully imagery with innovative elements that render the portico Osirides and granite Fig. 66. Over-lifesize statue of sent a separate embodies it probably does not repre- artistic The Granite, Art, phase but rather a specific application Metropolitan New York, Rogers Fund, ends. sions (cat. no. 91) of works that are over lifesize. from the small number and While it is clear, relatively early date of the depictions of Hatshepsut as female that this The time-honored method of usurping stat- was insuflicient if they were to the Deir el-Bahri statuary represent anyone else, so it be rededicated to Thutmose I or was simply too much Hatshepsut el-Bahri statuary have already been mentioned, certain nomy was unusual attributes should be highlighted here. The retained and remains clearly recognizable. Thus, the is a single, statuary (cat. nos. 92—94) and the smaller red granite figures festival, (cat. no. 91). form.''' Thutmose III began a deliberate program of damnatio memoriae directed against regent;'^ his central goal Hatshepsut 's claims to kingly temple 160 at his former co- was the eradication of any status. trace of Her splendid mortuary Deir el-Bahri was a primary target of hatshepsut's building projects this campaign. more five series of limestone Osiride statues from Hatshepsut 's temple conform to without doubt that of the same person represented in the colossal reign, to Although some of the innovative features of Hatshepsut 's Deir type of image was superseded by face of the seated female figure in catalogue no. 96, for example, II had to be destroyed. the male icon, the essential appearance of her distinctive physiog- About year 42 of his III ues by simply altering the inscriptions on them or extremely simplified small ver- lifesize was made when he sought to adapt Djeser-djeseru to his own 1927 (27.3.163) of the male it Hatshepsut statuary unusable by Thutmose Museum of kingship icon. Most of the statues in this cate- gory are either well over unique and perhaps these very touches of originality that Hatshepsut as king, early i8th Dynasty. development, it uniquely expressive of Hatshepsut. Indeed, statuary has been interpreted as a relatively late anything but predictable, for each combines a time-hallowed conventional posture short, these are Hatshepsut supersized. exhibited is stat- new type, in which the upper body or jubilee, cloak and the lower is covered by a Sed- body and legs are mummi- Although they were broadly modeled on two protoypes at the freestanding, cloaked statues of Mentuhotep II Deir el-Bahri — and the engaged mummiform Osirides of Amenhotep I (see fig. 9) Hatshepsut 's Osirides grasp four implements, two in each 'nh and nhoho scepter in the flail left in the proper right (see fig. fist: the and the hqo crook and wZs 68)." This combination of implements is Not only her Osirides entirely unique to Hatshepsut 's statuary. but also Hatshepsut's small kneeHng figures from Deir el-Bahri present unusual elements, namely, the nemset vase, the djed and the prominent khat (see pillar, cat. no. 91). A fragmentary sandstone nurse statue found at Deir el-Bahri is male Hatshepsut also unusual. Here, a miniaturized known the lap of the Royal Nurse, Sitre, also arranged at right angles to each other. shown on is as Inet, their bodies Although statues featur- ing a large figure and a small one juxtaposed in this manner had been known since the Old Kingdom, they were usually reserved for depictions of the king The on the lap of his mother or a goddess. adaptation of the type here to depict the relationship between a royal nurse and her kingly charge, contemporary with the proliferation of imaginative tutor statues of constitutes another example of the Senenmut (cat. nos. 60, 61), displayed by artistic originality sculptors of Deir el-Bahri.^^ Hatshepsut's Statuary Program THROUGHOUT EgYPT The same destructive forces that were upon unleashed Hatshepsut's memorial temple statuary were responsible for the disappearance of her statuary from other known Fig. 67. Hatshepsut as king, early i8th Dynasty. Metropolitan Under Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, lifesize, diorite. The 193 1 (31.3.168) to sites. Hatshepsut is have undertaken building projects from the Sinai to Nubia. In most of her far-flung projects she would have installed images depicting herself as ruler of Egypt. However, the very fragmentary condition of this statuary and make its original inscriptions attribution uncertain.^'' A case in point is statuary associated with one of Hatshepsut's grandest construction projects at Karnak: the Eighth Pylon Larger than any pylon previously erected mental sandstone structure became the at Karnak, (fig. 69). this new entrance to monu- the temple and accommodated the complex's twin processional axes, northsouth and east-west.""*^ unusual features: it was The pylon was entirely stone, and an exceptionally large of its by two distinguished surrounded by a low wall of lime- number of colossi stood south face. Ultimately there were six colossi, all in front made of limestone and quartzite, paralleling the combination of materials Three were placed before each wing of the in the pylon pylon. The two easternmost were completely itself. remaining four have gate were set up lost their faces. destroyed, and the The two flanking the entrance by Hatshepsut but bear the name of Thutmose having been rededicated by Thutmose III to his father, one in II, his year 22, the other in his year 42, as part of Thutmose 's program of usurpation of the pylon likely Fig. 68. Bust of an Osiride statue Hatshepsut 's temple at from the colonnade on the upper terrace of Deir el-Bahri, early i8th Dynasty. Limestone. The head of one statue was placed on the upper body of another similar one for this excavation photograph. itself. These years are was the year of Thutmose second was when the began. As it official accession to sole power, the proscription of Hatshepsut's images was not uncommon predecessors, Ill's significant: the first for kings to usurp the statues of Thutmose 's rededication of the first of these two THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT 161 The Eighth Pylon, Fig, 69. built by Hatshepsut in the early i8th Dynasty at the was not necessarily part of colossi destroy her monuments that his systematic began two decades campaign The later. to other surviving colossi, those fronting the west wing of the pylon, were inscribed for The latter, Amenhotep which II (the westernmost) and Amenhotep accompanied by a much smaller statue of is Amenhotep Ts mother, Ahmose-Nefertari, may, that now bear Thutmose original decorative II's like the examples name, have been part of Hatshepsut 's Amun Karnak must have housed many images of her, both at figures and statues that were elements in statue groups. and single Only frag- ments of two such group portrayals have survived, both of which were associated with the bipartite Kamutef sanctuary at Karnak: one shows Hatshepsut with Amun-Re-Kamutef; the other portrays her with It is likely Thutmose III and the same at Karnak same material depicted Hatshepsut kneeling between seated figures of Amun and Atum.^"" The most elaborate composition with three divinities. nal years on a palm At the rib; a quadrad of Hatshepsut on which Amun sits. Hatshepsut was the dais with her back toward Hatshepsut *s brow. in her left Amun. Weret- hand and places her Amun touches ders with both hands." temporary royal was Thoth records Hatshepsut *s reg- immediately to his right Weret-hekau stands before a throne dais, shown kneeling on left, right palm on Hatshepsut 's back and shoul- Some of the relief decoration statues closely parallel con- — in particular that in the Chapelle Rouge, the barque sanctuary that Hatshepsut built for Amun at Karnak.^^ As these groups reveal, Hatshepsut 's statuary program under- standably featured images that visually as well as textually empha- divinity. that the devising of group statues was another of the innovative features of Hatshepsut 's statuary production.""^ statue lap of Anukis;^' another triad of the hekau holds an ankh program/^ Hatshepsut 's construction within the temples of Mut I. temple of Amun The from Deir el-Bahri of Hatshepsut with her nurse has been size her close relationship to the gods and make explicit their acceptance of her kingship her literally — a key example (cat. no. 40) merged with the god Horus. Moreover, shows as four of the mentioned. Particularly interesting are the paintings in the tomb groups depicted in the tomb of Amenhotep indicate, she deliber- Amenhotep, a royal steward and steward of ately chose to be portrayed in the context of the elaborate corona- of one of her Amun who tions of no officials, followed Senenmut in less this office. They contain depic- than seven different group statues that portray Hatshepsut with a variety of divinities, including Weret-hekau, Thoth, Khnum, Satis, Amun, Atum, and Anukis.^° In all of the tion ritual in which the king symbolize his divine is invested with insignia that status. Hatshepsut *s female identity had been an appropriate aspect of her representation as the chief queen of Thutmose paintings both Hatshepsut 's figure and the accompanying texts Amun. However, it was not, ultimately, have been erased. Text labels designating the was survive (ss, meaning statues' materials "travertine"), and the stone can also be ascertained through color (red signifies red granite; yellow signifies travertine). One travertine triad represented Anukis seated facing one another, with Hatshepsut 162 hatshepsut's building projects Khnum sitting and on the II and wife of considered adequate if she to appear as a king with the status equivalent to that of her male co-regent. In Egyptian art, facial translated into ideal forms, and it features and bodies was according were to a similar process of transformation that Hatshepsut 's female nature was altered. In ancient Egypt kingship had its own idealized graphic and textual vocabulary, with an icon of kingship that was male. If Hatshepsut desired to achieve the status and power of an Egyptian king, was necessary it that she conform to that idealized icon. royal titulary remained clearly female, and there 1. Tefnin 1979, pp. 2. However, use of numerous Her was never an viiff. attempt to pretend that as an individual she was anything other than the 15. fabrics and the individual styles of the sculptors His conclusions are summarized in his chart in Tefnin 1979, Laboury (1998, 4. The His p. 139. is 5. Arguments set An example is catalogue no. An example is fig. 68. forward by Tefnin and employ this The 74. but the scale is belonged to Phase by Christine Meyer positing later statue type. larger than previously used and may represent an III continued to There surely were other standing images that have not (CG Cairo III are in JE 594, Karnak Open-Air Museum, Luxor (MPA.T3. the The attitude Middle Kingdom prototypes (see the entry for late A pair of standing statues with contested attributions that may have survived. last Meyer 1982 by Peter Dorman However, as Dimitri Laboury [1985, cols. 299-300, and 1988, pp. 41, the "'5i9)> 11249, st.i). For both, see Laboury 1998, of stylistic and iconographic development that Tefnin outlines has by subsequent studies of the temple as well as Here we should note actually five. These by more Hornung and high and the much (fig. on smaller Osirides carved terrace, in addition by Tefnin. For the reign of Thutmose II, 16. Gabolde 1987b. For the develop- see generally 7. Laboury (1998, pp. 585-621). As noted by Tefnin (1979, pp. 38—40). 8. Chevrier 1955, pi. XIX, As on fig. reused in 111*5 Mysliwiec 1976, p. 152, pi. iv; temple of Montu at North Karnak and Rondot to Tefnin's For a general discussion of the discovery and excavation of this material, see Phase II and include, Winlock and one of the smaller granite sphinxes (cat. no. 88b). The inscriptions on the portico Osirides of the Sed Leblanc 1980, pp. 82, 86-87. It make The order in which must be noted 3 1.3. 168: that the For pi. VI, I, 3, Museum 1996, same images of Hatshepsut particularly mane However, place in the corpus of it for that made Thutmose New The Metropolitan III We might say, the preserver of the he had ordered destroyed. It proved possible many impressive statues from these fragments, but others, those made of sandstone and limestone, were lost to centuries of exposure to groundwater or burned in the lime this subject and is lost (Metropolitan 30.3.3: 21. Leblanc 1982, pp. 296—99, pi. 22. Leblanc 1980, pp. 73, (A.7, A. 10), 74. The fig. implements appears in 23. For Sitre as the i reliefs Thus, our knowledge xlix. The identical on the Chapelle Rouge; combination of see Leblanc 1982, u, ui, A, UII. nurse of Hatshepsut, see Roehrig 1990, pp. 31—39. 24. It is likely that the sculpture programs of Hatshepsut and Senenmut inspired each other. See "Senenmut as Royal Tutor" and "The Statuary of Senenmut" Tefnin 1979, in this 25. volume. Unfortunately, the only Karnak statue of Hatshepsut with a certain attribution stylistic analysis. p. 214; kilns. of the Deir el-Bahri repertoire remains incomplete. (cat. no. 89), and the faces of two with face restored), limiting their usefulness for 14. this 5. of Art. Beginning in the season of 1922, Winlock's excavations therefore, that strange twists of fate with face restored; and 27.3.163: Tefnin 1979, pp. 16—18, known to have survived into modern times was allowed to disintegrate, according to the testimony of Sir WalHs Budge (James 1976; Eaton-Krauss Chappaz 1993a and 1999, pp. 117-20). 2005. Osirides that front the temple 's upper terrace and works of similar style from Deir el-Bahri belong its Herbert E. Winlock excavated pp. 300-305, pis. L, pi. vii, a), These studies include Gabolde and Rondot 1966, Dorman art until in chapter statuary (cat. nos. 88b, 93, 95, 96) collectors in the nineteenth century. in repre- the statues are discussed here fol- 13. 1993b; by Dorothea Arnold recovered thousands of fragments of Hatshepsut 's statuary. reference to the "first occasion upper part of one Tefnin 1979, pp. 18-19, others are largely destroyed (Metropolitan pp. 2—6, pi. 1942. See also the essay Some fragments of Hatshepsut 's broken Museum Schott refinements of his classifications, see Tefnin 1979, pp. 135—39, i45~4^- Museum in this her Deir el-Bahri statuary did not reclaim p. 42, in addition to the as a sphinx with a lows Tefnin. 5 1988, p. 65. to reconstruct two limestone portrayals of Hatshepsut festival": volume. 19. seated statues, the Osirides from the west wall niches of the upper terrace, Tefnin 1979, pp. 1-36. they reveal the vari- fact, works produced by individual teams of to see in Dorman 214 and n. 89, with bibliography). These works belong not to say that these images are identical; in one would expect See chapter originated in the limestone shrine but was sentations of Hatshepsut at Gebel el-Silsila (Gabolde and p. he places a granite sphinx (Cairo, JE 55190) and two were acquired by European 1955, pi. 2; from Karnak (Chevrier 1934, The form Amenhotep is Kingdom a limestone lintel III 18. 39 (detail). 1955, p. 216, pi. 3). and sculptors. 20. and Schott p. 40, pi. xxii II 17. ment of relief sculpture and statuary of the regency and co-regency period, see This ations the north and south sides of on the middle III are Osiride statues (Cairo, JE 56260) and Deir el-Bahri (C5) (Tefnin 1979, p. 139). no), which are more than 23 feet (7 meters) the Hathor capitals in the goddess's shrine to the three posited on the north and south Also included in Tefnin's Phase ing the nemes^ and a granite sphinx in Cairo (JE 53 114). In a transitional phase between Phases are: the colossal Osiride figures p. 48, figs. 46, 47. (in smaller kneeling figures of Hatshepsut (cat. no. 91), sandstone sphinxes wear- that although Tefnin proposes three series, there are ends of the lower colonnade C40, C41. Following Laboury, Rita Freed and Schoske 1999a, indicates (1998, pp. 59ifF.), the general recent studies of the early co-regency period. 12. from Bryan 2002, pp. 82—84, no- 4) assigns them to Thutmose III. They are, however, also ascribed to Hatshepsut in Chappaz 1993b, p. 6, and cover ill.; Grimm largely been verified 11. clearly derived pp. 169—75, nos. line 10. Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 52458) are the in the existence of a single stylistic trajectory for Deir el-Bahri statuary have been 212]). 9. pendant its questioned (in the case of Tefnin 1979 by Bernadette Letellier [1981] and in that of 6. 94) and innovation on the part of Hatshepsut 's sculptors. Thutmose are series B; see pp. 41-43. are his series C; see pp. 44—48. live! red granite, over-lifesize portrayals of the queen in the devotional pose cat. no. 94), pp. 585!?.). four in the sanctuary constitute his series A; see Tefnin 1979, pp. 38—40. The ten The only surviving standing statues of Hatshepsut from Deir el-Bahri. chronology has been followed by numerous researchers, among them Pecoil (1993) ^n<i King Maatkare, Son of Re, Hatshepsut, united with Amun, may (s)he (cat. no. have contributed to a certain degree of variation among them. 3. Yet in the imagery of the statues that presented her female.^*^ as king she of necessity portrayed herself as male: to Tefnin's Phase III. Tefnin (1979) characterizes phase as a "return to tradition," in which kingship was once again repre- 26. The north-south processional way linked temple, the site festival, the kingship of Hatshepsut. For sented according to long-standing male prototypes, although this develop- see Bell 1985. ment had already taken place during his Phase which II. of the Opet The east-west the Karnak temple to the Luxor which merged the divinity of Amun and more on way was the function of the Opet festival, the route of the Valley festival, during Amun left Karnak to visit the Gods of the West. For this subject, see THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT 163 Ann Macy Roth in this "Hatshepsut's Mortuary Temple at Deir el-Bahri" by 30. The tomb is TT 73 in western Thebes (see Habachi 1957, pp. 91-93, analyzed three of the groups depicted in 27. Martinez (1993, p. 71) suggests that the six colossi constituted a "family whose Luxor Save-Soderbergh 1957, pi. iii; Seidel 1996, p. 129, fig. 38. temple (the shrine associated with the divine lineage of the king) emphasized 32. Save-Soderbergh 1957, pi. iv; Seidel 1996, p. 130, fig. 40. the role of the Eighth Pylon as "a gate of initiation, through which royal 33. Save-Sbderbergh 1957, pi. iii; Seidel 1996, p. 131, fig. 42. power is 34. See the discussion in Seidel 1996, pp. 132—34. 35. As Robins 135-37 (with bibliography). A third possible triad is slightly (cat. nos. 60, 61) Two official notes (1999, pp. 103, 110). 36. Inscriptions questionable; Seidel 1996, pp. 138—39. The images of her high 88. position, facing south toward affirmed." 28. Seidel 1996, pp. 29. Senenmut shown with on statues from Deir el-Bahri include a mixture of male and female gender endings, but those on works from other the princess Neferure Colossal Sphinxes of el-Bahri.^ Their original location was probably where sphinxes appear the lower terrace, Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and west rows flanking the sacred route across the 2. (1479-1458 B.C.) terrace to the ramp the Egyptian Granite H. 164 (i ft. I cm W, 90 cm (64>^ in.), D. 343 cm 3. arranged along the temple's main axis in two in exhibition H. Berlin sphinx Granite, paint 131 cm (515^ in.), Agyptisches Staatliche D. 287 cm (9 ft. counterpart; in.) 5 sphinxes date to the art. Old Kingdom, The earUest shortly before the creation of the great sphinx at Giza most famous and largest The prominence of and in relief depictions — the example of the genre. sphinxes in pyramid complexes, both facial planes, nar- more much broader across izontally set. head and frequently Egyptian York has a shorter, On both with a nemes headcloth, has a in New The New York sphinx body and very long history its proportionally longer heart-shaped face that the cheekbones; a royal portrait is Old Kingdom as freestanding statues of the king trampling his running the on its is eyes are wide open and hor- down the breast prenomen of the is king. preserved and gives 164 The Metropolitan Hayes (3 1.6. 167); see and Tefnin 1979, pp. 114-15- was suggested recently by Dorothea Arnold essay in chapter 5). Previously, Winlock pp. 159-60) hypothesized that they (see her (1935a, were on the middle terrace. The problem was reviewed by Tefnin (1979, pp. 102-3), who the granite sphinxes followed Winlock's siting of on the middle terrace and the colossal kneeling figures on the upper terrace. The more intact text Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; head, transported to the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin, Lepsius in 1845; body. Metropolitan by Karl Richard Museum excavations, 1928, ceded to the Agyptisches Berlin, as part of Art Museum, of an exchange in 1929 Amun "preeminent at Djeser-djeseru," the use Bibliography: 88a, Winlock of which would be consistent with the place- pp. 160, 189, pi. 50 (restored); ment of the sphinxes outside Aldred 1961, pp. 48-49, no. the temple 's upper cak terrace. 112-14 (bibliography, 77, 187, pi. 1935a; Hayes Winlock 1942, 1959, pp. 92-93; 23; Tefnin 1979, pp. 102, p. 113), 118, 120, 127, n. i, 175- xxvn 88k Winlock 1929a, pp. 3-9, figs. 7, 8 (body); Tefnin 1979, pp. 102, 103-7 (bibliography, pp. 103-4), 115- some fragmen- from Hatshepsut's temple Provenance: 88a, Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 1928 the Berlin sphinx also contains the epithet of mortuary complex.' Six colossal granite sphinxes, tary, survive sixth are in bibli- The head A primarily single placement of the granite sphinxes 88b. sphinxes a battered column of text enemies, suggests that they functioned as protectors of the royal in row, slanting eyes, and a small, terse mouth. Berlin 2299 The depiction of the king as a sphinx, with a lion's coiffed, as here, face and narrower, with sharper Museum und Papyrussammlung, Museen zu smaller than is its The and for descriptions and Museum of Art, New York 1959, PP- 93-94, facing rows, these two are not identical. b. and torso of a the temple itself and the religious processions Although the sphinxes were symmetrically 31. 3. 166 p. 172; ography, see Tefnin 1979, pp. 107—12). that passed along the route. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Not Winlock 1942, in a position to extend their guardianship over both (35?^ in,), 3 in.) Rogers Fund, 1 93 1 were two fragmentary whole sphinxes Museum, Cairo (JE 53114+55191, JE 56259) and the head from another (JE 55190) (see Winlock 1929a, p. 12, nn, 9, 10, p. 14, fig. 15; that ascended to the tem- ple's middle level. ^ Therefore they a. particular In addition to the two granite sphinxes catalogued here, there are to have been arranged, evenly spaced, in two east- III sites, in Karnak, are chiefly male. were equally innovative. Hatshepsut Thutmose and it. 31. gallery" of the Thutmosides, more 95, Save-Soderbergh 1957, pp. i-io); recently Laboury (2000, pp. 86-87) has volume. at Deir hatshepsut's building projects I. Zivie-Coche 1984. sphinx, see also On the protective qualities of the Wit 1951. 16, 120, n. 1, 122, n. 1, 127, n. i, figs. 6, 8, 9, pis. xxviii, xxix, a 139-41, 146, 174—76, THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT 165 Hatshepsut Sphinx 89- as a Maned the sphinxes were placed atop the newel posts ramp between the head of the lower and middle terraces, visitors would have Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and encountered them Thutmose imposing gauntlet of large granite sphinxes. III (1479-1458 B.C.) Painted limestone H. 60 cm (23 Ks in.), W. 29 cm (ii^s in.), L. no cm of the granite sphinxes, which were approached from the Rogers Fund, 1 93 1 31.3.94 pair, this side, emphasizing the latent strength of the crouching Like maned sphinx of Hatshepsut much of the temple, the statuary from Hatshepsut 's maned sphinxes were inspired by Middle Kingdom prototypes; however, they king with the lean, taut body of a Hon. This frag- are mentary example has been restored with the latter, mate Tefnin 1979, 5. For example, as noted Lxvin, p. 133. the thick hair larized pi. 1989, p. 65, no. 89. in Russmann (1989, p. 65), on the top of the head has been regu- and given a nemes-iike appearance. in Cairo, which retains a considerable is casts of almost complete and amount of the original more than simply scaled-down versions of still Hatshepsut sphinxes results not only yellow on the body, and traces of reddish brown materials used The excavations, 1927—29 Bibliography: Winlock 1929a, p. 12; Winlock Hayes 1959, pp. 1942, pp. 172-73, pi. 48 (bottom); 92; Tefnin 1979, pp. 129-33 (bibliography, 91- p. 130), 140, 143, 187 whose tense and furrowed visages present a truly forbidding aspect.^ pigment: blue on the mane and beard, a tawny on the proper Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art lion. juxtaposes the delicately feminine features of the its 121—23; Vandier 1958, pis. 119, Russmann 4. passing through the greeting, as opposed to the stern guardianship The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, of a 3; Their role would seem to have been one of (43/4 in.) One just after Evers 1929, at the temple's The have a lightness that from the different scale and by the Eighteenth Dynasty Relief with Hatshepsut as a 90. Sphinx statues are sculptors but also from the overtly youthful, Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and inscribed with very similar texts, both reading feminine features of the king. This characteris- Thutmose left cheek.^ "Maatkare, beloved of ever." The only Amun, given difference is that life for- on the Cairo sphinx masculine pronouns are used to refer to the king, and on the tic has caused some sphinxes to an scholars to date the earlier"* and more maned artistically experimental' phase of the co-regency period. New York sphinx the forms CAK (1479-1458 III B.C.) Painted limestone H. 21.6 cm (8K in.), W. 37.5 cm D. (14)^ in.), cm 7.5 (3 in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1923 23.3.172 are feminine. While the impression given by the much larger granite sphinxes this statue and expectancy. If, its is of quiescent power, mate communicate tranquil as Herbert E. Winlock suggested,^ 1. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 53113. For bibliography, see Tefnin 1979, p. 130. 2. Winlock 3. See, for example, the This limestone fragment from the temple of 1942, pp. 172-73. Tanis (Egyptian Amenemhat Museum, III sphinx from Cairo, 394). See also Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri depicts a sphinx with the king's features protecting a cartouche The containing her prenomen, Maatkare. is relief noteworthy for the high quality of its execu- tion. The facial features replicate in ones seen on uary, sunk relief much of Hatshepsut 's temple stat- most notably the larger of the two granite sphinxes discussed above The fragment was (cat. no. 88a). originally part of a square statue base approximately 26 inches (66 cm) on No identi- each side and 18 inches (46 cm) fiable trace tall. of the image that originally stood on the pedestal has been discovered, but the base 's dimensions suggest that the statue showed the king in a standing pose. statue was Assuming also of limestone, it that the probably per- ished in the same near-total destruction visited on so much of the temple 's limestone This pedestal fragment that, although many is a useful statuary. reminder of Hatshepsut 's statues from Deir el-Bahri have been reconstructed,' cak the corpus remains incomplete. I. Many more statues have been reconstructed from Hatshepsut 's temple than from any other temple, except that of Amenhotep Bryan 1992 and 1997. III; see Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, Hatshepsut Hole; Metropolitan vations, 1922—23 166 hatshepsut's building projects New Kingdom mortuary Museum of Art exca- that this corpus was completed sibly for a purported Sed in haste, pos- festival of the king in cak year 16 7 following Hayes 1959, p. 97. 1. Tefnin 1979, 2. Roland Tefnin (1979, pp. 94-97) reviews the possibilities and concludes that the combined use of the p. 88, khat headdress, the nemset vase, and the djed pillar is intended to evoke the erection of the djed pillar at the Sed festival. 3. Dietrich Wildung (1969, p. 135, n. 3), followed by Marianne Eaton-Krauss (1977), suggests, that the ^/^£Zf- wearing king in royal statue groups the king's ka. The fact that in is actually Hatshepsut *s temple kings depicted wearing the khat are both making (Hatshepsut ) and receiving (Thutmose offerings (Eaton-Krauss 1977, p. 28) I and II) might signify the dual role of ka as both the sustainer ("suste- nance" offered by the king) and the sustained (the 90 "life-force" that requires sustenance). Bibliography: Winlock 1959, pp. loo-ioi, 102, 1942, pp. 79-80; fig. 56; Tefnin 1979, The Hayes p. 134 fact that been picked out absence of the only the eyes and brows have in paint, final polish 4. seen on the larger some scholars inscription here faces right Re of (with feminine combined with an granite sculptures, has suggested to The t) his and reads: "Son of body Khenem (no t) - Amun Hatshepsut." 5. Other members of the corpus include examples in the Agyptisches Museum, Berlin (22883), the Hatshepsut Kneeling 91. Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479— 1458 B.C.) Granite, paint H. 87 cm (34/4 in.), W. 32.5 cm (12K in.), D. 51.5 cm (20/4 in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1923 Among 23.3,1 the statues that originally embellished Djeser-djeseru was a series of perhaps a dozen' small kneeling lar, Hatshepsut of depictions proffering a nemset vessel fronted by high The king wears relief.^ fitting pleated kilt, a short, closely with only the khat headdress and uraeus indicating her royal back pillars of all nomen or The status.^ of the figures are inscribed with one of two types of the a djed pil- a sacred object connected with Osiris, in text, featuring either prenomen of Hatshepsut.^ Although the images closely resemble one another, demonstrating their derivation from a common model, their individual features are sufficiently distinctive to the work of different body forms show sculptors.' that they The are highly simplified, were facial which and is in keeping with their suggested placement in an architectural setting characterized by rhythmic repetition, such as a portico or peristyle court. If twelve is figures, they indeed the total number of these may be connected with the rituals of the twelve daily and nightly hours that feature in the decoration of the king's own cult chapel and the solar court, both located on the upper terrace of the temple.*^ THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT 167 Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 47703-3), and the Museum Metropolitan 6. (23.3.2, 31. 3. 160, .162). The hours of the day and night are depicted on the ceiling of the cult chapel of Hatshepsut (Naville 1 894-1908, pt. 4, pis. cxiv-cxvi) and in the solar court of Re-Horakhty (Karkowski 1976). 7. Tefnin 1979, p. 94, followed in Grimm and Schoske 1999a, p. 84. Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, Hatshepsut Hole; Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 1922-23 Bibliography: Winlock 28; Winlock Tefnin 1979, pp. 89-90, 93, Hatshepsut 92. 1923, pp. 32-33, figs. 27, 1942, p. 141, pi. 53; Hayes 1959, p. 97; n. 4, 186, fig. 4, pi. xxiii, a Maat to OflFers Amun Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479— 1458 B.C.) Granite H. 261.5 D. 137 cm cm (8 7 ft. in.), W. 80 cm (31^ in.), (54 in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1929 Not in The 29.3.1 exhibition central sanctuary located on the upper ter- race of Hatshepsut *s temple at Deir el-Bahri was dedicated to Amun- Re, whose barque eled across the river trav- from Karnak temple and then was carried until it came to rest in this shrine in the yearly Beautiful Festival of the Valley.' As the procession bearing the god's image crossed the middle between a series terrace, it passed of colossal granite images of Hatshepsut. These statues, one of which is included in the exhibition catalogue, depicted the king kneeling and offering spherical nw 92 jars and are differentiated only by the head covering In contrast to her seated images, which are On this statue the king wears the royal the passive recipients of funerary offerings, the and text. nemes headcloth, and the text on the base that the king At first is offering states maat to Amun.^ glance, the faces over-lifesize donor pants in temple on these large stat- one that can be held The is has been translated into permanence. In order at or near the share many traits with faces on her smaller legs, feet, significant and toes have been elongated degree. to a Hatshepsut 's thoroughly balanced by the use of femi- masculine guise nine gender endings in the statue 's inscriptions small mouth, although these features are scaled preserved on its its is back pillar and base. to accord with their colossal size. Clearly, own within 168 was intended to hold a dramatic setting. hatshepsut's building projects and it gods (who were this ultimate reinforced the king's legitimacy as a 3. 1990. For the offering of maat^ see Teeter 1997, especially pp. 81-83. Tefnin 1979, p. 87. to achieve an impression of eternal balance, the statues (see cat. no. 91), including highly arched this architectural statuary on maat") through On maat^ see Assmann it brows, wide-open eyes, thin, aquiline nose, and up a prerogative of the king. maintainer of social and, therefore, cosmic order. indefinitely, as the tensed muscle and splayed toes suggest, yet here those on statuary of Hatshepsut, an impression them said to "live not was signified the sustaining of the offering, kneeling pose calf end of the co-regency period.^ However, they It statues are active partici- ritual. ues appear to be the least individualized of that has led scholars to date "truth," or "justice,'* cak Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art excavations, 1926—28 Bibliography: Winlock Winlock 1. On the Valley festival, see 2. Offering maat, usually translated as "order," Graefe 1986. fig. 53; 1942, pi. 52 (left); Tefnin 1979, pp. 1928b, p. 10, Hayes 4, n. 8, figs. 9, 10; 1959, pp. 95-97, 72 (with bibliogra- phy), 74-75, 78-81, 83, 85-86, iio-ii, n. 4, 171-74, 177, 1 86, figs. 2a, 4, 7, 8, pis. xix, b, xx; Metropolitan Museum and Schoske 1999a, New York, 1987, pp. 46-47, pi. 29; p. 35, fig. Grimm 30 Hatshepsut Wearing the 93. White Crown Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479-1458 b.c.) Granite H. 285 (55% cm (9 k4 in.), W. 79 cm (31/3 in.), cm D. 142 in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund, 1930 The face on any of the 30.3.1 this statue is the best preserved of faces of Hatshepsut 's colossal kneel- ing figures from her temple at Deir el-Bahri. The image here a degree not colossi, is simplified and regularized to matched on the nemes-weaving and the high crown does not vertical frame the face as the nemes does; the overall effect is close-fitting kilt A The therefore naked and austere. down dress has been pared granite and king's minimum, to a a belt. doorway set at the back of the upper terrace court marked the entrance to the barque sanctuary of Amun-Re. was Its lintel decorated in relief with a symmetrical composition of four images of Hatshepsut, set kneeling and offering on nw the viewer's right, to the north, crown, and the two on the tall on The two jars.' left, bases, figures wear the red to the south, the white crown. These depictions, together with more recent research on the placement of Hatshepsut 's temple statuary, make situate this statue it possible to of the king in the southern row of statues flanking the processional way across the middle terrace (see below, pp. 270, 275, n. 9). In order to ensure symmetry between two rows of colossi, the base of this of the others with the significantly tall white crown) It is is lower than that on the statue of Hatshepsut wearing the nemes headcloth no. 92). the statue (and inscribed offers fresh plants to "... Amun" feminine gender ending.^ The Maatka[re] (cat. who and contains a height and slen- der proportions of the white crown also must have played a part in the placement of the column on the back pillar: text in "The Horus 1. Naville 1894-1908, pt. 2. Although nw jars 5, pi. Berlin in 1845, and subsequendy given to the cxxxvii. generally held liquid offerings, for as part of an exchange the sake of visual consistency they were used in Senenmut Quarry in Powerful of K[as, King of Upper and Lower images to imply other excavations, 1926—27 Egypt Maatkare, Son plants, as here, a single Khenemet (or: Daughter.^) of Re] gifts, for and maat^ as example, green on catalogue CAK in the Museum of Art the Metropolitan Bibliography: Winlock Provenance: Western museum body discovered no. 91. Amun Hatshepsut [beloved of A]mun who resides in Djeser-djeseru, given life." in 1929; Thebes, Deir el-Bahri; head discovered by Karl Richard Lepsius, removed to Winlock pi. 1930, pp. 8-10, figs. 5, 6; 1942, pp. 170-71, pi. 52 (right); Vandier 1958, xcix, 6; Hayes 1959, pp. 5-7, fig. 53; Aldred 1961, THE STATUARY OF HATSHEPSUT 169 p. 48, no. 21; Provenance: Western Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, Senenmut Quarry; Metropolitan Museum of Art Tefnin 1979, pp. 26, 73 (with bibliogra- phy), 75, 77-79, 82-87, 118, 155. i59» 177, 186, figs. 2, excavations, 1927-28 xxiia 4, 8, pi. 1928b, pp. Hayes pi. 51 (right); 11, fig. 11, 13; 1959, pp. 94-95, Ratie 1979, p. 125; Tefnin 1979, pp. 26, 99-101 fig. 52; Hatshepsut in a Devotional 94. Bibliography: Winlock Winlock 1942, (with bibliography), in, n. 4, 159, 171-74, 177, 186, Attitude figs. 2a, 5, 7, pi. p. 34, fig. Grimm and XXIV; Schoske 1999a, 27 Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479-1458 B.C.) Granite H. (without base) 242 cm D. (icfYs in.), cm Ill (8 ft. 2 in.), W. 74 cm Hatshepsut as Female King 95. (43?^ in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Rogers Fund, 1928 28.3.18 Thutmose III (1479-1458 B.C.) Granite This figure, and pendant its now H. 167 in Cairo,' are the only statues of Hatshepsut striding that have survived from Deir el-Bahri. found together in a relatively The New York statue is The statues undamaged cm (65)^ in.) (head and lower parts) Art, were (torso) state. F The Metropolitan Museum of New York, Rogers Fund, 1929 29.3.3 Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden 1928/9.2 lacking only the end of the nose; even the uraeus is almost intact. As with the large kneeling statues, the limbs are One of two bulky and the volumes simplified. The face portray Hatshepsut in female dress, this is statues from Deir el-Bahri that is per- haps the most arresting of her portraits. Her broad across the brow, with a narrow chin. The for dress and jewelry are understated: a sleeveless such a large-scale figure, and the mouth appears sheath, a broad collar, and striated bracelets and features are, however, rather finely to be smiling slightly. It drawn has been observed that anklets, tic co-regency The less Those portions period.'' statue originally bore three inscrip- tions, which are located on the back loop, standard in depictions of is the nemes headcloth and uraeus of a king.' of the fully developed "kingly" style of the later more or female royalty. But her headdress overall the statue displays features characteris- tions that remain of the inscrip- on the throne and back pillar seem to use feminine pronouns and gender endings in refer- pillar, belt and base. They contain references to ences to Hatshepsut. Also preserved on the Hatshepsut using both masculine and feminine back of the throne are two back-to-back stand- forms and indicate that the statue stood in ing images carved in sunk relief of the goddess Djeser-djeseru, Hatshepsut 's mortuary temple, Taweret, the only overtly divine representa- where they surely flanked an important entrance.' tions The rest, king*s of palms down, on a projecting triangular apron — a pose that expresses reverence II, just south of Hatshepsut 's temple. III had erected a series the seated pose suggests that 94 cult toward the founder of the Middle Kingdom.' Hatshepsut 's statue massive lines than its is built on more Middle Kingdom prede- artists, who 1. pp. 26, 99-101, III, n. 4, 159, 171, 173, 186, figs. 2a, 3. tal 4. pp. 100—104, 5. p. 160); or before the por- Russmann in i^os- 2,8, et al. 2001, 29. Ibid. See also Naville 1907, pi. xix, c-g; Naville 1910, pi. HATSHEPSUT*S BUILDING PROJECTS 5. to the central sanctuary (Tefnin 1979, p. 98). Edna R. Russmann 11; Naville and Hall 1913, pis. Evers 1929, vol. 170 on the i, pis. 83-85, vol. i, 2, p. xxi; and 40, no. 283. was it a focus of the statue's face, which has tion. Indeed, the rest The main possibilities are before the granite gateway leading to the upper terrace (Hayes 1959, p. 94, following Winlock 1942, sought to adapt forms already vali- CAK Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 52458: Tefnin 1979, 2. Ibid., p. loi. Thutmoside dated by tradition to benefit their royal patrons. it is survived virtually intact, that cessors and demonstrates once again the reinterpretive abilities of the early may have worship and the recipient of offerings.'' However, of stat- ues of himself in the same pose, a gesture of respect in childbirth, this statue middle terrace of Hatshepsut *s temple. Certainly Kingdom, and in this instance the There Senwosret (see detail). associated with the protection the Divine Birth colonnade, both located antecedents were right next door at the temple of Mentuhotep women is been intended for either the Hathor shrine or toward a deity.^ This statue type had been used during the later Middle on any of Hatshepsut 's statuary Since Taweret arms are extended and the hands commands of the statue been deliberately generalized in atten- may have order to func- tion as a foil for the face. Large, compelling eyes, set below dramatically arched brows, the viewer with an unwavering gaze. is fix The nose rather short, thin at the top and broad at the tip, with a slight aquiline curve. The mouth appears a bit larger than those in other images of Hatshepsut, with a as usual, full lower lip. The chin narrow and slighdy receding. In is, brief, 95, detail of back of throne with fragmentary image of Taweret Metropolitan torso, Museum removed to the by 1869, acquired the of Art excavations, 1927-28; Netherlands by Prince Henry, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, 1928; parts rejoined 1998 Bibliography: Winlock 1928b, pp. 15-16, figs. 17, Winlock 1942, pp. 168, 171-72, pi. 57 (right); Hayes 1959, pp. loo-ioi, fig. 55; Tefnin 1979, pp. 618; II (bibliography, p. 6), 20—30, 140-41, 186, 6, 8, pis. I, b, c, II, III, a; fig. Grimm and 36 PP- 37, fig. 32, 96. Hatshepsut as King 40, figs, i, 3, Schoske 1999a, Early i8th Dynasty, joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III (1479— 1458 B.C.) Crystalline (indurated) limestone, painted 95 H. 195 cm (76V4 in,), W. 49 cm (19/4 in.), D. 114 cm (44^/« in.) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, of the Twelfth Dynasty female king Nefrusobek Rogers Fund, 1929 29.3.2 alized presentation but an individualized image. (Musee du Louvre, New One 1987, pp. 30—31; this portrayal is of a female ruler tempted to infer that resolute and self-controlled to dealing embodying its no bland, subject woman who cised kingship with authority tomed is — ide- was a exer- a ruler accus- with temporal matters while the "efficient seed" of the god.^ Paris, E27135); see Grimm Delange and Schoske 1999a, fig- 33- 2. See "The Statuary of Hatshepsut," above. 3. "Pure egg and efficient 1. 14); "efficient 1. 4); "his living seed" Urkunden In this statue representing the apotheosis of a 4, p. 361, seed on earth" {Urkunden 4, p. 362, image" {Urkunden 4, p. 362, 1. CAK I. York only p. 38, 6). female Egyptian king, the attitude, proportions, physical features, attributes, texts, and material combine to achieve a truly ment of royal We know only one precedent for the combination of Provenance: Western female dress and nemes headcloth: the quartzite torso Senenmut Quarry; head and lower part of statue, Thebes, Deir el-Bahri, same in divinity. remarkable The pose is state- virtually the as in the granite seated statue of Hatshepsut female dress (cat. no. 95), although here the THE statuary OF HATSHEPSUT 96, detail of back of head king's feet rest upon an Nine Bows, the and the chin incised depiction of the enemies of Egypt, traditional slightly raised so that the eyes is look beyond the viewer rather than directly ahead. Although the shoulders are noticeably broader than on the granite statue, the torso and limbs remain slender and elongated, and the small, softly rounded breasts subtly communi- The cate the female gender of the king.' face, heart-shaped and broad across the cheekbones, ends in a small, pointed chin. Almond-shaped eyes, very slightly angled, are set beneath arching brows. The mouth larly in profile) and is small (particu- set straight across, and the was thin but nose, to judge from what remains, prominent — the most individualized feature of this idealizing image. Instead of the form-fitting sheath of the granite statue, the clothing here pleated shendyt bull's tail is kilt, beaded worn by male belt, royalty, only a broad collar and a bracelets. The the short is and pendant and the parure of simple set royal nemes encases the head so it appears to be an emanation of the king's person, from which the protective uraeus, closely that now destroyed, once The reared. down inscriptions that run the front of the throne use exclusively feminine forms of the royal as titles "The and epithets. Hatshepsut Lands, Maatkare, beloved of of the Thrones of the Two is Lady of Perfect Goddess, described the Two Amun-Re, Lord Lands, may she live and "The forever!" (along the proper left leg) bodily daughter of Re, Khenemet-Amun- The hard image this is crystalline limestone of which the the rays of her progenitor and transfigured into made has an unusually high polish for a radiant being period and clearly was meant to be largely unpainted.^ When the doors of the shrine Hatshepsut, beloved of Amun-Re, King of the that Gods, may she "the bodily daughter of 172 live forever!" (along the right). hatshepsut's building projects left housed this statue were opened at sunrise, Re" was illumined by — an akh^ Until that she waited, alert and prepared to rise, moment, her gaze concentrated not on her priests but upon the domain of Amun-Re, Karnak, the "horizon."^ CAK 1. Roland Tefnin (1979, pp. 165-66) suggests using "hybrid" forms, particularly at the that, by that the statue of the co-regency, Hatshepsut might have been seeking to express a new ideal well as this 2. men — Only a fragment of the the back of the head (see detail), and The ter on some green was placed sanctuary in her temple Hayes at in who is Amun of Djeser-djeseru but instead Amun-Re worshiped the First Occasion (the creation), the sound eye of for use at to Deir the All-Lord (the central barque shrine at Deir dedicated to Amun-Re Provenance: Western Thebes, of Senenmut Quarry; head, "Lord of the Thrones of the cited as throne, MetropoHtan Lands" and "King of the Gods" on the west In this light, Winlock 1942, by Karl Richard Lepsius, 1845, acquired MetropoHtan Museum an exchange in 1929 in by the of Hatshepsut in the temple of Deir el-Bahri Bibliography: Winlock (head); There its is therefore no reason to inception this statue was des- seen (Karnak) is expressed in Hatshepsut 's 4, p. is 364, 11. on restored); own words earth, the august hill 1929a, pp. 4-12, pp. 5-10, figs. 3, figs. 4-6 4 (entire b (restored head); Winlock 1942, p. 188, pi. 58; Vandier 1958, pi. xcvii, 6 (head Hayes 1959, pp. 97-99; Aldred 1961, p. 48, no. 22; Tefnin 1979, pp. ii-i6 (bibliography, p. 11), know that Ipet-sut 1-4): "I the horizon Winlock 1930, statue), 16-17, figs. 15a, idea of Karnak as a "horizon" that both sees is {Urkunden Karnak temple, theorized Museum of Art excavations, Amun of Karnak. and Deir el-Bahri, forearm, and parts of 1926-28; lower parts of statue, transported to Berlin appropriate that a major cult it is left should carry an inscription explicidy linking her with The 4. do Sun god)." followed by Tefnin (1979, tined for Hatshepsut 's temple at Deir el-Bahri. Deir el-Bahri. William not mention at Karnak, doubt that from Hatshepsut 's cult (1959, p. 99), noting that the statue *s texts as in fact statue belt. it was p. 216). of some discussion. Herbert Winlock (1942, thought made wall of its chamber (reconstruction in is nemes original location of this statue has been a mat- p. 187) is el-Bahri Two the garments preserve traces of color: there originally However, the p. 26). could have aided her political ambitions. pigment on the 3. combined masculine in order to appeal to blue and yellow pigment on that el-Bahri; in this he women as though it is difficult to imagine how and feminine aspects was Karnak and subsequently was transferred beginning 20-30, 186, of figs. I, 2, 3, 6, 8, pis. Ill, b, c, IV, v; York, Metropolitan Museum New 1987, pp. 44-46, pi. 28 THE SHRINES TO HATHOR AT DEIR EL-BAHRI member of the building project. Other deposits of votive offerings found at Deir el-Bahri Dendera, shrines probably resulted from periodic cleaning of the various shrines during Hathor, a daughter of the sun god Re, was a powerful Egyptian pantheon.' Although her main temple was in her at honor were erected throughout Egypt, and from at least the First the Intermediate Period (2150-2040 B.C.), Hathor was worshiped in the area of Deir el-Bahri.^ Mentuhotep 11 (r. 2051-2000 B.C.) dedicated a portion of his mortuary temple in her honor, and Hatshepsut constructed a on the southern portion of the second shrine to Hathor temple, Djeser-djeseru. Thutmose III terrace of her continued the tradition by includ- New Kingdom.^ Unlike the large temples, which were largely inaccessible except to the king, tion. Hathor shrines were places where anyone could make a dedica- The breadth of this numbers of ing a Hathor shrine in his temple, Djeseru-Akhet, located above and offerings to titulary, cult Little material has been recovered from inside the remains of the numerous deposits of the votive offerings that once adorned them were discovered during various archaeological excavations area.^ In the 1922—23 Metropolitan season, Herbert Museum Winlock uncovered what "Hatshepsut Hole," an enormous ancient the funerary temples of Hatshepsut and tion of the Statues of Hatshepsut Arnold the in this ground for of Art Egyptian Expedition is dump now of building debris from Thutmose Thutmose were concentrated in Ill's III (see from Deir el-Bahri causeway, clearly date Thutmose 1 11.^ one area of the shrine of Djeser-djeseru, they pit. of fertility Hathor are easily recognized because they bear her and rebirth (cat. nos. 97-99). They models of Hathor masks, figures of cows and include stelae, textiles, cats, fertility figurines and and jewelry, and models of ears and eyes so that objects, vessels, amulets the goddess name or images of her, or motifs that refer to her primary functions would be able " 1. to see and hear her by Dorothea as landfill to level For a detailed discussion of Hathor's see "The Destruc- Daumas dcp petitioners.^ 2. For an in-depth study of the Hathor shrines, see Pinch 1993. 3. In addition to Winlock's 4. Winlock religion and society, See Hayes 1959, pp. 29-30. work (1923), see, for example, Naville 1907, p. 17. 1923, pp. 26-39. this material to the 5. 6. Pinch 1993, pp. 23-24. Discards from the Hathor 7. Pinch 1993. were deposited there during Thutmose many roles in Egyptian 1977. small votive objects Numerous by the variety of referred to as the volume)/ Ostraca, from the debris used reign of Hatshepsut and in the demonstrated by the sheer object types and the varying quality in their manufacture. Votive between the temples of Mentuhotep and Hatshepsut. shrines, but cult's popularity is offerings that have survived, as well as Ill's 173 THE DESTRUCTION OF HATSHEPSUT's MEMORY THE PROSCRIPTION OF HATSHEPSUT Peter F. Dorman The systematic erasure of Hatshepsut's name and from her kingly monuments some years has, inevitably, become a lens after her death through which historians On some monu- have viewed the events of her Hfe and reign. down and ments, her cartouche was shaved figure recut in the name of representations.^ The distinctive rebus frieze representing her throne name, Maatkare, and consisting of a serpent adorned with a horned sun disk perched on chiseling a pair of ka arms, was altered by away the arms, rendering the title unreadable but leaving the divine symbols intact (fig. Nor is 10 1). there any evidence that another Thutmoside king; on others, her entire figure and accom- her burial in the Valley of the Kings was desecrated for the pur- panying inscription were effaced and replaced with the image of pose of dishonoring her; there are an innocuous such as an offering ritual object ary temple at Deir el-Bahri, all table. At her mortu- the statues of Hatshepsut were dragged out and dumped into the bottom of a quarry near the temple causeway. Since by Thutmose III, her this widespread damage was undertaken nephew and erstwhile co-regent, scholars of most part assumed the mid-twentieth century for the that the motive was retribution, undertaken because Hatshepsut had from Thutmose when he was Noteworthy also is that although for this far-reaching his own name is program of many other possible reasons. Thutmose alteration, III was responsible it is only rarely that carved over Hatshepsut's. Rather, in nearly every instance, he inserted the name of his of his grandfather, Thutmose I, Thutmose II, or that into Hatshepsut's royal titulary, thereby appropriating her royal for his immediate father, male ancestors monuments not (fig. 86).^ for himself but This activity reflects a far too plan to rewrite the recent history of the dynasty through the relative obscurity dur- effacement of Hatshepsut's kingship while deliberately eschewing ing his childhood and adolescence. Thus her death offered him the any appearance of usurpation on the part of the reigning king. forcibly usurped the throne young to protest and had relegated him to chance to erase her hated vengefuUy reclaim nario sounded convincing, Charles Nims, memory from his rightful place who it was on the public record and the throne. While this sce- called into question in 1966 by pointed to evidence indicating that the attack Whatever his motive, Thutmose creation of Hatshepsut's Thutmose III monuments never intended to claim the as his own Ill's overall intentions are also reflected in direction to the stonecutters. Raised relief was regnal year 42 (see below). That was at least twenty years after wide-bladed late a date to lend support to the theory of a motive based on personal revenge.^ This Hatshepsut's result the official "disgrace" is now widely later date for accepted, and as a the way by the scenes and inscriptions were altered in stages, apparently on Hatshepsut's monuments could not have predated Thutmose llVs her death, far too accomplishment. chisels, ally smaller chisels sible which removed the stone were then employed first cut back with efficiendy, to take off as and usu- much as pos- of the original carving. Next the background surface was smoothed, and finally the draft of a revised scene or text was laid primary question surrounding the proscription has been significantly recast. It now: is program of erasures so long died, and so late in his Why did after his Thutmose III initiate a stepmother and co-regent own reign.'^ The answer can be approached, in part, through a careful observation of the extent and nature of the alterations to Hatshepsut's name and figure. Her proscription cannot be damnado memoriae son's existence — that —because were never touched; the is, These vary from place to place. characterized as a straightforward an attempt to erase all traces of a per- Hatshepsut's representations as queen attacks were directed solely at her kingly Fig. 86. Inscription with cartouches in which the names of Thutmose carved over those of Hatshepsut. In Hatshepsut's temple at II were Medinet Habu, western Thebes. Drawing by Christina Di Cerbo and Margaret De Jong 267 down, recut, and repainted. These revisions were made with care and deliberation, thus minimizing extensive damage and ing the process of redecoration. this facilitat- To be sure, there are exceptions to systematized historical revisionism. For example, the figures and cartouches of Hatshepsut on blocks from the quartzite Chapelle Rouge are ruthlessly hacked out, with no attempt made to preserve the surrounding surface (fig. 87). However, of the proscription the Chapelle had been dismantled. were evidently lying stones, many time blocks Its in a great heap, since only certain depictions of Hatshepsut, which must have been the ones attacked; at the others, were preserved were visible, presumably protected by overlapping (see figs. 3, 41)."^ Because the Chapelle was moment it was covered over, the initial and secondary phases of chiseling on both her been decorated by Hatshepsut, and figure and certain surrounding completed (fig. 88). At at the texts were under way, but not yet that time, then, the proscription been recently enacted; and since Thutmose Ill's could not have been inscribed before year 42, that possible date for the proscription. date of regnal year 45, which The barque may more time of the alterations undertaken very is the earliest shrine itself bears a accurately indicate the at the heart late date is also reflected in the must have campaign annals of Karnak. This decoration of the Eighth Pylon on the south side of Karnak temple, which was originally adorned with colossal reliefs of Hatshepsut. These scenes were not in a state to be rededicated as a religious structure, the careful alterations made to other temples were in this case unnecessary. The treatment accorded Hatshepsut 's magnificent temple uary at Deir el-Bahri offers still being reinscribed for Thutmose stat- another perspective. Rather than I, her father, or Thutmose husband, the sculptures were cast out, many of them II, her deliberately broken, and thrown into the quarry as debris. Even the Osiride uppermost portico were painstakingly cut pillars that fronted the away from made their square piers for her funerary and discarded. Perhaps the statues monument had such immediate associations with Hatshepsut or were so closely personal tied to the ritual ceremonies of her mortuary cult that they could not be attributed to other rulers. Whatever the reason, their desecration and destruction present a distinct contrast to the careful reuse of her wall reliefs elsewhere. (On Hatshepsut 's statues, see the essay fol- lowing, by Dorothea Arnold.) The clue to the timing of the proscription can be found at the very center of the temple at Karnak. After erecting a granite barque shrine in the temple, Thutmose new III clad the red sanctu- ary wall north of it with fresh limestone blocks and there recorded in relief a continuous account of his military campaigns from reg- nal year 22 (1458 B.C.) through year 42 (1438 B.C.), scholars as the Annals of 268 Thutmose THE PROSCRIPTION III. The known to wall had originally Fig. 88. Various stages of hacking of Hatshepsut's image and names on a section of wall behind the new wall built by Thutmose Karnak temple, Thebes III and carved with his Annals, Thutmose the front of the pylon added by his had no time have to were Queen Ahmose. The III son and successor, Amenhotep II (r. been 1427-1400 b.c). and ruthless in its obliteration of her kingly presence, the paign was also short-lived and incomplete. In her temple cam- interpretation weakened, however, by the Deir to is to the year, who which even know with any divine birth, the expedition to Punt, down The in only a preliminary fashion. original repre- Such an seems fact that there Ill's fiftieth Nor do we can be identified as an Ahmoside contender. certainty that such relatively fine distinctions of descent were matters of contention. The more and the transportation of her great obelisks to Karnak, were shaved II. be no known candidate, about the time of Thutmose usual program, but the reliefs of the outer terrace porticoes, commemorate her mythical of the rival Amenhotep to secure the throne for at would then have initiated in order to discredit the legitimacy were altered according el-Bahri, the innermost sanctuaries belonged through her mother, directly proscription of Hatshepsut Ahmosides and Although the proscription of Hatshepsut seems both irrevocable which Hatshepsut to recarved before his death; the final scenes carefully erased, but apparently invented may likely explanation simply be phenomenon of a female king had the recently this: created such concep- and practical complications that the evidence of was best sentations and text, though damaged, are quite legible today. tual Indeed, even after the defacement, Hatshepsut 's kingly achieve- erased. ments and her claims to a legendary childhood could have been employed during her regency was God's Wife of Amun, a power- read by any literate person of ancient times, as they can be by ful modern it was scholars.^ The suspension of this work of revision before fully carried out can only indicate that at some point the It is it interesting to note that the principal tide Hatshepsut economic and political office that special leverage to act in the years of his minority. Years — may have given her initially name of Thutmose later, during the III shortly after his reign ended, the perhaps an intentional downgrading — and urgent motivation for the attacks vanished. This abandonment of title fell the proscription of Hatshepsut seems to have occurred during the the great queens of the late Eighteenth Dynasty, such as Tiye and reign of Amenhotep Eighth Pylon in his renew or The II, who completed own name the redecoration of the but evidently felt little necessity to revise the partly erased scenes at Deir el-Bahri. Nefertiti, ship reason for Hatshepsut 's proscription remains elusive. If it other possible explanations seem equally unconvincing. After III, never adopted may thus be sibility was not a matter of personal vengeance on the part of Thutmose into disuse The it. obliteration of Hatshepsut 's king- linked with a determination to eradicate the pos- of another powerful female 's ever inserting herself, as the personification of Horus on earth, into the long line of Egyptian male kings.^ fifty years on the throne, during which he had secured a long-lasting sphere of Egyptian political hegemony Nubia, Thutmose can have had to his own little in the to fear Levant as well as in by way of challenges kings of Egypt. The need remember him as for the proscription Ill's became The timing and co-ruler, two years before Thutmose short duration of the attack image and name suggest that it sion, The quite young. toward the end of Thutmose for the throne, does not in It Ill's life succes- has been suggested that there were two contenders one the scion of the Thutmoside dynastic line of the king himself and another representing the "Ahmoside" bloodline, itself removed Siclen 1989. imply persecution. Older, to make way for new construc- Karnak temple, which witnessed A particularly clear example of this commemoration of Thutmose Ill's ancestors may be found on the upper terrace of Hatshepsut 's temple at Deir el-Bahri, where a long text describing her coronation was replaced by an equally elabo- rate text purporting to celebrate the coronation of see Porter and Moss 1972, p. Thutmose 96 (the chronology of the two I. For the text, texts in question is incorrectly noted), and Lacau and Chevrier 1977-79, pp. 93-94. securely own 1988, pp. 46—65, and extensive rebuilding. 3. related to Amenhotep was heir apparent, like his father at his may have been this act obsolete structures were occasionally on Hatshepsut 's was driven by concerns the royal succession and ceased once enthroned.'^ of her dishonoring, but seems to have arisen Amenhotep II 1966; further clarified in tion projects, especially at the center of after death. Certain of Hatshepsut 's shrines were apparently dismantled prior to the onset one of the greatest toward the end of his reign and to have vanished shortly Van Nims legitimacy or comparison with his former co-regent. Indeed, posterity would justly Dorman 1. 2. 4. Dorman 5. These 1988, pp. 52-55. reliefs bear "restoration" inscriptions of Ramesses II (r. 1279-1213 B.C.), who can be credited with very little actual repair of the sadly vandalized walls but who chose nevertheless to leave his name on them. 6. For the duration of the proscription, see Dorman 1988, pp. 64—66; for an overview of possible motives, see Meyer 1989 and Bryan 1996, 7. Suggested by Robins 1993, p. 34. p. 152. THE PROSCRIPTION OF HATSHEPSUT 269