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CULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES:
THE GLOBALIZATION OF CULTURE AND
ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN REGIONAL
TRANSFORMATIONS
The Work of 2010/2011 API Fellows
ii
CULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES: THE GLOBALIZATION OF
CULTURE AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN REGIONAL
TRANSFORMATIONS
The Work of 2010/2011 API Fellows
© The Nippon Foundation
First published in March 2013
Published by
API Regional Coordinating Institution
Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University
3rd Floor, Prajadhipok-Rambhai Barni Building,
Chulalongkorn University, Phyathai Road,
Bangkok 10330 Thailand
Tel: +66-2-218-7422
Fax: +66-2-652-5283
URL: http://www.api-fellowships.org
Email: ci@api-fellowships.org
All right reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted,
reproduced, or utilized in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from
The Nippon Foundation Fellowships for the Asian Public
Intellectuals.
A PDF version of this book is available online at http://
www.api-fellowships.org
Printed by:
Sunta Press Pte. Ltd., 67 Rong Muang 3 Rd., Patumwan,
Bangkok 10330, Thailand
Tel: +66-2216-4344, Fax: +66-2216-4152
The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
iii
CONTENTS
ABOUT THE BOOK
vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
viii
THE CONTRIBUTORS
I.
ix
WELCOME SPEECH
Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director of The Nippon Foundation
xiii
II. KEYNOTE ADDRESS
Sombath Somphone, Director of Participatory Development Training Center (PADETC),
Vientiane, Laos; The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay awardee for the Community Leadership
xv
III. OVERVIEW
Ratana Tosakul, Workshop Director
xix
IV. PAPERS
Panel 1: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in Asian Context
Development of Malay Rice Growing Villages under De-Agrarianization
1
Rika Terano
Dams in the Philippines and in Thailand: Social and Environmental Impact of
Natural Resource Development Projects
14
Yu Terashima
Communication, Education and Public Awareness for Forest and Wildlife Conservation
in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Japan
22
Kritsana Kaewplang
Panel 2: Potential of Local Knowledge and Practices: A Possibility for Sustainable Development?
Potentials of Local Traditions: A Study on Its Development for Social Transformation
30
Sri Wahyuni
Indigenous Engagement in Local Government: Experiences in Malaysia and Indonesia
40
Claire Bongsalo Lacdao
Strengthening Communities from Japan and Indonesia, through Local Spirit,
Traditional Culture and Sustainable Tourism
51
Pattaraporn Apichit
The Study of Local Wisdom concerning the Consumption of Native Food and
the Utilization of Indigenous Medicinal Vegetables for Health Care in Indonesia
65
Khosit Elvezio Kasikam
“Master Planning” vs “Networking” Approaches to Solve Contemporary Urban Crises
in Asian cities
86
Kenta Kishi
iv
Panel 3: Multiple Identities via the Globalization of Art, Media and Performance
A Mindscape Like No Other? Bits and Pieces on Globalization of Manga Subculture
and Visual Identity
100
Hikmat Darmawan
Mapping Kyoto: An Artist’s Perspective
109
M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha
Soundscape Composition & Field Recording in North Malaysia - The Work of
“The Land of Isolation”
118
Yasuhiro Morinaga
Contemporary Southeast Asian Art: Narratives of a Region
123
Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz
Creative Contemporary Asian Dance based on Traditional Techniques and Spirituality Fusing
Lanna (Northern Thailand), Indonesia, and Japan
131
Ronnarong Khampha
Panel 4: Multiple Identities via Spirituality, Histories and Cultural Re-Presentations
Theories and Practices of Mindfulness In Asian Traditions: Historical Context and
Relevance to the Modern World
139
Dante G. Simbulan, Jr.
The “Contemporary Art Museum” in Japan: A Study on the Role and Function
of the Cultural Institution in Today’s Urban Society
151
Aroon Puritat
MUKHANG PERA: Banknotes and Nation
165
Ambeth R. Ocampo
In Search of an ASEAN Identity
171
Pham Quang Minh
Collective Memories, Jargons, Rituals and Perceptions: Toward a Broader Scope and
General Recognition of Pengetahuan Lokal in Disaster Preparedness
180
Benigno C. Balgos
Panel 5: Flux and Flows of People, Power and Practices: Issues Relating to Social Justice
Light at Night: How the Offshore Call Center Industry is Shaping Young Filipino Workers 192
Resmi Setia Milawati
Re-imagining Citizenship and Political Agency: Practices and Perspectives
of Migrant Workers in Malaysia and Japan
203
Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros
Muslim Women in Public Spheres: From Historical Narratives to Roles in the 21st Century
Subhatra Bhumiprabhas
213
v
Political Participation of Women in Asia from a Feminist Perspective:
A Documentary Film Project
223
Loh Yin San
China’s Confucius Institute and Its Civilizing Mission in the Mekong Region
234
Nguyen Van Chinh
V.
PUBLIC FORUM
A Summary Report
244
VI. APPENDICES
Appendix I: Workshop Schedule
251
Appendix II: Workshop Participants
254
Appendix III: Abstracts of Papers
258
VII. CONTACT DETAILS
267
Partner Institutions
Regional Coordinating Institution
The Nippon Foundation
vi
ABOUT THE BOOK
CULTURE, POWER AND PRATICES: THE GLOBALIZATION OF CULTURE AND ITS
IMPLICATIONS FOR ASIAN REGIONAL TRANSFORMATION, is a collection of papers by the 2010/2011
Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Fellows. The 23 papers that comprise this volume cover key areas such as
multiple modernities through globalization in the Asian context; multiple identities via the globalization of art,
media and performance; multiple identities via spirituality, histories and cultural re-presentations; potential of
local knowledge and practices; and flux and flows of people, power and practices in relation to social justice. API
publications can be downloaded at http://www.api-fellowships.org.
The API Fellowships Program
As Asia enters the 21st century, it faces political, economic, and social challenges that transcend national
boundaries. To meet these challenges, the region needs a pool of intellectuals willing to be active in the public
sphere who can articulate common concerns and propose creative solutions. Recognizing that opportunities for
intellectual exchange are limited by institutional, linguistic, and cultural parameters, The Nippon Foundation
(TNF) launched the Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Fellowships Program in July 2000. The Program’s primary
aim is to promote mutual learning among Asian public intellectuals and contribute to the growth of wider public
spaces in which effective responses to regional needs can be generated.
The API Fellowships Program is open to academics, researchers, media professionals, artists, creative writers, nongovernmental organization (NGO) activists, social workers, public servants and others with moral authority who
are committed to working for the betterment of society by applying their professional knowledge, wisdom and
experience. The Program is designed to stimulate the creation of a pool of such intellectuals in the region.
The API Fellowships Program set three main themes as follows:
• Changing identities and their social, historical , and cultural contexts;
• Reflections on the human condition and the quest for social justice; and
• The current structure of globalization and possible alternatives.
Within these themes, the Fellows are required to:
• Propose and carry out research and/or professional activities in a participating country or countries other
than their native country or country of residence;
• Conduct research and/or professional activities in compliance with a schedule accepted by the Selection
Committee;
• Attend the API Workshop to exchange results of their research and/or professional activities with other
fellows;
• Disseminate their findings and results to a wider audience; and
• Pursue a deeper knowledge of each other, and hence of the region.
Post-Fellowship Program/Activities
Having entered its second phase of the Program, the API Fellowships Program has intensified its focus on
community building efforts. In order to achieve greater social impact and support furthering collaboration among
Fellows and beyond, the Program makes efforts to build and promote the API Community and its undertakings,
through the following post-fellowship programs:
vii
1) Regional Committee and Regional Project
The API Community has selected ten Fellows as representatives to the Regional Committee (RC) to promote
activities which are critical for the region, cross-disciplinary in nature, trans-border in scope, and multi-level in
approach, recognizing the interlinkages of locality, nation, and region. The RC aims to foster a greater regional
consciousness by promoting relationships among cultures, societies, traditions and so forth by initiating or
endorsing collaborative activities, and by confronting public issues with discernment, integrity and commitment.
The RC initially focused on the launch of the Regional Project.
The Regional Project, entitled “Community-Based Initiatives toward Human-Ecological Balance,” was launched
in November 2008 as a joint effort that mobilized the entire API Community. This three-year project covered
five sites in the region: Biwako (Japan), Batanes (Philippines), Khiriwong (Thailand), Tasik Chini (Malaysia) and
Kalicode (Indonesia). Completing at its Culminating Event in June 2012, in conducting the Regional Project, the
API Community was guided by the values of social relevance, public-policy advocacy, network-building,
creativity, transparency and accountability. (For further information, please visit www.apirp.com/ and www.apifellowships.org/apievent2012.php)
2) API-Salzburg Global Seminar Collaboration
The Salzburg Global Seminar (SGS) was founded in 1947 by three graduate students at Harvard University as a
means to bringing together young Europeans and Americans engage in intellectual dialogue. In an effort to flow
with the tide of globalization, the Salzburg Global Seminar decided to reach out beyond Europe and the United
States, to Asia, the Middle East and Africa. To date, more than 25,000 individuals from more than 150 countries
have attended Seminar sessions.
The Seminar focuses on critical challenges confronting the global community and is designed to formulate
innovative solutions to global problems. Since 2008, the SGS and the API Fellowships Program have collaborated
to provide API Fell01ows the opportunities to expand their intellectual capacities and to share Asian perspectives
with other regions.
3) API Collaborative Grant
API Collaborative is a new grant scheme launched in January 2013. It aims to support the efforts of Fellows in
consolidating community building, serving the public good and generating social transformation in Asia, in
response to the region’s key challenges especially in poverty, climate change and disintegrating communities. The
grant supports collaborative projects with regional implications and transformative potentials, including clear
articulations of possibilities for social change.
In addition to the new grant, API supports Fellows’ participation in various regional activities such as the API
Panel Grant for the International Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA) Conference and the Asia-Europe
People’s Forum (AEPF).
The Nippon Foundation
The Nippon Foundation (TNF) is an independent, non-profit, grant making organization that was founded in
1962. It supports projects both in Japan and overseas. It funds activities in three areas: domestic social welfare and
volunteer support; maritime research and development; and overseas cooperative assistance. It works with other
non-profit organizations, governments, non-governmental organizations and international organizations in Japan
and overseas.
viii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The API Coordinating Institution (CI) at the Institute of Asian Studies (IAS), Chulalongkorn University, which
oversaw the publication of this book, wishes to express its sincere appreciation to the following people:
The API Fellows, for their invaluable contribution in writing the papers that comprise the volume;
Ratana Tosakul, the 10th API Regional Workshop Director, who conceptualized the Workshop and
guided the Fellows in their preparation of the papers/presentation materials, for providing substantive
inputs;
The members of the ad hoc committee for the 10th API Regional Workshop, namely, Tatsuya Tanami
and other participants of The Nippon Foundation and Dr. Chaiyan Vaddhanaphuti, Director of
Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development (RCSD), Chiang Mai University, for
their crucial advice and collaboration in various aspects of the Workshop;
The API Program Directors, Program Coordinators and other Program staff for their valuable inputs
and cooperation;
Marian Chua, Gary Morrison and Mrinalini Rai, Workshop rapporteurs who helped consolidate the
discussion inputs;
Sandra Barron, Senior Editorial Consultant, for valuable technical editing inputs and advice, and Mary
An Gonzalez who handled the technical editing with great patience and dedication; and
Acclaro Co., Ltd., for the layout work and proofreading.
Editorial Team
API Coordinating Institution (CI)
Surichai Wun’Gaeo
Michiko Yoshida
Chadapan Malipan
ix
THE CONTRIBUTORS
(in alphabetical order according to names as they are spelt)
A snapshot of the contributors in their own words is provided here (information as of December 2012)
Ambeth R. Ocampo is a public historian with a research interest in the late 19th century Philippines: its art, its
culture, and the people who figured in the birth of the nation. Ocampo is an associate professor in the
Department of History, Ateneo de Manila University, a lecturer at the Department of Filipino and Philippine
Literature, University of the Philippines (Diliman), and Regent of the Universidad de Manila. He served as
chairman of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (2005 - 2007) and chairman of the National
Historical Commission of the Philippines (2002 - 2011). He writes a widely-read editorial page column for the
Philippines Daily Inquirer and moderates a growing Facebook fan page. His 16th book, Chulalongkorn’s
Elephants: the Philippines in Southeast Asian History, is a compilation of essays written during his API fellowship.
Aroon Puritat is a graduate of the Department of Architecture, Silpakorn University, Thailand, in 1997. An
architect and an artist, his work involves the merging of ideas from the worlds of art and architecture.
Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros (Aya Fabros) is a Filipino researcher whose areas of interest include the sociology of
work and global labor, urban sociology, ethnography, and democratization and social movements. She has an
M.A. in sociology and a B.Sc. in economics. She has written, edited and co-edited several publications on political
economy, globalization, local politics and governance in the Philippines and social movements.
Benigno C. Balgos (Ninoy) heads the Research, Knowledge Exchange and Management (RKEM) unit of the
Center for Disaster Preparedness, the Philippines, and teaches at the University of the Philippines. He also serves
as a community-based disaster risk reduction and management specialist in a project run by the Japanese
International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Philippines government. Ninoy has been involved in research
projects with development agencies such as the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and
the Pacific (UNESCAP), AusAID, The Asia Foundation, Plan International, the Institute of Development
Studies, and the Asian Disaster Preparedness Center. He is interested in comparative analysis of the Philippines
and Indonesia vis-a-vis disasters, climate change, social protection, and risk-financing.
Claire Bongsalo Lacdao is a proud Igorot (the collective name of several Austronesian ethnic groups in the
Philippines from the Cordillera Administrative Region of Luzon: she belongs to the Kankanaey subgroup). She
has been a paralegal and community coordinator for the Legal Assistance Center for Indigenous Filipinos
(PANLIPI), Cordillera branch office, since 2002. As an indigenous human rights worker, she has assisted victims
of human rights abuses who are mostly members of indigenous cultural communities, and has been involved in
numerous cases involving arbitrary arrests, detention, and false charges lodged against indigenous leaders and
advocates, ordinary civilians, and activists. She has been extensively involved in research and policy advocacy on
indigenous representation on decision-making bodies, and on recognition of indigenous justice systems in the
Philippines. She is an avid traveler and a voracious reader.
Dante G. Simbulan, Jr. is a professor at the Department of Physiology, College of Medicine, De La Salle Health
Sciences Institute, the Philippines. He trained as a basic neurophysiologist in Japan (Nagoya University), and has
taken his passion for brain science into the field of the mind-body connection, by learning hatha yoga training and
conducting research on the mindfulness traditions of Asia.
Dianto Bachriadi is scholar-activist and researcher at the Agrarian Resource Center (ARC) in Indonesia. He is
also a member of the Expert Council of the Consortium for Agrarian Reform (KPA) of Indonesia. His research
interests include the politics of land deals, agrarian transformations, and rural social movements. His published
works include, among others: Palm Oil: The Green Gold Changes Indonesia (ARC Books, in-press for 2013),
Land Concentration and Land Reform in Indonesia: Interpreting Agricultural Census Data 1963 – 2003
x
(co-authored with Gunawan Wiradi, Ohio University Press, 2012); A Long Wait That Is Not Yet Over:
Reflections on Ten years of Reformasi in the Context of Agrarian Reform (co-authored with Anton Lucas and Carol
Warren, Ohio University Press, 2012); Six Decades of Inequality: Land Tenure Problems in Indonesia (coauthored with Gunawan Wiradi, ARC Books, 2011); Australian Overseas Development Assistance and the Rural
Poor: AusAID and the Formation of Land Markets in Asia-Pacific (the Transnational Institute, Amsterdam, 2009)
and Land, Rural Social Movements and Democratisation in Indonesia (the Transnational Institute, Amsterdam,
2009).
Hikmat Darmawan is an Indonesian movie critic and an independent researcher of popular culture, with a
particular interest in movies and comics. He is a co-founder of www.rumahfilm.org, an Indonesian online movie
journal. He has written for Indonesian national newspapers and magazines such as Kompas and Tempo since
1994. He contributed to Paul Gravett’s 1001 Comics You Must Read Before You Die (Universe/Cassell). His book
about comics, Dari Gatot Kaca Hingga Batman, Potensi-potensi Naratif Komik (From Gatot Kaca to Batman,
Comics’ Narrative Potentials) was published in 2005. He is preparing another four books about comics in Bahasa
Indonesian, including one book about his first month in Japan during the API fellowship. It will be titled Sebulan
di Negeri Manga (A Month in Manga Nation).
Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz is a curator based in Manila, the Philippines, where she is director/curator of the
Museum of Contemporary Art and Design (MCAD) at the De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde (DLS-CSB). In
2008, she was co-curator for the Singapore Biennale. In 2010, she curated Creative Index, a multi-site exhibition
in Manila, and the following year she was curator for Roving Eye at the S?rlandets Kunstmuseum, Kristiansand
(SKMU), Norway. Her other curated shows include You are not a Tourist, at the Curating Lab, Singapore, and
All the Best: The Deutsche Bank Collection and Zaha Hadid, at the Singapore Art Museum. She was also
curator-in-charge of the Tapies retrospective at the Singapore Art Museum. She received a visitorship from the
Mondriaan Foundation (The Netherlands) and from the Office of Contemporary Art (OCA) in Norway. She
received her M.A. in Curating Contemporary Art at the Royal College of Art, London. She has been nominator
for several art prizes in Asia and Europe and continues to write essays, reviews, criticism, and art commentary.
Kenta Kishi was born in 1969 in Tokyo. He received a B.A. in Architecture from the Tokyo University of the
Arts and an M.A in Architecture from the Cranbrook Academy of Art in Michigan, the USA. After graduating
from Cranbrook, he conducted several experimental design studios at art institutions in Singapore. In 1998, he
started his professional career in Japan. Since 2007, he has been directing international urban study projects,
conducted through the Crisis Design Network (CDN), together with architects, artists and other professionals
from the US and Asian countries. He is also directing the urban study organization, Orange House Studio, in
Surabaya, together with local partners.
Khosit Elvezio Kasikam is a nature lover. After graduating in Thai Traditional Medicine at Chiangrai Rajabhat
University, Thailand, he began teaching at a development organization. His main interest and intention is to help
people to realize the preciousness of the wisdom of their ancestors, and how to care for themselves using that
wisdom. He treats people with easily available herbs and using methods that anyone can easily learn. He also
fosters networks of influential persons in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in relation to
local wisdom.
Kritsana Kaewplang obtained her B.A. at Thammasat University in Thailand. Thereafter, she immediately
joined the Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation Club, where she gained exposure to
environmental issues during activities such as a campaign against dam construction on the Moon River in Ubon
Ratchathani province. After graduation, she began a career with environmental and humanitarian nongovernment organizations, including the Wildlife Fund Thailand (WWF Thailand), the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), WildAid, and the Bird Conservation Society of Thailand. She returned
to her home town, Surin, after spending a year abroad as an API fellow. Kritsana is the founder of a social
enterprise called the Hug Nature Project. She currently works as an assistant manager for WWF Thailand’s
Wildlife Trade Campaign. She has also been a freelance creative worker for a TV program, a proofreader, a writer
and a painter.
xi
Loh Yin San is an independent filmmaker/researcher who is interested in issues concerning social justice and the
environment. Her API research in 2010/2011 was on the political participation of women in Japan and the
Philippines. Prior to this, she worked as a marketing consultant for a communications company. She currently
focuses on living well and exploring the different dimensions of life. In her free time, she enjoys discovering the
heritage of her home town, Penang.
M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha is an architect and a visual artist. Born and living in Bandung, a city well known for its
Art Deco buildings, he has become an art, history and architecture enthusiast. To promote public awareness of
architectural heritage issues, he and several friends published a series of sketchbooks depicting hundreds of
historic buildings in Indonesia during 2005 – 2009. The series gained wide support and earned several awards. In
2010, the API fellowship gave him an opportunity to engage in a similar project in Kyoto, Japan for almost one
year. The program greatly enhanced his knowledge of mapping techniques and publication methods commonly
used in promoting heritage projects, while the landscape of Japan influenced the style of his artworks to be more
vivid and dramatic. Currently he is working on creating a comprehensive online heritage map for his home town
Bandung, as well as occasionally hosting art workshops to promote heritage tourism.
Nguyen Van Chinh received his Ph.D. from the Amsterdam School for Social Research, University of
Amsterdam, the Netherlands. He is currently affiliated with the Department of Anthropology, Vietnam National
University in Hanoi as an associate professor and deputy director of the Center for Asia-Pacific Studies. He also
serves as a member of the board of trustees at the Southeast Asian Studies Regional Exchange Program
(SEASREP). His major academic interests focus on issues of migration, ethnic minorities and cross-border ethnic
groups in the Southeast Asia Massif.
Pattaraporn Apichit was born in Bangkok in 1972. She graduated from the Faculty of Sociology and
Anthropology, Thammasat University. She worked as a newspaper reporter and as editor-in-chief of a health
magazine before becoming an independent writer, based in Samut Songkram province. There, she jointly
produces the local magazine Mon Rak Mae Klong (Love the Mae Klong). She has written a book on organic
farming and runs a small caf? at Amphawa Floating Market.
Pham Quang Minh was born in Vietnam in 1962. He received his Ph.D. in Southeast Asian Studies from
Humboldt University in Berlin, Germany, in 2002. From September 2002 to June 2006 he served as vice dean,
and from June 2006 to March 2012 as dean of the Faculty of International Studies, University of Social Sciences
and Humanities (USSH), Vietnam National University, Hanoi. In March 2012, he was promoted to vice rector
for academic affairs. His main teaching and research interests, among others, are world politics, Asia-Pacific
international relations, and Vietnam’s foreign policy. He is the author of more than 50 articles published in
Vietnam and elsewhere.
Resmi Setia Milawati is an independent researcher. She has conducted a decade of work and research in the areas
of labor, gender, the urban poor, and globalization. These have included research collaborations with activists as
well as academics from various organizations. She is currently doing consultancy work for international agencies
and is a part-time teacher in Padjadjaran University, Bandung, Indonesia.
Rika Terano is a post-doctoral researcher at the University of Putra Malaysia. She studied at the Tokyo
University of Agriculture, where she earned a B.A. in International Agricultural Development in 2004 and a
Ph.D. in International Bio-business Studies in 2011. Her research interests include a livelihood approach to
regional inequality, and sustainable development in the rice granary areas of Malaysia.
Ronnarong Khampha (“Ong”) is a dancer/choreographer from the Lanna region (northern Thailand). He
studied Lanna dance as a village child and graduated with an honors degree in Thai arts from Chiang Mai
University in 2005. Although his background is in traditional dance, Ong is active in contemporary dance. He has
developed his own style using traditional dance as a base, and venturing into contemporary aesthetics.
xii
Sri Wahyuni is the director of the Aceh Cultural Institute (ACI) which works on development using cultural
methodology, and of PATIMADORA, which is focused on assisting and encouraging women’s capacity-building
and participation in development and conflict resolution. Her major fields of interest are social change, cultural
ethnicity, conflicts, and democracy in Japan, Thailand, India, and Indonesia.
Subhatra Bhumiprabhas is an independent journalist in Thailand. She writes for various news and feature outlets
such as Silpa-Wattanatham (Art & Culture) magazine; Matichon Weekly and The Nation, where she formerly
worked as a reporter. Her areas of interest include the history and cultures of Southeast Asia, human rights and
gender. She is editor and translator of many books, including License to Rape: The Burmese military regime’s use of
sexual violence in the ongoing war in Shan State, and Shattering Silences: Karen Women speak out about the Burmese
military regime’s use of rape as a strategy of war in Karen State. Subhatra received the Amnesty International
(Thailand) Human Rights Press Award in 2001, and in 2002 she won the Outstanding Woman in Media
Professional Award, bestowed by the Gender and Development Research Institute.
Yasuhiro Morinaga is a Japanese sound designer, music producer and ethnomusicologist. He has worked
collaboratively on multiple projects in film, contemporary dance, new media installation and product design. His
sound design work for film has been presented at festivals such as the Venice Film Festival, Cannes Film Festival,
the Venice Biennale, and at venues such as the Pompidou Centre (Paris), the Smithsonian Institute (USA), the
San Francisco Contemporary Museum and the Museum of Contemporary Canadian Art (Toronto). He
produced sound and music for Sony’s monolithic design exhibition at Milano Salone, 2010. His website is
www.yasuhiromorinaga.com.
Yu Terashima has been working on environment and development issues for a number of years. After joining
local non-government organizations working on large-scale development projects in Asia, especially those funded
by Japanese Overseas Development Aid (ODA) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), she started to work
closely as a campaigner with local communities affected by a dam project in Kumamoto, Japan.
xiii
WELCOME SPEECH
Tatsuya Tanami
Executive Director of The Nippon Foundation
First I would like to thank our hosts for their gracious
hospitality and for all their hard work to make this
gathering a success.
We are here to congratulate the 10th batch of API
fellows on completing your fellowship tenure, and to
welcome you into the API Community. Your
fellowship is over but your membership of the API
Community begins here. We hope it will last a
lifetime.
Your fellowship period, from 2010 to 2011, has
coincided with a truly momentous period for the
world.
There has been the revolutionary wave of protests
known as the “Arab spring”. According to my Middle
Eastern friends, “Arab spring” is a romantic concept of
Westerners unfamiliar with the Arabian climate.
There is no “spring” in Arab world, only “sand
storms”. My friends tell me that the “Arab
reawakening” is the proper description.
Beginning with a citizen’s uprising in Tunisia last
December, authoritarian rule in Egypt, Libya and
elsewhere in the Middle East is crumbling and
democracy is beginning to take root. After years of
Western domination and the rule of dictators, a new
era has begun. However, a citizen’s movement without
a clear leader has to overcome many challenges and we
must watch developments closely. Nevertheless, this
clearly marks the first step in a major transformation.
Turning now to Asia, a massive earthquake and
tsunami struck Japan’s northeast Tohoku region on
March 11. This was a disaster on a historic scale. Over
20,000 people were killed or remain missing. Many
who barely survived have no homes to return to. They
are forced to live in temporary housing in difficult
circumstances.
This disaster also triggered a crisis at the Fukushima
Dai-ichi nuclear plant. This is now coming under
control, but many questions remain regarding
radiation and health risks. And the Japanese people
have some big decisions to take regarding the future
direction of energy policy.
Speaking of the Japanese people, we do not have words
enough to say thank you for all the encouragement and
support we have received in the wake of this disaster.
From all over the world, from rich and poor alike, have
come messages of sympathy and offers of assistance.
The Thai people, and the API Community, have also
been extremely generous.
This experience has taught us that we are not alone,
that people of the world live in close proximity to one
another, and that our lives are interdependent. It has
also taught us the importance of increasing
international exchanges and of deepening mutual
understanding. So, from the bottom of my heart, I
offer a very sincere thank you.
Many other developments have been taking place in
Asia. There is no time to list them all, but they include
the release of Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar and signs
that Myanmar’s new administration is inching toward
democracy. There are still many issues to be resolved,
however, including the release of political prisoners, so
we need to watch the situation in Myanmar closely.
Here in Thailand, the country has been hit by massive
flooding, posing a major challenge for the new prime
minister soon after she took office. The flood damage
has affected many companies, including Japanese
companies, and disrupted the production and supply
of parts and automobiles. This has impacted the whole
of Asia and world markets. But it reminds us how
central Thailand is to the supply chain, and it shows us
just how closely interlinked are cross-border business
and production activities.
The world is changing. Our institutions and systems
are changing. We are becoming more interdependent.
We are witnessing the beginnings of a global society
where people support each other.
But not all change is positive. Because of globalization,
economic downturn affects every region and country.
xiv
The gap between rich and poor is widening. There are
growing numbers of poor people. Unemployment
among the young is worsening. Europe faces a debt
crisis and the way ahead is unclear. The consequences
for the world economy are potentially very serious.
Here in Asia, there are concerns about the
environment, migration and other emerging problems
that go beyond borders. Asian nations have to deal
with many issues, and finding solutions will be
difficult.
In May last year, we held an event to mark the 10th
anniversary of the API program. We asked fellows
what they felt were the major challenges facing the
region. We received many replies. Top of list were
poverty and inequality. This was followed by: the
environment and climate change; violence and the
suppression of civil liberties; threats to cultural
diversity;
management
of
resources;
and
underdevelopment and unemployment.
A lot of these are problems that politics and
governments alone cannot solve.
The API program was started in 2000 for people who
are actively seeking solutions to problems – problems
directly affecting communities, regions, countries and
Asia as a whole. We called these people public
intellectuals.
There were two objectives.
The first was to get outstanding public intellectuals to
research issues of common concern among Asian
neighbors and to provide individuals with opportunities to implement their projects.
The second was to get like-minded leaders who shared
the goal of bettering society to form into a group and
act collectively – and become a community that makes
its collective voice heard.
Today, over 300 API fellows belong to this
community, and it is reaching critical mass.
A debate is now under way on the role of the API
community after its first decade. What collective,
collaborative and proactive activities are taking place
among the fellows? What linkages are there with
networks beyond the API Community? How can the
advocacy, the appeals and the solutions coming from
the API Community be strengthened?
You, the 10th batch of API fellows, are now joining
this unique community of public intellectuals. You are
joining this debate. We have high hopes for your
future activities. You are working for the public good,
and we expect you will contribute to the public good.
I urge you not to be armchair intellectuals, shut away
in your research labs or in your studies. Please take
yourselves into the community. Meet with the people
who are affected by the issues. Listen to them. Get to
the essence of things. Be active public intellectuals.
The question put to you is: “How do we make Asian
societies places where human beings can enjoy safe,
stable and peaceful lives?” The times are difficult and
the issues are complex. But with you wisdom,
knowledge, experience, and your solidarity and
collaboration with other members in the API
community it will be possible for you to find solutions
that may lead us to a better world for us all.
In the API Declaration drawn up by the API’s
founding father in 2000, it is written: By promoting
mutual understanding and shared learning among
Asian public intellectuals, the API Program aims to
contribute to the growth of public spaces where
effective responses to regional needs can be generated.
I hope all you API fellows will go forth with such
dreams in mind.
Welcome all to the API Regional Workshop and
congratulations to the 10th batch of API fellows on the
successful completion of your tenure.
Thank you, and good luck!
xv
KEYNOTE ADDRESS
Sombath Somphone
Director of Participatory Development Training Center (PADETC), Vientiane, Laos;
The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay awardee for the Community Leadership
It is a real honor and pleasure for me to be here
addressing all of you – the leaders, thinkers, and
educators of the region. I am really overwhelmed by
the fact that the organizers want me to give the
keynote address, as I think there are many more
famous, wise and experienced people in this workshop
who could do this much better than I. Anyway, let me
just throw out a few thoughts as points for discussion
to be taken up at later sessions as we ponder over such
important issues as the Globalization of Culture and
its Implications for Asian Regional Transformation.
If we look back over the last 2-3 decades, we must
acknowledge that there has been amazing advances in
technological and industrial development, and with
globalization, many of such advances have spread even
to many parts of the less developed world. In general
more people are living longer and enjoying more
affluent life styles. Unprecedented advances have been
made in agriculture and aquaculture, yet more people
go to bed hungry each day. Many nations have become
very powerful, but the world has become ever more
insecure.
Now with 7 billion habitants, we begin to be
concerned if we are overshooting the carrying capacity
of the earth. The urban population has now overtaken
that of the rural. The gaps between the have and havenot continue to widen. Climate change resulting from
industrial pollution is threatening the life-support
system of planet earth. Everyone wants to make more
money, and everything is monetized.
The bulk of the growth and progress comes from
exploiting and extracting our finite resources from
nature. With addiction to growth comes addiction to
consume, and addiction to consumption has led many
countries - as we now see happening in Europe and the
US - into debt and financial instability. Now the
center of growth has shifted to Asia, or the East, with
China taking the lead, but the fundamental model of
development has remained basically the same. Now
we must ask, can the Asian nations follow such
unsustainable patterns of development based on
economic growth as originated in the West?
It seems to me that the shift of center of growth from
the West to Asia presents both a great challenge as well
as an opportunity for us to re-examine the model
of development and growth and to do something
right and sustainable. Many of us have, over the past
decades, pioneered alternative and more sustainable
models of sustainable livelihoods and development.
But many of such models are generally small, isolated
and quickly overwhelmed by major interest groups and
corporations, many of whom control our politicians
and influence development policies. To overcome such
stranglehold, we should make more effort to link the
innovative elements of our research and practical
experiments of alternative development better and
weave these into a fabric of sustainable livelihoods and
development. We need to collaborate with your peers
and associates and break away from the traditional
individualized and compartmentalized modes of
conducting our lives.
A conceptual framework of a more balanced
development model:
I would like now to share with you a conceptual
framework of a more balanced development model
which I have used to guide all aspects of my work in
education and development over the past 20 years, and
which I have and many of my colleagues have found
quite useful. After years of working on various
educational and development approaches, I have come
to the conclusion that education and development
need to go hand-in-hand and need to be more
integrated and holistic. Unfortunately, we often leave
education to schools and specialized institutions
and then development-to-development planners/
specialists and then wonder why people coming out of
educational institutions seldom link what they learn
with what they do in life. Hence, as educators and
development practitioners we should be stressing the
inter-connectedness between four areas of education
xvi
and development mainly: Economy, Well-being,
Nature, and Society as the fundamental building
blocks of sustainability and happiness. In summary,
how we live and how we educate (ourselves, our
children, and our peers) will dictate our future.
A sustainable education and development model is a
model that has a balance between the four dimensions/
pillars of economic development, environmental
harmony, promotion and preservation of culture, and
spiritual well-being (or the HEART and HEAD).
The model of development I propose is one that
stresses human dignity and “happiness”. This model
was first initiated in Bhutan, but is now taken seriously
by many countries. In other words, the goal of
development cannot be based only progress in GNP
(Gross National Product), but also improvement in
people’s well-being or GNH (Gross National
Happiness. In such a model of development, education
is conceptualized as the foundation for development.
The four pillars representing the different dimensions
of development are anchored and are part of the
education process. Here we clearly see the interconnectedness between education and development.
The two are inter-dependent and supportive of each
other. At the base of the model is “good governance”,
which supports justice and fairness for all.
Let’s look at our model of development as it exists
today. The development model that is widely practiced
today is not very sustainable. So many things do not fit,
thus so many “failures” just like in our “schooling”. For
example, the world is so rich and yet there is
widespread poverty. One can be so rich in material
wealth, but yet so poor emotionally and spiritually.
Boom: Unbalance growth and development is
unstable and under stress
A common model of today’s development stresses
GNP or economic growth as its ultimate goal. This
growth comes from the over-taxing our environmental
capital, human capital, and cultural capital. Everything
is monetized, including “Schooling”. The media takes
over the time parents and grandparents normally
spend with the kids. We hand over the
intergenerational and societal transfer of knowledge,
history, and wisdom to our young to the media. But we
know, the media is supported by business corporations
whose interest is in promoting their bottom-line –
hence the media promotes and shapes the viewers
either towards mindless consumption or reduces the
notions of greed and violence as entertainment. The
media has become a very powerful instrument for
shaping societal values.
And how can we blame the parents. They have little
time for their children. They have to work very hard to
support the kids through school as well as to satisfy
their material needs.
The government too joins hands with the corporations
to make sure there are enough business activities to
create jobs and income. And that is not to say that
creating employment and opportunities for livelihood
is not an important function of government. However,
oftentimes corporate interests are given higher
priorities to other areas, such as ensuring adequate
environmental protection, and investments in social
development, including investment in education,
especially quality and relevance of education.
xvii
Without safeguards for balance in the development
system, development processes will put stress on the
system, leading to imbalance and instability, which
may not be apparent in the short-term but certainly
will lead to systems failure in the long-run. Imbalances
are often witnessed in the form of cycles of boom and
bust - a way for the system to re-adjust itself. This cycle
of boom and bust has been very prominent in our
recent human history.
Bust : Collapsing to readjust
In a world that is changing at such an incredibly pace
and distractions, that internal peace is hard to come by.
We can however try to cultivate inner peace through
regular practice using techniques of reflection and
meditation and appreciating nature, according to your
own cultural orientation and faith. These practices are
acts of internal peace building and can help us to
develop self confidence, dignity, wisdom, compassion,
acceptance of others. With the development of these
inner strengths comes the foundation for reducing
violence, and developing the insight to good decision
making and reconnect us to our human spirit or our
humanity. All faith and religious beliefs have these
qualities.
Summary:
I hope that over the next few days as we discuss the
various development issues and challenges facing our
region, we should also reconnect with ourselves and
with each other and try to:
• Work together to create a shared vision over the
next few days so that you can go back to your
home countries and convince others and you
have each other to continue to support you on
the journey;
Clearly this model promotes production and
consumption as main activities. It is a system of
consumerism. The globalization of consumerism is
happening at such a rapid pace that the planet can no
longer sustain it. According to Global Foot Print
Network, we have been consuming more than what
the planet earth can regenerate since the 1970’s. At the
moment we are consuming 150% of our only planet
earth. In about 30 more years we will be consuming
200%, or twice what the planet can reproduce.
Essentially we are killing our planet and in the process
killing ourselves along with it.
A wake up call has been way overdue:
We need to break the vicious cycle of mindless
consumption and senseless over production. In order
to wake up and break the cycle, we should begin with
recognizing the interconnectedness of all things,
mainly the Heart, the Head, and the Hands. To do
this, we need to consciously remind ourselves and
reflect regularly that everything is inter-connected in a
cause-effect relationship. Such mindfulness creates an
internal force of internal peace, which will drive the
sustainability of the world. Peace starts with us and
with our every step.
• Make use of the up-to-date technological tools
to disseminate and connect further. Social media
has helped the Arab Spring revolution. In a
similar way we can use it to revolutionize the
region’s holistic transformation.
• Invest in your country’s young people’s holistic
education and development as they are potential
agents of change to gaining momentum behind
the new balanced model of development. We
need to focus on youth because they have less
baggage to unlearn. They have energy and
curiosity to learn and to experiment with new
ideas. We have been saying for too long that
youths are the future and they are agents of
change. But so far we have not engaged them and
give them enough space to participate in
education and in development. It is time to give
them greater role to discover their own potential
and to plan for their own future.
• Education must promote more experiential
learning and discovery learning so that the head,
heart, and hands of the students are
strengthened simultaneously. This way they will
be well prepared to lead the new development
paradigm.
xviii
In closing, I would like to quote His Holiness, the
Dalai Lama:
“Human being is amazing. He spends most of his
life sacrificing his health for wealth. And then
later in life spends all his hard earned wealth to
recuperate his health”
Thank you for allowing me to share these experiences
and connect with you all. Together let’s start and
expand our ecology of learning through more of this
type of inter-connectedness. Let each one of us steer
ourselves, our family, colleagues, and communities
toward a more sustainable path way.
xix
OVERVIEW
Ratana Tosakul
Workshop Director, 10th Workshop of the API Fellowships Program
Introduction
API fellows are, allegorically, seeds of change for Asian
communities. Who are they? They are talented public
intellectuals from various Asian countries including
Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand
and Vietnam. Of diverse professional backgrounds,
they may be academics, artists, creative writers, media
personnel, social workers, NGO activists, city planners
or public servants who are committed to working for
the betterment of a society by applying their
knowledge, skills and experiences.
The 10th Asian Public Intellectuals (API) Regional
Workshop brought together 22 fellows from
Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand
and Vietnam in a five-day meeting (November 19 - 23,
2011) in Chiang Mai city, a hub of cultures, diverse
ethnic groups and civil society movements in northern
Thailand. The fellows had accomplished their yearlong research fellowships whereby they conducted field
work in at least in one of the participating Asian
countries. They had since taken time to reflect on their
field work and write up their reports.
The workshop in Chiang Mai aimed to encourage
fellows to share their research findings and field work
experiences through a lively exchange and discussion.
It also aimed at establishing a cohesive network of API
fellows at Asian regional level. Finally, it sought to
contribute to the growth of public spaces where
effective responses to regional needs could be
generated.
Specifically, the 10th API Regional Workshop aimed
to achieve the following objectives:
1. To bring together the 10th cohort of API
fellows to share and discuss their research
findings on the different countries of the region,
2. To exchange ideas regarding common research
issues/themes across the region, and to find
possible solutions for issues or problems raised
in the research projects,
3. To promote a cohesive network of API fellows
and others for the sake of regional collaboration
and action, and
4. To disseminate the research findings to the
public and publish the papers as proceedings of
the workshop.
The Workshop Theme
Two interrelated concepts – culture and globalization
– provided the main conceptual frame of the
workshop, which was entitled Culture, Power and
Practices; the Globalization of Culture and Its
Implications for Asian Regional Transformations.
Globalization was an influential paradigm in most API
research projects. The majority focused on a recurring
theme – of Asian communities facing globalization
and the cultural implications of this phenomenon on
regional
transformations.
Globalization
was
considered by these public intellectuals as a multidimensional phenomenon encompassing not only
economic dimensions, but also a number of noneconomic, most especially social and cultural aspects,
reflected in the mixing and mobility of people, art,
ideas and practices across the Asian region.
The workshop identified major globalization features:
the constant flow and mix of people, ideologies and
practices across the globe, heightened economic and
social mobility, time and space compression, and the
integrating and stretching of cultures and
communities.
Asia as a region has experienced globalization
unevenly. Many responses to the phenomenon are
underway in various parts of the region. A number of
API research projects explored how local communities
were not necessarily victims of cultural globalization,
but agents of their own situations. These API projects
discussed how local communities shared knowledge
and exchanged experiences to strengthen each other.
Many local communities affected by globalizing forces
have established cohesive networks such as civil
xx
movements to defend their rights, livelihoods and
identities as well as to search for sustainable
development.
The Workshop Panels
A total of 22 presentations by API fellows were
grouped into five thematic panels, as follows:
Panel I: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in the
Asian Context was chaired by Koji Tanaka (Member of
the API International Selection Committee and
Professor Emeritus, Kyoto University) with Supa
Yaimuang (Thailand Fellow Year 2006-2007) and
Penchom Saetang (Thailand Fellow Year 2005-2006)
as discussants. The panel comprised the following
panelists.
• Rika Terano: “Development of Malay Rice
Growing Villages under De-Agrarianization,”
• Yu Terashima: “Dams in the Philippines and in
Thailand: Social and Environmental Impact by
Natural Resource Development Projects,” and
• Kristsana
Kaewplang:
“Communication,
Education and Public Awareness for Forest and
Wildlife Conservation in Indonesia, Malaysia,
the Philippines and Japan”.
Thinking about multiple or alternative modernities
means admitting that modernity is inevitable, while
simultaneously refusing to accept the predominantly
influential Western model as the only absolute model
to follow, though it remains the major source of global
modernity. In Asia, we have witnessed a multiplicity of
discourses on multiple modernities, such as Japanese
modernity, Islamic modernity, socially-engaged
Buddhist modernity, the notion of earth democracy in
India, and so on. In general, most API research projects
do not pose a binary oppositional notion of the
Western (global) model versus the Eastern (local)
model. Rather, they reflect patterns of cultural and
global exchange and interaction uniquely transforming
local communities of Asia.
Through globalization, local communities in Asia have
witnessed a series of processes including cultural
interaction and exchange that work to promote change
in a world where people and nations are interconnected. Local communities have developed diverse
strategies to deal with globalizing forces generated by
progressively larger systems - nation, region, and the
world.
Three fellows addressed the key issue of cultural
globalization and alternatives to globalizing forces.
They sought to understand how globalization was
experienced in the Asian context. What did
development and modernity mean to Asian
communities? What were people’s alternatives, visions,
and strategies for making a social difference? In other
words, what were the cultural implications of
globalization for Asian regional transformations in
action?
In addition to documenting negative impacts of
development directions and policies in different
countries, panelists were encouraged to highlight their
analyses of environmental problems, including the
destruction of natural resources and social justice, and
to systematically explore how these linked to global
forces. They were asked to examine the impact of
globalization based on local communities’ viewpoints
and experiences.
Rika Terano (Japan) discussed the future direction of
rural development in the Malay Peninsula, with a focus
on rural economic equity. Her paper raised many
interesting issues, from economic growth, investment,
industrialization and employment structure to income
distribution among farmers in rural Malay villages.
The paper adopted de-agrarianization as its main
conceptual frame, focusing on five economic aspects,
including
household
income
distribution,
employment structure, the role of on-farm income in
farm households, household expenditure in the rural
economy, and living standards and quality of life. This
framework sought to understand how a rice household
farm generated income from both on-farm and offfarm activities.
Yu Terashima (Japan) examined the social and
environmental impacts of dam construction projects
on local communities in the Philippines and Thailand.
Her paper provided rich information on biodiversity
in rural areas targeted for dam construction projects.
Yu discussed how these natural resources were affected
by national policies on dam construction and how
local communities coped under stressful conditions.
Collaborating with civil society movements led by
NGO activists was one of their significant strategies.
The national policies were profoundly influenced and
financially supported by international agencies from
Japan and other nations.
xxi
Finally, Kristana Kaewplang (Thailand) reported on
cases in Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, and Philippines in
which actors deployed various means of
communication and education to raise public
awareness of the need for wildlife conservation as a
consequence of forest encroachment. Her paper
provided useful details on the various media in
different countries and their impact on the target
groups. The lessons learned could be applied to social
campaigns in other countries. The paper discussed
how globalization was experienced in these countries
and how local communities responded, what methods
were applied, what media were used and what
campaigns were conducted to cope with the situation.
presenters brought out the value of learning through
experience, discovery and connectivity. They reflected
on the nature of cultural mixes, referring to global
outlooks adapted to local conditions and highlighting
the intersection of local and global cultural synergies
within different modern social and cultural milieus.
Panel II: Potential of Local Knowledge and Practices: A
Possibility for Sustainable Development? was chaired by
Yoko Hayami (Member of the API International
Selection Committee and Professor, Kyoto
University) with Mary Racelis (Member of the API
International Selection Committee and Professional
Lecturer, University of the Philippines) as discussants.
There were five panelists for this panel, as follows:
Claire Bongsalo Lacdao (the Philippines) discussed
indigenous engagement with local government in
Malaysia and Indonesia. Her paper illustrated how
indigenous people in both countries were trying to
adapt to local government institutions drawing on
adat or customary law, and integrating it in some
meaningful way into their changing lives as they
increasingly participate in external government
processes.
• Sri Wahyuni: “Potentials of Local Traditions:
A Study on Its Development for Social
Transformation,”
• Claire
Bongsalo
Lacdao:
“Indigenous
Engagement in Local Government: Experiences
in Malaysia and Indonesia,”
• Pattaraporn
Apichit:
“Strengthening
Communities from Japan and Indonesia,
through Local Spirit, Traditional Culture and
Sustainable Tourism,”
• Khosit Elvezio Kasikam: “The Study of Local
Wisdom Concerning the Consumption of
Native Food and the Utilization of Indigenous
Medicinal Vegetables for Health Care in
Indonesia,” and
• Kenta Kishi: “Master Planning” versus
“Networking”
Approaches
to
Solve
Contemporary Urban Crisis in Asian Cities”.
Five fellows addressed the second theme; potentials of
local knowledge for making changes in the globalizing
world. While the first theme focused on multiple
modernities via alternative policies and practices, the
second analyzed how local knowledge could contribute
to making a difference in the globalizing world. All
Sri Wahyuni (Indonesia) discussed potential
contributions of local traditions to social changes in
Japan and Thailand. In her presentation she described
interestingly and with great insight the role of
tradition in the process of social transformation in
Japan and Thailand and activities that reinforce
people’s cultures and sustain their everyday lives.
Learning from others, Pattaraporn Apichit (Thailand)
studied processes of strengthening local communities
based on experiences in Japan and Indonesia via beliefs
in local spirits, traditional culture and sustainable
tourism. The researcher discussed interestingly the
negative impacts of large-scale tourism on recipient
communities’ lifestyles, spirituality, and wellbeing. Her
studies in well-known tourist destinations in Japan
and Indonesia (Bali) illustrated the importance of
affected communities having a say in defining
outsiders’ experience of the community attraction.
Local people were proud of their cultural
distinctiveness and interested in sharing it with
outsiders. The new thrust towards “eco-tourism”
offered local people new possibilities to manage
tourism on their own terms, and to earn an income.
Pattaraporn’s insights from her field work could go far
in guiding innovations in tourism promotion
programs.
Khosit Elvezio Kasikam (Thailand) investigated local
knowledge pertinent to the consumption of native
food and the utilization of indigenous medicinal
vegetables for health care in Indonesia. The researcher
investigated and categorized a huge array of local
plants, animals and fish that Indonesians of diverse
ethnic groups have utilized for food, medicine and
other purposes. Khosit discussed the multiple and
xxii
complex relationships between food, health, wellbeing,
and religious/spiritual components. The researcher
was alarmed at the threats to long-practiced food
culture posed by globalization, as exemplified in the
entry of packaged food and the corresponding decline
of organic food along with medicinal plants.
Kenta Kishi (Japan) contrasted “master planning” and
“networking” approaches to solve contemporary urban
planning and development crisis in Asian cities. He
criticized conventional “master planning” as often
damaging to local cultures, ways of life, and the urban
environment. Instead, he proposed “micro-projects”
and “network systems” as ways in which people can
rework their local urban spaces to suit their needs and
preferences. He finds these approaches more
conducive to generating people’s sense of belonging
and beauty, often in the midst of deteriorating
surroundings. The researcher brought out with great
clarity the potential satisfactions of his approach both
for supportive architects and communities. The end
result may be new kinds of neighborhood exhibitions
that express vitality in the diversity of city living.
Panel III: Multiple Modernities via the Globalization
of Art, Media and Performance was chaired by
Azyumardi Azra (Member of the API International
Selection Committee and Director of Graduate
School, State Islamic University, Jakarta) with Sunait
Chutintaranond (Director, Institute of Asian Studies,
Chulalongkorn University) as discussants. This panel
comprised five panelists, as follows.
• Hikmat Darmawan: “A Mindscape Like No
Other?: Bits and Pieces on Globalization of
Manga Subculture and Visual Identity,”
• M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha: “Mapping Kyoto:
An Artist Perspective,”
• Yasuhiro Morinaga: “‘The Land of Isolation’ a Soundscape Composition Originating in
Northeast Malaysia,”
• Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz: “Contemporary
Art in Southeast Asia: Narratives of a Region,”
and
• Ronnarong Khampa: “Creative Contemporary
Asian Dance Based on Traditional Techniques
and Spirituality Fusing Lanna (Northern
Thailand), Indonesia (Bali and Java) and Japan
(Noh Drama)”.
Rising global/regional interconnectedness via flows of
ideas, practices, art, media and performances is a
significant cultural manifestation of globalization.
Through these global processes, people experience
multiple and somewhat ambivalent and fragmented
identities. The panel investigated such cultural shifts
in our contemporary modern world. Asian
communities are undergoing significant changes as
they encounter powerful contestations between global
modernity and fundamental nationalist narratives.
What happens when high-speed cyber technology
becomes a predominant norm in the areas of arts and
media? Are there any clashes between local, national
and international cultural norms in our contemporary
globalizing era? What happens to artists who are
caught in-between contested arenas? What happens if
art and media are controlled by big business and
influential political factions? What roles do creative
arts play in social movements?
Five fellows addressed the key issue of shifting or
multiple identities of people in diverse cultural locales
and situations following flows of ideas, art, and
performance across Asia.
Hikmat Darmawan (Indonesia) investigated cultural
impacts of Japanese comics (manga) on youth lifestyles
and on their construction of identity in the
transnational world.
The research of Ichsan Harja Nugraha (Indonesia)
aimed to create public awareness of the need to
preserve old buildings in Kyoto, based on a mapping
project in Bandung. The project associated with the
research aimed to resolve the classic conflict between
ideas concerned with continually modernizing the city
versus the notion of preserving its established cultural
heritage.
Yasuhiro Morinaga (Japan) was interested in the
process of making a recording of sounds from the
rainforests and the marine environment in northern
Malaysia. His contribution helped broaden the field of
media and the artistic expression of natural beauty
through sound design and recording, with a focus on
technical aspects.
Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz (the Philippines)
discussed contemporary art practice and production in
Southeast Asia via art exhibitions. Some exhibitions
have sought to make sense of national development
within an Asian regional context. Art exhibitions have
provided artistic critiques of modernity, tradition, and
more.
xxiii
Finally, Ronnarong Khampa (Thailand) examined
cultural mixes and mobility through the fusion of
contemporary and traditional dance from Indonesia,
Japan and Thailand. The researcher was encouraged to
add more information based on audience viewpoints
on classical and popular dance. The researcher argued
that the challenge of traditional dance to survive in the
globalized world depends largely on artists and active
audiences.
Panel IV: Multiple Modernities via Spirituality,
Histories and Cultural Re-presentations was chaired by
Jose M. Cruz (Member of the API International
Selection Committee and Dean, School of Social
Sciences, Ateneo de Manila University) with Chayan
Vaddhanaphuti (Founding Director of the Regional
Center for Social Science and Sustainable
Development at Chiang Mai University) as
discussants. There were five panelists for the panel, as
follows:
• Dante G. Simbulan, Jr.: “Theories and Practices
of Mindfulness in Asian Traditions: Historical
Context and Relevance to the Modern World,”
• Aroon Puritat: “The Contemporary Art
Museum in Japan: A Study on the Role and
Function of the Cultural Institution in Today’s
Urban Society,”
• Ambeth R. Ocampo: “MUKHANG PERA:
Banknotes and Nation,”
• Pham Quang Minh: “In Search of an Asean
Identity,” and
• Benigno C. Balgos: “Collective Memories,
Jargons, Rituals and Perceptions: Toward a
Broader Scope and General Recognition of
Pengetahuan Lokal in Disaster Preparedness”.
This panel was an extension of panel three. It focused
on the flow of cultural ideas, practices and
representations, showing historical continuity and
discontinuity across the region. Some key questions
were raised for this panel, as shown in the following. In
an increasingly globalized world, do we have space for
spiritual mindfulness? What role does spiritual
mindfulness play in relation to Asian transformations
in action? What is ASEAN identity? Why do we need
to search for such collective identity? Who benefits
and loses? What roles do museums play in cultural
representations of nationalism? How do these cultural
representations
exemplify
the
politics
of
representation? Which groups have been marginalized
in processes of cultural representation? Why are they
marginalized or excluded? What roles should
academics, curators, artists, and creative writers play in
social movements?
Five fellows addressed the key issue of spirituality,
histories and cultural representation as significant
contested spaces for multiple identities construction in
the globalizing world.
Dante G. Simbulan (Philippines) argued that theories
and practices of mindfulness and yoga practice could
be of use in the contemporary Asian context. His paper
showed how people use spirituality in response to
conflicts, stress and poor health. He emphasized the
use of local knowledge and spirituality in healing
practices.
Aroon Puritat (Thailand) examined the contemporary
art museum in Japan, pertinent to its role and function
as a cultural institution in contemporary urban society.
Museums were considered as contested spaces for
identity and nationalist ideology construction.
Ambeth R. Ocampo (the Philippines) studied how
national history was represented in common and
everyday objects, such as coins and banknotes
produced by the state, to instill a sense of identity and
nationhood based on the perspectives of the country’s
leaders. Pham Quang Minh (Vietnam) focused on the
nature of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN). The project investigated the social,
historical and cultural factors influencing ASEAN
identity. In discussions, people talked about competing
identities rather than a single unitary one. There were
multiple and contested identities of ASEAN at
different levels: national, regional, and local.
Finally, Benigno C. Balgos (the Philippines) argued
that local concepts and practices were generally
marginalized in the formulation of policy on climate
change in Asia. Most information on disasters came
from technological sources, whereas local sources were
overlooked. Based on his field research, he proposed to
extend and broaden the scope of local knowledge and
practice in disaster preparedness and risk reduction.
Panel V: Flux and Flows of People, Power and Practices:
Issues Relating to Social Justice was chaired by Taufik
Abdullah (Member of the API International Selection
Committee and Chair, Social Science Commission,
xxiv
Indonesian Academy of Social Science) with Wattana
Sugunnasil (Associate Professor, Chiang Mai
University) as discussants. There were four presenters
for this panel, as follows:
Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros discussed how global workers
in Japan and Malaysia conceived, recast and/or
practiced their own political agency as citizens, in view
of the transnational nature of their work.
• Resmi Setia Milawati: “Light at Night: How the
Offshore Call Center Industry Is Shaping
Young Filipino Workers,”
Loh Yin San (Malaysia) produced a documentary film
on women’s participation in politics, focusing on
feminist perspectives promoting the value of justice,
empowerment and gender equality. The film
documented the political journey of women politicians
in Japan and the Philippines.
• Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros: “Re-Imagining
Citizenship and Political Agency: Practices and
Perspectives of Migrant Workers in Malaysia
and Japan,”
• Loh Yin San: “Political Participation of
Women in Asia from a Feminist Perspective: A
Documentary Film Project,” and
• Nguyen Van Chinh: “China’s Confucius
Institute and Its Civilizing Mission in the
Mekong Region”.
Finally, Nguyen Van Chinh (Vietnam) discussed the
increasing influence and role of China in the Mekong
region. His research project sought to better
understand the nature, extent, purpose and impact of
China’s rising influence in the region and various
responses of local people in the Mekong countries.
What would be the position of ASEAN pertinent to
this matter?
Globalization is a world of culture in motion, mixtures
and mobility. The flow of people, commodities, ideas,
images and influential power across the globe are
significant characteristics of global/regional cultural
manifestation. People are highly mobile, especially
those from poor and marginalized communities in
search of any cracks and spaces providing economic
opportunities at the local, national, regional and global
levels. Today, many have become cosmopolitan
workers joining the global labor force. In another
trend, increasingly influential China has accelerated its
presence and role across Asia. All these globalizing
forces have led us to ponder issues relating to power
relations and social justice among diverse parties.
What are the consequences of such cultural stretching
and heightened interconnectedness? What relations
exist between culture, power, and history? How do
Asian communities experience such power relations in
their everyday practices? What are their perspectives
and strategies for possible solutions?
Roundtable: From API fellows to Asian
Public Intellectuals
Four fellows addressed key issues relating to “social
justice resulting from the flux and flow of people,
culture, as well as power and praxis in the globalizing
world”. The migration of people, especially of young
workers, has created ambivalent and shifting identities
in an age of globalization. Resmi Setia Milawati
(Indonesia) examined the incorporation of young
Third World workers into the global economy
through a case study involving the outsourced call
center industry in the Philippines.
In summary, group responses focused on
communication and organization. The first group felt
that API should create a regional platform for fellows
to interact among themselves. This platform should be
effective and creative so as to proactively involve those
inside and outside the organization. The second group
felt that the current communications channels were
too static – as there was no one person or group behind
the initiative. Thus, perhaps API should draw on
partner institutions, and also expand its network
A roundtable was held on the last day of the workshop.
API fellows were divided into three groups and asked
to discuss the following questions:
1. How do you intend to network with API
fellows in the region in the future; how can you
bring others into these networks?
2. How can you disseminate API information to
fellows and the wider public in the future?
3. How can API contributions be linked to the
development of Asian identities in the future?
The groups comprised current and past API fellows as
well as members of the API selection committees and
partner institutions. Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Mary
Rachelis and I acted as facilitators.
xxv
outside of the ASEAN region into the Indiansubcontinent and China. The third group believed
that any communicative framework we develop should
include teaching and training, awareness-raising and
publicity by drawing on the strengths of the fellows,
who represent the creative force within the
organization, in order to connect to the wider public.
Conclusion
In summing up the conclusion of the workshop,
Tatsuya Tanami, Surichai Wun’Gaeo and I made the
following observations.
First, the themes of culture and globalization were
timely and appropriate for this workshop, as they were
reflected profoundly in most API research projects. In
Asia, we found at least four kinds of culture: the
indigenous culture of a given society, common Asian
culture based on Asian civilizations such as those of
China and India, Western modern culture brought
from outside traditional communities, and finally
contemporary culture based upon globalization. This
indicated significant external forces influencing our
contemporary globalized culture. Each fellow added
discussion on these cultural facets and how they
revealed themselves in different cultural patterns
during the globalization period. Many topics were
covered by fellows in their presentations, but all
reflected in some ways the impact of global forces on
Asia, whether spiritually or culturally or more often
than not, economically and politically.
Second, globalization came from above and below.
Many fellows reflected upon the impact of
globalization from above and below, as governments
try to manage their nation-state territories and as local
citizens attempt to deal with the forces imposed upon
them by state and non-state sectors, through citizen
networks, civil movements and by adapting their
livelihoods.
Third, regarding the future of API, we aimed at
establishing a cohesive network among API fellows in
relation to their becoming a force for and within local
communities. Perhaps API should be more inclusive in
future, in terms of involving a greater range of people.
We supported fellows to do research in different
participating countries of API. Fellows acted as a
bridge between disciplines and local wider publics.
This also led us on to the themes discussed on the
closing day of the workshop, comprising
communication and organization, by three sub-groups
of API fellows and alumni.
And finally, what was the meaning of “public
intellectuals?” They were people committed to helping
the plight of local people. They were able to learn from
local people, understand people’s situations and
effectively provide organizational and leadership
capacities to respond to the needs of the people. They
were concerned with the public interest. When fellows
returned to their home countries, could the knowledge
and skills they gained from their API research projects
be transferred to policy-makers and influence those
within the state and corporate sectors who wished to
make a difference? This might be one effective way of
widening the scope of the group. There was also a need
to extend the scope of API geographically. The Indian
sub-continent and China represent a growing
influence. All fellows should take responsibility for
communicating what API is all about to the public.
But the question remained - who should take the lead
and how? These were matters on which the API needs
to engage in the near future.
MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION IN ASIAN CONTEXT
1
Development of Malay Rice Growing Villages under De-Agrarianization
Rika Terano
Introduction
Objective of the project
This project aimed to clarify the future direction of
rural development in the Malaysian peninsula. In the
rural sector, rice-farming villages were traditionally
poor, with a good number of the population being part
of the agricultural labor force. However, because
Malaysia had been achieving drastic economic growth
since the late 1980s, economic inequality became a
more profound problem between the more
industrialized and the less industrialized states. Newly
build factories brought about by foreign direct
investment resulted in off-farm income for employed
villagers of the surrounding industrial zones. In order
to figure out the contemporary socio-economic
situation, particularly in consideration of farming
households and rural livelihood, an analysis of the
household economy in terms of only on-farm income
and farm management would not be adequate. In
approaching the inequality problem and advancing a
better-adapted policy for rural development, we
utilized the framework of “de-agrarianization” that
involved diversifying farm households and livelihood
through off-farm income and employment. An
attempt to approach the economic inequality at the
household level will create possibilities for attaining
social justice in Malaysia.
Framework of the project
“De-agrarianization” is an elusive concept indicating
the process of diversifying the rural sector at the macro
and micro levels. In the 1990s, Deborah Bryson
proposed labor and income diversification, apart from
agrarian livelihood. Bryson and Rigg suggested five
perspectives to figure out the phenomenon of deagrarianization in Asian countries. However, these
were not suitable to the situation of Malay villages for
which reason I came up with the idea of looking at the
phenomenon of de-agrarianization in Malay villages
from the following five perspectives: (1) income
distribution, (2) employment structure, (3) the role of
on-farm income in farming households, (4) household
expenditures in the rural economy, and (5) living
standards and the quality of life. This framework will
see how well rice farm households in main rice
producing areas or granaries balance their household
incomes from on-farm and off-farm income sources
compared to households in the more and the less
industrialized areas. I will also suggest how the
Malaysian government should support farm
households in each granary.
This final report will describe the socio-economic
situation in the rice farming areas of peninsular
Malaysia from one main perspective—“income
distribution”. In order to compare the different levels
of de-agrarianization and to illustrate the socioeconomic situation in better, two other areas will be
considered in the discussion.
Background of the project
Among Southeast Asian countries, Malaysia has
achieved the most dramatic economic growth since the
late 1980s. This is largely due to investments by foreign
multinational companies in the manufacturing sector.
Demand for labor in the industrial zones increased
steadily, and Malaysians started seeking employment
as factory workers. While the increase in job
opportunities provided cash income to employed
workers in some industrialized states, agriculture
remained the dominant sector in other states. Due to
the difference in employment opportunities between
the more and the less urbanized states, regional
economic disparities became an acute issue. The
Malaysian government recognized this social problem
as a key issue and report this gap to be very wide with a
0.441 Gini coefficient in the Ninth Plan period (20062010).
In order to achieve the Wawasan 2020 (Vision 2020)
goal for Malaysia to become a developed nation, the
government has put emphasis on rural development
for reducing regional income disparities between the
urban and rural areas. The paddy rice sector has been
one of the strategic sectors for ensuring food security
in Malaysia. And for this reason, the Malaysian
government has implemented a protective policy, i.e., a
subsidy scheme for paddy farmers. Numerous
2
Panel 1
technological changes have raised the yield and
productivity of paddy farming since the 1970s,
especially in selected granaries in eight areas of
Peninsular Malaysia. Majority of the Malaysian paddy
farmers are smallholders who work on small
uneconomic plots (Acharya 2000).
As the country developed, the role and contribution of
agriculture to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), in
general, declined and has been taken over by the
manufacturing sector. In his study, Yokoyama (1990)
noted that the Malaysian economy developed by
relying on the manufacturing sector, which accounted
for more than 50 % of Malaysia’s total exports in 1989
a situation that has persisted since. While in the 1960s
the manufacturing sector was still dependent on the
domestic market, by the 1970s the export of Malaysian
manufactured products had experienced a double-digit
growth rate annually. This growth of the
manufacturing sector entailed structural changes in
the entire Malaysian economy. The share of the
manufacturing sector to the GDP increased from
12.2% in 1970 to 26.1% in 2009, while the share of the
agricultural sector declined from 32.1% to 7.5% over
the same period.
Industrialization through the manufacturing sector
brought job opportunities to the industrial zones and
cash earnings in the form of salaries, proof indicating
how many Malaysian’s livelihoods had become rapidly
diversified. Ooi (2004) traced the transitional phase of
the Malaysian economy to industrialization from the
1970s to the 2000s, and clarified its impact on the
employment structure: with more women employed in
the manufacturing sector, most households began
enjoying double incomes. Although industrial
development had created job opportunities for rural
communities, development was concentrated mainly
on the West Coast because of the more convenient
infrastructure and geographical advantage it enjoyed,
which in turn increased job opportunities in the area.
To determine the actual changes in the household’s
structure on the West Coast, Fujimoto (1995) focused
on socio-economic changes thereat, especially in its
rural sector’s employment structure inclusive of onand off-farm activities. He clarified that economic
development had changed economic activities at the
household level. Off-farm income became a vital
income source for sustaining farm households in the
paddy growing communities on the West coast areas.
As for policy implementation in Malaysia, during the
period when the Third Malaysian Plan (3MP:19761980) was in force, the New Economic Policy (NEP:
1971-1990) implemented starting 1971 was mainly
directed at poverty eradication and restructuring
society. It advanced economic growth through direct
investment in the manufacturing sector, which became
the main vehicle leading economic growth. As a result
of the employment opportunities generated and the
promotion of economic restructuring (Daquila 2005),
people started to work in factories manufacturing
electrical machinery and appliances in the free trade
zones. Further, NEP played an important role in the
social aspects of Malaysian society, and not just in the
economic sense. In order to attain the objectives for
restructuring, especially in the less developed rice
sector, NEP gave high priority to protecting Malay
farmers through the maximization of their incomes
through protective and conservative rice policies.
In January 1984, within the period covered by the
Fourth Malaysian Plan (4MP:1981-1985), the First
National Agricultural Policy (1NAP: 1984-1991) was
announced, providing a broad direction for the
strategy via a long-term framework reaching up to the
year 2000, especially where the agricultural sector
(5MP, 295) was concerned. The objective of the first
NAP was toward the efficient utilization of resources
and the revitalization of the contribution of the sector
to overall economic development. The gradual
liberalization of the agricultural sector was initiated
with the promulgation of the first NAP (3NAP, 4).
The producers were differentiated across a very small
number of modern specialized production units and a
large number of traditional units. The Fifth Malaysia
Plan (5MP:1986-1990) presented sharp disparities in
the levels of efficiency, productivity, competitiveness,
and, hence income resulting in the high incidence of
poverty among small farmers (5MP, 296).
Traditionally, paddy production played an important
role in sustaining the paddy farmer’s livelihood in
Malaysia, and on-farm income was the main source of
income of rural paddy households in Malay villages
(Purcal 1971). Paddies were the third largest followed
by two areas planted to cash crops. Apart from cash
crops such as rubber and palm oil, paddies covered
larger areas than other food crops (Year Book of
Statistics 2010). However, in the late 70s, a drastic
technological innovation called the Green Revolution
emerged, causing productivity in many countries
including Malaysia, to rise. Although the green
revolution has evolved around the world, a typical
paddy farm household in Malaysia has retained its
smallness and on-farm activities continue to be
individually managed at the household level.
Nevertheless, as an institution of economic development and progress, paddy farm management has
changed and is influenced by changes in the external
environment such as the economy, government policy,
technological progress and advancements in the
manufacturing sector that had transformed the
mapping of regional society and nature. While farm
households in paddy growing areas were affected by
the external environment to a large extent, changes in
the internal environment such as in farm management,
like the use of farming technology and farm inputs,
may have had an impact on farm household incomes as
a whole.
In the 1980s, the manufacturing sector started to
create economic imbalance between the agricultural
and the manufacturing sectors more quickly than
generally expected in Malaysia. As a result, the younger
farmers became part-time farmers, working in the offfarm sector resulting from rapid industrialization.
Since then, the rice farming sector began to face serious
problems such as a dwindling labor force, more idle
lands, and increasing competition for land. The first
NAP was reviewed earlier than originally planned and
the second NAP (2NAP1992-1997) was introduced.
Although the government proposed the development
and modernization of the rural areas in an effort to
retain the labor force in the small holders sector, the
wage difference between the manufacturing and
agricultural sectors diminished the attraction of the
agricultural sector for domestic labor. The second
NAP addressed productivity, efficiency and
competitiveness issues in the context of sustainable
development and linkages with other sectors of the
economy.
Until the Ninth Malaysian Plan (9MP:2006-2010),
Malaysian policies set their sights lower and lower so as
to attain the other side of the policy objective. In 1970,
self-sufficiency in rice production was 78%, and during
the period covered by the Second Malaysian Plan
(1970-1975), the Government upheld the target of
90% to 100% self-sufficiency in the rice sector. As a
result of government’s giving high priority to the rice
sector, it attained 92% self-sufficiency in 1980 (TMP,
277). In contrast, from the 1990s up to the 2000s, the
desired target declined from 70% to 65%, which was
3
competitive enough with the international market. As
Fujimoto (1991) pointed out, self-sufficiency was
determined by two different factors: the World Bank
recommendation to abandon the self-sufficiency
policy, and the importance of the rice sector to
national food security. While ensuring self-sufficiency
in pursuit of national food security, the target level for
self-sufficiency was raised to 65% in terms of to
maintain the competitive strength of other crops.
However, the government needed to exert
considerable effort in dealing with the issues
confronting rice farmers. The rice policy came out
with support measures through the Malaysian Plans
and National Agricultural Policies, as follows: the
provision and improvement of irrigation facilities for
raising productivity, and the Guaranteed Minimum
Price and the Urea Subsidy Scheme in support of farm
income in the uncompetitive rice sector. The
Malaysian government has been implementing a
protective policy for the rice sector through output
price subsidies since 1973. The fertilizer subsidy was
first introduced in the early 1950s with the objective of
encouraging farmers to use fertilizer, hence
demonstrating the higher pay-off from using adequate
fertilizer, both in terms of paddy output and income
(Ahmad and Tawang 1999).
In conventional policymaking in developing countries,
the existence of a stable food supply has generally been
associated with agricultural development. In order to
develop the rural sector, strategies need to target
sustainable agricultural production mainly (JICA
2004). This is because agriculture is the main sector
and its development can play an important role in the
economic development of a whole country. In most
Southeast Asian countries, agriculture is the key
industry, in which enormous labor, land and other
resources are utilized even though agricultural
productivity in the sector is still low (Nakano 1977).
Using the case of Northern Thailand, Rigg and
Nattapoolwat (2001) showed how changes in the rural
economic structure and in rice farming villages tend to
take on patterns different from the agrarian pattern.
Rigg (1997) argued that the growing importance of
non-farming pursuits among the young and female
employees could cause permanent change in the rural
economy. This process of change illustrates the
vulnerability of agriculture to macro-economic
changes and the subsequent transformation of people’s
livelihood. This transition was labeled “de-agrarianization” in a case study conducted in Sub-Saharan
Africa (Bryson 1997).
4
Panel 1
According to UNCTAD (2008), under the deagrarianization process, people living in the rural areas
increasingly survive by relying on multiple activities,
rather than simply farming. UNCTAD further
mentioned how this phenomenon has been occurring
at an accelerating rate. Thus, even though agriculture
remains the major employer in most least-developed
countries, the annual increase in the number of people
seeking work outside agriculture is starting to exceed
the annual increase in the number of people seeking
work within agriculture, showing a major change vis-àvis the conditions in the 1980s and 1990s.
Livelihood represents human life. A livelihood
structure consists of multifaceted dimensions, but
mainly has two dimensions: the economic and the
social structures. While the economic dimension
includes all living environments, which make a
difference in living standards, the social dimension
covers the people’s satisfaction standard in living
environments. De-agrarianization is a process which
encompasses the transformation of people’s livelihood
from a more agricultural to a less agricultural one at the
individual or household levels. Therefore, deagrarianization is a part of livelihood diversification
affecting people’s lives under shifting environmental
conditions. Figure 1-1 illustrates two areas where farm
household income and the agricultural sector have
changed. The semi-circular arrows indicate that
livelihood diversification is widespread and found in
all locations, as well as across all farm sizes and ranges
of income and wealth (Frank 2000). In the case of
Malaysia, the livelihood of farmers has become more
diversified due to the additional off-farm income they
can earn in manufacturing factories. Main income
earning opportunities have shifted from the on-farm
sector to the off-farm sector with industrialization
taking place as a concomitant condition or reality.
Figure 1. Summary of diversification issues.
This study focuses on the main paddy granary areas,
where paddy farmers typically hold a small parcel of
land. The objective of the study is to investigate
income structures in terms of on-farm and off-farm
incomes in five paddy granary areas on the West and
East coasts. A survey was conducted in these five areas
from 2010 to 2011 using a structured questionnaire.
The specific objectives of this paper are as follows: (1)
to clarify the income distribution among households
in the main paddy granaries, (2) to measure inequality
of incomes among paddy farmer households, and (3)
to examine the determinant factors influencing
household income in the paddy granaries located in
both coastal areas.
The following methods were used in this study. First,
income distribution at the farm household level in the
five areas was measured using the household income,
which was divided into on-farm and off-farm incomes,
as basis. Second, the focus was on computing income
disparities among farm households using the Ginicoefficient in both coastal areas. This enabled the
researcher to understand the reality of the income gap
and of the specific groups, which brought about a
wider gap in terms of household incomes. Third,
determinants of household income in the five areas
were clarified using linear regression analysis.
Material and Method
The survey was conducted in 2010 in the paddy
granaries in Peninsular Malaysia. These areas were as
follows: 1) the Muda Agricultural Development
Authority (MADA); 2) Kemubu Agricultural
Development Authority (KADA); 3) Barat Laut
Selangor Integrated Agriculture Development Area
(IADA Barat Laut Selangor); 4) Penang Integrated
Agriculture Development Area (IADA Penang): and
5) North Terengganu Integrated Agriculture
Development (KETARA). Random sampling was
MADA,
Kedah
5
done among select paddy farming household heads
using the same farming and irrigation systems. A total
of 201 farmers were selected as respondents to answer
the questionnaire. Based on the context of
industrialization in Malaysia, MADA, KADA, and
IADA Barat Laut Selangor are in the West Coast,
within commuting distance from industry zones like
Penang and the sub-urban areas of cities. Meanwhile,
IADA Penang and KETARA are on the East Coast
and are located far from the main cities (Table 1 shows
the distribution of the samples from each region)
KADA, Pasir Mas
Kelantan
IADA KETARA,
Kuala Besut,
Terengganu
IADA Pulau Pinang,
Sebrang Prai,
Penang
Sg.Burung,
Tanjong Karang
Selangor
Figure 2. Location of study areas in the Malaysia peninsula.
Results and Discussion
- Income distribution
Table 1 shows the characteristics of the paddy farmers
and their households. While most of the farmers from
IADA Penang were part-time farmers, only a limited
number of the farmers from IADA Selangor worked as
part-time farmers. Even though both were located
along the West coast, the location of IADA Penang
was much closer to the industrial part of the state.
Furthermore, though the average farm size in IADA
Penang is smaller than in the other areas. There were
also more farm owners in IADA Penang than there
were in other areas. Additionally, the most tenants in
KADA, which was covered by Ladang Merdeka
Manan, had a “landlord”. Most of the households also
belonged to part-time farm households in the areas,
and almost half of the household heads were employed
in rice farming but had a second job.
Total household income included all existing incomes
such as on-farm and off-farm incomes, remittances
from non-resident children, pensions, and paddy
subsidies received by the farm households. The average
total household income was highest in Selangor, while
on-farm incomes in Kedah and Penang were the
second and third highest in Malaysia, followed by
Selangor. While average household incomes were
RM4,792 in Penang and RM4,895 in Selangor, the
rest of the areas had lower incomes than the overall
average income. There were as follows: RM2,947 in
Kedah, RM1824 in Kelantan, and RM2,969 in
Terengganu. In Terengganu, rubber tapping was
common and popular among farmers and their wives.
Earnings from this supplemented their household
incomes (see Table 2). Figure 2 illustrates the ratio of
on-farm and off-farm income in total household
6
Panel 1
income. Although total income in Selangor was the
highest, percentage of off-farm income in Penang was
biggest among the five areas. While Sg.Burong in
Selangor was the most advanced area for rice farming,
Penang was well known as an industrialized area.
Items
Number of households studied
Average familly size (persons)
Job of head of household
Full-time (paddy only)
Part-time
Characteristics of household
Full-time farm household
Part-time farm household
No.of farmers by tenurial status
Landlord
Landlord-owner farmer
Owner farmers
Owner-tenant farmers
Tenant farmers
Average farm size (acre)
Followed by Penang, off-farm incomes in Kelantan
and Terengganu were higher than in the areas on the
West Coast. This suggests that the West Coast is not
always the keyword for diversified household incomes
among these five areas.
MADA
IADA Pulau
Pinang
IADA Barat
Laut Selangor
KADA
IADA
KETARA
40
4.8
42
5.6
42
5.1
37
5.0
40
5.5
13
27
17
25
17
25
3
0
11
29
10
30
3
39
14
28
3
4
36
0
0
4
17
19
8.2
9
1
21
16
5
2.7
0
0
11
8
23
6.3
50
1
0
1
3
0.8
0
0
9
12
19
6.9
Source:Oen survey 2010 and 2011.
Note:farm land size does not include the land of landlord in Penang state.
Table 1. Outline of the studied villages and their characteristics
Penang
Kedah
Average
Average
Frequency
SD
Frequency
(ringgit)
(ringgit)
less than 1,000
5
611
2
605
261
1,000-1,999
10
1,408
3
1,584
172
2,000-2,999
9
2,506
6
2,410
307
3,000-3,999
5
3,432
6
3,470
319
4,000-4,999
6
4,447
10
4,582
296
5,000-5,999
2
5,527
4
5,328
150
6,000-6,999
1
6,952
3
6,328
284
7,000-7,999
1
7,577
2
7,446
71
more than 8,000
1
8,779
6
9,808
2,557
Overall average
40
2,947
42
4,792
2,793
Kelantan
Terengganu
Farm households income
Average
Average
Frequency
SD
Frequency
(ringgit)
(ringgit)
16
546
246
less than 1,000
7
522
8
1,390
351
1,000-1,999
8
1,417
7
2,312
207
2,000-2,999
8
2,328
5
3,400
251
3,000-3,999
10
3,419
1
4,908
0
4,000-4,999
3
4,610
0
5,000-5,999
2
5,735
1
6,083
0
6,000-6,999
1
6,808
1
7,092
0
7,000-7,999
0
0
more than 8,000
2
10,916
37
1,824
1,617
Overall average
40
2,969
Source: Own survey in 2006, 2008, 20010 and 2011.
Table 2: Income distribution of total household income in the five areas
Farm households income
SD
133
283
326
199
238
252
1,989
SD
281
131
288
323
258
139
1,885
2,433
Selangor
Average
Frequency
(ringgit)
2
728
9
1,394
7
2,687
7
3,455
8
4,618
1
5,756
1
6,812
1
7,042
6
15,338
42
4,895
Overall
Average
Frequency
(ringgit)
29
581.4
41
1,431.0
36
2,507.8
33
3,443.3
25
4,508.6
14
5,547.5
6
6,547.3
4
7,288.7
13 12,258.0
201
3,470.7
SD
305
239
280
269
295
7,840
5,335
SD
238.9
256.9
296.0
273.4
287.4
291.1
381.4
238.9
5,992.2
3,237.9
7
6000
4,895
5000
4,792
3,827
4000
3,304
2,969
2,947
3000
2000
1,591
1,745
1,708
1,951
1,824
1,203
1,019
965
1000
116
0
Selangor
On -farm income
Kedah
Penang
Off -farm income
Kelantan
Terengganu
Total household income
Figure 3. Average of household incomes in the five granaries.
Source: Own survey 2010 and 2011.
- Income inequality
Income distribution is illustrated by the different
characteristics of household incomes in terms of onfarm and off farm incomes. In this section, we attempt
to measure quantitatively the degree of skewness of the
income distribution using the Gini coefficient. The
Gini coefficient indicates the degree of concentration
and income inequality. It is based on the covariance
between income Y of an individual or household and
the F rank that the individual or household occupies in
the distribution of income. This rank takes a value
between zero, representing the poorest, and one,
representing the richest. Denoting the mean income
by Y, the standard Gini coefficient is defined as: Gini=
2 cov (Y, F) / Y. Table 3 shows the Gini coefficient of
the total household income in terms of the on-farm
and off-farm incomes in the five areas. A comparison
of the Gini-coefficients in both coastal areas indicates a
wider inequality in the West coast (0.428 among 121
farm households) than in the East coast (0.378 among
79 farm households). In terms of off-farm incomes,
there was wider inequality in Selangor and Kedah.
There were rather lower Gini-coefficients in Kelantan
and Terengganu. This could due to the fact that offfarm income is not a predominant income source in
Selangor and Kedah. The Gini-coefficient for
Kelantan indicated that the state had wider inequality
than the other areas in farm household income, in
both on-farm and off-farm incomes. Overall, the Ginicoefficients for the states on the West Coast were
smaller than for the East Coast, for both on-farm and
off-farm incomes.
8
Panel 1
Gini coefficient
Areas
Total income
On-farm income
Off-farm income
West coast
0.428
0.619
0.477
Penang
0.280
0.253
0.209
Kedah
0.354
0.402
0.620
Selangor
0.445
0.498
0.604
East coast
0.378
0.509
0.541
Kelantan
0.499
0.609
0.517
Terengganu
0.396
0.608
0.459
Source:Own survey
Table 3. The Gini coefficients of farm household incomes by total income, on-farm income, and off-farm incomes
- Determinant factor of household income
This section attempts to clarify which variables are
influential to farm household income by conducting a
chi-square analysis and a regression analysis. A chisquare analysis is performed in terms of household
monthly income per capita, depending on the levels of
household incomes. A regression analysis was likewise
conducted to clarify the detailed mechanism of
household incomes among five areas.
Chi-square analysis: Table 4 shows the chi-square
analysis of monthly household incomes per capita in
five areas. Household incomes per capita were grouped
into five, from income below RM300 to incomes
higher than RM900 per month. The result of the chi-
Variables
Location (costal sides)
1.West coast
2.East coast
Perason Chi-square
Location (five areas)
1.Kedah
2.Penang
3.Selangor
4.Kelantan
5.Terengganu
Perason Chi-square
1. Lower
income
below RM300
Frequency %
square test of independence shows a significant
relationship between the characteristics of farm
households and household income per capita. Both
coastal sides between the West and the East coast of
peninsular Malaysia. Location variables pertaining to
how coastal side paddy farmers live show the tendency
of household incomes per capita on the West coast to
be clearly higher than those in the East Coast. The
following location variables were categorized
according to the five states: Kedah, Penang, Selangor,
Kelantan, and Terengganu. The chi-square test results
also show that household income per capita, especially
in Selangor and Penang on the West Coast, is higher
than in Kelantan and Terengganu on the East coast
(X2 =25.927, p<0.05). The difference is significant.
Housheold monthly income per capita
4. Higher
3. Mid-high
2. Mid-low
income above
income
income
RM900
RM600-899
RM300-599
Frequency
%
Frequency
%
Frequency %
21 16.9
29 37.2
13.270 ***
34
23
27.4
29.5
28
12
22.6
15.4
41
14
33.1
17.9
10 25.0
5 11.9
6 14.3
17 45.9
12 29.3
25.927 **
13
8
13
8
15
32.5
19.0
31.0
21.6
36.6
5
14
9
7
5
12.5
33.3
21.4
18.9
12.2
12
15
14
5
9
30.3
35.7
33.3
13.5
22.0
Overall
Frequency
%
124 100.0
78 100.0
40
42
42
37
41
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
9
Variables
West coast (three areas)
1.Kedah
2.Penang
3.Selangor
Perason Chi-square
East coast (two areas)
1.Kelantan
2.Terengganu
Perason Chi-square
Tenant status
1.Landlord (only in Kelantan)
2.Owner farmer
3.Owner tenant farmer
4.Tenant farmer
Perason Chi-square
Farm size
1.below 3.0acre
2.3.0-5.9acre
3.6.0-8.9acre
4.above 9.0acre
Perason Chi-square
Age of household head
1.below 40 years old
2.40-49 yeard old
3.50-59 years old
4.above 60 years old
Perason Chi-square
Education of household head
1.No education and elementary
( incomplete)
2.Secondary school
3.High school
4. Above
Perason Chi-square
Farm household
1.Full-time farm household
2.Part-time farm household
Perason Chi-square
1. Lower
income
below RM300
Frequency %
Housheold monthly income per capita
4. Higher
3. Mid-high
2. Mid-low
income above
income
income
RM900
RM600-899
RM300-599
Frequency
%
Frequency
%
Frequency %
10
5
6
25.0
11.9
14.3
13 32.50
8 19.05
13 30.95
17
12
45.9
29.3
8
15
17 45.9
11 23.4
6 14.3
16 21.1
24.425 ***
Overall
Frequency
%
5
14
9
12.5
33.3
21.4
12
15
14
30.0
35.7
33.3
40 100.0
42 100.0
42 100.0
21.6
36.6
7
5
18.9
12.2
5
9
13.5
22.0
37 100.0
41 100.0
8
8
11
30
21.6
17.0
26.2
39.5
7
12
7
14
18.9
25.5
16.7
18.4
5
16
18
16
13.5
34.0
42.9
21.1
37
47
42
76
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
35 40.7
8 14.0
5 16.7
2
6.9
42.518 ***
22
16
14
5
25.6
28.1
46.7
17.2
17
15
4
4
19.8
26.3
13.3
13.8
12
18
7
18
14.0
31.6
23.3
62.1
86
57
30
29
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
4
4
16
16
10.839
17.4
20.6
28.6
29.1
7
27
13
10
30.4
39.7
23.2
18.2
3
11
13
13
13.0
16.2
23.2
23.6
9
16
14
16
39.1
23.5
25.0
29.1
23
68
56
55
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
11
26.2
10
23.8
10
23.8
11
26.2
42 100.0
14
11
14
29.8
24.4
20.6
11
14
22
23.4
31.1
32.4
13
7
10
27.7
15.6
14.7
9
13
22
19.1
28.9
32.4
47 100.0
45 100.0
68 100.0
15
35
40.5
21.2
***
12
45
32.4
27.3
3
37
8.1
22.4
7
48
18.9
29.1
37 100.0
165 100.0
8.158
4.275
7.168
9.123
Table 4. Chi-square analysis of household income among five areas.
In terms of tenant status, the owner and owner tenant
farmers earned higher incomes per capita (X2=24.425,
p<0.01). Also in terms of farm size, the test showed
that a larger farm size significantly contributed to
household
income
(X2=42.518,
p<0.01).
Additionally, characteristics of farm households either
with full-time farm or part-time household influenced
household income per capita (X2=9.123, p<0.05).
10 Panel 1
There was a tendency for households with part-time
workers to have higher incomes. On the other hand,
education was not an important factor in determining
the income group of households. This is because of the
fact that just like in the farming sector, most off-farm
employment opportunities such as those in factories,
rubber tapping and contractor did not require higher
education background.
As described previously, household incomes in each
area have different characters. This section attempts to
clarify which variables are significant in determining
farm household income by conducting a regression
analysis. The model used is as follows:
Y=a + bi Xi+...+bjXj+u;
Where;?
-Y is the total monthly household income
(Ringgit).
-X1 is the number of family members (persons);
-X2 is the farm size in acres;
-X3 is the age of the head of the household in
years;
-X4 is a dummy variable for the characteristics of
the household
: 0 for full-time and 1 for part-time farm
households;
-X5 is a dummy variable for the occupation of
the head of the household
: 0 for a full-time farmer and 1 for a part-time
farmer;
-X6 represents the location: 0 is given for the
East coast while 1 represents the West coast;
-X7 is a dummy variable for Kedah: where 1 is
given for Kedah and 0 is given for the other
states;
-X8 is a dummy variable for Penang state: 1
equates to Penang and 0 is given for the other
states;
-X9 is a dummy variable for Selangor state:
where 1 is given for Selangor and 0 equates to the
other states;
-X10 is a dummy variable for Kelantan state: 1
represents Kelantan and 0 represents the other
states;
-X11 is a dummy variable for Terengganu state:
1 equates to Terengganu and 0 is given for the
other states,
One of the characteristics of a household in the
granary area is the pattern of employment: are the
family members employed as workers in the off-farm
sector or are they employed in the farm itself?
The other characteristic is the occupation of the head
of the household: is he a full-time or a part-time paddy
farmer? Four regression models were created: 1) Model
I examines the differences in household incomes in the
West vis-à-vis the East Coast areas; 2) Model II
examines the differences between the two areas on the
East Coast; 3) Model III examines the differences
among the three states on the West Coast except for
Kedah; and 4) Model IV examines the difference
among the three areas on the West Coast except for
Selangor. The results of the regression analysis are
shown in Table 5. The regression analysis for Model I
shows that the differences in the farm size and
household characteristics of full-time farmers and parttime farmers were statistically significant at the 1%
level, which had a positive sign for household income.
The tenancy (renting of land) was significant at the 5%
level, which had a negative sign. This meant that when
paddy farmers rented more land for farming, it actually
had a negative impact on their income even though the
farmers could produce more paddy in the larger area.
Between both coastal areas, household income on the
West Coast tended to be higher.
Model I
Regression
coefficient
Model II
Model III
T-value
Regression
coefficient
T-value
Regression
coefficient
Model IV
T-value
a
6.828 ***
5.480
347.013
0.158
-6,555.441 ***
-3.103
Farm size (in acre)
0.381 ***
5.656
264.609 ***
4.503
443.788 ***
10.528
Age of HH (in years)
0.000
-0.352
-18.833
-0.621
50.014 *
Education of HH (in years)
-0.073
-1.088
-13.999
0.203
174.770 **
Farming experience of HH
(in years)
-0.032
-0.565
9.207
0.35
Occupantion of HH
(Full-time=0, Part-time=1)
0.196
1.399
1,464.991 *
1.971
Full and part-time farm
household (Full=0, Part=1)
0.599 ***
3.584
727.853
0.857
Number of family member
(in person)
-0.676 ***
-5.906
362.673 ***
3.193
Tenancy
(Renting land in=1, No rent=0)
-0.340
**
-2.393
-1,549.959 -
-1.648
Location dummy
(West coast=1, East coast=0)
0.503 ***
3.908
-772.239
-0.678
Location dummy
(Terengganu=1, Kelantan=0)
Location dummy
(Selangor=1, other areas=0)
Regression
coefficient
-3,705.300 *
-1.862
10.528
1.618
50.014 *
1.618
2.274
174.770 **
2.274
1.208
0.55
1.208
0.055
-475.264
-0.787
-404.558
-0.751
2,540.656 ***
3.538
2,540.656 ***
3.538
120.119
0.976
0.976
0.331
-404.558
-0.751
-404.558
-0.751
3,887.644 ***
5.709
2,850.141 ***
5.077
-2,850.141 ***
-5.077
1,037.503
1.559
R square
0.368
0.417
0.602
0.602
F-value
14.070
5.408
17.059
17.059
201
77
121
201
N
T-value
443.788 ***
Location dummy
(Kedah=1, other areas=0)
Location dummy
(Penang=1, other areas=0)
11
Source: Own survey
Note: On-farm income includes subsidies.
: *** denotes significant at the 1% probability level. ** denotes significant at the 5% probability level. * denotes significant at the 10%
probability level.
Table 5. Determinant factors of household monthly incomes in the five areas.
Model II showed that the number of family members
was an important factor on the East Coast. Because
there are numerous self-employed jobs in Kelantan
and Terengganu such as rubber tapping, the number of
family members had a positive impact on household
income. The location factor showed that there was a
similar trend in total monthly household income
between both areas. In Model III, the type of
employment on the farm (full-time or part-time) was
an important determinant and was statistically
significant at the 5% level. This is because off-farm
income could have influenced household income on
the West coast, especially considering the fact that the
Penang granary is located near industrial parks.
Locational differences showed that farm households in
Penang and Selangor tended to earn more household
income in Model III, but farm households in Kedah
were shown to earn a lower income in Model IV.
Conclusion
Average household income was RM4,895 in Selangor
and RM4,792 in Penang. These were the highest and
second highest average household income in the five
areas respectively. Also the average household income
in Terengganu and Kedah were similar at RM2,947 in
Kedah and RM2,969 in Terengganu. We measured
income differences in household income in terms of
total household income that comes from on-farm and
off-farm incomes. Household income in Penang was
influenced the most by de-agrarianization among five
areas. However, the other areas in West Coast did not
get much influence from de-agrarianization as shown
in income diversification.
12 Panel 1
There was a wider inequality on the West Coast areas
(0.428) than on the East Coast areas (0.378).
Household income in Penang had the lowest Gini
coefficient which came to 0.280. In fact, the Gini
coefficients for both on-farm and off-farm incomes in
Penang were very low at 0.253 and 0.209, respectively.
As for the East Coast, although Terengganu had a
lower Gini coefficient compared to Kelantan,
inequality in Terengganu was still higher than in
Kedah state on the West Coast. The Gini-coefficient
for off-farm income was higher in Selangor and Kedah
than the other areas. This is because there are fewer
opportunities to earn an off-farm income from a
secondary job in both of these areas, which means that
the households in these states rely a lot more on onfarm income than on off-farm income.
We examined the determinant factors influencing
household income in paddy granaries in both coastal
areas of Peninsular Malaysia. The results of the
estimation indicate that characteristics like full-time or
part-time farm occupation status, tenant status,
education, and farm size were the main variables
affecting the paddy farmer’s incomes throughout the
five areas. Location was also an important factor
influencing household income. It was shown that
farmers located in Kedah, Terengganu and Kelantan
had lower incomes.
This study investigated the actual structure of farm
household incomes not only in terms of income level,
but also in terms of income differences among the
selected five main granaries in Malaysia. It showed that
the granary areas in Penang and Selangor had the
highest income households, while Kelantan,
Terengganu and Kedah had much lower income
households. However, income structures were not the
same as the income household levels between the
higher and lower income households. For example,
even though the level of total household income in
Terengganu and Kedah were almost similar on average,
the direction of rural development needs to be
considered in a different way. In Terengganu, for
example, off-farm sector activities such as rubber
tapping help increase household income. In the case of
Kelantan, the policy has to leverage the on-farm and
off-farm sectors in order to increase the people’s
limited household income.
Further prospects for the study
This study was conducted in Malay rice farming areas
through personal interviews with local farmers. In
order to indicate the trend of the household economy
in the rural sector, we focused on livelihood
diversification amidst de-agrarianization. A comparative study of the five areas including two areas
which I had done surveys on for my doctoral thesis
could clarify the level of livelihood diversification in
the household economy of rice farmers, which factor
plays key roles in rural development in Malaysia. It is
necessary to develop the rural economy for the sake of
rice farmers, in light of the actual situation in each area
given the different characteristics of their household
economies. While I proceed with the analytical and
writing parts of this project further, more in terms of
the rest of the perspectives, I am also going to start
conducting my next project in Malaysia, targeting
single rice cropping together with other crops in the
non-granary areas, especially those areas located in the
far and disadvantaged states like Kelantan, Kedah, and
Terengganu.
REFERENCES
Acharya, S. S. 2000. Sustainable agriculture, poverty, and food
security: Agenda for Asian economies. Proceedings of the 3rd
Conference of the Asian Society of Agricultural Economists,
Jaipur, India. October 18-20. Rawat Publications.
Ahmad, T.M and Tawang, A. 1999. Effects of trade
liberalization on agriculture in Malaysia: commodity aspects
Working paper series 46, The CGPRT center.
Bryceson. 1997. De-agrarianisation in Sub-Shara Africa:
Acknowledging the inevitable. In Farewell to farms: Deagrarianization and employment in Africa. Edited by D.
Bryceson and V. Jamal. Ashgate, England.
Fujimoto, A. 1995. Structure and changing patterns of rural
employment in Malaysia: A study of a rice growing village. In
Rural employment in Southeast Asia. Edited by K. Mizuno.
Japan: Institute of Developing Economies.
Nakano, M. 1977. Agricultural development. Tokyo: Meibun.
(In Japanese)
Ooi, G. 2004. Female employee and gender issue in Malaysia.
Journal of law and political studies 60: 97-128. (in Japanese) .
13
Rigg, J.1997. Southeast Asia: The human landscape of
modernization and development. London and New York:
Routledge.
Rigg, J. and S. Nattapoolwat. 2001. Embracing the global in
Thailand: Activism and pragmatism in an era of
deagrarianization. Journal of World Development 29(6): 945960.
Yokoyama, H. 1990. Malaysian economy: Policy and structural
change. ASEDP series no. 9. Japan: Institute of Developing
Economies.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
My deepest appreciation goes to The Nippon Foundation for
enabling the conduct of this project in Malaysia. My profound
gratitude to Prof. Dr. Zainalabidin Mohamed of the University
of Putra Malaysia who has supervised me. I would also like to
thank Dr. Ismail for choosing my foster family in Kedah state,
Dr.Amin who helped me in the pre-survey in Terengganu, and
Mr.Rizar in Sg.Burong, Selangor state for conducting interviews.
Also I would like to mention the warm hospitality of my foster
families in MADA area and the KETARA area. I really
appreciate their support and generous hospitality.
14 Panel 1
Dams in the Philippines and in Thailand: Social and Environmental Impacts
of Natural Resources Development Projects
Yu Terashima
Abstract
Large-scale development projects in Southeast Asia
such as dams and irrigation schemes,have often forced
drastic change on local communities. Although local
people are the most seriously affected by the projects,
they have often been left out of decision-making
processes and without even access to relevant
information. However persistent challenges from
communities and their allies in Thailand and the
Philippines have shown that local communities,
together with outsiders such as domestic and
international NGOs and academics, can play an
important role in calling for alternative approaches.
Outside groups such as NGOs can support
communities by sharing information, networking,
lobbying government and project proponents and
introducing various other ways to support
communities to make responsible decisions by
themselves.
Introduction
It is well known that for some decades, rural
communities in Southeast Asia have been facing rapid
changes and the loss of traditional livelihoods that
depend on natural resources such as mountains, rivers
and forests. Today, the need is clear for greater
awareness of the limitations of central government-led
development projects, and of the importance of local
people’s
participation,
open
consultations,
Environmental
Impact
Assessments,
socialenvironmental guidelines and other open processes.
Rapid economic growth in recent decades in urban
areas has areas also seen substantial change in rural
areas. Such changes include a move from self-reliant
agriculture to the production of cash crops for export,
population movement to cities, and the restructuring
of cultural and territorial bonds. Large-scale projects
have been implemented under the name of national
economic development or community development,
but have also caused exhaustion of forests, rivers,
wetlands, mountains and traditional agricultural lands.
New approaches are being taken to solve or mitigate
these negative impacts. Communities today can learn
from the experiences of others and can often predict a
project’s impact before it starts. With an
understanding of their own past, present and future
situations, they are better able to reflect upon and
choose their own alternative development for their
areas. Communities already negatively affected by
projects are working to solve their problems and
improve their situations. These efforts are sometimes
supported by local, national or international nongovernment organizations (NGOs).
Objective and significance
This research was conducted to identify processes of
people’s participation around large projects, to
ascertain how the communities felt about processes
implemented by project proponents, how
communities acted to try to avoid negative impacts,
and how NGOs and academics became involved. I
conducted interviews with community members and
NGO workers connected to three separate projects;
The Songkhram river basin dam in Northeastern
Thailand, and the San Roque Dam and the Bohol
Irrigation Project in the Philippines. The Songkhram
river basin dam was planned in the 1990s but was
canceled in 2002 because of a strong opposition
movement by the river basin communities and the
influence of an Environmental Impact Assessment
(EIA). The San Roque Dam in north Luzon Island, the
Philippines, was planned in the 1970s and completed
in 2003. The Bohol Irrigation Project, which includes
three big dams and water management systems in the
central Visayas islands, the Philippines, started in the
1980s and was completed in 2007.
Methodology
The objectives of the intensive interviews were to
identify:
1. Project Information
2. The possible and actual project impact on the
local communities and on natural resources
3. How people were informed about and
participated in the decision-making process of
the project
4. What the project proponents / the concerned
community / the NGOs or academics did to
solve or mitigate negative impact from the
project
5. The present situation
Thailand
Thailand’s First National Economic Development
Plan (1961-1966) began the country’s economic
development in earnest. At the beginning of the 1970s,
however, the economic gap between the cities and the
rural communities became a prominent social issue.
Thailand began to move away from importsubstituting industrialization towards export-oriented
industrialization. The development of natural
resources, a population policy and poverty reduction
were identified as ways to reduce the domestic
economic gap. In the mid-1980s industrial exports
overtook agricultural exports. The main agricultural
produce for export included kenaf pulp, tapioca, sugar
corn, corn and natural rubber. Agri-businesses such as
frozen shrimp and broilers also developed in this
period. The market price for agricultural produce fell
but the arrival of more private companies from Japan,
Korea and Taiwan helped the Thai GDP to grow. In
1997, the Asian Financial Crash halted growth but
since then the Thai economy has gradually recovered.
In a speech by the King Bhumibol Adyulyadej after the
economic crisis, the concept of Seethakit Phoo Phiang
(Sufficiency Economy) was elaborated and has since
become a pillar of the national development strategy.
Songkhram river dam: Project outline
The Songkhram river is located in northeastern
Thailand, also known as Isan. It is 420 km long and
flows through Nong Khai, Udon Thani, and Sakhon
Nakhon provinces before joining the Mekong river in
Nakhon Phanom province. The name Songkhram
means “indigo-blue forest” in the local language. The
Songkhram river dam project was planned as a major
part of the Kon Chi Mun mega-project. This project
was started in 1992 and was intended to develop the
Mekong river, the Mun river, (a tributary of the
Mekong river), and the Chi river (a tributary of the
Mun river). It was designed to create electricity,
improve irrigation, and help turn the “poor” and “dry”
Isan into a green and rich area with agricultural
produce throughout the year.
15
When communities began to learn about the
Songkhram dam project in the early 1990s, its
objectives were understood to be focused on fisheries,
tourism and flood-control. However through the mid1990s, the Rasi Salai Dam and the Pak Mun Dam
projects became widely known and gained notoriety in
Thai society. The Rasi Salai Dam in Si Sakhet
province was constructed in 1992 for irrigation
purposes, but caused widespread salt damage in
agricultural fields. There was a serious reduction of fish
stocks after the construction of the Pak Mun Dam in
Ubon Ratchathani province in 1994. These two
controversial dams influenced the communities along
the Songkhram river to form a strong movement with a
desire to save the river as “the last river without dams
in Thailand”. Meanwhile, the Thai government had
established the Enhancement and Conservation of
National Environmental Quality Act (NEQA) in
1992. Five years later in 1997 the passing of the new
Constitution of Thailand guaranteed communities the
right to participate in the process of conducting
Environmental Impact Assessments.
As a result of the EIA for the Songkhram dam project,
the committee proposed that the project was
inappropriate,
citing
imbalances
between
environmental issues and economic factors, and the
impact on biodiversity. The Thai cabinet approved the
committee’s proposal and in 2002 the Songkram Dam
was canceled.
Impacts for the local communities
There are 30 communities along the Songkhram
river basin and produce from the river feeds
around 20,000 persons. There is rich
biodiversity in the seasonal flooded area called
Phaa Bun Phaa Tam, a flooded forest located on
the river bank and on the lakeshore. Its fertile
soil and diverse eco-system provide the
communities with wild vegetables, herbs,
bamboo shoots, mushrooms, small edible
animals and insects and rice fields. In the rainy
season, flood waters flow into the lowlands and
forests, creating u-shaped lakes, natural ponds
and tributaries that are sources of fishing,
agriculture, wild harvesting and also
transportation. Local people feared they would
lose these rich flooded forests and with it the
fertile land for farming and the fishing since the
lower dam gate would cut off the seasonal
migration of fish.
16 Panel 1
Participatory process and information
Though people had heard about the dam project since
the 1990s the project proponents failed to inform
communities that the dam construction could result in
the submerging of the Phaa Bun Phaa Tam, their
fields, and some homes. They were also unaware of the
potential impacts on fish stocks. “The government
didn’t explain about the dam to us. When we noticed,
the dam site was already purchased and then the
government gave information to the local people,” a
fisherman in Don San village said. The communities
received genuine and detailed information through
their contacts with outside groups, such as The
Assembly of the Poor, a local people’s network
organization, and TERRA/PER, an environmental
NGO in Bangkok, that were already working closely
together to solve issues around deforestation of a
community forest and problems caused by commercial
eucalyptus plantations.
NGO role
The flooded forest had already been decreasing since
the 1980s because of eucalyptus plantations and cattlegrazing. The communities had seen great changes to
their natural environment over many years. There was
intensive deforestation because of farm expansion,
charcoal gathering and logging. There was water
contamination as a result of the use of agricultural
chemicals, increasing population and commercial
industries. The capacity of the flooded forest had been
reduced as a result of aquaculture, overfishing,
inappropriate fishing gear and changes to natural
streams due to the construction of irrigation systems.
By collaborating with NGOs and academics, local
communities succeeded in raising awareness of the rich
biodiversity of their area and about their opposition to
the dam. NGOs and local community networks
researched the Songkhram river basin’s potential and
produced an alternative community development plan
in 2001. These activities empowered the community
and raised awareness in wider Thai society.
It took intensive work and a lot of collaboration from
TERRA/PER and the Assembly of the Poor to raise
this local issue to the level of a nationwide issue. The
NGOs supported the communities on the dam issue
by giving information, organizing a network,
conducting campaigns and supporting advocacy
activities to the government.
A village leader looked back at that time with deep
emotion. He said: “We had two important issues at
that time but couldn’t keep them separate. The biggest
fear over the Songkhram Dam was that our village
would be a second “Rasi Salai” or “Pak Mun”. NGOs
brought us very necessary information, including
about the legal system and about how to organize a
movement”.
Reevaluation of local resources
The activities in relation to the dam raised awareness
within the communities as well. As a result of research,
workshops, campaigns and collaborations with other
communities, academics and NGOs, more people
realized the urgent situation that they were facing, and
the close connection between their daily lives and their
local natural resources. This change in awareness
gradually raised the level of networking among 30
different communities along the river basin.
After the dam was canceled, the communities and
NGOs conducted a four-year project in all the
communities along the river basin in order to submit a
Community Alternative Development Plan to the
Department of Natural Resource Strategy in 2005.
The objective of the project was to make sure the dam
would not be continued and to prove that rather than
going down the road of modernization or
industrialization, the best option would be to use
traditional industries and livelihood methods in an
alternative form of community development. The
groups coordinated public fora in Sakhon Nakhon
Ratchapat University and Mahasarakham University
which were supported by the Ministry of Natural
Resource Management and other public bodies and
were attended by more than 700 people.
In addition, in 2003-2004, the World Conservation
Union (IUCN) and Thai NGOs and people’s
organizations (POs) conducted Thai Baan (Village)
Research at four villages along the Songkhram river
basin as part of the Mekong Wetlands and Biodiversity
Project (MWBP), funded by the Mekong River
Commission (MRC) and the United Nations
Development Program (UNDP). The Thai Baan
approach was a participatory model of social and
environmental
research.
The
communities
documented local resources, knowledge about the use
of resources, knowledge of livelihoods based on six
different species of fish, fishing gear, local vegetation,
agriculture and gardens, cattle and buffaloes, and local
ecosystems.
The Philippines
After gaining independence in 1946 from the United
States, successive Philippines governments have
introduced numerous development plans. During the
period of reconstruction after World War II the
country
introduced
an
export-oriented
industrialization policy. Foreign and technological
investment increased. There was agrarian reform to
increase agricultural production. However, the
eruption of social and economic problems in the
1970s, including an extreme population explosion in
the cities, a widening of the gap between the cities and
rural communities, unrest under the Marcos
government and deterioration of the international
balance of payments resulting in an increase in
accumulated debt, created an economic crisis which
led to negative economic growth in the 1980s. By the
end of the 1980s, agrarian reform, industrial
decentralization and a policy of liberalization and
inviting foreign capital to the country was adopted.
The present Arroyo government is aiming at economic
growth, poverty reduction, and increased levels of
employment.
1. San Roque Dam project: Project outline
The multi-purpose San Roque Dam on the river Agno
in northern Luzon island was completed in 2003. The
dam aimed at generating as much as 345 MW of
hydropower, the irrigation of the downstream
Pangasinan plain and to improve flood-control in the
area. It is the largest dam in Asia, with a height of
200m, a gate of 1.2km width and a reservoir of 850
million square meters. The project proponents were
the San Roque Power Corporation (SRPC) and The
National Power Corporation (NPC) of the
Philippines. The dam was supported by Japanese
Official Development Assistance (ODA) loans.
Japanese private companies also funded the SRPC.
The impact on the local communities
The vast area of land, which became the submergence
zone was home to indigenous Ibaloi people. As many
as 2,500 Ibaloi farmers who worked fields on the dam
site and gold panners who collected gold dust in the
Agno river started an anti-dam movement in the mid1990s. Gold from the river had become the main or
side income for many people. Farmers, for example,
sometimes used their income from gold panning to
17
buying rice seed rice or fertilizer. A total of 780
households were forced to leave their homes because of
the project. The dam also affected the lives of many
people living in the upper basin, around the gate and in
the lower basin.
The Ibaloi people living in upstream Benguet States
were concerned that the accumulation of silt might
eventually bury their villages and opposed the project
since the 1990s. They have complained of a violation
of the Indigenous People’s Rights Act of the
Philippines (IPRA), because the proponents
implemented the project without agreement from the
indigenous people. The committee having jurisdiction
over the IPRA conducted research and issued a final
report recognizing it as illegal.
The gold panners insisted that they were not formally
or appropriately informed before the construction of
the dam, and that they would in effect lose their jobs.
After the construction started, they began to organize
themselves into a federation and requested proper
compensation for the money that they had lost so far
and demanded substitute livelihoods from the SRPC
and the NPC.
Failed livelihood program
People affected by involuntary resettlement were
allowed to choose between compensation in the form
of cash or substitute housing. Four new substitute
communities were proposed. The SRPC introduced a
livelihoods program with projects such as pig-raising,
growing vegetables and fruits, producing banana paper,
growing rice, stock- raising, managing a grocery store,
micro-finance and so on.
The projects were not a great success. The substitute
farms were often too small for farmer’s needs, the soil
was sometimes unproductive and the union of stock
raisers that was organized under the program
collapsed. A training program for making sandals and
sewing was implemented, but few of those who
participated were able to establish businesses, and
those who did were left with incomes too small to
provide a livelihood. Today, the lives of affected people
are getting worse year by year. In Kamangan substitute
community where 180 households settled after the
project, around 50 households had to sell or rent out
their houses because of poverty in 2010.
18 Panel 1
In 2004, the gold panners’ federation had to be
organized formally in order to become a subject for
compensation from the proponents. After approval
from the SRPC, the NPC and the local
administration, they were allowed to participate in a
cattle-fattening program. Their request for cash
compensation was refused on the grounds that they
were asking for too much. The fattening program
needed to be continued for several years and, thus far,
the income from it is very small. Those who lost their
main livelihoods have been unable to find realistic
substitutes.
NGO roles
Local people organized as a movement of indigenous
people and under the Peasant Movement to Free the
Agno River, (TIMMAWA). The Cordillera Peoples
Alliance working on local issues in the northern Luzon
or a university student group also supported the
community. In 2006, Mr. Jose Doton, the leader of the
TIMMAWA, was shot and killed in a political
murder1. After this affair, the anti-dam movement as
well as some local NGOs became much weaker. Only a
few outside NGOs, including FoE Japan, are now
monitoring the resettled people’s situation. There
remain many unsolved issues. FoE Japan is lobbying
the Japanese government and private companies asking
them to take responsibility as the largest donor and
major shareholders respectively in the project.
2. Bohol Irrigation Project: Project outline
Bohol Island is located next to Cebu Island in the
central Visayas. The idea for the Bohol Irrigation
Project started in the 1970s, for the purpose of
strengthening the base of agricultural production,
increasing production and improving farmer’s living
standards. The construction of the project, including
three large dams with water systems, was intended to
supply water to an area of 10,000 hectares.
Construction lasted from 1988 to 2007. The three
dams are the Malinao (Pillar), Bayongan and Kapayasu
dams, and the project proponent was the National
Irrigation Administration (NIA) of the Philippines.
The Malinao and Kapayasu dams were completed in
the 1990s and the Bayongan dam, was completed in
2007. The project was supported by the Japan
International Cooperation Agency (JICA) who
supported a feasibility study. It was funded partly by
loans of 12 billion yen from the Japan Bank for
International Cooperation (JBIC). The total expense
of the project was 17 billion yen.
Impacts on the local communities
A total of 200 households were to be resettled to new
communities and 6,000 farmers were supposed to
become the beneficiaries of the three dams.
Water management unions were organized for each
group of farmers receiving water from the same
pipelines. Members had to pay a water fee based on the
number of hectares they owned, irrespective of the size
of harvest they got for that year. It has turned out to be
a heavy burden for farmers. Some fields have not
received water but the farmers still have to pay the fee.
Farmers also had taken out loans to pay for the leveling
of their lands. Many are now in debt as a result.
In 1996, the Malinao Dam was the first to be
constructed. The project forced farmers to change
their fertile farms totaling 2,953 hectares into land to
be used for rice paddies. Land-leveling was carried out
for this purpose from 1996 to 1998. Farmers had to
pay for the land-leveling, which put some of them into
debt. The money had to be paid back within 10 years
and if not, they will have to hand over the deeds of the
land to NIA, in accordance with the Memorandum of
Agreement.
However, the water from the dam reaches only 30
percent of the project area, leaving some farmers who
once produced corn, coconuts, cassava, sweet potato
and bananas continuously throughout the year are
now left with unproductive rice paddies. Without
receiving water from the dam, the new rice fields can
produce only once a year from natural rainwater. It is
because rice-growing that depends on rainwater is
influenced easily by the weather each year that local
people produced diversified crops. Some people lost
their entire livelihood. Some can produce crops but
only get very unstable incomes. Even in the paddies
that the water reaches, regular water shortages causes
conflict between farmers in the upper stream and
downstream who are living along the same pipeline.
The movement to oppose the project began to grow in
the 1990s. But it was weak from the start as many
people were afraid the government would deprive
them of their land using the Compulsory Purchase
Act. The movement faltered and the project went
ahead.
The proponent, the NIA, explained to the affected
people that the project would provide them with
plenty of water so they could produce rice more than
once a year, gaining a lot of income by selling it on the
market. The NIA asked people to sign a document to
join the project. But some people, at least, said that noone ever explained the loans connected with the landleveling and the possibility of losing the deeds of their
land to them.
The farmers who would benefit from the Malinao
Dam would have to pay a water supply fee of 150kg of
rice per hectare. This amount is fixed by the NIA with
the water management union. The farmers do not
have any rights in the decision. The water management
system was originally formed by the local
administration. The NIA and the water management
union, often doesn’t function properly and causes
conflicts concerning the amount of water supplied to
the various communities.
While I was conducting my research, in December
2010, a consultation for the people affected by the
Malinao Dam was organized by the NIA. It was the
second multi-stakeholder meeting to try to solve the
negative impacts caused by the dam (the first had been
held two months earlier in September 2010). JICA,
which is the largest donor to the Malinao Dam and to
other future prospective mega-development projects
planned for Bohol, had encouraged the NIA to hold
the meeting.
The first meeting had decided that at the second
meeting NIA would report on the progress of its study
to evaluate the situation at the paddy fields where
farmers had complained that water hadn’t reached
them. However, the attending farmers complained
that the study was faulty, that sites surveyed had been
“hand-picked,” and that measures proposed to solve
the shortages were very general and impractical. In the
middle of the meeting, attending farmers and NGOs
found out that the NIA had forged the memorandum
document agreed to in the first meeting. and that a
farmer’s signature had been added to show that she was
in agreement with the NIA’s study when in fact she
hadn’t signed at all2.
Local people began to say that they could no longer
trust the NIA, and that their assumptions of its
sincerity were misplaced. They felt that the “good
governance” talked about by JICA and the NIA was
meaningless and that the participatory and fair
19
processes necessary to mitigate the project’s negative
impacts remained unsecured.
NGO role
Farmers affected seriously by the Malinao Dam, also
known as the Pilar Dam, organized a federation of
peasants who suffered damage from the project
(ALMABIPDA), and have since worked together with
NGOs to solve problems experienced because of the
project.
The NGOs working with the farmers include The
Farmers Development Centre (FARDEC), a local
NGO based in Bohol city, the People’s Network for
Life and Environment (KINABUHI), another local
NGO based in Bohol city, the Women’s Development
Center (WDC), a network NGO working for women,
farmers and primary health care issues in Bohol island
Central Visayas, and FoE Japan, a Japanese NGO.
The local NGOs help the farmers to gather
information and to inform people all over the
Philippines and in the international society of their
situation. In 2010 WDC conducted a hearing and
created a video documenting farmer’s views on their
situations. The Japanese NGO advocated to the
Japanese Government and JICA to put pressure on the
NIA to make a response. This succeeded in the holding
of the first stage of an evaluation of the situation by
NIA, affected farmers and NGOs, even though
unfortunately the consultation has been spoiled so far
because of NIA’s betrayal of the confidence that had
been built up in the relationship.
In the Philippines, even if the affected farmers
complain repeatedly to the NIA, they have not so far
been able to get a satisfactory response. The political
situation makes the local people’s movement nervous3.
It seems that it is more effective to complain
internationally by raising awareness, spreading
information, setting up a dialogue by using
international pressure and holding peaceful rallies in
urban centers.
Conclusions
Through this research I realized that the definition of
“development” should not be confused with economic
growth. The general thinking behind economic
globalization is that economic development is an
essential and supremely important element in the
20 Panel 1
process. But to put the economy first can cause
depletion and disruption of natural resources, the
environment, and health. The negative impacts can
destroy the very basis of local communities.
Genuine endogenous development is necessary for
communities to develop independence and solve the
problems they face. Endogenous development was
theorized after the 1970s as a development model
which would solve industrial pollution and other
social and environmental issues within local
communities. The key elements of endogenous
development could be characterized as follows:
• Local development must have its basis in local
tradition, culture and resources
• Independence and participation
community is a prerequisite
of
the
• Evaluating positively connections and exchange
with those outside of the community
• Regarding
ecology
and
environmental
conservation as an important part of the
methods used for community development
• Regarding development not as economic
development but as a broader concept which has
at its center the expression of human potential
and improvements in the quality of life and
amenities.
Economic growth is only a part of development. The
development of each community evolves should evolve
naturally from its social, historical, environmental and
economic background, and should include the
standpoint of human development and be based on
self-governance by the community itself. When
development from outside is difficult for the
community to accept, for example if it needs to destroy
the natural resources their lives are based on, it is
reasonable for them to oppose and reject it. If other
external connections such as with NGOs threaten
their culture and basic resources, they may also reject
those approaches. Such external approaches and
connections may have success in developing the
communities’ potential, but only if the communities
themselves are motivated, in agreement, and ready to
make changes from within.
In Thailand, as civil society grows, matures and
becomes more democratic, NGOs and academics are
working closely with communities. They provide their
special knowledge, skills, networking, information and
other supports that are necessary for communities to
clarify their situations and support them to make their
own best decisions. The outsiders’ role is always quite
different to that of the communities.
In the Songkhram river basin, the joint attempt by the
communities and outside groups was not limited to
the anti-dam movement but geared to develop
alternative development visions.
It is not always necessary that NGOs or other outsiders
participate when a community tries to protect its
rights and livelihoods and propose alternatives. Some
communities already have members to gather
information, to recognize their own situation and to
lead e community members in harmony with their
cultural and social background. In Songkhram the
people, local leaders, POs and NGOs worked together
to complement each other. Local people were provided
with information and the external networks that they
needed, without compromising their independence. In
the relationship between directly affected local people
and outsiders who are willing to support the
community, it is important that the outsiders should
understand the community, guarantee local people’s
independence and continue to support them as they
choose a responsible future by themselves.
In the two case studies in the Philippines the projects
are completed. However a number of affected people
are in distressing circumstances as a result of the
projects. Due to the local political and social situation,
NGO commitment is sometimes difficult. A leader of
the farmers involved in the anti-San Roque Dam
project was murdered in 2006. POs and NGOs are
now working together with local people to solve
problems, whilst respecting their independence and
the fact that some may fear for their lives.
For the most part, policy-making for large-scaled
projects is carried out according to the wishes of
governments and private companies. There is minimal
involvement by those with the least power and those
most affected by the projects.
The terms “participatory development” or
“endogenous development” are commonly known
nowadays. However it is not clearly theorized or
understood how outsiders including NGOs, academics
and even international cooperation institutes can get
involved with the community to create this
endogenous development. Essentially standard
modernization theory is still the main idea behind the
great vortex of globalization.
21
NOTES
1
A local human rights NGO announced 700 as the number of
NGO activists, journalists, or churchmen, who were victims
of extra-judicial killings from 2001 to June 2006.
2
A woman attending the meeting pointed out that the NIA’s
report said she agreed to the resolution for water shortage
NIA presented, although NIA had never visited her when
carrying out the study. By referring to the original document
of the agreement, she and her allies found the signature on it
was different from hers. The NIA provided no satisfactory
explanation.
3
A local leader of the farmer’s movement involved in solving
the Bohol irrigation project was killed in a political murder in
2006.
REFERENCES
Lauren Baker. 2004. Thai Baan Research in Lower Songkhram
River Basin, Thailand. A Publication of the Mekong Wetlands
Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Use Programme
FoE Japan. “Project Monitoring”. FoE Japan Public Finance &
Environment program, http://www.foejapan.org/aid/
Hiroaki Obitani. 2004. Environmental Movements against
Dam Construction and Community Revitalization in Japan:
The Dynamics of Conflict and Collaboration. Showado.
22 Panel 1
Communication, Education, and Public Awareness for Forest and Wildlife
Conservation in Indonesia, Peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines, and Japan
Kritsana Kaewplang
Introduction
Globalization has serious implications on natural
resources worldwide because of the availability of
advanced communications technology and modes of
transportation that spur the growth of economies. For
instance, wildlife traders can make money by selling
wild animals through the Internet to importers. In this
case, the natural resources utilization of one country
can have an effect on the wild animals’ countries of
origin. The increase in palm oil bio-diesel
consumption worldwide also causes the loss of
rainforests in Malaysia and Indonesia, where, along
with those in the Philippines, these rainforests are
homes to different kinds of endangered species. The
numerous tropical rainforests are the source of a wide
variety of genetic resources and are therefore precious;
but development has led to the rapid loss of plants and
animals, and these are hard to recover,
notwithstanding the establishment of protected areas
to ensure the conservation of forests and wildlife.
Many other issues result from transboundary activities,
such as climate change, forest fires, and the depletion
of exotic plants and animals, among others. But in all
these, it is clear that environmental degradation,
particularly the loss of biodiversity, has never been
imputed as a manufacturing cost. This study found out
how Indonesia, Peninsular Malaysia, the Philippines,
and Japan face environmental problems similar to
those experienced by other countries in the world.
Change is unpredictable. The demand for natural
resources continues to increase due to the growth of
economies and pressure from growing populations.
Unfortunately, natural resources are limited.
Nowadays, for example, Indonesia is facing a serious
deforestation situation due to logging and the setting
up of oil palm plantations on what were formerly
rainforest lands. These plantations serve the growth of
palm oil processing and biodiesel production, biodiesel
being an alternative energy source.
In Japan, likewise, human activity and rapid
urbanization have increased pressure on the natural
landscape. As a result, many plants and animal species
from the wild are faced with extinction. For instance,
the populations of Rothschild’s Myna, the Bali Myna
and the Indonesian cockatoo in Sumba are declining
due to hunting and the loss of habitats. The use of
chemical fertilizers and pesticides in Japan have put the
Oriental White Stork at risk of extinction. In light of
all these, communication, education and public
awareness are widely used in combination with law
enforcement and scientific research to avert the crisis.
Rodrigo U.Fuentes, Executive Director of the ASEAN
Centre for Biodiversity (ACB) has declared:
We need to know how we can mobilize to address
the issue. And so, I think it’s where CEPA becomes
a crucial element in the programs of the United
Nations. That’s why they have devoted the CEPA
program for communicating so that the people will
be educated and be aware that their actions have
implications on biodiversity.
ACB aims to strengthen the capacity of ASEAN
member states to effectively implement their
biodiversity communication, education and public
awareness (CEPA) program.
Communication leads to extensive collaboration
and social changes
The key element to success in conservation is to
expand partnerships with various sectors and
stakeholders. We need to communicate with people to
develop understanding and awareness. The study
found that most organizations widely use Corporate
Communication and Internal Communication tools
such as websites, magazines, newsletters, brochures,
and posters to provide information and promote the
works of their organizations. For instance, the Osaka
Nanko Bird Sanctuary regularly provides information
in its website and content to other media publications
in Osaka City. The Sanctuary also provides
information to newspapers, TV and radio
broadcasting companies directly. Still, considered the
most effective tools is its revised website, http://
www.osaka-nanko-bird-sanctuary.com which targets
the citizens, in general. Such communication helps
raise the awareness of government officers and has led
to the recognition of the work done by Nanko. It has
also drawn the attention of the general public to
conservation issues.
The Osaka-Nanko Bird Sanctuary located in Osakashi, Osaka Prefecture is a wild bird sanctuary that uses
an artificial tidal flat. A development project was about
to be launched in the area when a group of NGOs and
local residents tried to stop it by proposing the
establishment of a bird sanctuary instead. After a series
of negotiations between the NGOs and the local
government in 1995, plans were revised and an NGO
was assigned to recover the natural habitat for birds
and create the Nature Center. Since then, the
Sanctuary has been used for both conservation and
recreation purposes by Osaka residents. In addition,
various groups of users such as researchers, university
students, school children, and the general public come
to visit.
In the Philippines, Tatet Kibnat of the Philippines
Eagle Foundation indicated that it is important for the
organization to let the people know what it is doing so
that the foundation’s work and its problems will be
understood by them and support generated for the
foundation. Prof. Blas Tabaranza, Jr Chief Operating
Officer, Haribon Foundation, Philippines explained
that they translate data on birds obtained from
research and studies into communication action and
promote it through communication to make
conservation on the ground more effective. Tabaranza
also mentioned that the foundation’s website is the
most effective tool in getting support from the
business sector. Haribon also demonstrated how
Advocacy Communication is an important tool for
resolving social issues. For instance, a successful
campaign against illegal logging for commercial and
mining purposes in the natural forest gathered one
million signatures that were submitted to the
government. The campaign’s success inspired the
foundation to move forward and create Road to 2020,
a campaign to plant 1,000,000 hectares to native
rainforest species.
Haribon has been working on biodiversity
conservation for the past 38 years. And in the last
decade, it actually created a lot of awareness in the
Philippines through partnerships with GMA7 TV
network, the Manila Times, and five FM radio
stations. These entities gave support in kind: free
airtime for more than five television ads in the past five
years, free print space in the Manila Times, and free
23
airtime over the radio. Media exposure was a very
effective tool in awareness raising for conservation,
according to Anabelle Plantila, Director of Haribon
Foundation. Meanwhile, Lina Reyes, a journalist in
Mindanao, stated that the need for an intensive
awareness raising campaign, especially in the
communities away from cities, remains, since the
present generation has lost its linkage or connection
with the land and forests. This alienation might make
them allow outsiders to use these precious lands and
forests for other purposes, provided that they give
something in return.
In Malaysia, the Malaysian Nature Society (MNS)
conducted an awareness raising campaign to save the
Belum and Temengor forests. The campaign consisted
of publications, radio and television exposure, and
conferences. In six months, the campaign gathered
80,000 postcards that it gave to the State of Perak and
led to a declaration of conservation areas that stopped
logging concessions in Belum and Temengor. For the
campaign to succeed, a website and social media were
widely used.
Thus far, Belum and Temengor are the two remaining
tropical rain forests that have yet to receive strong
protection. Of the 13 hornbill species in the world,
exactly 10 species are found in the forests, among them
the 2,000 Hornbill Plain-Pouched, whose continued
existence is threatened globally. This particular
example indicates how important the conservation of
Belum-Temengor forests is, according to Elena Koshy,
Communications and Events Manager of Malaysian
Nature Society (MNS).
In Japan, the Fishermen Group of Saga, Fukuoka
Prefecture led by Nobukiyo Hirakata, is campaigning
against the reclamation of Isahaya Bay. The
reclamation project aims to develop farmlands and
control disasters. The fishermen started the campaign
in 1986 in an effort to protect the largest tidal flat of
Japan, which is rich in aquatic varieties and is an
important feeding site for migratory birds. This
project will also affect industrial fishing. Despite the
bay’s importance, a reclamation project continues to
close off the Bay by way of a seven-kilometer floodcontrol dike begun in April 1997 and completed in
2008. The tidal flat dried up and the large volume of
polluted water discharged from the reservoir into the
bay can cause red tides. A group of fishermen sued the
government and made a request to stop the
reclamation. In 2008, a court judgment ordered the
Government to stop operating within three years since
24 Panel 1
the adjudication, but the local authorities rejected the
order and have not acted on it until today. The
Fishermen Group has received legal assistance from
lawyers from Fukuoka and NGOs. Minoru Kashiwaki
of Ramsar Network Japan stated that the people
started to realize the importance of Isahaya Bay after
media released news about the campaign. In 2010, the
government acknowledged the importance of the tidal
flat and said it realized the need for it to work together
with the NGOs.
the public, thereby allowing government officers and
the general public to gain a clearer understanding of
the impact of the nuclear power plant. However, the
construction of the nuclear power plant site is still
going on, despite the intensive and continuous
campaign against its construction for many years now.
Advocacy’s basis should be academic
Community based conservation management- a
sustainable development strategy
In Iwaishima Island, Japan, the Association of the
Iwaishima Island People opposing the Kaminoseki
Nuclear Power Plant is led by Sadao Yamato. Yamato
has been working closely with nature conservation
groups in opposing the construction of a nuclear
power plant on Nagashima Island, Kaminoseki Town,
Yamaguchi Prefecture, which is located four
kilometers opposite Iwaishima Island. The fishermen
in the area refused to receive compensation from
Chugoku Electric Power Company that planned to
construct two nuclear power plants on the coast of
Kaminoseki (2 x ABWR, 1,373 MW). The campaign
against the nuclear plant’s construction persisted for
30 years, in the people’s desire to protect their
homeland and livelihood.
For its part, the Ornithological Society of Japan held
general meetings and issued statements about the
importance of sea birds, the Japanese Murrelet and its
habitats. Shinichi Watanabe, an ornithologist from
Fukuyama University, indicated that the feeding site
of the Japanese Murrelet (Kanmuri-umisuzume,
Synthliboramhus wumizusume) suffered from the
possibility of being affected by the temperature of the
treatment water discharged from the operating system
of the nuclear power plant. The Japanese Murrelet has
been categorized as an endangered species by the
IUCN, the International Union for Conservation of
Nature, while the Ministry of Environment of Japan
has declared it a Natural Monument of Japan, giving it
protection status.
Midori Takashima, representative of the Nature
Conservation Group, stated that the fishermen’s
group had asked her group for help, after which
discussions began. They have been working together
since 1999. Takashima explained that there were many
symposiums organized to review scientific data and to
disseminate information to government agencies and
There are four active local conservation groups
including the Kayaking Group led by Kaki Okada
from Hiroshima Prefecture.
For 10 years, Burung Indonesia had been working to
resolve the land encroachment problem involving the
Manuper Tanadaru National Park on Sumba Island
through a participatory process called “Rural Nature
Conservation Agreement” (RNCA). After the RNCA
was finalized, the first mechanism was implemented
through the Participatory Boundary Demarcation
(PBD). As a result, a boundary measuring
approximately 270,860 kilometers was agreed upon
(2003-2007) with 18 villages. The process was
witnessed by stakeholders comprising the Directorate
General of Forest Protection and Nature
Conservation, the Forest Planning Agency, and the
District Government. Yohanis Balla Djawarai, the
Sumba Field Officer in Burung Indonesia explained
that the survey questionnaire determined audio-visual
presentations to be an effective communication tool
for getting across communities. Thus, Burung
Indonesia decided to use films and documentaries on
birds, fish, and animals, but with limitations.
Billboards were also put up to disseminate information
about the endemic bird species in Sumba Island. These
were installed in public places such as markets,
hospitals, airports, and schools, among others.
Burung also created a teacher’s guide entitled Forest
and Birds of Sumba Islands. It had regular radio spots
and produced t-shirts for distribution. Apart from
these, a biodiversity survey was conducted in 2002,
2004, and 2008 focusing on endemic birds and
habitats inside the National Park. The community
leader noticed that after joining the project for some
time, the women began to speak up and the men
listened to them. They also discovered that the
population of the cockatoo, an endemic bird in Sumba
Island, has increased significantly. Threats to the
continued existence of the cockatoo are posed by
hunting and the degradation of the bird’s habitat.
The Head of Conservation of the Manuper Tanadaru
National Park indicated that the project helped foster
a good relationship between the park rangers and the
local communities. The 23 communities have a strong
connection among themselves and they support
conservation efforts. For instance, whenever they find
poachers, they inform the committee and park rangers.
Those who want to collect wood, on the other hand,
have to ask permission from the committee. Park
management, however, works with some limitations
due to budget constraints. It can only hire so many
park rangers, and has no budget for a patrol unit and
for a forest fire control unit.
In the Philippines, Haribon Foundation has been
working closely with the Local Government Units
(LGU) and communities surrounding Protected Areas
to generate participation in Protected Area
management under the Golden Forest-Governance
and Local Development for the Endangered Forest
Project. Haribon has conducted trainings, workshops,
and cross-visits activities for LGUs and local
communities. The works of Haribon have influenced
the paradigm shift and philosophy behind the work of
the government agencies. Cooperation among
government agencies, NGOs, and local communities
has increased.
Haribon also focuses on the youth via its Green School
Project, youth camp, and theater arts workshops. Edel
Garingel, training officer of the foundation believes
that
Theater arts is age appropriate and more youth
friendly. The youth likes dynamic activities like
theater arts. So, what we are bringing them is
what we call “informance”. Informance is a new
art form that means INFOrmation through
perfoRMANCE. The importance of theatre arts
lies in the message it conveys to its audiences.
CEPA helps extend partnerships for birds and
wetlands management in Japan
The degradation of habitats and the use of chemicals in
agriculture are major threats to the existence of certain
birds in Japan. There are many bird species, among
them the crane, the oriental white stork, the swan, and
wild geese that utilize wetlands and rice paddies as
feeding ground. The Japanese Association for Wild
Geese Protection (JAWGP) takes the lead in
protecting White-Fronted Goose which breed in tundra
25
and migrate 4,000 kilometers away to the northeast of
Japan during winter. The White-Fronted Goose’s
population has rapidly declined due to hunting and
habitat degradation. In 1971, JAWGP proposed that
the bird be put under protection status. Since then the
bird’s population has increased to 60,000 birds but
habitat restoration has not been successful. As
mentioned, this species needs a wide wetland and rice
paddy as resting and feeding ground. There are
estimates that their home range is 10 kilometers.
JAWGP and the Rice Paddies Network Japan have
been promoting organic farming and are finding ways
to keep the rice fields as long as possible. They have
similarly been promoting Winter-Flooded Rice Fields
or Fuyumizutanbo, the traditional rice cultivation
method in Japan. The key element of this method is
retaining water after harvesting in order to keep a small
aquatic species alive. Frogs, fishes, craps, and tadpoles
are food for water birds. During winter, wild geese
spend the night in flooded rice paddies and feed during
the day in dried rice paddies. The birds eat the rice
grains left in the paddies after harvesting. Hence, it is
essential to manage rice paddies since the birds rely on
it.
Organic farming and winter-flooded rice paddies help
reduce the amount and cost of fertilizer and chemicals
used. The farmers can also benefit from the use of bird
droppings as organic fertilizers, aside from which their
use in lieu of chemicals is beneficial to the farmers’
health.
Rice Paddies Network Japan works closely with local
government agencies and farmers to monitor the
quality of soil, water, plants, and various species in the
organic rice paddies. A national survey by academics
and volunteers from different backgrounds found that
there are 5,668 species of living organisms in the rice
paddy ecosystem. Nowadays, they are trying to
promote winter-flooded rice paddies throughout
Japan by sharing their experiences and networking
with other NGOs. They wish to see wild geese, cranes,
and oriental white storks fly throughout Japan. This
could happen only when wetland restoration is
completely successful and the use of chemicals is
widely decreased. However, the lack of farmers has
become a serious issue in Japan. Interviews with
Misayuki Kureichi, President of JAPWG and Shigeki
Iwabuchi, Director General of Rice Paddies Network
Japan yielded the aforementioned information.
26 Panel 1
In Toyooka, local government agencies, NGOs, and
communities work together to save the oriental white
stork, a species that used to be common throughout
Japan but later on dwindled due to the loss of
wetlands, and the use of chemicals and fertilizer in rice
paddies. The breeding center was set up before the
extinction of the species from the wild in 1971.
It takes considerable effort for a breeding program to
succeed. The key to success is the getting the
cooperation of farmers under the “Stork Friendly
Farming” program, which aims to minimize
environmental damage by promoting organic farming.
Moreover, fish ladders have been installed to connect
the rivers, irrigation channels, and rice paddies. These
enable various fish and amphibian species to move
around in these networks. Through these farming
practices, they have been able to synchronize rice
production, i.e., the economic activity essential for the
local livelihood, with the conservation of biodiversity.
Mayor Nakagai Muneharu of Toyooka stated that the
re-introduction of storks has contributed to the
creation of eco-tourism in Toyooka. About 400,000
tourists visit the Eco Museum Center every year to see
the storks. This translates to about $11 million dollars
in tourism revenue per year. Setsuo Satake, Director of
the Wetland Action Circle for the Oriental White
Stork said that there are lots of students, farmers, and
tourists who visit the Wetland Education Center, a
place where people can observe the storks’ behavior
either directly or through a monitor. Students are also
provided hands-on activities such as rice planting,
wetland restoration, and species monitoring.
In Kushiro, Hokkaido, there were formerly lots of redcrowed cranes. Later on, their population rapidly
declined due to hunting and the loss of wetlands. The
last flock of birds was rediscovered east of Hokkaido.
Then the government declared the red-crowned crane
a Special Natural Monument in order to protect the
species.
Seiji Hayama, manager of the Conservation Division
of the Wild Bird Society of Japan (WBSJ) said that
WBSJ has been working with government agencies,
communities, and academics for years to restore the
wetlands and the bird species. Cranes utilize large areas
of wetlands and are very sensitive to any disturbance.
It was in 1966 when Mr. Ito Yoshitaka, a farmer, began
to feed cranes. This initiative is challenging because
there are about 400 birds in one feeding site.
WBSJ currently has a pilot project in line with its quest
to create an area where cranes can find some food by
themselves during winter. There are volunteers,
farmers and junior students who help make a water
floor and cut some branches to make it suitable for
cranes in winter. The WBSJ also organizes meetings
among stakeholders to resolve issues involving the
birds and the farmers.
At the site level, WBSJ distributes Tancho’s teacher’s
guide and conducts workshops for school teachers,
who then teach their students and talk to tourists
using the information from the teacher’s guide. The
schoolchildren who come in groups are made to help
farmers grow grain from cranes but the most popular
activities among them are the wetland tour, bird
watching, and doing illustrations of cranes and nature.
All their illustrations are exhibited at the Museum.
This activity has been ongoing for 17 years already.
There are some students who develop a deep interest
in this project and bring their parents to the wetlands.
Matsumoto Fumio of the Akan International Crane
Center explained that CEPA is an important tool for
crane conservation since the people do understand
cranes but not the environment, so a major subject is
to conserve the crane. By conducting lectures on
cranes, CEPA is able to make everyone see them with
their own eyes. The CEPA approach also entails
facilitating a dialogue between the local farmers and
local government agencies for them to understand
each other better. Fumio has been working closely with
the local conservation NGO, Trust Sarun Kushiro.
Trust Sarun Kushiro has carried out national trust
activities for Kushiro Marsh. Sarun translates to
“marshland” in the indigenous Ainu language.
Due to the long history of crane feeding, cranes are not
afraid to get close to people. An attitude survey of
general farmers revealed that while they do not like
cranes damaging their crops or getting close to their
farmland, they appreciate the beauty of cranes. CEPA
helps make the farmers recognize the existing problems
of the crane and this is important because the farmers’
attitude toward the cranes needs to change. Actually,
in Kushiro, farmers do not grow rice but corn for cattle
so the cost of the damage is different from that in
Izumi, where farmers grow rice and are not keen to ask
for compensation. People in Kushiro feed cranes with
corn.
Recently, the population of the red-crowned crane
increased to 1,300 birds. Their major habitat in
Hokkaido Island is Kushiro Marsh, the last large
marsh in Japan. Kushiro Marsh was designated as the
first Ramsar site in Japan. It is part of the Kushiro
Shitsugen National Park.
Kushiro city hosted the fifth conference of the
contracting parties in the Ramsar Convention. At that
time, there were many events related to the conference
and there was a big campaign to save Kushiro as a
resource for sightseeing, an embodiment of rich
biodiversity, and a habitat of endangered species. The
conference meant to enhance the wetland’s image as a
tourist site for local and foreign tourists, according to
Sayuri Saito of Kushiro International Wetland Centre.
The Kushiro International Wetland Centre also
played a major role in promoting the Kushiro Wetland
as the host city of the conference in 1993, through the
international cooperation utilizing activities of
Kushiro area. (e.g. training, workshop regarding
wetland ecosystem and biodiversity, technology
exchanges There are four Ramsar sites in Kushiro
which includes Kushiro Wetland, Lake Akkeshi/
Bekambeushi Wetland, Kiritappu Wetland and Lake
Akan (as of 2008).
The white-naped crane and the hooded crane have
become symbols of Izumi, Kagoshima Prefecture. The
conservation of the crane has drawn public attention
and has increased income from tourism. In addition,
cranes are used as an education tool.
Crane conservation in Izumi started a long time ago
when two farmers fed the birds and prevented crops
from being damaged. Later on, an increase in the bird
population led to conflicts among the farmers. The
problems were resolved when local government got
involved and proposed to pay compensation to the
farmers whose farms were foraged. In addition, the
government decided to rent two plots of rice paddies
in order to control crane dispersion.
The bird feeding started in November when 1,500
kilograms of rice and 400 kilograms of fish per day
were given out until February, when the birds returned
to Siberia. The budget for this was provided by the
municipality of Izumi, the government, and
Kagoshima Prefecture. There were 12,000 birds by
March 2011. Due to their high density, the
government has planned to disperse the birds covering
six sites in Kyushu, which includes Yashiro,
Yamaguchi Prefecture. However, none of birds
migrated to the other sites even though these were
prepared to serve the birds.
27
In Yashiro, the farmers have been practicing a religious
ceremony related to cranes for more than 100 years
now, because cranes used to populate the area.
According to researchers, Yashiro might not have a
healthy enough environment for birds. This
information was revealed in interviews with Ms Yoko
Harakuchi of Izumi Crane Park and Izumi City
Museum, Nishida Satoshi of Japanese Crane and Stork
Net-Work, Mr. Masuyama of Crane Research Center
Yashiro.
The Wajiro tidal flat in Fukuoka Bay, Fukuoka
Prefecture, was under the reclamation project of
Fukuoka City 23 years ago that meant to put up a
landfill. But the Save the Wajiro Tidal Flat Association
was established by local people who intended to save
Wajiro for the next generation. The movement was led
by Hiroko Yamamoto, an artist born in the Prefecture
who lived close to the Bay. The three major activities
conducted by the association consisted of biodiversity
monitoring, a bird population survey, and bird
watching activities for school children and the general
public interested in nature. The Save Wajiro Tidal Flat
Association has been working closely with the
Wetland Forum of Fukuoka Prefecture, an
organization that gathers a group of birdwatchers,
artists, and architects who love and care for nature.
The association led by Satoru Matsumoto is manned
by people who all work on a voluntary basis by sharing
their knowledge and skills.
Meanwhile, the Fukuoka research on the black-faced
spoonbill group also works hard to save the black-faced
spoonbill, a large shorebird and resident species found
in Korea, China, Taiwan, and Japan. These birds
utilize tidal flat and wetlands as their feeding ground
and inhabit grasslands near the feeding sites. Loss of
habitats and accidents arising from fishhooks pose
threats to birds. So does considerable garbage in the
river. Thus, the group started the campaign to
disseminate information about birds and their habitats
to the local people, the fishermen, and the university
students. The Group also organizes volunteers to
monitor threats to birds and collect garbage in the
river, according to Hattori Takurou of the Fukuoka
Wetland Conservation Research Group in an
interview.
The study also found that after the CoP 10 meeting in
2010, what happened? Two new groups have been
established by media agencies, academics, the private
sector, and the public sector called “CEPA JAPAN”
and “Green TV Japan”. These aim to raise awareness
28 Panel 1
through websites, the radio, television, and social
media by disseminating information related to
environmental issues according to Kawatei Masahiro
of CEPA Japan and Mizuno Masahiro of Green TV
Japan. Prof. Satoshi Kobayashi of the Kushiro Public
University stated that CEPA is quite popular in Japan.
Many organizations have printed more or less the same
materials on the subject matter and provided facilities.
Their people try to reach local groups including
children, and have many successful stories to share.
Environmental
Activities
Education
through
Hands-On
In Japan, many NGOs play a major role in
environmental education (e.g., the Wild Bird Society
of Japan, the Rice Paddies Network Japan, the Nature
Conservation Society of Japan (NACSJ), the Wetland
Forum, the Osaka Nanko Bird Sanctuary, the
Yutsuhigata Nature Observation Reserve, and the
Crane Park Izumi, among others). They have
produced several educational materials such as
manuals, poster, teacher’s guides, and CDs. There are
many volunteers devoted to bird conservation, among
them elderly people who care about nature and have all
the time to help out. Money is not a problem for them
either. In return, they derive benefits to their health.
For example, NACSJ has provided Environmental
Education Training to Nature Conservation
Educators since 1978 on local nature watching.
Working together, local governments, citizens groups,
corporations, and schools have conducted almost 450
training courses in 30 years. Over 25,000 people have
trained so far according to Noriko Kaihatsu, Secretary
General of NACSJ.
Hiroko Okamoto, Chief of the Education Division,
WBSJ, stated that the most important thing was to
encourage people to appreciate nature and consider it
as their own, and then take action, spread the word or
message to some other people, to do volunteer work. In
line with this she created a program called “Green
Holiday”, allowing people to get involved in WBSJ’s
work and the activities of WBSJ rangers (e.g., habitat
conservation, work for Japanese cranes and Blakiston’s
fish owl ). “This is a new style of volunteer program, I
want to spread it throughout Japan,” said Hiroko
Okamoto. WBSJ plays a major role in Environmental
Education in Japan and established the Utonai
Sanctuary Nature Center as the first sanctuary
managed by an NGO. WBSJ now manages 11
sanctuaries.
In the case of the Yutsuhigata Nature Observation
Reserve located outside Tokyo City, lots of volunteers
have joined events and nature rehabilitation activities
as guides. The center provides Environmental
Education focused on the importance of nature and
wildlife to the public. Besides, the center has been
working with other organizations and groups for the
conservation of tidal flats and the preservation of
shorebirds. An international exchange project for
migrating shorebirds and nature has been launched
through networks. In the past, residents utilized the
area for aquaculture (e.g., a nori farm) and salt
manufacturing. But these development projects faced
pressure from the local residents who campaigned to
protect the area. In 1993, Yutsu Higata was designated
as a National Wildlife Protection Area, and was
designated as a Ramsar site in 1996. In addition, Yutsu
Higata joined the East Asian-Australiasian Shore Bird
Reserve Network in the 6th Conference in Brisbane,
according to Tatsuya Shibahana, a Chief Ranger.
In Malaysia, the Malaysian Nature Society (MNS) has
been working on environmental education for almost
16 years through the “co-curriculum system” called the
National School Nature Club (Kelab Pencinta Alam
or KPA). KPA was set up in 1991 in 12 schools around
Klang Valley. With the support of the Ministry of
Education and a small grant from a private company,
MNS embarked on recruiting schools to be part of the
MNS umbrella. Today, after 20 years of KPA, there are
430 schools that have joined the project. KPA provides
hands-on activities through six zone camps (in the
north, south, east, central, Sabah and Sarawak); a
raptor watch camp; an International Bird Race (for
teachers and children who come every two years); a
water conservation project in schools selected from the
zone. A small grant is available for the project. There
are 6 to 10 participants in the project, but only one is
selected winner. The camps dwell on water
monitoring, forest ecology, waste auditing, insect
study, and caving among others. In addition, KPA
provides education materials (e.g., Buku Pan duan
KPA, KPA Guidebook for teachers to set up a Nature
Club) and organizes a teacher’s meeting every year.
The Ministry of Education provides support in kind,
while the private sector sponsors the various activities.
Apart from this, MNS has developed nature centers to
provide hands-on activities for children, such as the
FRIM-MNS-SHELL Nature Center, the Sepang
Nature Interpretation Center and Batu Cave.
Information on the camps was shared by I.S.
Shanmugaraj, Head of the Environmental Education
Division.
In the Philippines, Haribon Foundation, the
Philippine Eagle Foundation, and the Wild Bird
Society of the Philippines play a major role in bird
conservation, with particular focus on an education
program. Various activities and education materials
about birds and the ecosystem are provided to the
communities and schools surrounding a Protected
Area, as well as to people in the city.
In Indonesia, Burung Indonesia has produced a
bulletin, a poster, leaflets for members and the general
public. It has also produced a teacher’s guide for the
schoolteachers of Sumba Island. The teacher’s guide is
given to teachers who undergo training courses.
Lesson Learned
1. In Japan, NGOs receive financial support from
the
government
to
implement
an
environmental education program, while in
Malaysia, NGOs receive support in kind from
government, with financial support mainly
coming from the private sector.
2. To establish the Environmental Education
Center, a big budget for the building is not
necessary. It can be a small, simple building as
seen in Malaysia and Japan. However, in Japan,
there are both types: big and small buildings, for
example, the Yutsu Higata Nature Observation
Reserve, the Osaka Nanko Bird Sanctuary, the
Izumi Crane Exhibition Center, and the
Oriental White Stork Museum in Toyooka. All
these places have a beautiful, fully functional
building located at the site, while in Fukuoka,
the Save Wajiro Tidal Flat and Wetland Forum
have a one-block cabin for their equipment and
materials. It is clear that the most important
considerations are location and curriculum, and
their consistency.
3. The collaboration and involvement of
stakeholders are key elements of successful
conservation as seen in the Philippines,
Peninsular Malaysia, Indonesia and Japan.
29
4. A community-based conservation approach
helps cover every element and recognizes the
local community that lives close to the
protected areas, which is very important because
residents can either be protectors or poachers.
So, they should be engaged.
5. In Japan, the local government uses a payment
system to compensate the farmers affected by
the wild birds.
6. Local and international mechanisms are used as
important tools to protect the various species
and their habitats (e.g., a the Natural
Monument of Japan, the Ramsar site, the
Protected Area, the East Asian and
Australiasian Shore Bird Reserve Network).
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thank my host institutions: Burung Indonesia,
Haribon Foundation, Malaysian Nature Society and Ramsar
Network Japan. Thank you to the following, too, for their
assistance and support: Yoppy Hidayanto, Prof. Blas Tabaranza,
Jr., Yeap Chin Ik, Minoru Kashiwaki. I would like to thank my
key informants, namely, Anabelle Plantila, Mithi Gonzalez,
Tatet Kibnat, Mike Lue, Norikata Ichida, Prof. Satoshi
Kobayashi, Noriko Kaihatsu, Kazuaki Naito, Honjo Shiro,
Setsuo Satake. Misayuki Kureichi, Satoru Matsumoto, Mariko
Hatta, Ishi Masaharu, Chiaki Ono, Tatsuo Ina, Yutaka
Yamamoto, Yoko Haraguchi, Hiroko Okamoto, Masako
Hayashiyama, Midori Takashima, Yoshino Ando, Yashima
Satoru, Kawatei Masahiro, Nakaoku Masaaki, Shinichi
Watanabe, Miyagaki Hitoshi, Shigeki Takano, Seiji Hayama,
Hiroko Yamamoto, Teppei Dohke, Tatsuya Shibahana, Mizuno
Masahiro, Matsumoto Kumio, Noboru Nakamura, Yohanis
Balla Djawarai, I.S. Shanmugaraj, Andrew Sebastian, and many
others whom I could not mention here but recognize and
appreciate. I would also like to thank my host families, Setsu
Furakawa, Cristi Nozawa, Shigeki Iwabushi, Chiyoko Yoshida,
Nobukiyo Hirakata, Kaoru Mori, the Oka family of Tai Village,
Din Din of Ibuan Village, Lucy Teow and Pattarin Ikawa.
Thanks to my translator, Wulansari Sutito. Special thanks also
go out to the API Partner Institution (PI), the API
Coordination Office (CO), Nippon Foundation, and my family
for their generous support. Without you all, my work would
never have been completed.
30 Panel 2
Potentials of Local Traditions: A Study on Its Development for Social
Transformation
Sri Wahyuni
Introduction
This research sought to explore the phenomenon of
social transformation within the context of
development in the different monarchical systems of
Thailand1 and Japan2 where I witnessed a synergy
between traditions of the past and developments
brought about by progress in both countries. The
changes and development in Japan were brought about
by its modernization and restoration, shortly after the
vast destruction caused by World War II. Japan’s
recovery was partly linked to the historical
interpretation of the Meiji Restoration in 1868. Its
restoration has been regarded as either the result of
purely internal social, economic, or intellectualhistorical developments, or as the consequence of
external pressure.
Meanwhile, at the end of the Second World War,
Thailand was one of the world’s poorest countries. Its
economy had been stagnant for at least a century and it
had suffered significant damage from the war. Most
economic observers of the time rated its prospects of
recovery poorly. However, Thailand’s government
undertook more radical planning to develop the
country between the 1960s and the 1990s, such that
development growth was regarded as impressive within
that period. In many documents, Thailand was
recorded as “the fifth tiger” rivaling Korea, Taiwan,
Hong Kong, and Singapore.
The radical development in both nations was not only
affected by external factors, but also by internal ones,
possibly in the form of political policy, the people’s
manner of thinking, and their cultural drive to effect
changes among the populace. The radical changes
could also have been influenced by long-drawn habits,
which later evolved into patterns and remained in the
community as continuing traditions.
Substantially, tradition is whatever has become
persistent or recurrent through transmission,
regardless of its substance and the institutional setting.
The definition of tradition—which is handed down
primarily—is inclusive of material objects, beliefs
about various sorts of things, images of persons and
events, practices and institutions. It also includes all
that a society of a given time possesses and which has
already existed (Edward Shills 1983, 12)3.
Yet, ideally, development should also involve gender
sensitivity, because any kind of development initiative
will affect both men and women. It is impossible to
change a community dynamic in a certain way such
that only the men or only the women will benefit from
it. In many parts of the world, what is now also
beginning to happen is a shift to the regard of humans
as passive recipients of development, rather than as
actors or producers. But development is not only about
emphasizing the provision of facilities and
infrastructure to assist in the transition to a modern,
capitalist and industrial community.4 For
development to be sustainable, changes should not be
dominated only by those factors closely associated with
economic growth. According to sociologist Nabile
Kabeer, who is focused on development studies,
“Development studies not so much by questioning the
content of the growth models of economists, but by
suggesting that they ‘presuppose certain social and
cultural condition’s (Berstein as cited by Kabeer,
2003).
I use the terminology “social transformation” to
describe the sustainable process over occasions where
attitudes and values are held in a completely new
paradigm, based on different assumptions and beliefs.
Social transformation is a fundamental shift with
regard to how society forms itself and defines equality
and participation in development, and manifests its
attitudes and values in daily life. Thus, social
transformation is interpreted herein as a process of
change for encouraging and promoting gender
equality, without marginalizing either gender in the
course of development. For this reason, the study did
not take the individual per se as the subject of case
studies, but the individual in light of his or being part
of the social system.
For the research objectives, I adopted the following:
first, to identify and illustrate local traditions in
everyday living; and, second, to reflect on their
potential to influence social transformation given the
POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PRACTICES:
A POSSIBILITY FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT?
current situation. Through both approaches, we could
obtain insights on social transformation by
emphasizing the importance of thinking locally and
promoting the positive side or strengths of the local
tradition.
The research was conducted using a qualitative
research methodology to obtain primary and
secondary data. Participatory observations were made
possible by staying with families in their houses,
getting involved in community activities, and
undertaking in-depth interviews and group discussions
with the local people. Activities conducted in villages
in Lhampun Province in Northern of Thailand,5 and
in the Yamazoe village in Nara Prefecture and
Naramachi, in Nara City, Western Japan,6 will, at
least, demonstrate that up until today, development
has been a problem of gender and paradigm.
ANALYSIS
How have the governments of Thailand and Japan
responded to the need to achieve development with
gender sensitivity?
The governments of Thailand and Japan have been
seriously considering gender sensitivity in their
development plans. Both have politically published
various instruments to mainstream gender equality in
the development process.
One of the historical documents pertaining to
development and gender sensitivity in Thailand is the
endorsement of a piece on “The Symbol of National
Prosperity in Women’s Circumstance”. It was said to
have been initiated and written by King Rama VII,
who was known as King Vajiravudh during his reign
from 1881 to 1925 (WALT 2009, 12).7 This
manuscript has been perceived as significantly
indicating the social oppression of women via norms
and tradition. The criticism of his majesty’s
observation in the article noted that law and custom
were regulated to suffocate and control women for the
sake of men’s expediency (WLAT 2009, 12).
Hence, the gender issue was included in the 1932
Constitution of Thailand, the first constitution
promising gender equality through the decree of
universal suffrage and equal opportunities in political
participation for women. The real effect of the
provision was felt about 17 years later (1949), while it
was in 1972 when that development in gender
31
sensitivity was first put into law through the National
Development Plan, particularly the Third National
Development Plan covering 1972-1976.
The Thai government ratified the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) in 1985. The first women’s
development plan was prepared during the period
1982-2001, with the initial purpose of ensuring that
the gender equality component is articulated in the
long- term planning. Furthermore, the clause about
gender equality in Thailand is clearly mentioned in the
Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2550
(2007) which has an article on the equal rights of men
and women in Section 4, Chapter I. The General
Provisions state: “The human dignity, rights, liberty,
and equality of the people shall be protected”.8
How about Japan? Japan’s Law of Election or Guide to
the Imperial Japanese Diet during the Meiji
Restoration did not espouse gender sensitivity. Article
8 of Chapter II on the Rights to Elect and to Be
Elected read: “One possessing the following
qualifications is entitled to the right to elect: (1) He
must be a male Japanese subject and be not less than
full twenty-five years of age”. The year 1920 was the
most critical where discrimination against women was
concerned, with the men enjoying a higher status in
most areas of life. This situation encouraged one of the
women activists or feminists, Fusae Ichikawa,9 who
determined that the position of women as mothers
must be improved. Driven by her intense aversion to
inequality, she started her political activities and
achievements by proposing the revision of the law that
forbade women from taking part in politics.
In 1921, the Japanese Parliament overruled Article 5
of the Police Security Act by granting women the right
to attend political meetings. However, Article 14 of
the Constitution of the State of Japan, which was the
fundamental law of Japan enacted on 3 May 1947 as
the new constitution for postwar Japan, had this
provision on the rights and equality in development of
everyone: “The Constitution guarantees equality
before the law and outlaws discrimination based on
political, economic or social relations, or race, creed,
sex, social status or family origin”. Meanwhile, Article
44 states: “The rights to vote cannot be denied on the
ground of race, creed, sex, social status, family origin,
education, property or income”. In addition, Article
24 states that, “Equality between the sexes is explicitly
guaranteed in relation to marriage”.
32 Panel 2
A factual situation happened from the 1960s to the
1970s where economic growth produced a large mass
of white-collar husband and housewife couples. The
institutionalization of Women in Development
(WID) and Gender and Development (GAD) in
Japan dates back to the early 1990s, or some two
decades behind Western countries.
Internationally, women’s issues and development were
first linked in the beginning of the 1970s. By 1985, the
Japanese government had ratified the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women.
The history and framework of women in traditional
distinctness.
Discussions on gender equality and development, like
it or not, eventually often concern how the traditional
setting assigns women to the lower positions in the
social hierarchy. Women are accorded value as
mothers and wives under the jurisdiction of fathers,
husbands, and sons. These things have happened in
Japan. Initially, it was hard to see the social
transformation in Japan within the development
context, or by reconciling local tradition with
modernization, as the above observation indicates.
Somehow, in the public sphere, local tradition has
been perceived as something light and simple, and has
been used to express disapproval rather than support of
development.
Although Japan is known to be the only fully
industrialized nation in Asia and as having initiated
modernization in response to a perceived threat from
the West, tradition is still seen in terms of cultural
identity–disparate views indicating the capacity of
society to maintain continuity, coherence, and
integrity inspired and sustained by meaning. This
perspective may make it easier to see how local
tradition has the potential to be the medium of social
transformation in Japan. This is also in accordance
with the manner of thinking of Japanese studies
scholars, who examine the development differences
existing between Japan and the West. They have seen
how modernization and the change process in Japan
took place under social and cultural circumstances
vastly different from those of the West.
A brief look at the history of Japan might help us
understand the face of its development. The term
Wakon-yosai, which literally means “Japanese spirit
and Western science”, was coined to describe a
phenomenon in daily life in Japan, particularly with
regard to how tradition has pretty much inspired
development in the country. Perhaps, the civilization
process in Japan was strongly influenced by the
American Occupation force with respect to democracy
reforms, land reform, the dissolution of the zaibatsu
(wealthy clique),10 and the emancipation of trade
unions (Yamada 1998). Moreover, indeed, these
reforms contributed significantly to Japan’s post-war
development. However, actually, Japanese ideology is
essentially different from Western thought (St
Leonards, Allen, and Unwin 2002, 6). In addition,
Japan’s development was largely influenced by
tradition formed in the pre-war years.
It has been noted how traditional ideas still persist in
Japanese society. During the rapid industrialization
and urbanization phase of the Japanese economy
between the 1950s and the 1970s, the norm was for
the males to serve as breadwinners and the females as
homemakers. This set-up is considered “problematic
and fatal” in the modern world. As it is in many
cultures around the world, the patriarchal framework
has been entrenched in Japan for many centuries.
Educated women are strictly limited to assuming
domestic and maternal functions—an ideology called
ryosai kembo, or “as a good wife and wise mother”.
Meanwhile, Onna daigaku, a manual widely spread
throughout Japan from the Meiji period, put emphasis
on married women as being similarly subservient to
their parents-in-law and unconditionally obedient to
their husbands. In attempting to explain the
traditional idea’s relationship to economic
development, Kreiner (1996, 6-7) cited Confucianism
as having a great influence on Japan development
history and the Japanese people’s lives. The Confucian
ethical system emphasizes a harmonious society in
which a hierarchical structure is maintained, with this
very structure also transferred to and adapted in work
settings to achieve high economic prosperity. It teaches
people loyalty, piety, and respect for superiors and
authorities; it also emphasizes internal strengths such
as integrity, righteousness, and warm heartedness. In
fact, Hendry (2003, 39) stated that there were
principal values of Confucian dimension, Buddhism,
and the Samurai culture that strongly influenced
Japanese society in the development of its interaction
model, in relation to the family system where the
male’s position is higher than the female’s. The spirit
behind this belief is that it encourages the Japanese
women to just stay at home, doing household chores
and raising the family, while the responsibility to earn
money lies in the male.
However, there is another observation in history
dating from the pre-historic period to the
contemporary era, declaring that women had occupied
and continue to occupy a high status position in Japan.
But the strength of the belief in this idea has been
variable. Japanese mythology and other historical
documents lend light that Japan was initially a
matrilineal community (Bingham and Gross 1987,
12). It has also been acknowledged that in the years
“…..572 and 770 half of the rulers of Japan were
women,” (Giele and Smock 1977).
Recently, feminist groups introduced legislation that
would allow married couples to maintain separate
surnames, a practice which in Japanese is referred to as
fufu bessei (husband and wife different-surname), but
such legislation has not yet been passed.
So, how about Thailand?
When we talk about Thailand where this research took
place, we are facing the fact that Thailand has a
heterogeneous, even diverse community. The diversity
in northern Thailand can be captured in the many
national ethnic groups such as Karen, Burmese, A Kha,
Chinese, etc., that subscribe to Islamic, Christian, or
other belief values. The people’s beliefs influence their
daily lives, in general, and their political as well as
economic posturing. Interaction and exchange of
culture are not rare, even in religious ceremonies.
However, Thai dialects are used as major mediums of
communication amongst the people and Buddhism is
the religious belief of majority of the population.
When it comes to the size of its population and their
participation in the development movement, Thailand
is unique in its own way. According to the Central of
Statistic in Thailand, the total Thai population is
roughly 50% men and 50% women. However, in the
real development process, there is still a gap between
the men and the women in certain aspects, such as
employment opportunities and income, as well as
political engagement and representation at the highest
level of civil service.
There are certain perspectives on how people see
women in Thailand in their daily social life. I think
this is sort of a social construction although there is a
possibility that belief or other forms of normative
might be inserted in the descriptions. According to the
33
Theravada view of Buddhists, “a woman is seen to have
had bad karma or lack of merit in a previous life,” and
is therefore reincarnated a female. Despite this
“seemingly static view” of women’s being damned for
their gender, “transience in gender is observed by the
Thai people and thus, women accept their role in
society as being temporary”.
The term kulastrii refers to a woman, and can be freely
translated in terms of her being proficient and
sophisticated in household duties; graceful, pleasant,
yet unassuming in her appearance and social manners;
and conservative in her sexuality. Any woman can be
referred to as kulasatrii if people think she behaves
accordingly. The term might be erased at any time
when the woman stops behaving as she should. I guess
it can go away anytime a woman stops behaving the
way society expects her to behave.
In the Thai tradition, the status of a female can be
considered to change when she grows up and bears
children. At that point, she would be regarded semiformally as mae or mother. The citation “mae” is
usually not used to refer to single women. Thai men
refer to the female gender with a sense of reverence, as
“the gender of mothers” (phayt mae), effectively
acknowledging the women’s burden in childbearing
and their parenting responsibilities. The ultimate
insult from Thai men is yet mae, indicating the utmost
disrespect to mothers in the Thai culture.
The persistent stereotyping of females and males in
Thai society has been acknowledged. However, there
has been growing awareness of the impact of gender
stereotypes. Women now have more roles in the
traditionally male-dominated fields. Still, most
contemporary Thai women wholeheartedly endorse
the kulasatrii notion without resentment, regarding it
as a sign of dignity and honor, a sense of cultural
identity in which they can take pride.
Another idiom describing gender relation in a Thai
traditional proverb is Chai Kao-Pluenk Ying Kao-Sam,
which literally means “women are fragile”. Women are
believed to be vulnerable in terms of security and
chastity. That is why women have to live their lives
more carefully (than men).
The factual situation and the potential situation
During my field research in Thailand, I personally
witnessed how a married couple worked hand in hand,
both in their household chores and in their economic
34 Panel 2
undertakings. I stayed and closely related with some
families.
One interesting finding was how a married couple
worked to develop a garment and weaving enterprise
whose outputs were exported to Malaysia, and
distributed to other areas in Thailand. When the
enterprise belonged to the wife’s parents, it produced
limited amounts of woven garments, for which the
village was famous, and distributed their products
around north Thailand only. When the parents passed
away, the wife took over the business. She was then
spending most of her time tending to the family’s
farmland and raising their children, while the husband
worked in another place far from Lhampun. After the
planting season was over, the wife would stay at home
and weave, while the husband came back to work
elsewhere. During the harvest season, both of them
tended their crops and sold their produce to their loyal
customers. Then she would go back to her routine, and
so would her husband.
Until one day, they decided to focus on their weaving
of garments and developed it into a business. They
both took control of the management of the business
and recruited some more people to help them in their
workshop. They worked on household matters and
raised their children together. They made this decision
in order to fulfill their dream to send their children to
a better school so that they would have better lives.
These days, the wife is actively involved, once a week,
in economic empowerment activities in her village.
These activities are held either in the center of the
village or in the temple. The couple has also been active
in village meetings and temple rituals. In the temple
activity, the wife would join other women of the village
in preparing for the worship rituals and other
traditions. There have been times when she would be
in the temple only to prepare for the worship ritual.
During the wife’s busy time with her social and ritual
activities, her husband would take over the business, as
well as the household chores. Their workshop and
shop are located in the same yard as their house, so it
has proved easier to oversee their business from home.
Photo 1: Married couple engaged in entrepreneurship following the
footsteps of their parents. In Lhampun, Northern Thailand
I also found different backgrounds and motivations in
some couples and singles during my research in
Yamazoe,
Nara
Prefecture,
Japan,
where
entrepreneurship and agriculture have been the main
livelihoods in the village, passed from generation to
generation. One of my respondents, Mrs. W has own
cafe was actually not a local villager, but she became
one of the locals when she married a local man who is a
politician. Both were raised by entrepreneur families so
it was almost natural that the wife could see an
opportunity to create a business in the village.
However, when asked why she started the
entrepreneurial?, she said it was merely a hobby that
her husband also supported.
Mrs. W-café owner explained her business motivation:
“I like cooking and making new recipes, just like
what my mother did. She used to cook for
customers in her restaurant”.
“I wanted to make a bigger cafe where I can
display my homemade cookies. My husband
does not object to my activities, he even helped
me find a location for this cafe. This cafe was
actually an empty place. We rented this place
because of its location: it is not far from my
house and family”.
There seems to be no economic background that
motivates her entrepreneurship since she emphasized
that hobby—cooking and making new recipes as well
as inspired by her mom. While working on
entrepreneurship she also fulfills her household
responsibilities like picking up her son from school and
taking him to her mother-in-law.
Although she is not actively involved in village
activities, attending village meetings only once in a
while, still she was asked to speak several times about
her entrepreneurship (entrepreneurial) spirit and to
make known the need to create more jobs for the
youngsters, especially the females, so that they do not
have to leave the village to find jobs in the city.
Photo 2: Entrepreneurship handed down for development to take
place in Japan
The case above could be interpreted as
entrepreneurship’s being like a tradition handed down,
with entrepreneurs being purely products of their local
culture. But entrepreneurs can also upset the status
quo by unlocking predetermined paths of
development, thus acting as agents of change within
society. Gerschenkron (Alexander 1962, 5) also
pointed out that there were many examples of
historical settings in which entrepreneurial activity
had flourished outside or even against prevailing
national social norms. The socio-cultural perspective,
he insisted, had missed Schumpeter’s11 basic premise
that entrepreneurs often acted as agents of change
rather than as captives of their environment.
Likewise, as reflected in traditional rural lifestyles in
Thailand and Japan, men and women work together in
the farm but perhaps in different areas performing
different tasks. Women often support activities that
are considered “male” activities and may even serve as
leader in some tasks. Men generally engage only in
income generating activities, while women do both
income and non-income generating activities.
35
As told by the respondent, Ms. X :12
“I am finally able to be actively involved in the
village’s policy making and planning after I
started my business. I understand that I am not
young anymore. In the beginning, I rarely came
to the village meetings and to community events
and when I did come, it was only out of
necessity. But, then Mae S13 insisted that I
always come to the meeting. Having my voice
heard and accommodated as a result of attending
meetings was really something”.
Referring to the statistic, the women in an agriculture
organization in Japan called Japan Agriculture
Cooperatives (JA) constituted 4.9% in 2009. This may
seem a small number, but this might just be the
beginning of the process of breaking through the
patriarchal system within agriculture’s traditional
framework.
From the early twentieth century to the end of World
War II, the economy of Thailand gradually became
part of the global system. Major entrepreneurs were
ethnic Chinese, who eventually became Siamese
nationals. The export of agricultural products,
especially rice, was the most important economic
endeavor. Thailand has been among the top rice
exporters in the world since that time until today.
About 49% of the population is employed in
agriculture, with more than 47% of the total being
women.
Given the statistics just mentioned, ever since the
women began contributing to farming from an
economic standpoint, they have been allowed to
participate in decision-making regarding land and
farming policies, and are also actively involved in
providing ideas to improve public services. Their
inputs are strongly influenced by their daily
experiences. This development can be seen as a shift or
a transformation; with the women have an equal
bargaining position as the men and being involved in
the decision making that involves the community, in
general.
It is actually unfair when the existence of women is
acknowledged only when they are financially
independent and can contribute to the family and
community’s economic welfare. Their position then
allows them to participate in the community’s
decision-making process. While this is true, the point
of this research finding is to determine how to
36 Panel 2
deconstruct the common mindset of the people by
empowering the tradition that exists in the
community.
As mentioned by the respondent in Japan, prior to her
having a business, Ms XY14 in Yamazoe village, Nara
Prefecture, Japan, did not have the courage to step up
and express her opinion during the village meetings.
But when she became a businessperson, the men in the
village acknowledged her presence and regarded her
opinion as something worthwhile. Had she never
decided to stand up and start a business, she would
have stayed out of the picture dominated by men.
Her statement:
“Yes, I was invited by the Village Head to attend
meetings about village development. There are
plans to develop our village as a tourist spot. I
can voice my opinions in the meeting freely. I
also have women group activities in the village.
The members are housewives who like to make
wool from sheep. We display our products
during our center activities. We sell the products
as well”.
that during the Meiji Restoration. It was noted in
documents that the country was divided into fiefdoms,
and feudal lords encouraged the production of local
products in their domains. In Kagoshima Prefecture at
the southern tip of Japan, for example, the lords of the
Satsuma fiefdom encouraged the growing of sweet
potatoes and mandarin oranges, and the production of
fish paste. Many other fiefdoms promoted local
specialty products in similar ways. As in Thailand,
entrepreneurship was often started when agricultural
infertility provided fertile ground for rural nonfarm
industries. Reviving the alternative rural textile
industry is an appealing prospect. By the history of the
Thai textile industry, evidence from archeological
excavations has confirmed that prehistoric Thai people
learned to use natural materials for cloth weaving and
traded these in China, Laos, and England. The rural
textile industry has traditionally been the exclusive
domain of women.
Photo 4: The Women’s Center in OTOP village, Lhampun
Province, Thailand
Photo 3: Women’s Center in Yamazoe village, Japan: a social
institution to achieve equality
In the case of Japan, if we refer to one the meanings of
local tradition, which concludes that the value breaks
ground in every generation, then it is understandable
and makes sense that thinking entrepreneurship
through home production as well as farming is a form
of tradition. In Japan, we can refer to the Edo period
(1603-1867), which preceded the Meiji Restoration in
the period 1868-1922.
During the Edo period, local production was already
being encouraged, but with a different approach from
Both the Edo and Meiji periods were capitalistic, but
during the Edo period, the approach used was more
likely to achieve equality between men and women,
who had the same chance opportunity to improve the
quality of their economic life through
entrepreneurship based on local products. The period
also offered a good chance to enhance the women’s
status for it to be equal with the men. It was
significantly different from what happened during the
Meiji period, when Western values started to penetrate
and change mindsets to become achievement oriented.
This orientation required long work hours and
physical strength, and made it impossible for women
to meet the requirements. In consequence, it was
difficult for women in Japan to reach high-level
positions. With GEM and GDI are serving as
references, while the gender sensitivity issue was not
among the fought-for needs of “grass-root” communities, it probably became one of the constraints to
achieving equality.15
Even though in the worldwide terminology, there are
components consisted in GEM and GDI as the global
references point for gender equality in development,
however, its achievement can be started by recognizing
and raising the strength of local tradition and
community awareness. It can be considered a
“demand”, so that the movement for change can be
done more equally and initiated from the grassroots
level.
However, for change initiated by the grassroots
community, it is possible but difficult to move
forward, if synergy with other social systems which
traditionally have higher authority is not striven for.
The social system mentioned here is a device of
government as part of the social institution. Therefore,
a specific strategy has to be conceptualized patiently
and intensively in order to obtain the intervention of
the government as a real force in the process of
transformation toward gender sensitive development.
Such steps had been taken by Mae S as a religious
leader, although it was not common practice at that
time. Usually, temple beliefs and tradition in Thailand
apply Theravada Buddhism, which subscribes to a
perception of women similar to that in Buddhist
Thailand. Gender notions can be shown to derive from
sources that formulate a Buddhist worldview. Thai
Buddhist culture does not relegate women to a
religiously inferior status relative to men, however. As
the religious leader’s wife in the village, Mae S did not
seem to encounter any problem when she performed as
a female monk.
Mae S has been a religious leader for more than 20
years. She has spent most of her life giving religious
services to the community in her village, in Lamphun.
Her role in the temple is similar to her late husband’s
role. She leads the religious ceremony, and receives and
facilitates prayers for the pilgrims, just like a male
monk. The only significant difference between her role
and that of her late husband is that he did not need to
prepare “equipment” for the ceremony, like flower
arrangements, offering sustainers, and rituals on
certain days, because all these preparations were
undertaken by the women. However, Mae has
somehow optimized her role as a religious leader by
providing services and empowerment at the same time.
37
As she says:
“Almost all my life I have dedicated to the
pilgrims by doing services in the temple. I may be
a woman, but it does not matter, maybe because
my husband was a respected religious leader. He
did not mind my active involvement in the
temple or around the village”.
She proceeded: “I follow and apply the three
values of Buddha’s lessons in my life. By meeting
the community in the village, I listen and get a
sense of their condition, living in the village. I
actually have no problems concerning finances
since my children are already grown up. When
they were younger, I had to work hard with my
husband to fulfill our needs. My husband and I
were doing religious services in the community”.
She described the reason behind her efforts and
passion for empowerment thus:
“Traditionally, when women in the village get
married, they will be drowned in their domestic
chores while also taking care of their husband
and children. This is very common in Thailand.
At that time, I realized that the women in the
village where I lived in were helpless and poor.
They did not have skills and had no access to
improving them. I realized that when I gave
religious services. This situation encouraged me
to do something to improve the women’s status
and the families’ resources. Weaving has been an
old tradition in this village, so I started to find
ways to link their skills and distribute their
products in the market. This way the village
could generate income from their skills”.
As told by Mae S, it takes considerable time looking for
assistance and raising awareness regarding the
significance of the economic role of the female
population’s being on equal footing with that of the
male population. She created approaches for and
awareness of the door-to-door method, until it
attained mass consciousness at the grassroots level. Her
moves were taken positively by the governments in the
region, which established the women’s center. This
was in contrast to the experience of Ms XY, when she
initiated the establishment of the women’s activity
center; although later on, it did also elicit a positive
response from the state apparatus. Ms XY also
developed empowerment activities by encouraging
some women in the region to get involved.
38 Panel 2
Conclusion
Indeed, gender inequality in development triggered the
social construct that made women take on traditional
occupations, and stick to primary household chores or
family matters. The traditional setting assigned
women to the lower positions in the social hierarchy.
NOTES
1
Development in Thailand has been driven by the political
role played by the monarchy and by the development of
political economy as stated in the Constitution of the
Kingdom of Thailand, B.E. 2550 (2007). Section 2 states that
Thailand should adopt a democratic regime of government
with the King as head of State; Section 3 declares that “The
sovereign power belongs to the Thai people. The King as
Head of State shall exercise such power through the National
Assembly, the Council of Ministers and the Courts in
accordance with the provisions of this constitution”.
2
Japan has a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary
government. There is universal adult suffrage with a secret
ballot for all elective offices. Sovereignty previously embodied
in the emperor is now vested in the Japanese people, and the
Emperor is defined as the symbol of the state and of the unity
of the people. He has a purely ceremonial role.
3
Edward Shils (1983) emphasizes the signification of tradition
thus: a process of industrial production is not tradition.
Production is not a tradition. The act of exercising authority
is not tradition. The performance of a ritual action, whether
it is an act of communion or the celebration of an anniversary
or a loyal toast to a monarch, is not tradition; rather, it is a set
of words and physical movements expressive of a state of
sentiment and belief. None of these states of sentiment of
mind is a tradition. None of these physical actions and social
relationships is tradition. None of these ideas is a tradition.
None of them in itself is tradition. But all of them can, in
various ways, be transmitted as tradition; they can become
traditions.
4
In the past decade, the discourse on the advancement of
women and its relation to the development process evolved.
Essentially, it has shifted in focus from the approach of
Women in Development (WID) to the approach of Gender
in Development (GAD). The policy orientation of WID did
not address the basic structure of inequality in the
relationship between women and men, as a central category
of analysis. In this context, the GAD approach requires that
social, political, and economic structural, and the
development policy be re-examined from the perspective of
gender relations.
5
Lamphun Province is the region known as the central
producer of Pha Mai Yok Dok (ผาไหมยกดอก), an elaborate
material woven in the traditional method. Originally used in
the northern royal court, it became popular during the reign
of King Rama VI. The distinctive craftsmanship and skills
needed to produce this type of silk have endeared it to those
who prefer traditional designs. The handmade cotton fabric
(ผาฝายทอมือ) is moderately priced. Its designs and colors,
which have not been altered yet, retain the indigenous feel
and tradition. It is generally made into tablecloths, plate rests,
drapes, and other household items. I chose this location
because it has development project sites that continue to
observe local tradition.
Women were valued as mothers and wives under the
authority of fathers, husbands, and sons. Hence, we
often heard that the main duties of women were for
them to be mothers and to raise children.
Their duties were therefore double because these
included carrying their babies to term, undergoing
labor and breastfeeding these babies, before being
involved in raising and educating them. Even though
they worked harder than the men did and their work
was indispensable to the well-being of the family, the
village, and the tribe, the women usually did not
control the fruits of their labor or participate in their
disposition and distribution. This is according to
Katherin K Young (1987) who suggested that
patriarchal societies and patriarchal religions are
predicated on a correlation of historical, psychological,
sociological, and biological stress points.
The phenomenon I saw in the research locations in
Thailand and Japan proved that local tradition is
important in helping the women achieve the standard
and quality of life they want. They should reproduce
and transmit the value of their local tradition within
the context of the present so that tradition is not
trapped in time and space. Instead, it is translated into
concrete actions and everyday experiences, and is
woven into how the women fulfill their roles and
responsibilities as individuals.
As tradition can grow more gradually since it has
greater longevity, so is it highly possible for tradition to
influence the manner of thinking and acting of the
people, and eventually contribute significantly to the
transformation process. Substantially, tradition is
whatever is persistent or recurrent through
transmission, regardless of substance and institutional
setting. It looks different from the principles of the
modernization theory that is precise and rigid in its
concept of social change as occurring in reference to
the Western concept of growth and values that should
be the obvious byproducts of industrialization. Indeed,
the western concept strictly controls and separates the
identified economic and non-economic factors, which
will eventually motivate and generate the will to
change, or, on the other hand, halt economic growth.
6
Yamazoe village is located in the northeastern corner of Nara
Prefecture, where the local government promotes
community empowerment of the local entrepreneurs, based
on local potentials such as agriculture, farming, and weaving
using material made from sheep wool. Naramachi in Nara
City is the oldest historical city in Japan. It has a
comprehensively reinvigorated and well-utilized community,
which factors in its resources and traditional components in
the quest for community development.
7 By 1968, the women lawyer’s society had formed the
association known as the Women Lawyer’s Association of
Thailand (WLAT), which decided on having for its mandate
the following: to represent women’s demands in reforming
the law, particularly, to ensure the equal rights of men and
women as pointed out in the Constitution. These demands
articulated by WLAT were neglected by the military
government; later, however, the 1973 political uprising led to
the formation of a democratic government that drafted the
1974 Constitution which manifested equality rights.
8
9
10
11
12
Former Prime Minister Abhisit states that the promotion of
gender equality and women empowerment reflected in the
Constitution of Thailand has improved. Several laws have
also been enacted to ensure women development and the
protection of their rights. For instance, mechanisms have
been devised to facilitate the implementation of the 2007 and
2008 Acts, which instruct all ministries and departments to
employ a deputy secretary or general director to be Chief
Gender Equality Officer. Around 19 ministry offices with
131 agencies have been installed to promote gender equality
in their office environments.
Having finally achieved her dream to ensure equality of rights
across genders, she found other causes to champion. She
argued that if only the Japanese women had been more
empowered, Japan would have been less likely to be drawn
into the costly, crippling conflict. In her tireless efforts to
promote equality between women and men, she became one
of the most attractive women activists who voiced the need
for Japan to sign the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women.
Any of the large capitalist enterprises of Japan before World
War II, similar to cartels or trusts but usually organized
around a single family.
Wikipedia writes that Joseph Alois Schumpeter (8 February
1883 – 8 January 1950) was an Austrian-HungarianAmerican economist and political scientist. He had a theory
about business cycles and development. The hero of his story
is the entrepreneur. He stated that the entrepreneur disturbs
the equilibrium and is the prime force behind economic
development, which proceeds in a cyclic fashion along several
time scales.
Ms X lives in OTOP village, in Lhampun, Thailand. With
her husband, she has been managing the farm which is the
source of their family income. However, she also has weaving
as a home business.
39
13
Mae S is the main resource person in the research site in
Lhampun. She is a woman leader who was previously a
religious nun.
14
Ms XY is the woman leader in the Yamazoe village. She
manages the Women Equality Center whose main activity is
empowering village women through wool farming,
production, and entrepreneurship skills.
15
As discussed with Mr Ok. He was the main resource during
my research in Yamazoe village. Mr Ok is a native house of
representative member in Yamazoe. He is a politician from
the Communist party. Which is consistence implementing
the 30% female quota system in the legislature.
REFERENCES
Geertz, Clifford. 1993. The Interpretation of Culture. London:
Fontana Press. An imprint of Harper Collins Publisher.
Gerschenkron, Alexander. 1962. Economic Backwardness in
Historical Perspective. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press
of Harvard University Press. Harrison, Lawrence E. and Samuel
P. Huntington. 2000. Culture Matters: How Values Shape
Human Progress. New York: Basic Books.
Hobsbawm, Eric and Terence Ranger. 2009. The Invention of
Tradition. UK: Cambridge University Press.
Kabeer, Naila. 2003. Reversed Realities, Gender Hierarchies in
Development Thought. Great Britain: Biddles Ltd.
Klausner, William J. 1993. Reflection on Thai Culture. Thailand:
Sayam Samakhom.
Kreiner, Josef (ed). 1996. The Impact of Traditional Thought on
Present-Day Japan. Muchen-Tokyo: Iudicium-Verl.
Mole, Robert L. 1973. Thai Values and Behavior Patterns.
Rutland, Vermont: C. E. Tuttle Co.
Murayama, Mayumi. 2005. Gender and Development in the
Japanese Experience, in Comparative Perspective. New York:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Sanderson, Stephen K. 1999. Social Transformations. United
States of America: Rowman & Littlefield Publisher.
Shils, Edward. 1983. Tradition. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Sugimoto, Yoshio. 2011. An Introduction to Japanese Society.
New York: Cambridge University Press.
Somswasdi, Virada and Sally Theobald. 1997. Women, Gender
Relations and Development in Thai Society. Chiang Mai,
Thailand: Women’s Study Center, Faculty of Social Sciences,
Chiang Mai University.
Van Esterik, Penny. 2000. Materializing Thailand. Netherland:
Berg Publishers.
40 Panel 2
Indigenous Engagement in Local Government: Experiences in Malaysia and
Indonesia
Claire Bongsalo Lacdao
Introduction
Indigenous peoples have the right to freely determine
their political status and pursue their economic, social,
and cultural development. No less than the Charter of
the United Nations has recognized and affirmed this,
with the adoption of the United Nations Declaration
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), as
well as numerous other international instruments.
That said, Indigenous peoples remain excluded from
policy making and governance.
As observed, their lack of participation has resulted in
adverse policies and programs that have severely
affected their way of life: their rights, traditions, lands,
territories, and natural resources have been abrogated,
encroached upon, stolen, and denigrated in the guise of
development. Their way of life and distinct views on
development are often disregarded and ignored by
local and national policy makers alike. In instances
where policies exist, most are non-inclusive and
assimilative in nature, which creates dependency on
the government and does not promote meaningful
development (a development that protects their
cultural, social, political and economic integrity).
Thus, projects and programs are often not sustained
and Indigenous peoples are left without their lands and
territories, and the natural resources, exhausted.
Indigenous peoples, however, continue to adapt their
traditional decision-making processes and institutions
in dynamic ways. Some have taken to participating in
the mainstream political processes and engaging the
local government. This is seen as an alternative, a
means by which they can become part of and influence
the mainstream decision-making process. It is a risk
that they have either chosen consciously, or have little
choice, but to take.
In recent years, the engagement of Indigenous peoples
has become of import in view of the growing interest
in and support for local development. This is because
“successful local development” has been identified as
essential to meet the Millennium Development Goals
(MDG). As such, attention has shifted from the
national to the local level, which has put into focus
local communities, including Indigenous peoples, and
their engagement in local government and meaningful
inclusion in the decision-making process.
This paper looks into this aspect of local development,
the participation and engagement of Indigenous
peoples in the decision-making aspect of local
government. It looks into their experiences of in terms
of the nature and extent of their engagement; the
problems of and constraints on indigenous
engagement; and the present and potential roles of
indigenous women and youth.
The Indigenous Peoples
During my fellowship, I was often asked about what I
was researching. Whenever I would say I was
researching on Indigenous peoples, almost always, I
would get a long “okay” or just a blank stare in reply.
The reaction was the same, regardless of whether I was
talking with a student, a professional, or just a regular
person on the street. Often, I would have to give
examples before they could figure out to whom or
what I was referring– that is if they even had any idea
at all.
The question as to who exactly are the Indigenous
peoples has always been a contentious one. Even the
United Nations (UN), or any UN-System Body, has
not adopted an official definition. Rather than define
the term, the approach has been to identify. This is
based on the fundamental criterion of selfidentification underlined in a number of human rights
documents and affirmed in Article 33 of the United
Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples (UNDRIP), which underscores its
importance–that Indigenous peoples themselves
define their own identity as indigenous.
A modern understanding has been developed based on
the following: the Indigenous people’s selfidentification at the individual level and their
acceptance as members by the community; their
historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or presettler societies; their strong link to territories and
surrounding natural resources; their distinct social,
economic, or political systems; their distinct language,
culture, and beliefs; their being non-dominant groups
in society; and their resolve to maintain and reproduce
their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive
peoples and communities.
The term “indigenous” has actually been commonly
used for many years. However, others including
minorities, aboriginals, tribes, first peoples or nations,
ethnic groups, ethno-linguistic groups, adivasi
(Indigenous peoples of India), janajati (Indigenous
peoples of Nepal), and the like, have been preferred by
some. Occupational terms like hunter-gatherers,
nomads, pastoralists, or peasants; and geographical
terms like hill and valley peoples, highland dwellers,
and the like also exist. For all practical purposes, these
terminologies can be used interchangeably with
“Indigenous peoples”.
In Malaysia, the Indigenous peoples refer to
themselves as Orang Asal. They comprise the Orang
Asli of Peninsular Malaysia and the natives of Sabah
and Sarawak. Numbering about four million and
constituting about 15 percent of the national
population, they consist of more than 80 ethnolinguistic groups. Based on the 2005 State/District
Data Bank of the Department of Statistic of Malaysia,
of the respective state’s population, the Orang Asli
comprise about 0.6 percent, the indigenous groups in
Sabah about 60.7 percent, and those in Sarawak, 69.1
percent.
“Bumiputera” which means “princes or sons of the
soil” is another term often used when referring to
Indigenous peoples in Malaysia. It refers to Malays,
natives, and aborigines or Orang Asli. The Malaysian
Constitution defines an “aborigine” or Orang Asli only
as “an aborigine of the Malay Peninsula”; but the
Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 states that an aborigine is
a person whose parents are both aborigines, or has one
parent, male or female, who is or was, a member of an
aboriginal ethnic group, speaks an aboriginal language,
and habitually follows an aboriginal way of life, its
customs and beliefs. In Sabah, a “native” is a citizen,
child, or grandchild of a person of a race indigenous to
Sabah, born either in Sabah or to a father domiciled in
Sabah at the time of the birth. Under state laws,
however, it is possible for a person who is not born a
native to be deemed a native, by applying to the native
court. The native status may likewise be attained by
virtue of residence, assimilation into the culture of a
41
native community, good conduct, and language. A
“native” in Sarawak is an indigenous person who is
born of parents who are both natives.
The Orang Asli, translated as “original peoples” or
“first peoples”, are the indigenous minority in
Peninsular Malaysia. It consists of three main groups:
the Negrito, the Senoi, and the Aboriginal Malay
(Proto-Malay) which are further divided into 19
various ethnic subgroups–Negrito: Kensiu, Kintak,
Jahai, Lanoh, Mendriq, and Bateq; Senoi: Semai,
Temiar, Jah Hut, Temoq, Chewong, Mah Meri, and
Semaq Beri; and Aboriginal Malay: Temuan, Semelai,
Orang Kanaq, Orang Kuala, Jakun, and Orang Seletar.
These subgroups have varied ways of life. Most live
within or close to forested areas where they engage in
swidden farming, and hunting and gathering activities.
Those that live near the coast are mainly fisherfolk.
Some are engaged in agriculture and manage their own
farms planted mainly with palm oil, cocoa, or rubber.
They also trade in forest products such as rattan,
resins, rabong, fruits, and other products for cash
income. A very small number are still semi-nomadic in
order to take advantage of the seasonal bounties of the
forest.
The indigenous communities of Sabah speak more
than 50 languages and 80 dialects. The Dusinic,
Murutic, and Paitanic groups make up the larger of the
ethnic groups. Each of the main groups consists of
several ethnic groups — Dusun: Bisaya, Dumpas,
Kujiau, Kadazandusun, Kimaragang, Lotud, Rungus,
Tatana, Tinagas, Tobilung, and Gana; Paitan: Abai
Sungai, Kolobuan, Lobu/Rumanau, Tampias Lobu,
Tombunuo, Makiang, Segama, and Sinabu; and
Murut: Ambual/Nabai, Baukan, Kalabakan, Kolod/
Okolod, Paluan, Selungai, Sembangkung, Serudung,
Tagal/Tagol, Tidung, and Timugon. The other groups
are Banjur, Bajau/Sama, Begahak/Ida’an, Brunei/
Kedayan, Bonggi, Bugis, Chavacano, Cocos, Iranun,
Melayu Sabah, Molbog, Tausug/Suluk, Wolio, and
Yakan. These ethnic groups occupy distinct
geographical areas of settlement. The Dusunic group
occupies western, northern, and central Sabah. It is the
most dominant group. The Murutic group,
meanwhile, resides in the southwest interior of Sabah.
The Paitanic group resides in the northeastern part.
The Rungus group dominates the northern part of
Sabah. The Bajau and Malayic groups predominantly
occupy the coastal area. The diversity in Sabah in terms
of climate, landform, soils, and vegetation provides a
diverse agro-ecosystem for the many indigenous
42 Panel 2
communities. Indigenous communities are located
mainly in the rural areas and are mostly subsistence
farmers utilizing traditional practices. They rely on the
diverse plants in the forest for their food, medicine,
fuel, building materials, and other household needs.
Those settled along the coastline and river constitute
fishing communities. The various groups sell their
surplus food crops, jungle produce, fish, and other cash
crops in the market to supplement their cash incomes.
In Sarawak, the indigenous communities are
collectively called Dayaks. The two biggest Dayak
groups are the Iban or the Sea Dayaks, and the
Bidayuh. The Dayaks living in the interior of Sarawak
are often called Orang Ulu or people from the interior.
The Ibans constitute over 31 percent of the
population. These main groups in Sarawak likewise
consist of a number of smaller groups – Iban: Iban and
Iban Sebayau; Bidayuh: Barieng, Bikutud, Bisepug,
Biemban, Bisitang, Bilo’ih, Biperoh, Biatah, Benuk,
Bengoh, Braang, Bianah, Bukar, Bigumbang, Bikuyab,
Jagoi, Krokong, Lara, Pinyowah, Sadong, Selako,
Singgai, Tibiak, and Tringgus; Orang Ulu: Baketan,
Berawan, Bisaya, Kayan, Kajang Kejaman, Kajang
Lahanan, Kajang Punan Bah, Kajang Sekapan, Kelabit,
Kenyah Badeng, Kenyah Lepo Ke, Kenyah Nyurik,
Kenyah Sambob, Kenyah Uma Pawa, Lakiput, Lun
Bawang, Penan, Punan Vuhang, Sa’ban, Seping, Sihan,
Tagal, Tabun, Tring, Ukit, and Vai’e; Melanau:
Bintulu, Daro and Afaik, Mukah and Dalat, and Matu;
Others: Bakong, Dalek, Kadayan, Kanowit, Melayu
Sarawak, Mirie, Rajang, Remun and Tanjong. The
Orang Ulu typically live in longhouses and practice
shifting cultivation. A few hundred of the Penans from
the east continue to live as a nomadic people of the
rainforest.
Meanwhile, Indonesia has over 1,000 ethnic or subethnic groups. It is described as one of the most
ethnically diverse countries. The Indigenous peoples in
Indonesia are referred to using diverse terminologies
such as native or tribal people/groups, isolated people,
swidden farmers, forest squatters, and adat
communities or adat law communities. Indonesian
laws have used several terms to refer to Indigenous
peoples such as masyarakat suku terasing (alien tribal
communities), masyarakat tertinggal (neglected
communities),
masyarakat
terpencil
(remote
communities), masyarakat hukum adat (customary
law communities), and, more recently, masyarakat
adat (communities governed by custom).
The Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (Indigenous
Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago) or AMAN, the
nationwide organization of Indigenous peoples across
Indonesia, uses the term masyarakat adat (translated as
communities governed by custom or simply, adat
communities). AMAN is comprised of 1,163
indigenous communities spread throughout Indonesia
and estimates that they number between 50 and 80
million in a country of 240 million. Others have
estimated that number to be as high as 120 million.
Meanwhile, the government uses the term komunitas
adat terpencil (isolated adat communities or remote
indigenous communities) and officially recognizes 365
ethnic and sub-ethnic groups that number about 1.1
million. There are, however, many more ethnic groups
that consider themselves, or are considered by others,
as Indigenous peoples. The existing terms clearly
reflect the diversity of views on Indigenous peoples in
Indonesia, by virtue of their relationships, interactions,
pressures, and the problems that occur. Changes in the
social and political context also influence the
terminology. Interaction between this context and
their ability to see problems, including the awareness
of their right to self-identification, determines the way
adat communities are identified.
Masyarakat adat is defined by AMAN as a group of
people from the same ancestral lineages who inhabit a
certain geographical area and have a distinctive set of
ideological, economic, political, cultural, and social
systems and values, as well as a territory. The definition
is not meant to be an in-depth, detailed
anthropological and sociological argument, but seeks
to distinguish between Indigenous peoples and local
community groups or other community groups. It was
chosen because it is neutral and implies no negative
connotations, as contrasted with the various terms that
refer to the backwardness or primitiveness of these
communities. A community is therefore considered
indigenous if it: (a) survives under its own system,
which is formed from continuous interaction within
the group; and (b) possesses its own territory on which
its value systems are applied and still practiced.
There is no generic law in Indonesia that specifically
and comprehensively deals with Indigenous peoples.
Instead, provisions related to the recognition of
Indigenous peoples and their rights are dispersed in
various parts of the Indonesian Constitution, Acts,
and implementing regulations. The third amendment
to the Indonesian Constitution recognizes the rights
of Indigenous peoples (Article 18b-2 concerning
regional government) and respects their cultural
identity (Article 281-3 concerning Human Rights).
Implicit recognition of some rights of Indigenous
peoples or, at least, related thereto, can be found in
recent laws and policies such as Act No. 5/1960 on
Basic Agrarian Law, Act No. 39/1999 on Human
Rights, Act No. 41/1999 on Forestry, Act No. 22/
1999 on Local Government, Act No. 32/2004 on the
Local Government, and the MPR Decree No. X/2001
on Agrarian Reform, among others. Many of the
adopted local–provincial and district-level –
legislations and policies are similarly relevant to
Indigenous peoples.
The exact number of indigenous groups in Indonesia is
not known and even estimates considerably vary. Due
to the high diversity of these groups and since most of
them have small populations, the identification of
Indigenous peoples has proven arduous and difficult.
The majority ethno-linguistic group, west of Java, is
the Malayo-Polynesian family. It has more than 250
languages and is usually distinguished into 16 major
groups. Four of these 16 groups are Malayan.
Central Java is home to the predominant Javanese
ethnic group. East Java also contains substantial
numbers of Balinese and Madurese. West Java also has
a large Sundanese population that has similarities with
the Lampung of South Sumatra. Sumatra contains a
number of significant ethno-linguistic groups besides
Javanese–these include the Acehnese of north
Sumatra, Minangkabau, and Batak, and half a dozen
other related tribes. Meanwhile, Kalimantan is
dominated by the Dayak, the Murut, the coastal Malay
peoples and the ethnic Chinese. Sulawesi is inhabited
mainly by Buginese and Makasarese in the south, and
Minahasans and Manadonese in the north. Papua is
home to Indigenous peoples divided into many
hundreds of groupings. The names of smaller islands,
or clusters of islands, are most often coterminous with
the ethno-linguistic groups that inhabit them.
As identification using the ethno-linguistic approach
has been problematic, it has been proposed to use the
community approach. Following this track, among the
Javanese, which is the biggest ethno-linguistic group in
Java, the smaller communities like the Orang Osing,
Kasepuhan, or Orang Kanekes/Baduy can be
identified as Indigenous peoples since they identify
themselves as distinct from the majority Javanese. The
same is true for the Melayu territory in Sumatra where
indigenous communities like the Orang Talang
43
Mamak, Nias, Orang Rimba, and Mentawai maintain
a distinct identity from the majority population.
Indigenous peoples in Indonesia traditionally live on
their ancestral land and water—in forests, mountains,
and coasts. Most are in settled communities, while
some are still nomadic. They may undertake gathering,
rotational swidden farming, agroforestry, fishing,
small-scale plantations, and mining for their
subsistence needs.
This research assumes that the Indigenous peoples in
Malaysia are the Orang Asal while in Indonesia they
are the masyarakat adat and/or masyarakat hukom
adat.
Evolution of the Local Government
Local government, which usually refers to the political
structure or institution at the local level, goes under
the much broader concept of local governance. Local
governance includes mechanisms and processes
through which citizens can articulate their needs and
interests, exercise their rights and obligations, and
mediate their differences. This research looks into the
engagement of Indigenous peoples in the decisionmaking aspect of local government and local
governance, in general.
It is interesting to look into the evolution of the local
government in both Malaysia and Indonesia,
considering the fact that they have different forms of
government, and political and administrative
structures. However, both were former colonies, a fact
that has greatly influenced their existing structures.
Malaysia was colonized by Great Britain for nearly two
centuries and Indonesia by the Dutch for over 250
years.
Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy. A federation of
thirteen states, it upholds the principles of
parliamentary democracy. Administratively, it has a
three-tier type of government–federal, state, and local.
The federal constitution of Malaysia contains
provisions for the local government. The main
governing legislation includes the Local Government
Act 1976 (Act 171) for Peninsular Malaysia, the Local
Authorities Ordinance 1996 for Sarawak, and the
Local Government Ordinance 1961 for Sabah.
The present system of local government in Malaysia is
deeply influenced by British standards and practices.
44 Panel 2
The earlier forms of local authority were modeled after
British institutions just as the laws governing the local
authorities, particularly in the formative stage, were
mostly based on English laws. With time and political
development, Malaysia evolved a local government
with its own identity and laws reflective of the socioeconomic and political milieu of the country.
The British in Penang laid the foundation of the local
government in Malaysia when it formed the
Committee of Assessors in 1801, which was tasked
with the responsibility of planning and implementing
urban development. Local councils were later set up
around the country. In order to operationalize the
setting up of local boards and councils, and the holding
of local elections, the British formulated various types
of legislation including: the Local Authorities
Elections Ordinance of 1950 (which granted the town
councils the power to organize elections) and the Local
Councils Ordinance of 1952 (which provided local
residents the power to establish local councils if
deemed necessary). Thus, at the end of the colonial
period, there were 289 local councils in Malaysia. With
this, the British formalized local or district
administration nationwide. Today, the councils
continue to serve as the prominent administrative
machinery at the district level for both the state and
federal governments.
Political and administrative problems facing local
councils, coupled with the violent confrontation
against the just established Malaysian federation
during the post-independent period in the sixties, led
to the suspension of local government elections. To
date, they remain suspended. In 1965, the government
commissioned a study to look into reexamining and
reforming the local government system. This led to the
formulation and adoption of three parent laws
pertaining to local government–the Street, Drainage
and Building Act 133 (1974), the Local Government
Act 171 (1976), and the Town and Country Act 172
(1976). These laws regulate the powers, duties,
responsibilities, and functions of local authorities.
With the adoption of Act 171, there exist only two
types of local authorities in Malaysia–the municipal
councils and the district councils. Act 171, however,
provides for the establishment of city councils. As a
result of the restructuring, there are now only 14
municipal councils and 79 district councils in
Peninsular Malaysia, a far cry from the 374 local
authorities in existence prior thereto.
In Sabah, the administrative structure is divided into
state, district, and village. The Local Government
Ordinance 1961 established the local authorities and
outlines the responsibility and function of local
councils. The operations of local authorities are
governed by the Ministry of Local Government and
Housing created in 1963. At present, there are four
municipal councils and 18 district councils in Sabah.
In Sarawak, local authorities were established under
the Local Authorities Ordinance 1996. This ordinance
is the successor of the pre-independence law, the Local
Government Ordinance 1948. Other laws regulating
local authorities include Building Ordinance 1994, the
Protection of Public Health Ordinance 1999, as well
as derivative by-laws formulated. Local councils are
overseen by the state Ministry of Environment and
Public Health. In Sarawak, there are now two
municipal councils and 21 district councils.
It must be noted that the Malaysian Constitution bars
the Parliament from creating laws pertaining to land
and local government in Sabah and Sarawak.
On the other hand, Indonesia is an independent
republic. Administratively, it is divided into national
and local governments.
Like in Malaysia, the local government in Indonesia
has its roots in its colonial past. Under Dutch rule,
local councils were created for the autonomous
Residencies and Municipalities by virtue of the Dutch
Decentralization Law of 1903. The country was
likewise divided into gouvernementen or provinces.
The Council of Provinces was created in 1925. At the
same time, the Council for Residencies was replaced
with the Council for Regencies. In 1926, the first
province, Jawa Barat (West Java), was created,
followed by Jawa Timur (East Java) in 1929 and Jawa
Tengah (Central Java) in 1930. The council of a
Province was headed by a Governor, the council of a
Regency (comparable to a county) by a Regent, and the
council of a Municipality by a Mayor.
The Indonesian Constitution of 1945 brought in a
new system of government. It provided for a system of
local government and made certain its autonomy. A
series of laws pertaining to local government was then
enacted. Most notable was Local Government Act 1
(1945) which created three levels of local
government–residency, county, and municipality. It
also mandated the creation of the Local Board of the
People’s Representatives (BPRD) in each region. Local
Government Act 22 (1948) created autonomous local
governments in three levels–province, county or
municipality, and village or governor. It likewise
mandated the creation of a local House of
Representatives and Local Advisory Boards. Other
enactments were the Local Government Act 1 (1957),
Presidential Decree 6 (1959), Presidential Decree 5
(1960), and the Local Government Act 18 of 1965
(not implemented due to a change in the national
government).
Local Government Act 5, which was adopted in 1974
and remains in force, divides the country into
autonomous entities, as a manifestation of the
decentralization principle; and into administrative
entities, which is a manifestation of the
deconcentration principle. Under the decentralization
principle, two levels of autonomous entities were
created: autonomous provinces and autonomous
localities. These locality administrations are referred to
as local governments. Under the deconcentration
principle, three levels of administrative regions were
created–regions, county or municipality, and districts.
Essentially, Indonesia is divided into regions which are,
in turn, divided into county and municipality that are
further divided into districts. An autonomous
province is therefore necessarily an administrative
region, while an autonomous locality is necessarily
either a county or municipality. However, an
autonomous entity does not necessarily have to be an
autonomous one. In addition, under the
deconcentration principle, there are two smaller
entities–the governor and the district. A governor is an
administrative entity within a county. A county is
divided into a governor (which in itself is divided into
districts) and several districts. Meanwhile, a
municipality can only be divided into districts. At
present, there are 27 autonomous provinces and 300
autonomous local governments in Indonesia, 3,605
districts and 66,974 grassroots divisions of which
61,924 are villages and 5,055 are urban villages.
Indigenous Institutions, Authorities, and DecisionMaking Processes
In contrast to the above structured system of
governance, the daily lives of Indigenous peoples are
informed and guided by traditional indigenous
structures and legal systems or customary laws despite
the existence of modern state institutions. These
traditional indigenous structures serve as the blueprint
45
in asserting the Indigenous people’s identity;
determining the social, political, and economic
interactions between them; upholding and
maintaining their traditional belief systems; and in
keeping peace and order within the community and
across communities, among others.
Despite colonization and changes brought about by
independence, and despite modernization, this is still
the case in both Malaysia and Indonesia. Customary
laws or adat remains the foundation of the existence of
indigenous communities and guides the traditional
indigenous systems. Although these structures and
systems vary from one community to another and
from one country to another, as in the case of Malaysia
and Indonesia, there is a commonality in that they
share the same principles and concepts, especially in
terms of decision-making processes. This also means
that the development and strengthening of local
government structures in both countries are not taking
place in a vacuum. As such, existing traditional
indigenous structures must be taken into account.
In an indigenous community, leaders and council
members play an important role in ensuring the
cultural, legal, health, economic, and political integrity
of its members. They are also charged to safeguard the
community’s development and intergenerational
transfer of knowledge. The village leader or chief is
often tasked to preside over community meetings and
hearings, and with the overall administration of the
community. The council members often advise the
village leader or chief on important matters.
As much as possible, all community members are free
to participate in discussions, whether directly or
indirectly. Problems, disputes, or concerns are solved
using procedures that engage all affected parties and
exhaust dissent. Even in communities where there are
strict systems of hierarchy, decisions are still reached
through an inclusive and participatory process. The
chiefs or village leaders are expected to seek counsel
from elders, provide a fair hearing to all parties
concerned, and give the community an explanation in
cases of disputed decisions. The main aim of such a
process, whether in dispute resolution or the
adjudication of other important matters, is to
maintain peace, unity, and harmony within the
community and/or with others outside.
Indigenous decision-making institutions have varied
structures and systems; however, there is commonality
of purpose which is the maintenance of peace,
46 Panel 2
harmony, and the well-being of a community. The
institutions embody democratic principles in that
decisions are reached through consensus and powersharing. Besides wisdom and knowledge, a sense of
justice, personal integrity, honesty, reliability, and
foresight are qualities applied in selecting community
leaders or members of the council. The recognition
and transfer of authority and leadership, whether
hereditary or through selection, are guided by oral
history and spiritual and ceremonial traditions, in
addition to customary laws.
provide the offender the opportunity to seek
forgiveness from the aggrieved party and the
community, as a whole. Indigenous systems are seldom
adversarial. All parties are given equal opportunities to
be heard, just as adjudicators seek to reconcile the
disputing parties with each other and the rest of the
community, instead of looking to punish the
wrongdoer, unless deemed necessary.
Traditional decision-making processes are characterized by a participatory process of consultation,
negotiation, and mediation. Decisions are generally
made through consensus. In addition to customary
laws, the wisdom and experience of traditional chiefs,
leaders, and advisers or a council of elders are often
relied upon, and account for a large component of
decision-making by the community leaders. The
process can either be restricted to the village level or
may apply to a whole community of a particular
indigenous group. It is observed that while these
traditional legal systems are dynamic and responsive to
change, especially in modern times, the customary laws
of a community are still being constantly reinforced
through traditional practices and intergenerational
knowledge transfer, as these are the laws that guide the
majority of the decisions made by indigenous
authorities.
As observed in both countries, there are varying
degrees of indigenous engagement–from total
marginalization to full participation.
Traditional institutions and authority are often not
gender or socially inclusive. This is because transfer of
authority and leadership usually takes place by
inheritance. Moreover, authority and leadership are
often passed on to male descendants. As a
consequence, women usually are excluded from the
traditional leadership role. The youth have also limited
access to traditional leadership, more so since the
younger generation tends to be more open towards
change and modern structures. Recent changes,
however, have also resulted in the involvement of
wider sectors of the community, such as women and
youth leaders.
Indigenous legal systems are likewise linked to
indigenous
decision-making
processes
and
institutions. They include a legislative system that
pertains to indigenous laws, judicial and procedural
aspects. Legislative systems are based on the principles
of collective indemnity and communal solidarity
Punishments and reparations in the form of
compensations and fines are decided and meted out to
Indigenous Engagement in Local Government
Such is the case of the Orang Asli in Malaysia. The
Aboriginal Peoples Act 1954 (Aboriginal Peoples
Ordinance No. 3, 1954) created the Department of
Orang Asli Affairs (Jabatan Hal Ehwal Orang Asli or
JHEOA) to ensure control of the aborigines and to
prevent the communist insurgents from getting help
from the Orang Asli. It was responsible, at least in
theory, for all matters concerning the aborigines. This
piece of legislation is unique as it is directed at a
particular ethnic community and, for that matter, the
JHEOA is the only government department that
caters to a particular ethnic group. The Orang Asli are
treated as if they were a people unable to lead their
own lives and needing the “protection” of the
authorities to safeguard their well-being. Even in the
appointment of headmen, the Minister has the final
say. The Act also accords the Minister concerned or
the Director-General of the JHEOA the final say in all
matters concerning the administration of the Orang
Asli. As such, any interaction with the local
government and with the Orang Asli has to be done
through or, at least, with the sanction of the JHEOA.
Another institution affecting indigenous communities
in Malaysia is the JKKK or Jawatan Kuasa Kemajaun
dan Keselamatan (Village Security and Development
Committee), which was established in rural
communities in Malaysia in 1968. It aims to equip
local communities to decide on which development
projects are necessary and on policies for the villages, to
act as an intermediary between the community and the
local government, and to be a conduit for government
funding for development.
In Sabah, however, this state-initiated system has
essentially altered the traditional village set-up.
Traditionally, the unit of administration and
governance among indigenous communities was
restricted to the village level, and these were governed
by four major institutions–the Village Head (Orang
Tua), the Council of Elders, the Priestess (Bobohizan),
or in some communities, a Priest (Momurinait), and
the Descent Group Chief or Hoguan Siou (paramount
leader). Adat was used to govern the community. Now,
Village Heads are politically appointed with no term
limits, although some communities still select their
leaders themselves through their own processes. The
leadership of the Village Head has since changed as
most village matters, except for adat, now fall under
the responsibility of the JKKK. The Village Head is
also an ex-officio member of the JKKK. At the district
level, the District Officer, the Village Head, and JKKK
work closely together.
According to Jannie Lasimbang (a Kadazan from
Sabah, Malaysia), member of the Expert Mechanism
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) and
commissioner of SUHAKAM (Human Rights
Commission of Malaysia), the institution of the
Council of Elders has now completely disappeared,
having been replaced by the JKKK system. Members of
this committee used to be elected by the community;
but in recent years, their appointment has been based
on their allegiance to the government of the day. She
notes that among the problems of this system, as
perceived by the indigenous communities, including
the Kadazans, are the tendencies of the chairman to
dominate the decision-making process and of the
committee itself to be male dominated. Also, the
JKKK invariably focuses on physical development,
rather than on a more holistic approach to community
development. She pointed out that complaints of
mismanagement and self-interest have also surfaced
ever since the government practice of awarding
development projects to JKKK chairmen began.
It was observed that one of the greatest challenges,
ironically, for the working of this system has been the
consensus-based
decision-making
process
of
indigenous communities, coupled with their general
non-confrontational approaches in problem solving.
As a result, decision-making has become a slow
process. This is compounded by the fact that the
village heads and the community leaders are political
appointees, a fact which opens the process to political
manipulation and makes the set-up a top-down
administrative and political one. The long hierarchical
process and the lack of necessary accountability have
also been lamented.
47
Except for the Orang Asli, Indigenous peoples in
Malaysia have generally been active in the political
process. Political parties are established along ethnic
and racial lines, giving Indigenous peoples the capacity
to participate in government. In Sabah, the first
indigenous political party was the United National
Kadazan Organization. It later became UPKO
(United Pasokmomogun Kadazan Dusun and Murut
Organization). Another Kadazandusun (indigenous)
led party was the PBS (Sabah United Party). In
Sarawak, Indigenous peoples (Dayaks) have become
active participants in government ever since the early
days of independence, through political parties like
PBB (Party Pesaka Bumiputra), SNAP (Sarawak
National Party) and PBDS (Parti Bansa Dayak
Sarawak). Just like UPKO and PBS, these parties are
part of the Coalition Front (Barisan National), which
is led by the Malay UMNO. What really determine the
nation’s direction and general policies are the policies
of UMNO. With Malays as the majority, the other
indigenous groups are now referred to as the
indigenous minority. The Orang Asli have yet to form
their own political party to represent them in
government, although they do have a senator
appointed to the Senate.
National or state level non-political indigenous
associations have also been formed to advance their
social, cultural, and educational interests. These
include the KDCA (Kadazan Dusun Cultural
Association) in Sabah, POASM (the Orang Asli
Association of Peninsula Malaysia), and the Dayak
Cultural Association in Sarawak. These associations
have slowly expanded their roles to being
representatives of their communities in government
and non-governmental stakeholder consultations, on
issues affecting their communities. This has become
necessary as the traditional leadership often does not
have the capacity to deal with the complex commercial
and, sometimes, international issues confronting the
communities .
While the presence of indigenous individuals in
government may, for the most part, have given voice to
some Indigenous people’s aspirations, native and
Orang Asli communities remain among the most
vulnerable and marginalized groups. Their rights to
traditional lands and resources are among the most
contested issues deserving attention.
Another area where indigenous participation and
engagement in decision-making could be seen is in the
integration of the traditional legal system with the
48 Panel 2
formal system of courts. In Sarawak and Sabah, the
native courts were set up primarily to deal with
breaches of native law and customs. The personnel at
the lower courts have preserved the traditional dispute
resolution structure administered by the traditional
leadership. In Sarawak, the structure consists of the
headman, the Penghulu, Pemancha and Temenggong;
in Sabah, the headman and Orang Kaya-Kaya
comprise it. The adjudicators in the higher (appellate)
courts are drawn from among the government
administrators. The District Officer, the Resident
(Sarawak) and a High Court judge may also sit in the
Native Court of Appeal. These courts apply the native
laws and customs. Peninsular Malaysia has no
equivalent aboriginal court system for the Orang Asli.
Nonetheless, a traditional system exists where the
batin (headman) and the Balai Adat resolve issues in
the community according to their own customs.
In several communities, a combination of indigenous
and local government institutions is used in
community decision-making. In areas of West
Kalimantan, if community leaders (ketua adat) cannot
settle a dispute, it is taken to the regional Temenggung
(chief) and then, if necessary, to the Patih (governor)
and the Petinggi (officials). They (leaders), however,
must be invited to mediate the case. This is not the case
in other groups, though, as they do not have specific
supra-community leadership positions (such as the
Pakava of Central Sulawesi, the Mentawai of West
Sumatra, and the Tepera, Mooi and Ormu of West
Papua). Instead, these groups have consultative bodies
made up of leaders from each community (such as uma
in West Sumatra, boya in Central Sulawesi, and seray
in West Papua) that form and meet when needed, but
otherwise have no political or social authority. They
serve as a forum for debate and discussion.
While native courts may be recognized in Sabah and
Sarawak, funding has been an issue together with
staffing. As such, their role is now limited to mostly
family law matters. Also, their jurisdiction does not
include natural resource management, which is a
central issue at the moment. In Sarawak, there are
currently over 100 cases filed, challenging the
encroachment on the native customary rights of
indigenous communities. So far, only a few decisions
have been made in their favor.
As for engagement in the political process, direct
participation is possible in Indonesia. However, only
political parties that can show they have a broad
national presence are eligible to run in elections.
Consequently, local parties are not allowed, making it
very difficult for ethnic parties to establish a foothold.
Nonetheless, ethnicity still counts in arenas such as
local elections, so that what prevails is a soft form of
ethnic politics. Rather than producing ethnic
polarization, this arrangment has created powerful
new norms of compromise and ethnic coalitionbuilding.
In indigenous communities in Indonesia, it is common
to see two types of leadership – kepala adat
(indigenous leader) and kepala desa (administrative
leader). It has been observed that despite this attempt
to impose a much more centralized form of village
leadership, many places throughout Indonesia still
hold on to specialized institutions and leadership
(including leaders handling spiritual and health issues,
resource management, decision-making, and dispute
settlement). Leadership positions continue to be
traditionally mediated by public participation,
support, and open debate. Political hierarchies can still
be found within some traditional institutions. Instead
of asserting a monopoly of authority, local leadership is
often diffused and relies on consultation. It is
challenged by different community authorities. This
system actually helps ensure that local leadership is
more responsive to the needs of the community, as
observed in the longhouse of Kalimantan Dayak
groups, Pakava ngata, Balinese banjar or seray in
Paupuan indigenous groups or Mentawai uma.
One such case is the Lundayeh-Bugis political alliance.
The Dayak Lundayeh ethnic group lives in the western
part of Nunukan district and has a strong
representation in the district parliament. The group
has managed to get its ulayat (communal customary)
land claims recognized in a district regulation. Land
rights in the eastern part of Nunukan, in contrast, are
fully managed according to national land laws. Much
of this land is the property of ethnic Buginese,
migrants to the area with no adat land in East
Kalimantan. Landholders here possess land certificates
issued by BPN (the National Land Agency), which
registers the land transactions. Bugis are the largest
minority group in the eastern coastal area and hold
several seats in the district parliament. Nunukan’s
district head is Bugis, while the vice district head is
Lundayeh. They were first elected in 2001, and then
were reelected for a second term in 2005. Their
combined influence ensures that these groups,
although lacking a majority in the district parliament,
have major political clout. Nonetheless, this alliance is
not absolute. Ethnic minority groups claiming adat
land rights in the eastern part of the district might
receive support from Lundayeh politicians, and
individuals in the west appealing to national land law
gain sympathy from Bugis parliamentarians. The
Lundayeh-Bugis political alliance is a marriage of
convenience, which improves land tenure security for
each; but this arrangement might be annulled if a pact
along other lines of interest takes political precedence.
As for the role of women and the youth, it was
observed in both countries that traditional institutions
and authority are often not gender or socially inclusive.
This is because transfer of authority and leadership are
usually by inheritance and passed on to male
descendants. As a consequence, women are usually
excluded from the traditional leadership role. The
youth also have limited access to traditional
leadership—more so, since the younger generation
tends to be more open toward change and modern
structures. Recent changes, however, have also resulted
in the involvement of wider sectors of the community,
such as women and youth leaders.
Conclusion
Indigenous peoples continue to face this dilemma–to
engage with the mainstream political process and seek
participation in government, or not. Others have
explored interfacing traditional forms of government
with the state system. In many instances, these are
changes that they have either consciously chosen or
have little choice, but to take. Nevertheless, the
Indigenous peoples continue to constantly adapt and
find workable solutions to accommodate new
circumstances.
While it is apparent that Indigenous peoples have
participated in local government in varying ways and
degrees, the problems remain.
As can be seen in the experiences of indigenous
communities in Malaysia and Indonesia, changes in
the leadership structure have contributed to the
difficulties in the communities. Distrust of appointed
village leaders is a concern which results in
communities’ becoming fragmented. Since the
communities are deprived of their right to choose their
own leaders, they cannot ensure the quality of their
leadership. Meanwhile, those who participate in local
government, one way or another, are often not directly
49
accountable to their communities. As such, they are
not obliged to follow the agenda of the indigenous
organizations or the aims of their communities. Thus,
there exists no clear link between the political
representatives looking after their affairs. Also, many
Indigenous peoples in government have lost their
indigenous values and are not concerned about
indigenous values and ways of life.
One factor that also affects indigenous engagements is
how they are linked to mainstream political structures.
A significant number of indigenous communities in
Malaysia and Indonesia remain highly isolated, while
others are strongly linked—which severely threatens
indigenous structures.
Another factor is the Indigenous people’s majority or
minority status. In most instances, indigenous
communities constitute a small minority; thus, the
primary need is to protect their rights since they are
often discriminated upon or their rights barely
recognized, if not disregarded altogether. In instances
where indigenous communities have majority status
(as in the case of Sabah and Sarawak), the issue lies in
the interaction between indigenous structures and
authorities, on the one hand, and their mainstream
counterpart.
Despite these challenges, indigenous communities
continue to adapt. As such, it is now incumbent upon
the governments to acknowledge the role and
contribution of these communities to local
development.
There is no doubt that the recognition of the right of
Indigenous peoples to freely determine their political
status and pursue their economic social and cultural
development, as well as their formal or informal
integration in local governance, will not only lead to
sustainable local development, but also to the
improvement of the Indigenous people’s everyday
lives.
REFERENCES
Cordillera Peoples Alliance, PACOS Trust et al. eds. 2005.
Indigenous Peoples and Local Government: Experiences from
Malaysia and the Philippines. Copenhagen: IWGIA.
Erni, Christian, ed. 2008. The Concept of Indigenous Peoples in
Asia: A Resource Book. Copenhagen/Chiang Mai: IWGIA.
50 Panel 2
Human Rights Council. Progress Report on the Study on
Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Participate on DecisionMaking: Report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples, UN Doc A/HRC/EMRIP/2010/2. At
http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/IPeoples/EMRIP/Pages/
ExpertMechanismDocumentation.aspx#session3.
Malaysian Environmental NGOs (MENGO), ed. 2010.
Indigenous Rights, Development, Land and Identity - Law and
Policies Relating to the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of Sabah.
Malaysia: Percetakan Soon Lee Heng.
Malaysian Environmental NGOs (MENGO), ed. 2010. Right to
Land, Right to Heritage - Laws and Policies Relating to the Rights
of Indigenous Peoples in Sarawak. Malaysia: Percetakan Soon Lee
Heng.
Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. 1999. N. Decolonizing Methodologies:
Research and Indigenous Peoples. New York: Zed Books Ltd.
London & New York.
51
Strengthening Communities from Japan and Indonesia, through Local Spirit,
Traditional Culture and Sustainable Tourism
Pattaraporn Apichit
Introduction
The researchers for this paper1 are involved with the
Amphawa Floating Market tourism destination in
Thailand, as members of the local media and creators
of the journal Mon Rak Mae Klong (Love the Mae
Klong). The district of Amphawa is located in Samut
Songkram province, 75 kilometers southwest of the
Thai capital, Bangkok. Amphawa has a population of
around 50,000. The majority occupations are farming,
fishing, and related small industries. Amphawa started
to become a tourist destination in 2005 when its old
floating market was revitalized. This has generated
significant economic growth, and growing negative
impacts on the local way of life. A lack of early
collective
planning
including
community
participation, and failures of management, has resulted
in a local environmental crisis and in development
without direction.
In this research, we try to seek a balance between
“conservation”, by which we mean preserving
something in its original form, and “development”, by
which we mean economic and especially tourism
development. We assume that local communities can
maintain their own identities while opening up to
tourism, and we ask “how is this achieved”? To answer
this, we visited communities in Japan and Bali,
Indonesia that have been engaged in tourism activities
for some time and that have also fostered appreciation
and pride in their local identities. The study also
investigates governmental and non-profit organization
(NPO) and non-government organization (NGO)
tourism policies and activities, and looks at how to
create stronger networks of local people to support
sustainable tourism.
The Effects of Tourism on Local Communities
“Development was… considered as an elementary step
for achieving better living. But it also demolished a
number of historical heritages. And to make matters
worse, it deprived local residents of the Najimi feeling
(layered familiarity) of heritage and community”
(Maeno, 1999).
Economic growth as measured by Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) has long been prioritized in
international discourse. Yet it has become obvious that
development focused on materialism alone provides
people only with financial satisfaction, while failing to
provide satisfaction at the physical and psychological
levels. It also has many adverse impacts on the
environment and local communities’ ways of life.
There are two key approaches to development.
“Exogenous development” means that major resources,
finance and technology are mobilized from outside,
whether by central government for infrastructure
development or by private enterprise for factory or
resort development. Local people are involved as staff
members or as observers. They are not implementers.
“Endogenous development” means that local people
mobilize locally available resources such as the natural
environment, culture or history, to implement
activities for improving social welfare. Local
government, private enterprise, academics, NPOs/
NGOs and mass media support these activities.
Unfortunately, exogenous development is most
commonly found in developing countries, including in
relation to tourism.
The island of Bali has a highly distinctive character
within the country of Indonesia. Bali’s natural beauty
and deep-rooted Hindu belief systems have made it a
prime destination for travelers from around the world.
Major tourism to Bali began in the 1970s when the
government of Indonesia constructed Ngurah Rai
International Airport, allowing foreign flights directly
into the island. Mass tourism has since brought many
benefits to local people, including increased
employment and economic growth. However, the
rapid expansion of tourism without proper planning
has also caused serious problems. Most of the large
profits from mass tourism go into the hands of wealthy
outside entrepreneurs and investors. Local people have
suffered negative environmental and social impacts
such as overflowing garbage, conflicts over the limited
water supply, damage to the environment and crime.
Demands for swimming pools, golf courses, beachfront
resorts and air-conditioning have put great strains on
Bali’s ecosystem. In south Bali, rice paddies are slowly
giving way to more hotel rooms, villas and tourist
shops. Cultural challenges include the loss of
traditional meanings and authenticity through the
52 Panel 2
provision of tourist shows. The lives of some Balinese
have become caught up in the alcohol, illicit drugs and
Rice paddies in Bali
Photo: Weerawut Kangwannavakul
An evening view in Bali
various shades of prostitution found in the tourism
nightlife scene (JED, 2002).
53
Religion in everyday life. Even in the tourist area at Sanur Beach (left), Balinese people pay respect to the gods.
In Japan, Shirakawa-go is an old village in a onceisolated valley in Gifu prefecture. The valley has
become a major tourism attraction due to its lakes, hot
springs, national park and unique large farm houses
with distinctive thatched roofs in the gassho style
(gassho zukuri), which translates as the shape of clasped
hands. The roofs, whose design dates back some 300
years, are constructed at a 60-degree angle to prevent
the gathering of snow (the area experiences severe
winters). Shirakawa-go was made a UNESCO World
Cultural Heritage site in 1995 and its popularity is
increasing. Today it is visited by an average of
1,500,000 Japanese and foreign visitors annually.
Numbers increased dramatically after 2008 when a
new expressway and tunnel shortened travel time to
the location.
Ogimachi is the largest village and main attraction of
Shirakawa-go. In 1971, the village had a policy of
“Don’t Sell,” “Don’t Rent” and “Don’t Destroy,”
which was designed to help the village maintain its
local character. However, when mass tourism arrived,
new and unexpected problems followed. Traffic jams
became a health and safety issue. Farmlands were
abandoned as farmers became owners of gift shops and
restaurants. Some agricultural land was turned into
income-generating parking spaces. The location
became less attractive. Business and personal conflicts
increased within the community. Formerly strong
relationships were eroded.
Around 2009-2010, members of the population of
Shirakawa-go began to realize that large number of
tourists might not always provide the best results.
Studies of tourist behavior showed that many tourists
spent only 45 minutes in the village. Tourists went on
brief walks, took photographs, went to the toilets,
disposed of their garbage and then moved on. They did
not spend money or enter the houses to see the way of
life. The numbers of visitors staying overnight was in
decline. Residents decided that the quality of tourist
was more important than the quantity. Visitors should
result in a greater spread of income around the
community. These were large challenges to which the
World Heritage village must still find an answer.
54 Panel 2
Shirakawa-go
Traditional farmhouse with thick thatched roof, Gassho style.
(Left, below) Gassho Zukuri repair needs a lot of workers.
Photos: Weerawut Kangwannavakul
Tourism Concepts to Minimize Negative Effects on
Local Communities
Tourism activities started in the West during the 18th
century when the wealthy upper middle class sought
new experiences, knowledge and pleasures. Their
pursuits included discovering ancient Greek and
Roman cultures, learning foreign languages and
acquiring knowledge about other civilizations. Tourist
activities expanded after the invention of modern
transport significantly reduced the time and cost of
travel. Eventually a professional tourism business
offering all kinds of services took root (Kestes, 2011).
In the East, the precursor to tourism was often travel
related to faith and religion. In Japan, for example, in
the Edo period, local governors (daimyo) traveling
from Kyoto to Edo (Tokyo) to report to the Shogun,
were the forebears of modern tourism. The long
distances meant that small towns along the way
became places for overnight stays. Accommodations
known as ryokan arose in what became known as “post
towns”. Nowadays, many post towns have developed
into tourism attractions.
However, the main tourism industry today in Japan is
an offshoot of capitalism and globalization. World
tourism has evolved into an important global
economic force. Tourism is an industry with its own
institutions teaching Western, business-oriented
curricula and management styles and defining
universal global standards. Globalization creates an
expectation that travel anywhere will provide one
ambient standard and one “international” style of
service.
While mass tourism has caused damage and
community breakdown in many instances, a variety of
ideas and concepts have emerged to foster new
attitudes and approaches. These are primarily based on
the idea that one must reduce the negative impact of
tourism and pay more attention to local identities.
Examples include:
• Ecotourism refers to “responsible travel” to
natural areas. It aims to conserve the
environment and improve the well-being of local
people. (TIES,1990)
55
• Sustainable Tourism refers to tourism that
attempts to impose a low impact on the
environment and local culture, while helping to
generate current and future employment for local
people. The aim of sustainable tourism is to
ensure that development brings positive
experiences to local people, tourism companies
and tourists.
• Responsible Tourism was defined in Cape
Town in 2002 alongside the World Summit on
Sustainable Development. The principles of
responsible tourism include: minimizing negative
economic, environmental and social impacts;
generating greater economic benefits for local
people and enhancing the well-being of host
communities; involving local people in decisions
that affect their lives; making positive
contributions to the conservation of natural and
cultural heritage, and maintaining the world’s
diversity.
• Community Based Tourism refers to tourism
that takes environmental, social and cultural
sustainability into account. It is managed and
owned by the community, for the community,
with the purpose of enabling visitors to increase
awareness and learn about the community and
local ways of life. (REST Project, 1997)
• Green Tourism refers to environmentally
sustainable travel to destinations where climate
impacts are minimized with the aim of respecting
and preserving natural resources and adapting
programs to fit the context of fragile resources
(Graci and Dodds, 2008). (In Japan, “green
tourism” refers to tours providing the
opportunity to stay in an agricultural, mountain
or fishing village. Travelers are offered a holiday
close to the natural environment and local
culture. They engage in hands-on experiences in
agricultural and fishing communities and interact
closely with local inhabitants).
These concepts have generated increasing interest
from the public and are already being implemented,
though on a small scale compared to mainstream
tourism.
56 Panel 2
In highly developed urban consumer cultures such as
Japan, the rural community is often left behind. Rural
populations are primarily elderly and are dwindling to
the point where it has become a serious problem. This
has helped spark a trend among urbanites to visit rural
areas to experience “old-fashioned hometown
experiences” and nature.
“Green Tourism” started to take shape in Japan
around 1992. Today, it is an important factor in
establishing cooperation between cities and rural areas.
It has helped to create awareness of local heritage and
the natural environment, and to provide a way in
which the urban population can experience rural
lifestyles. They may discover where the food they eat
comes from and how it is grown, and they may even try
to grow and harvest food themselves. This kind of
experience can broaden and deepen the perspectives of
city people. For rural people, it creates income, and
revives enthusiasm to learn more about their heritage.
Green Tourism has encouraged villagers to research,
value and protect their cultural heritage. Rural people
have used this kind of tourism to revive villages
formerly in decline. Tourism has thus become a
mechanism for cultural conservation and has helped to
create a deeper understanding of culture within
Japanese society.
“Green tourism in Japan is now just a minor
movement. However, it is expected to grow
slowly but steadily, since it does provide both
urban and rural residents with intensely
enjoyable experiences. Reflecting on our lifestyle
and life course leads us to wonder about what is
really important and what we really want to do
in life. Green tourism may provide an
opportunity to rediscover our own souls, our
own locality and our country, something that
clearly cannot be gained through an ordinary
sightseeing tour”. (Hasegawa, 2005)
Strong Community: a balanced co-existence of local
heritage conservation and the development of
sustainable tourism
A “strong community,” we believe, is one that is
capable of protecting its traditional culture and
spiritual roots, in tandem with engaging in
contemporary sustainable development. A strong
community can foster peace, tranquility, sufficient
incomes and the right to determine the way in which it
evolves. Conservation is as important as development
but should not be pursued only or primarily in relation
to buildings and the environment. It should
encompass maintaining the link between the
community’s everyday life and that of the surrounding
region.
Japan has demonstrated quite clearly that conservation
of traditional culture and heritage is also a way to
develop a country as a whole. Japanese society
emphasizes both national and regional history. The
latter in particular has helped to empower local
communities, which in turn has contributed to the
general development of the country.
The participation by ordinary people in local history
investigation helps forge bonds and feelings of kinship
within a region. The past becomes a kind of “living
history” and a “shared memory” which can become
source of significant psychological, cultural and
economic strength and can serve to fulfill regional
needs (Satayanuruks, 2009)
Cultural conservation is now a vital aspect of Japanese
society. It does not mean going back to live in the past.
Rather, it means finding the value of good things that
can be restored to use in modern life. It is a system of
linking the past with the present in order to prepare
for a better future (Phongphit, 2011)
One excellent case study in Japan is the castle town of
Kawagoe, Saitama Prefecture, near Tokyo. Most
traditional houses in Tokyo were destroyed in the
Great Kanto earthquake of 1923. Such houses survive
in Kawagoe, which has since become known as Ko Edo
(Little Edo), a reference to the old world of the Edo
(1603 to 1867). The town is a major attraction for
tourists who wish to travel back in time, relax and
escape the hustle and bustle of Tokyo. The main
characteristics of the town are the kurazukuri, old
warehouses that were built with especially thick earth
walls to prevent fire damage. Rows of these structures
line the town’s Ichiban-gai Market Street.
In 1970, when Japan was modernizing fast, many
ancient and traditional buildings were destroyed. The
Japanese government subsequently decided to
conserve old historical towns. It issued a regulation to
protect man-made structures with national and
cultural significance (termed “cultural properties”).2
The Kawagoe local authority wished to register the old
traditional houses in the Ichiban-gai Market Street
area in this program. However, the town’s people did
not unanimously agree on the issue. Some residents felt
that they would lose the freedom to do what they liked
with their own homes.
In 1983, a group of young people in the town who saw
the importance of Kawagoe’s historical remains started
an NPO called Kawagoe Kura No Kai (Kawagoe
Revitalization Association). The association initiated
various activities to raise greater understanding and
pride in the town’s heritage. Later, after local
development policy meant that the town’s business
heart moved location, the Ichiban-gai area went into a
deep decline. Kawakoe Kura No Kai began works
identifying Kawakoe’s special and unique features. It
concluded that these were located in the town’s
history; in its architecture and in the way of life of its
artisanal craftspeople who produced superior food,
knives and other products, and who had close
relationships with their customers.
Kawagoe eventually achieved conservation status and
success due to community leaders who, with academic
assistance, fostered awareness of the national cultural
significance of its buildings. Success was also the result
of community involvement in making decisions about
57
the town and how people wished to live. For example,
it became policy that new road construction and
parking lots had to be outside of the conservation area.
Inside the conservation area, only small roads were
allowed, for easy walking and for the safety of elderly
people and children. A decision was made that
artisanal homes and shops would be combined. A
community center and public parks were established.
Big businesses were prevented from setting up in the
conservation area so that small local businesses could
continue to thrive. Townspeople were able to prevent
the construction of a high-rise condo, which
threatened to destroy the atmosphere of the historical
town. They pressured the Kawagoe council to buy
back the land and develop it into a public space to
improve local and visitor quality of life.
As residents began to take care of their old buildings
and revive old lifestyles, tourism became the town’s
main source of income. Today, Kawagoe has been
named a Traditional Architectures Preservation
District under the Protection of Culture Properties3.
Ichiban-gai Market Street is crowded with tourists on weekends.
58 Panel 2
(Left) Kurazukuri are ancient warehouses with thick earthen walls. (Right) The “Toki no Kane (Time Bell Tower)” clock tower is a
symbol of Kawagoe dating back to the beginning of the Edo Period.
Landscape improvement, before and after
59
Before and after
Before and After
The Role of Various Stakeholders in Creating
Strong Communities and Sustainable Tourism
•
Government Officials at Policy Making Level
National and local government policy and
regulations have a great influence on the success
or otherwise of attempts to create strong
communities. The most effective approach by
government is to support and work with
communities, rather than to prescribe solutions.
In Japan, government approval for policies
supporting historical towns and cities is
generally accompanied by the allocation of
funding for the restoration of residential
buildings. This motivates local people to
conserve old houses that can be quite difficult to
maintain.
For example, in the old castle city of Takayama
in Gifu Prefecture, the area surrounding
Takayama Castle has become a historical
tourism site. In recent years, the local
administration has created policies to protect the
town’s old charm and to attract tourists, while
also enhancing the quality of life of local people.
This is captured in the slogan “The city which is
comfortable to live in is also comfortable to
visit”.
Districts such as Sanmachi and Shimoninomachi-oojinmachi which contain old Edo
shops (called Old Private Houses) have been
designated Important Preservation Districts.
Homeowners are partially funded to renovate
their houses following various height and other
guidelines. All shops must adhere to signage
regulations. Road and footpath surfaces are
leveled for ease of use by the elderly and disabled.
There are numerous public benches. Public
toilets are taken care of by local residents. The
townspeople’s enthusiasm to commit to the
greater good is an aspect of Japanese character
that is taught to children from a very young age
and is an important factor in building a strong
community.
60 Panel 2
•
NPOs/NGOs
Activist groups work to support, control,
evaluate and protect the public interest. A good
relationship between local people, the
government and NPOs/NGOs can create a
fruitful collaboration for the conservation of
culture and the environment. In Japan, NPOs
created by local people articulating local
concerns and objectives have played a decisive
role. They receive funding from the government
and encourage others in the community to join
as volunteers to organize public activities. In
Indonesia, NGOs working with locals often
provide a balance to the role of government.
•
Private Entrepreneurs
It is a clich? that private business and the pursuit
of profit often perpetrates damage to cultural
heritage and results in community decline. In
fact, we have witnessed a new kind of tourism
which expects profits but also sees the
importance of creating a strong community.
In Bali in 2002, the Wisnu Foundation, an
important ecological conservation NGO,
created the Jaringan Ekowisata Desa (JED) or
Village Ecotourism network, to ease problems
arising from mass tourism. The network was
structured in the form of a business enterprise
with the help of four demonstration
communities; Pelaga, Sibetan, Nusa-ceningan
and Tenganan villages. JED mandated that the
communities design and manage tourism
themselves. The communities earn 70 percent of
the income from tour programs while 30 percent
goes to the JED network.
After the Bali Bombing in 2002, many
businesses collapsed and unemployment
increased sharply. In Pelaga village, a handful of
villagers had watched the ups and downs of mass
tourism with trepidation. They knew that the
tourism industry would one day reach their quiet
village in the mountains. They could see that
without proper structures, this could have severe
negative effects. With NGO support, they
consulted together on the future. They started
by conducting a village survey. The findings
confirmed that the village had many valuable
resources and high potential for self-managed
tourism. The options included to pursue mass
tourism and possibly high profits, or less
profitable ecotourism, which would preserve
local ways of life and natural resources. Finally,
the majority voted for the latter. A panel was
created to work on the project. They defined
coffee growing as a central theme for local
ecotourism. Villagers began to grow organic
coffee, which was better for the environment.
Tourism subsequently made Pelaga village
famous and its coffee products became well
known. This enabled villagers to gain bargaining
power with coffee traders, an unexpected bonus.
Travelers to Pelaga via JED learn each step of
quality coffee production. They sample local
food made by village housewives, take a guided
tour of the rainforest with local guides, see a
traditional show by village dancers and sleep in
home stays in true Balinese style. The village has
its own niche and is not interested in
international certification. However, villagers
put their hearts into the hospitality they show to
visitors. Part of the earnings from tourism is
given to a local committee for public use. Thus,
all community members benefit from the
activities.
61
A welcome drink of organic coffee
Traveling is an opportunity to learn local lifestyles
62 Panel 2
•
People
People are obviously the most important
element in building a strong community. If the
villagers of Pelaga and three other villages had
not come together over the idea of selfsufficiency and sustainable tourism, they could
have become mere service providers within mass
tourism. In Japan, the conservation of the town
of Tsumago started with the efforts of a few
individuals. Finally, more local people joined in
the efforts to spearhead conservation. Now
visitors to Tsumago enjoy an authentic and
vibrant atmosphere. There are a reasonable
number of visitors but the general feel of the
town does not appear to be too commercial. This
is because of rules forbidding the placement of
products on the footpath in front of shops, and
banning shouting to attract visitors into the
establishments. Shop signage must follow the
same character and designs and all houses that
double as shops must hang the traditional
brown, black or navy Japanese sign curtains
(noren) at the front. The locals of Tsumago have
achieved a lot, even though some individuals
may wish for a higher number of visitors.
Problems are dealt with through compromises
reached at regular meetings. Tsumago’s success
indicates that it is not so difficult to create an
understanding of town protection and a sense of
community pride.
63
An old street in Tsumago post town
“Noren” and signs in harmony with the landscape
64 Panel 2
An old ryokan is turned into a museum
Conclusion
The case studies in this paper confirm that in a world
where boundaries are blurred, travelers still seek
unique local cultures. Communities that understand
this will not struggle to change their identity in order
to be like others, in the misguided belief that this is the
only way forward. Instead, they will choose to
safeguard their identities, traditions and spirituality,
and to value the things that they already have. This will
also motivate coming generations to maintain,
promote and enrich valuable heritage. To be
successful, tourism that is self-managed by
communities needs the involvement of all community
members.
NOTES
1
The author traveled with Weerawut Kangwannavakul, who
helped to document the research in images.
2
For further information, see Wikipedia’s entry on The
Cultural Properties of Japan. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Cultural_Properties_of_Japan
3
The entry states: “As administered by the Japanese
government’s Agency for Cultural Affairs, the Cultural
Properties of Japan include tangible properties (structures
and works of art or craft); intangible properties (performing
arts and craft techniques); folk properties both tangible and
intangible; monuments historic, scenic and natural; cultural
landscapes; and groups of traditional buildings. To protect
Japan’s cultural heritage, the Law for the Protection of
Cultural Properties contains a “designation system” under
which selected important items are designated as Cultural
Properties, which imposes restrictions on the alteration,
repair, and export of such designated objects. Designation
can occur at a national, prefectural municipal level. As of 1
February 2012, there were approximately sixteen thousand
nationally-designated, twenty-one thousand prefecturallydesignated, and eighty-six thousand municipally-designated
properties (one property may include more than one item).
Besides the designation system there also exists of a
“registration system,” which guarantees a lower level of
protection and support”.
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Furqan. Mat Som. and Hussin. (2010). Promoting green tourism
for future sustainability, Malaysia: Universiti Sains Malaysia.
Graci, S. and Dodds, R. (2008). Why Go Green? The Business
Case for Environmental Commitment in the Canadian Hotel
industry, Anatolia: An International Journal of Tourism and
Hospitality Research, 19(2), pp. 251-270.
Hasegawa Hiroyo. 2005. Rediscovering Japan: Green Tourism.
Japan for Sustainability Newsletter, Vol.34, June.
Kanjanasthiti Pinratch. 2009. Community and Architectural
Heritage Conservation, Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University
Press.
Kestes Boonyong. 2011. “Prepare” before starting ecotourism in
your home. Green Globe Magazine, January-March, Local
Wisdom, Green Globe Institute.
Maeno Masaru. 1999. Verifying Twentieth Century. Journal of
Architecture.
Phongphit Seree. 2011. Cultural economic, Creative economic.
Matichon daily, August 4, Community section.
Satayanuruks Attajak. 2009. Watching Japan: A life history.
Krungtep Turakij Newspaper, June 19.
65
The Study of Local Wisdom Concerning the Consumption of Native Food
and the Utilization of Indigenous Medicinal Vegetables for Health Care in
Indonesia
Khosit Elvezio Kasikam
Introduction
The Republic of Indonesia has one of highest levels of
biodiversity in the world. It is also a major “melting
pot” of people, comprising a great variety of ethnicities,
languages and belief systems.
Today, globalization, free trade and modern lifestyles
are changing food culture in Indonesia as in other
locations around the world. Fast food and other new
food choices are becoming common. This has health
implications, as experts have long agreed that there is a
strong relationship between food consumption,
lifestyle and overall health.
In Indonesia, as elsewhere, local foods consist of local
plants and other food items that have been known,
grown and consumed over many generations. Such
foods are known to often provide benefits for public
health. (In Thailand, for example, people tend to eat
kaeng som dok khae (red chili sour soup with sesbania
flowers) at the start of the winter season. Local wisdom
holds that sesbania flowers have a protective quality
against fevers brought on by weather change).
The purpose of this study is to explore local wisdom
about food, including privately cultivated vegetables
and medicinal plants, on Indonesia’s major islands.
Data was collected on the islands of Sumatra, Java and
Bali. An underlying assumption of the study holds that
food is also medicine and is vital for health care, by
which we mean the diagnosis, treatment and
prevention of disease, injury or impairments affecting
physical and mental health.
Local wisdom, also called traditional or indigenous or
local knowledge, is a cornerstone of this study. Local
wisdom refers to valuable traditional heritage
transmitted from generation to generation within
regional or local communities, tribes or groups. Its
most basic form is knowledge of local bio-physical
elements and their interactions. Some of this
knowledge may have religious, spiritual and
cosmological aspects. The cultural transmission of
knowledge is a key part of a group’s survival strategy.
The loss of local wisdom can mean the loss of selfconfidence and self-respect.
Part of the preparatory research for this study was
carried out at Boonyaram Temple in Kedah and at
Rimba Herba Perlis (Herb Garden) in Perlis, Malaysia.
The researcher’s knowledge of German and Chinese,
and his deep interest in Thai literature with Javanese
origins proved beneficial for fast language learning.
This allowed for direct communication with
Indonesian people and the building of relationships of
trust.
The actual study started with an investigation of
literature about local Indonesian foods, local
ingredients in food preparation, and local wisdom
concerning health care through nutrition. The next
step was to observe food consumption and the
utilization of privately cultivated vegetables and
medicinal plants. In-depth interviews and intensive
conversations were carried out with “wise” people in
the studied communities. Details of local foods,
conditions under which these foods are consumed, and
associated beliefs were recorded. The result is a
valuable record of local wisdom in Indonesia in
relation to food consumption.
66 Panel 2
Relaxed conservation in West Java
Literature research on Usada in Bali
The State of Indonesia
The Republic of Indonesia consists of 13,466 islands
and 33 provinces. With over 238 million people,
Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous country.
It has a tropical climate and vast areas of wilderness
that support the world’s second highest level of
biodiversity.
The Indonesian archipelago is on the old trade route
between India and China and has been an important
trade region since at least the 7th century. From the
beginning, local rulers absorbed foreign cultural,
religious and political influences. Hindu and Buddhist
kingdoms were established. Islam and Christianity
were introduced by Muslim traders and European
powers. Today Indonesia can be described as a
democratic republic with ethnic and linguistic
diversity and religious and cultural pluralism. Among
Indonesians, there are many sayings that reflect the
country’s diversity. One saying goes; “If you want to
know about trade, ask the Chinese or the
Minangkabau; about agriculture, ask the Javanese, or
Karo; about fishing, ask the Malays”. The constitution
of Indonesia recognizes six official religions; Islam,
Hinduism, Buddhism, Protestantism, Catholicism and
Confucianism. The country’s motto, “Unity in
Diversity,” or literally, “many, yet one” represents the
character of the nation at its best.
The Three Islands
Sumatra comprises 473,481 square kilometers and is
the world’s sixth largest island. Once the site of the
Buddhist empire of Srivijaya, it became known to the
Western world after the visit of Marco Polo to the
region in 1292. Today most Sumatrans adhere to the
Islamic faith.
Java has a population of 135 million on 139,000 square
kilometers and is the world’s most populous island.
In-depth interview in a Batak area
About 60 percent of the total population of Indonesia
lives on Java. The island’s cultural history has been one
of great variety. It has been a center of powerful
Hindu-Buddhist empires and Islamic sultanates and
was the core of the colonial Dutch East Indies. The
island dominates Indonesian social, political and
economic life and is home to the country’s capital,
Jakarta.
The island of Bali is home to most of Indonesia’s small
Hindu minority. It is the largest tourist destination in
the country and is well known for its highly developed
arts. When the Hindu empire of Majapahit on eastern
Java declined in the 15th century, there was an exodus
of intellectuals, artists and musicians from Java to Bali.
The growth of tourism in Bali since the late 1960s has
led to a dramatic increase in the standard of living of
the Balinese.
Learning by Observing Nature
Traditional knowledge about the medicinal qualities
of herbs is gained through observation and use and is
transferred over countless generations. In ancient
times, many peoples, including the Javanese, deduced
that the flowers, fruits, wood, or leaves of some redcolored plants have medicinal qualities for blood. They
also deduced that black-colored parts of plants and
trees could be usefully applied against black magic or
spells. They believed that the yellow parts of plants
were positive for the lymphatic system, or in
supporting the preventive / immune system.
In relation to taste, some peoples held that a bitter
taste had a cooling quality; plants with a hot or sharp
taste had warming qualities. An inflorescence of a
banana plant looks like a heart and is red color.
According to old beliefs, it was seen as effective in
strengthening the heart system. Plants growing in
stony areas were said to have a healing function for
stones in the urinary tract. Sleeping plants were felt to
67
help heal or alleviate insomnia. Plants like clinging vine
were seen as having a character like cancer and were
felt to be good for cancer treatment.
Local name
Latin name
Used part
Color
Medical use for…
Bambu kuning
Bambusa vulgaris S.
Tree (Batang ) Yellow
Jaundice
Daun Ungu
Graphtophillum pictum L.
Leaf
Purple, like a hemorrhoid
Hemorrhoids
Sambang darah
Excoecaria
conchinchinensis L.
Leaf
Red like blood
Anemia (Increases
blood)
Bayam merah
Iresine herbstii H.
Leaf
Red like blood
Anemia
(Increases blood)
Delima hitam
Punica granatum L.
Fruit
Black
Anti black magic
Temu lawak
Curcuma xanthorrhiza
Roxb.
Under-ground
root (Umbi )
Yellow
Jaundice
Secang
Caesalpinia sappan
Wood
Red
Anemia
(Increases blood)
Table 1: Plants with medicinal qualities in relation to their colors.
Local name
Latin name
Used part
Shape
Medical use for...
Pisang
Musa paradisiaca L.
Flower
Shaped like a heart
Heart disease
Cabe jawa
Piper retrotravtum V.
Fruit
Shaped like a penis
Importance or
increasing male
potency
Table 2: Plants with medicinal qualities in relation to their shapes.
Local name
Latin name
Used Part
Character
Medical use for…
Benalu
Scurulla philippensis C.
All parts
It eats other plants,
(behaves like cancer)
Putri malu
Mimosa pudica L.
All parts,
especially the
roots
When something touches
Insomnia
its leaves, they go to sleep
Cancer
Table 3: Plants with medicinal qualities in relation to their characters.
The Batak of Sumatra: The Principle of Dalihan Na
Tolu
The Batak is a collective term used to identify a
number of ethnic groups, predominantly found in
North Sumatra, whose family systems are patriarchal.
The term includes the Toba, Karo, Pakpak,
Simalungun, Angkola and Mandailing groups, each of
which has its own distinct but related languages and
customs (adat). Toba people typically assert their
identity as “Batak”, while other “Batak” may explicitly
reject that label, preferring instead to identify as
specifically Simalungun, Karo, etc. The Batak Toba
people, also called Toba people or often simply
“Batak,” are the most numerous and are often
considered the classical “Batak”. They speak the Toba
Batak language and live mainly around Lake Toba,
including on the lake’s Samosir island. The research for
this paper took place on the island and nearby areas.
68 Panel 2
Batak Toba society is democratic in terms of member’s
role in society and regarding mutual support. They
(and other Batak groups with some slight differences)
adhere to a principle known as the Dalihan Na Tolu
(three firestones), which they believe has enabled them
to live in happiness over generations. The main idea is
that to support a fireplace you need three key supports.
If one is missing, the fireplace will collapse. The three
firestones or supports refer to connections via blood
relationship and marriage. Everyone is born into a
certain status and connection and dies with that same
status. However, a person can also occupy different
roles or statuses in different situations throughout his/
her life.
Hula-hula refers to superior status. This
describes members of a wife’s family. Females are
important, for they enable families to have more
children, ensuring they will be happy, stable and
prosperous. Batak place a high value on children.
Dongan tubu / Dongan sabutuha describes
members of the same family, who are considered
to be at the middle level. They belong primarily
to a paternal relationship.
Boru describes the third and lowest level. These
are members of a man’s family who has taken a
female to be his wife. Boru are primarily
considered to be providers of labor and property
in the activities of the hula-hula. It should be
understood that they have not become labor by
being forced or ordered, but by gentle
persuasion. A good and intact relationship
between the hula hula and the boru should be
maintained. Both parties profit from a good
relationship.
A person can be a hula-hula in one family, but a boru
in another. The relationships are focused not on ideas
of superiority and inferiority but on peaceful
coexistence. Lifestyles that do not follow this principle
will lead to frustration and conflict.
In addition, the Batak believe that molo naeng ho
martua di tano on, pasangap me natorasmu (if you want
to be happy in this world, you have to respect your
parents).
The Tradition of Jambar:
The principle of Three Fire-Stones, or Dalihan Na
Tolu, is kept alive and intact symbolically in the
tradition of jambar. It is the ritual distribution of
pieces of fresh meat to family members with the goal to
keep them joyful and in good physical and mental
health.
The Batak consume meat mixed with blood. This
behavior is considered by some groups as barbarous.
But the consumption of blood provides nutrients such
as iron. Blood is seen as the key to life. It gives power
and strength, including in battle. One legend describes
how blood and meat become very happy to be
reunited. The word jambar also has deeper meanings.
It means a non-exchangeable right, a personal right
that reflects a person’s position in a blood relationship.
The jambar affirms the destiny of that person and his
relationship to others in the group or kinship. Jambar
juhut is a concrete expression of jambar. It is the
distribution of juhut (meat) in ceremonies like
weddings, house inaugurations, and funerals. The
distribution takes place after guests have had their feast
meal, in front of all, as a kind of confirmation of
people’s role, status and rights.
Members of the hula-hula group will receive juhut na
marsaudara, or meat mixed with blood. Those who are
dongan tubu receive normal family food, but prepared
in a way that is especially tasty and convenient. Guests
from the boru group receive dengke, or fish. Rice or
indahan sinaor for all groups denotes peace and
harmony.
The Batak’ main dish consists of rice and two or more
dishes with vegetables in soup or curry, and salted fish.
The main daily vegetables are pumpkin, cassava,
cucumbers and spinach. The preparation style is to put
one or more of the vegetable in boiling water, and then
add peppers, shallots, salt, and sometimes coconut
milk. Sometimes a chili paste called sambal tuk tuk is
added. In the past, beef, pork, or chicken could be
eaten only in ceremonies and by important guests.
Saksang meat mixed with blood
69
Batak wedding ceremony and jambar
Table 4: Batak food and its social value.
Food names
1.Sangsang/
Saksang
2.Ikan na niura
3.Ikan na
nitombur
4.Ikan na niarsik
5.Bogot nihorbo
6. Bangun na ni
dugu
Food descriptions
Sangsang is made of meat and the blood of them eat
cooked together with many ingredients, including
andaliman, which gives Batak food its special taste.
Ikan na ni ura, or fish cooked fresh, is usually made of
ikan mas or Sumatran golden fish. The fish is soaked
in lemon juice for hours and is then mixed with
ingredients such as andaliman, bird chili, candle nut,
turmeric and ginger.
Ikan na ni tombur or fish cooked with the tombur
method is made by grilling a fish, then preparing
ingredients such as bird chili, shallots, garlic, ginger,
candle nut, turmeric, andaliman and salt. These are
poured on the fish or eaten separately.
Ikan na ni arsik or fish cooked with the arsik method
is fish boiled in ingredients such as asam gelugur,
candle nut, turmeric, ginger, shallots, garlic, chili,
galangal, salt and, unforgettably, andaliman. It is then
dressed with vegetables such as buncis, long bean or
cabbage and cooked until the water nearly disappears.
Beliefs and social value
This dish is usually served to guests in various
ceremonies. Nowadays it is also eaten in daily life.
This is an honored dish for important guests, because
it contains a lot of nutrition and energy from the
freshness of the fish, especially if ihan batak or
indigenous Batak fish is used.
Batak usually eat this in daily life.
The dish is eaten in daily life and in almost every
ceremony. At a wedding ceremony parents of the
wedding pair will give this dish to the couple as a
blessing to have as many children as there are fishes’
flakes. For such an important event, people usually use
ihan batak, a fish species which lives in pure water and
whose shoals swim in harmony (as a symbol for a
peaceful and harmonious family). Nowadays ihan
batak is rare and expensive, so ikan may be used
instead.
This food can be eaten fresh or cooked using the arsik
Bogot ni horbo or buffalo milk is made by keeping
buffalo milk in a box with a little papaya leaf juice until method. It is very nutritious. It is always eaten by
lactating women and by children more than one year
it becomes like a soft cheese.
old.
Bangun na ni dugu or crushed bangun-bangun leaves is This is a very famous dish for women after childbirth.
It helps them recover and it nourishes mother’s milk.
made of the crushed leaves boiled with chicken,
lemongrass, pepper and salt. Sometimes a bit of lemon Bangun-bangun itself is used for curing fresh wounds
and wounds with an abscess.
juice is added.
70 Panel 2
7.Hare and Taor
Taor is a tonic drink made from many herbs such as
the root and skin of latong, sitorngom, sitaratullit,
halto nas bibi/kolang kaling muda or young palm fruit,
simarate-rate, simarsinta-sinta, indot, bunga rondang,
jackfruit ,watermelon, andalehat, pirdot, akar
purbajolma, galangal, pepper, turmeric, ginger,
lemongrass, kencur, lempuyang and many kinds of
lemon juice from unte jungga, unte harojan, unte nipis,
unte rikrik, unte mungkur, unte bolon, unte sira, etc.
(The recipes vary from family to family). Hare kuning
is made from taor mixed with flour then boiled until it
becomes a gruel. Another easier recipe for hare kuning
is made from bananas, jackfruit, watermelon,
cucumber, turmeric, kencur, simarate-ate juice
(optional), flour, egg and honey. All elements are put
together, then boiled until they become a gruel. This
type of hare is good for nourishing a pregnant woman
and helping people with difficult pregnancies or a
miscarriage.
8.Juhut natata
Juhut na tata or fresh meat is fresh meat in the same
tradition of jambar.
The Deli Malays of Sumatra
The Deli Malays live along the eastern coast of
Sumatra along with other ethnic groups. Most are
Muslims.
The Malays’ life is very bound to the sea. Many are
fishermen and have a maritime culture. Much of their
food is derived from the sea, though they also cultivate
farmland near their homes.
With a wise person and many friends
Hare means porridge. There are two types of porridge
among the Batak: hare putih or white porridge, and
hare kuning or yellow porridge. White porridge is
made of rice in a normal porridge. The second
porridge has a larger story. Pregnant women, especially
those experiencing a first pregnancy, need physical and
mental care. The woman should not have any stress or
anxiety. When parents know that their daughter is
pregnant, they will go into the forest to collect many
herbs to make taor. After the taor is ready, the parents
will invite the daughter and her husband to visit them
and the taor will be given to them to drink. Taor is a
very refreshing tonic and is nourishing for the mother
and her fetus. The remaining taor will be mixed with
flour to become hare kuning. Then both wife and
husband will go back home. On the way back, they will
share hare with everyone in the village. Receivers will
give blessings for the fetus to be strong and for the
child to be born healthy. When a woman is about to
bear a child, her parents will surprise her by coming to
visit without telling anyone beforehand. They will
bring many delicious foods, but the important
“hidden” thing is that they will have a conversation
with their daughter to encourage her, clear her of
anxiety and give her advice about birth procedures.
Activities like this are called Pabosurhon or
Mangirdak. Nowadays this tradition is becoming rare.
This juhut na tata is generally a small piece of meat or
bone. It is meaningful for Batak society, because it
continues the idea of peaceful coexistence, leading to
the mental and physical health of everyone in Batak
society.
Malays typically have a large family. Men go fishing
during the day and come back in the evening. Women
work at home, prepare food and look after the garden
around the house. If one asks the Malays about their
main dishes, the answer will be: anything that is edible,
raw or cooked. It must conform to Islamic laws. The
other answer will be: Malay food is food that their
ancestors have consumed and whatever they have ever
eaten.
Bubur pedas
Malay family and environment
Coconut milk used in gulai (curry), is one of the main
ingredients of the Malay kitchen. The Malays live in
wind-blown areas and love to eat food with a hot/
warm quality. Rice is the staple food. White rice is used
in main dishes, red rice is used as baby food and sticky
rice is used as a dessert. Other foods include animals,
Food names
1.Anyang
pakis
Main ingredients
Pakis, red chilies,
shallots, coconut,
shrimps, lemongrass,
galangal, ginger, lemon
and salt
2.Anyang
Flower of stone banana
jantung pisang (Pisang batu), chicken
dan ayam
breast (already boiled),
coconut, red chilies,
shallots, lemon,
lemongrass, ginger and
salt
3.Nasi lada
Rice, pepper, cloves,
jintan, nutmeg,
cardamom, ginger,
turmeric, galangal,
coriander seeds and salt
71
fish, and plant foods such as fruits, vegetables, nuts,
roots and spices derived from domestic gardens and
from the wild. Malays are taught to eat just enough to
relieve hunger. Children are taught that evil spirits
(setan) will come to eat with them if they consume too
much.
Cooking methods
First, boil pakis then put aside. Roast
coconut, then grind. Slice chilies and
shallots thinly. Boil shrimps then grind
them with the other ingredients. Mix all
the ingredients together thoroughly.
Squeeze a bit of lemon on it and add salt to
taste.
Boil water with a pinch of salt. Add the
banana flower (already peeled). Cut up the
chicken. Roast a half a coconut until it is
yellow, then grind it. With the other half
make coconut milk. Slice shallots and red
chilies thinly. Grind other ingredients fully.
Mix everything together. Add a little lemon
juice and salt to taste. Pour on the coconut
milk and then mix thoroughly.
Grind all ingredients then add rice. Boil
together.
Believe and benefit
Pakis is a vegetable which has a lot of
mucus. Due to its slipperiness, it is good for
pregnant women to make birth easier. But
it is not suitable for people with headaches,
stomach disorders and heart disease.
This food is good for breastfeeding
mothers. It helps to increase the mother’s
milk. But if a person has a stomach
disorder, it may cause the disorder to recur.
This food is commonly consumed by
women for 40 days after childbirth. It helps
to increase mother’s milk and blood in the
mother’s body (which was lost in labor).
After eating this, a mother will drink a
special tonic made from red sugar,
turmeric, tamarind and a pinch of salt. In
this period mothers must not eat chili.
Pepper will be used instead. This prevents
the child from getting diarrhea.
Table 5: Food appropriate for improving the health of pregnant and breastfeeding women.
Food names
1.Pergedel
keladi
Main ingredients
Taro, prawns, eggs,
shallots, garlic, pepper,
nutmeg and celery
leaves.
Cooking methods
Peel and cut taro in small pieces. Wash
with salt water. Grind finely. (If using
boyan taro boil it first). Grind prawn meat.
Slice shallots and garlic, then fry them. Slice
celery leaves. Mix all ingredients into the
taro squash. Break in eggs. Add pepper and
nutmeg. Mix them thoroughly. Make into
small ball shapes. Fry in hot oil.
2.Sayur asam Taro, stalk of taro, red Chop and dice taro. Peel off the skin of the
keladi
chilies, shallots, candle taro stalk, then chop and boil for a
nuts, dry shrimp,
moment and wash again with cold water.
galangal, ginger,
Place aside. Grind all other ingredients
lemongrass, asam
then boil. When water has boiled, add taro
gelugur and sugar
and wait until it is soft.
3.Pajeri nenas Pineapple, red sugar,
Chop pineapple into pieces then put aside.
shallots, garlic, red
Pound ginger then squeeze out the juice.
chilies, cloves, coconut Slice shallots and garlic, then fry till yellow,
milk, ginger, cardamom, then pour in coconut milk, sugar and all the
bunga lawang,
other ingredients. Wait until boiled then
cinnamon and raisin.
add the pieces of pineapple. Boil for not too
long so the pineapple is not too pulpy.
Dress with raisins.
Believe and benefit
This food is good for anyone who has
diabetes. It can reduce blood sugar (taro is
believed to be good for diabetics).
This food is good for anyone who has
diabetes. It can reduce blood sugar (taro is
believed to be good for diabetics)
This food helps to reduce blood pressure
for people with hypertension (It is believed
that pineapple is good for anyone with high
blood pressure)
Table 6: Food appropriate for helping with high blood pressure and diabetes.
72 Panel 2
Food names
Main ingredients
1.Gulai pisang Young fruit of golden
emas
banana, coconut, dry
shrimp or salty fish, red
chilies, shallots, ginger
(head and leaves),
turmeric, lemongrass,
2.Sambal lada Red chilies, shallots,
garam
sugar, salt and lemon
3.Gulai
masam ikan
Head of kakap fish, red
chilies, shallots, roasted
coconut, candle nut,
ginger, galangal,
turmeric, lemongrass,
asam gelugur, kencong,
tumeric leaves and
cindohom leaves
Cooking methods
Peel the green bananas and cut into four
pieces. Clean them and soak in water. Make
coconut milk. Roast the salty fish or dry
shrimp. Pound lemongrass, galangal. Grind
the other ingredients. Put all ingredients
including shrimps or salty fish in coconut
milk, then boil them. Later, add the
bananas until they are soft. It is ready to be
served.
Slice shallots. Grind the other ingredients.
Add the shallots then grind a bit again. Add
lemon juice, to taste.
Grind the roasted coconut. Pound
lemongrass and galangal. Grind the other
ingredients till ground. Add water to all
ingredients. Wait until the water is boiled,
then add the head of the fish, together with
kencong, turmeric leaves and cindohom
leaves. Add salt, to taste. The head of the
kakap fish can also be replaced with
sembilang fish or gembung fish or senangin
fish.
Believe and benefit
This food is good for someone who has
diarrhea, because the young banana has a
resin which can help to restore the
intestines.
This food is good for cleaning the
intestines. It helps the digestive system to
work better.
This food helps to heal Sariawan (ulcer in
the mouth due to heat inside the body ).
Many foods with asam gelugur have the
same use.
Table 7: Food concerned with digestive problems.
Food names
Main ingredients
1.Sambal serai Prawns, coconut milk,
red chilies, turmeric,
ginger, galangal, asam
gelugur, salt and a lot of
lemongrass.
2.Sambal
Coconut, lemongrass,
kerak kelapa
shallots, red chilies,
(kelapa bakar) belimbing sayur, salt
and lemon
Table 8: Food concerned with body odor.
Cooking methods
Clean prawns and remove the skin. Slice
lemongrass then grind to ground. Similarly
grind other ingredients. Put everything in
the pan with coconut milk. Add salt to
taste.
Roast the coconut then scrape or grind it.
Slice belimbing and shallots thinly. Grind
the other ingredients then add roasted
coconut, sliced belimbings and shallots.
Mix them together. Add salt and lemon
juice to taste. This food is commonly eaten
with pegagan leaves, kemangi leaves, and
ulam raja leaves.
Believe and benefit
This food helps to reduce bad body odor.
Women like to eat it so that the body is
fragrant.
Eating this food may draw out bad odor
and make a person sweat a lot. To prevent
this discomfort eat the dish with pegagan
leaves, kemangi leaves and ulam raja leaves.
Food names
1.Sambal
cengkeh
2.Pekasam
maman
3.Sambal
goreng petai
cina
4.Sambal
tempoyak
durian
5.Sambal
udang kecepai
6.Pindang
ikan
7.Sambal
belacan
(terasi) dan
asam sundai
Main ingredients
Cloves, shallots, garlic,
bird chili, red sugar,
lemon and salt
73
Cooking methods
Grind everything until fully ground. Add
lemon juice and salt, to taste. This food is
commonly eaten with grilled fish, fresh
cabbage and salad.
Believe and benefit
This food is mostly eaten when a person
has a cold or stuffy nose. It helps to clear
the nasal passages to make breathing easier.
It helps to keep the body warm. It is good
for a person who has a respiratory disease
such as asthma. There is no need to add
pepper which will make the dish too hot.
Maman (a vegetable
Lay out maman in the sun. Then wash and This food helps to relieve vaginal discharge.
growing in rice field
squash it with salt and put it aside. Wash
If maman is fermented the curing effect
after harvesting), rice, a the rice, put it in a pot with the maman,
will be greater.
bit of hot water and salt pour hot water on it and cover it
completely. Let it sit for two days. Now add
the chopped red chilies. This dish is
commonly eaten with grilled ray fish or
boiled prawns.
Prawns, red chilies,
Wash prawns and other ingredients. Grind This food can kill parasites in the bodies of
shallots, garlic, thick
shallots and garlic till ground, then fry
adults and children.
coconut milk, petai cina, them with oil. Then pour thick coconut
lemongrass, tamarind
milk, lemongrass and tamarind in. When it
and ginger
comes to the boil add the prawns. The last
step is to add petai cina.
Red chilies, tempoyak
Grind red chilies together with salt. Add
This food should not be consumed by
durian and salt
tempoyak durien. Mix together. It is then
people with hypertension or digestive
ready to be served. This food is commonly problems because it will worsen such
eaten with young jengkol and petai.
problems.
Kecepai prawns,
Wash the prawns. Grind all ingredients
This food is sometimes eaten by those with
lemongrass, red chilies, then add the prawns and grind again.
a skin allergy. If this is the case, tamarind
shallots, asam sundai
Squeeze asam sundai in as preferred. This leaves and kemuning leaves can be pounded
and salt
food is commonly eaten with fresh cabbage together with uncooked rice and a little
and cucumber.
water. Then squeeze the liquid on to the
skin. The rash will slowly disappear.
Clean the fish with salt. Grind the chilies, This food is good for persons with fever
Gembung fish, red
chilies, shallots, garlic,
shallots and garlic. Pound the other
and fatigue. It can improve the appetite.
turmeric, asam gelugur ingredients. Fry all the ingredients with a
or tamarind, galangal,
little oil then pour water on. When it has
lemongrass and salt
boiled add the fish.
Red chilies, bird chili,
Roast the shrimp paste. Grind all
This food helps people to have a lot of
shrimp paste, asam
ingredients together. Squeeze asam sundai, energy. Eating shrimp paste makes the body
sundai and salt
then add the juice. Slice a bit of asam
strong. People like eating this before
sundai skin then add. Mix thoroughly.
undertaking hard physical activity such as
This food is commonly eaten with a lot of working in a rice field.
vegetables such as long beans, labu siam,
kangkung etc.
Table 9: Food with various other functions.
74 Panel 2
Food names
Main ingredients
1.Bubur pedas Rice, salty fish, crab,
pomfret fish (bawal),
potato, prawns, shallots
(sliced), pepper,
nutmeg, turmeric leaves,
jeruk perut leaves
(already sliced), set of
bubur pedas
ingredients.
Bubur pedas ingredients
set (Bumbu bubur
pedas) First group:
Temu mangga, temu
kunci, lempuyang, temu
hitam, lemongrass,
ginger, tumeric, rice.
Second group: jintan
manis, jintan putih,
coriander seeds.
Third group: 44 species
of leaves Fourth group
: green bean and corn
2.Sayur
Bamboo shoots, green
bening rebung chilies, red chilies,
young corn, pumpkin,
shallots, katuk
(Sauropus androgynus
Merr.) leaves, salt
Cooking methods
Dice the potato. Peel the prawn. Boil the
crab, then keep the meat only in the boiling
water (crab soup). Roast the pomfret fish,
then remove all but the meat. Add more
water into the crab soup, in order to be
able to boil the rice. Add everything. Boil
until it becomes gruel.
Believe and benefit
Bubur pedas is commonly eaten during
fasting (puasa) by Muslims. It is very
refreshing and gives energy. It is believed
that this food is the king of melayu food
and can cure every disease or relieve all
illness. It is made from many ingredients
such as rice, seafood, and up to 44 species of
leaves . What is used is not fixed. All leaves
can be used provided they are not
poisonous, are not too bitter or are not too
astringent.
Bumbu bubur pedas
First group: Dry everything, then roast till
yellow. Grind till ground.
Second group: Roast the 3 ingredients then
grind and glide.
Third group: Dry all 44 species of leaves
then grind and glide. (44 species of leaves
including jeruk perut , turmeric, gandasuli,
kancing baju, asam gelugur, kumis kucing,
ati-ati, tapak leman, kembang semangkok,
buas-buas, sekentut, pecah piring, pegaga,
kerak nasi, katu, tiga urat, temahar, ubi,
mengkudu, jambu bol, langsat, mango,
rambutan , guava, salam, pumpkin,
singkong, beluntas, manggis, gambut,
rukam, suring, kemangi, kacang panjang,
kacang tanah, belinjo, belimbing buah,
belimbing wuluh, sirih, saga, adas,
tamarind, kemuna, delima, bangun-bangun
etc.)
Fourth group: Roast them, then grind
crudely. After preparing all ingredients
above then mix all together so it is ready to
keep, in order to make bubur pedas.
Grind shallots, chilies and salt till ground. If eaten a lot, foods containing bamboo
Boil together with bamboo shoots,
shoots can lead to joint pain or gout. So any
pumpkin and katuk leaves.
food with bamboo shoots must always also
contain katuk leaves to counteract the
effects.
Table 10: Food concerned with the concept of diversity, (some in pairs).
Malay food varies according to availability and other
factors. Recipe no.1 (Table 10), Bubur pedas is
considered the best of Malay food. In order to cook it,
many ingredients are needed, including herbs, sea
products, and a sampling from up to 44 species of
leaves.
The main underlying idea is that the diversity of
nature brings everything into balance. (This idea
corresponds with local wisdom in northern Thailand
which holds that if you don’t have anything to eat,
collect the leaves of 108 kinds of plants and cook them
together - the mixture will alleviate any poison and
make the dish comestible).
Another example of balancing is recipe no.2 (Table
10), Sayur bening rebung, in which bamboo shoots are
cooked with daun katuk to balance their effects. In
Lanna or Northern Thailand bamboo shoot soup is
always cooked with ya-nang leaf (tiliacora triandra
diels) for the same reason. With these examples, we can
say that good things come in pairs. Alternatively, that,
if one thing is bad, two things are better. (Another
saying is: one head disappears, best friends come with
two heads).
The Sundanese of Java
The Sundanese are the second most populous ethnic
group in Indonesia, with a population of some 31
million living mostly in West Java, Banten and Jakarta
and to the west of Central Java. They occupy fertile
terrain and have their own language and culture.
Although they are predominantly Muslim, traditional
beliefs related to farming and rice cultivation are
intact. These include the worship of Nyai Pohaci
Sanghyang Asri, which is like the mother goddess of
grains. Sundanese culture is less rigid about social
norms when compared to Javanese culture, and there is
a greater focus on more equal rights between men and
women. Traces of animistic and Hindu-Buddhistic
beliefs can still be found in the culture.
Rice is the staple food. Without it, people feel they
have not eaten at all. It is accompanied by vegetables
and shrimp or chili paste. Vegetables are considered
medicine, and a means to health and beauty. Chili is a
tasty addition to whet the appetite and add strength.
Sour or salted fish are commonly eaten.
There are three groups of vegetables. The first group
includes those cultivated mainly for commercial
purposes, such as spinach, cucumber, bean, and
morning glory. The second is self-growing vegetables
around living areas, like eggplants as a hedge. The third
group is wild and forest-growing vegetables, like
jombloh genjer. There is a saying: as long as there is
nature, no one needs to starve to death.
No.
1
2
3
4
5
Scientific name /
Family name (Local name)
Pluchea indica (L.) Less. Asteraceae
(Beluntas)
75
In the past, the consumption of these three vegetable
groups was probably about even. Today there is less
consumption of the third group in particular, and less
also of the second group. This is the result of lifestyle
changes and industrialization. Forest vegetables are
cheap, but many young people do not know where or
how to collect them.
Sundanese people have long been known as “fresh
vegetable eaters”. They believe that fresh vegetables
make people live longer, and maintain their youth.
Sundanese women are said to be the most beautiful in
Indonesia.
Eating fresh vegetables, or lalap, saves time, cost, and
has great health benefits. All species of vegetables,
plants and even trees can be eaten raw. Five parts may
be eaten; young leaves, flowers, young fruits or young
pods, fruits and seeds, and shoots or underground
heads. Different parts have different qualities and
health effects. For example, young leaves are believed
to nourish beauty and to make people look younger.
Flowers are appropriate for older people and those of
weak condition. For example, honey is made from
many flowers. We can say that lalap is a meaningful
part of Sundanese life; it cannot be separated from the
philosophy of self-sufficiency and self-reliance. Lalap is
also called warung hidup or “living grocery” or “living
drug store”. Almost every Sundanese household grows
fresh vegetables in their resident quarters. Sambal dan
lalap (chili paste with vegetables) is a typical
Sundanese food. There are many kinds of chili pastes,
including shrimp chili paste, oncom chili paste, kemiri
chili paste, etc.
Eating method
The young leaves can be eaten fresh or
steamed. They can be used for making
urap (a salad of mixed vegetables with
coconut).
Phaseolus vulgaris L. Leguminoceae Young pods can be eaten fresh; old pods
(Buncis)
should be boiled or steamed. It can also be
added to sour soup (sayur asam).
Paedaria foetida L. Rubiaceae
Young leaves can be eaten fresh, boiled or
(Daun kentut)
steamed. It can also be added to clear
soup (sayur bening) or just stirred
together with a little oil.
Limnocharis flava (L.) Buch
Young leaves, young stems and flowers
Butomaceae (Genjer)
can be boiled or steamed. It can be also be
used in pecel or gado-gado.
Zingiber officinale Rosc.
Young head can be sliced and eaten fresh.
Zingiberaceae (Jahe)
Health benefit
It helps to reduce body odor and bad
mouth. Promotes digestion in children.
Relieves cough and menstrual pain.
It helps to promote urination. It relieves
diabetes and edema.
It helps to relieve stomachache and
reduces wind in the stomach, especially in
women after childbirth. Help to reduce
heat in the body.
It helps to improve appetite.
It helps to relieve flatulence, improve
appetite and promote digestion.
76 Panel 2
6
Gynura crepidioides Benth
Asteraceae (Jombloh)
7
Vigna sinensis Leguminoceae
(Kacang panjang)
8
Ipomoea aquatic Forsk
Convolvulaceae (Kangkung)
9
Sauropus androgynus (L.) Merr.
Euphorbiaceae (Katuk)
10
Ocimum sanctum L. Lamiaceae
(Kemangi)
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Young leaves are commonly dried in the
sun briefly before eating. It can also be
used in rujak.
Young pods can be eaten fresh; older
pods may be boiled or steamed before
eating. Young leaves can be eaten fresh or
steamed. They can also be used for pecel,
urap or coconut soup.
Leaves and stems can be eaten fresh,
boiled or steamed. It can also be used for
gado-gado and urap.
Leaves can be eaten fresh or used for
soup. Fruit can be boiled. Boil with
chopped corn and a little salt.
Fresh leaves can be eaten with chili paste.
It helps to cure peptic ulcers and increase
blood.
It helps to increase milk in breastfeeding
women. The leaves help to neutralize the
toxin of jengkol.
It helps to promote vision. Relieves
constipation. Neutralizes toxins in dairy
food and helps promote sound sleep.
women after childbirth.
women after childbirth. Helps digestion.
Reduces phlegm.
Kaempferia galangal L.
Young leaves can be eaten fresh or used in It helps to relieve abdominal pain and
flatulence. Relieves cough and reduces
Zingiberaceae (Kencur)
sayur santan bayam and urap. Young
heat in the body.
head peeled can be eaten fresh.
Curcuma domestica Val.
Young head can be eaten fresh with chili It helps to clean and clear the intestines.
Reduces flatulence. Cures diarrhea,
Zingiberaceae (Kunyit)
paste and salty fish. Help to reduce the
gastritis and peptic ulcer.
smell of fish before steaming. Added to
rice to make yellow rice (nasi kuning).
Chewed for a long time, this can heal
Spilanthes iabadicensis AH Moore, Flowers, stalks and leaves can be eaten
fresh or steamed with jonge and pegagan, bleeding gums and mouth ulcers. This
S.acmella Auct. Compositae
vegetable is also called “blooming mouth
then eaten with chili paste.
(Legetan)
ulcer” (kembang sariawan).
Solanum nigrum Linn. Solanaceae Young leaves and fruit can be eaten fresh. It helps to neutralize toxins in any food.
(Leunca / Ranti )
Fruit can be stirred with oncom.
Relieves cough and vaginal discharge.
It helps to improve appetite, improve the
Morinda citrifolia Rubiaceae
Young leaves and young fruit can be
(Mengkudu)
boiled or steamed. The leaves can be
immune system and control diabetes.
sliced into fried rice (nasi goreng) or
mixed into urap.
This lalap is good for pregnant women
Cucumis sativus L. Cucurbitaceae
Young leaves can be boiled or steamed.
and for people with fever.
(Mentimun)
Fruit can be eaten fresh, stirred with
kacang panjang leaves, or to make soup.
It helps to improve appetite. Promotes
Momordica charantia L.
Young fruit can be eaten fresh. But
Cucurbitaceae (Pare)
people prefer to boil, steam or burn it first digestion and controls diabetes.
to reduce its bitter taste. Eaten with chili
paste.
Centella asiatica L. Urban Apiaceae All of this lalap can be eaten fresh, boiled It helps to improve appetite. It is good for
children with asthma.
(Pegagan)
or steamed with chili paste or used for
urap.
This lalap is good for women after
Carica papaya L. Caricaceae
Nearly ripe fruit is peeled, young leaves
childbirth. It helps to nourish the milk of
(Papaya)
are boiled or steamed. Eaten with chili
breastfeeding women. Unripe fruit is
paste. Young fruit is also used for soup.
good for people with stomachache or
peptic ulcer. The juice of unripe fruit can
be used to neutralize toxins in cassava
leaves.
Parkia speciosa Hassk. Mimosaceae Fresh seeds can be eaten as lalap.
It helps to kill parasites and control
(Petai)
diabetes.
Leucaena leucocephala Lmk.
Young pods and seeds can be eaten as
Eating them regularly helps to kill
Mimosaceae (Petai cina)
lalap.
parasites and control diabetes.
Young leaves can be eaten as lalap. Old
leaves are used in soup.
22
Syzigium polyanthum Walp.
Myrtaceae (Salam)
23
Stems and young leaves can be boiled or
steamed. Commonly eaten together with
jotang, tempuh wiyang and patikan kebo.
Leaves and stems can be eaten fresh or
steamed with chili paste and oncom or
used for pecel.
Apium graveolens L. Apiaceae
Leaves and stems are eaten fresh as lalap
(Seledri)
or with nasi kuning. It can also be put in
soto.
Hydrocotyle sibthorpioides Lamk. All parts can be eaten fresh, boiled or
Apiaceae (Semanggi gunung)
steamed, with chili paste.
Manihot esculenta Crantz., Manihit Young leaves are boiled or steamed and
eaten with chili paste, or used with
utilissima Crantz. Eupobriaceae
coconut milk soup or buntil.
(Singkong)
Solanum torvum Swartz. Solanaceae Fruit can be eaten fresh, boiled or
(Takokak)
steamed, then eaten with chili paste. Also
used in coconut milk soup with cassava
leaves.
Emilia sonchhifolia (Linn.) DC.
Young leaves can be eaten fresh, boiled or
Compositae (Tempuh wiyang)
steamed. Commonly eaten with legetan
and pegagan.
Kaempheria pandurata Roxb.
Roots and young leaves can be eaten
Zingiberaceae (Temu kunci)
fresh. Young leaves can be used for urap.
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Nasturtium montanum Wall.,
Nasturtium indicum DC.
Asteraceae (Sawi tanah)
Nasturtium aquaticum (L.) Hayek.
Cruciferae (Selada air)
77
Old leaves give a delicious taste to foods
such as soup (they act like a natural
MSG). It helps to preserve food. It
mitigates against the effects of alcohol
(helps people not to be drunk), and
controls diabetes and diarrhea.
Eating regularly can relieve jaundice.
Eaten regularly, it can help with poor
night vision and to relieve hemorrhoids.
It can be added to food to make it more
tasty (like a natural MSG). It reduces
high blood pressure and relieves asthma.
It helps to promote urination, neutralize
toxins and relieve jaundice.
It helps to nourish bones and joints.
It helps to improve the appetite in people
recovering from fever or other diseases.
Helps with diabetes and hypertension.
It has a cold quality so it helps to reduce
fever, neutralize toxins and promote
urination.
It helps to nourish the milk of
breastfeeding women and helps the
uterus recover after childbirth.
Table 11: Lalap in Sundanese life.
Jamu, Magic Drink of Java
means of diet. If this does not work, medications,
mainly from the plant world, can be used.
Jamu is a kind of medicinal drink. There are two kinds.
The first is used in everyday life and is made up of
plants used for food or medicine. It is used to regulate
the body, stimulate the body’s preventive system, and
strengthen the body’s self-curing and regenerating
systems. The formulas generally include ginger,
galangal, turmeric finger root, lemon grass and
tamarind. Drinking this jamu has a preventive health
effect.
Mobile Jamu drink seller
The hidden philosophy behind Javanese health care is
that “Allah would not send diseases to mankind, if He
would have not sent healing remedies with them”.
Most symptoms can be prevented or even healed by
The second kind of jamu is for the treatment of
various diseases. It may include regular ingredients/
medications found in home cooking and those
provided by knowledgeable local doctors. A magic spell
may accompany the concoctions that are believed to
have curative effects.
Both kinds of jamu help rebalance the elements of the
body. Different jamu provide hot, warm, neutral and
78 Panel 2
cold remedies. The word jamu has the same
etymological root as jampi, which means “magic
spells”. Menjampi means “treatment using magic”.
When a doctor or medicine man is preparing a
medicinal drink, he will also chant to ask for blessings
from the spirits. In current Javanese usage, jamu means
“medicine”. The first written evidence of jamu was
found at Borobudur in around the late eighth to early
ninth century, and in the Ramayana story at the Great
Chedi of Prambanan.
The word jamu may also have been drawn from a
combination of the words jampi and oesodho. Oesodho
is the state of being healthy, acquired from medicine or
through good behavior. This word may correspond to
the word “dispensary” in English, or o-sod in Thai,
which means “drug”.
Animistic superstitions, as well as beliefs from
Hinduism, Buddhism and even Islam have influenced
the use of jamu. The origin and practice of jamu has
elements from many sources, for example, the theory
of four elements: Hot, Cold, Humid and Dry, which
was influenced by Islam, the ideas around yin and yang
from China, the use of herbs according to local beliefs,
and the use of plants and the beliefs in gods as
practiced in Hinduism.
Jamu has a significant role in national health and in the
development of the country. It helps reduce
dependency on foreign drugs and promotes local
economic systems and self-sufficiency through the use
of local wisdom.
Jamu shop in Yogyakarta
Local Wisdom and Javanese Health Care
According to Javanese perspectives, good health
depends on the balance of body, sehat, and mind,
kejawen. The mind is the master. The body is the
servant, or vehicle, of the mind. This principle
originated long before the Javanese became Muslims
and still persists. Javanese believe that if a person can
eat food, work and follow his or her social duties, he is
generally healthy, even though he may have for
example symptoms of a cold, or aching muscles. His
sehat is still in good order. The first kind of jamu can
help rebalance a body in this condition, or cure minor
physical troubles.
Being ill means the inability to follow daily
commitments. A person must see a modern doctor or a
traditional healer who can provide a more
sophisticated jamu, together with magic spells or even
prayers from the Quran.
Healing methods vary according to theories of the
origin of illness. For normal illness caused by loss of
natural balance due to weather change, or unbalanced
or disordered consumption of food, treatment
remedies vary from medications to massage (kerokan),
which could involve applying balsam or oil and then
rubbing strongly with a metal coin or red onion or
other item. Uncommon illnesses caused by
supernatural agents, like ghosts, evil spirits, angry
ancestral spirits, or shamans need the help of a special
kind of “medicine man”.
Many kinds of Javanese sugar
Making Jamu
No. Type of jamu tonic
Main herbs
1
Jamu beraskencur
Beras (Oryza sativa), kencur
(Kaempferia galangal)
Optional herbs
Jahe (Zingiber officinale),
kunyit (Curcuma domestica),
asam java (Tamarindus
indica), cengkeh (Syzygium
aromaticum), kapulaga
(Amomum cardamomum),
pala (Myristica fragrans),
kedawung , kayu keningar,
jeruk nipis
Temu lawak (Curcuma
xanthorriza), kedawung, pala
(nutmeg), kayu manis
(cinnamon), jeruk nipis
(lemon)
2
Jamu kunyitasam
Kunyit (turmeric) and asam
java (tamarind)
3
Jamu
cabelempuyang
Cabe jawa (Piper
retrofractum) and lempuyang
(Zingiber americans )
4
Jamu pahitan
(Bitter medicine)
5
Jamu kunci suruh
6
Jamu kudulaos
Kudu and laos (galangal)S
Serai (lemongrass), jahe, kayu
manis.
7
Jamu Uyup-uyup /
Gepyokan
Commonly used. Many herbs
with a hot quality are
combined together.
8
Wedang uwuh
(Garbage drink)
Empon-empon such as jahe,
kunyit, laos, kencur, bangle,
temu lawak, lempuyang, temu
hitam
Secang, jahe, daun kayu manis,
cengkeh, gula batu (stone sugar)
Jahe (ginger), temu lawak
(Curcuma xanthorriza),
kunyit, kencur, pala,temu ireng,
adas, pulosari, kedawung, asam
jawa, merica.
Brotowali (Tinospora crispa L.) Widoro laut, doro putih,
and sambiloto (Andrographis
babakan pule, adas, emponpaniculata Burm.f.)
empon (many rhizomes used
for cooking)
Temu kunci and serai
Beluntas, delima, pinang, kunci
(lemongrass), asam java
pepet, Majakan jambe, manis
(tamarind)
jangan, kayu legi and kencur.
Jeruk nipis (When a little
lemon juice is added to wedang
uwuh it changes from red to
yellow color, so it is called
Javanese beer (bir java))
79
Quality/Function
This jamu helps people with
muscular, joint and bone pain. It is
commonly consumed by farmers or
workers but can also be drunk by
anyone to refresh the body, improve
appetite, neutralize daily toxins,
clean the intestines and improve
general health.
It helps to clean the blood. Drinking
it regularly helps to keep the skin
clear and beautiful. It is used to
prevent menstrual pain and to
regulate the menstrual flow, so it is
forbidden for women in early
pregnancy. It is refreshing. It has a
cold quality so it can be used to
reduce heat in the stomach and in
the body (panas dalam).
It helps to warm the body. It helps
relieve muscular and back pain. It
has a warm quality so it also helps
with numbness and is good for
asthma.
This bitter jamu help to cool the
blood. It is good for fever, diabetes,
acne, itching, dizziness and for
improving the appetite.
It is especially used for women's
health care, including reducing
vaginal discharge and body odor and
restoring the uterus after childbirth.
It has a warm quality. It helps to
promote blood circulation, improve
menstrual flow, improve cleaning of
the uterus after childbirth, improve
appetite and refresh the body.
It helps to increase mother’s milk
and prevent bad body odor.
Commonly consumed by women
after childbirth.
It helps to keep the body warm and
prevents wind from entering the
body (masuk angin).
Table 12: Different kinds of Jamu.
For normal jamu, one main herb is normally used and
others may be added. Palm sugar or gula aren is added
to create a sweet taste and because it has health
benefits. It is believed that this kind of sugar can relieve
problems associated with asthma. The jamu pahitan
does not use sugar. After drinking this kind of jamu
people usually drink a little sweet jamu, called petawar.
Wedang uwuh means “garbage drink,” because many
herbs are put together in a glass and hot water added.
Wedang uwuh uses stone sugar instead of palm sugar.
Sometimes if the jamu is meant to nourish energy,
such as to provide male potency or to treat tiredness or
dizziness due to lack of energy or low blood pressure,
one can also add a hen or duck egg, mixed with honey
and lemon juice.
80 Panel 2
The same instinct but new behavior: Reasons why
Javanese increasingly have diabetes
Each ethnic group has its own local environment in
which it has been living and adapting over many
generations. The process of adaptation is very
important in order to satisfy people’s physical and
emotional needs. Thus, Javanese’ different behaviors
through different periods, conscious or not, are rooted
in strong causes.
Either by nature or through heredity, the Javanese tend
to eat sweet foods. The number of diabetics is higher
among Javanese than other ethnic groups. Elderly
people who have known at least 50 years of rapid
change post-colonization, modernization and
globalization told me that they believe that fewer
Javanese had diabetes in the past. Changing patterns of
food consumption is a likely cause. Javanese’ love of
sweet taste has remained but the traditional manner of
consumption has changed.
Yogyakarta is a special administrative territory that has
maintained old traditions while also embracing new
behaviors due to globalization and immigration. It has
many universities and many students, who embrace
modernity, but it is also still a Sultanate and customs
and traditions from ancient times are preserved. When
people talk about Yogyakarta they may refer to “Jogja,”
or to “city of students” (kota pelajar), “city of culture”
(kota budaya) or the popular Gudeg city (Kota Gudeg).
Gudeg is a famous local food made of chopped young
jackfruit (nangka muda/gori) which is cooked and
mixed with ingredients such as red onion, garlic,
galangal, lemongrass, palm sugar and many others. The
ingredients are cooked for a long time in coconut milk
until the mixture turns dark brown. There are two
types of gudeg. Gudeg basah is “wet” and contains more
water. Gudeg kering is cooked until it is almost dry.
control sugar in the blood. If consumed regularly, it
helps to prevent diabetes. Moreover, the leaves have a
preservative effect, so there is no need to use chemical
preservatives. This is strong example of how an
everyday food is also a medicine.
Javanese have been cultivating and using palm sugar in
their food and desserts for hundreds of years. In 1860,
during the colonial period, the Dutch established the
first sugar factory in Gondong Baru, Central Java. This
led to huge sugar cane cultivation and the production
of white sugar.
Elderly people believe that the use of white sugar is the
main factor causing diabetes. They believe the use of
gula jawa does not lead to diabetes. The author’s
opinion is that the Javanese are genetically accustomed
to their own sugar. Moreover, gula aren (palm sugar
from the aren palm) has a medicinal quality.
Young people now and especially students tend to eat
at outdoor restaurants or street restaurants. They like
to drink iced tea or lemon juice with ice. The drinks
are mostly ready-made and fortified with white sugar.
Most of the ice sold in Indonesia is of low quality and
can put consumers at risk of diarrhea.
In the past, many Javanese and other Indonesians had
the custom of drinking hot water, which probably
helped prevent the spread of diseases like cholera. Hot
water helps prevent surplus fat. Hot water helps to
regulate blood circulation and menstrual cycles. Many
restaurants and homes still serve hot water.
The daily drink of Javanese in the past was tea from
mengkudu/pace (Morinda citrifolia L.) and tea from
murbei/besaran (morus alba L.). Most households
grew one of these teas. The tea leaves helped prevent
diabetes and hypertension, and controlled fat in the
blood. The tea leaves also balanced women’s emotions
during menstruation and the menopause. After a
person had worked hard in the fields, the teas reduced
fatigue, moderated the neuro system and supported
better sleep. Nowadays, those who maintain this habit
are mainly elderly people, higher-status families and
those associated with palace culture.
Jogja people cultivate a lot of jackfruit. They use the
wood of the jackfruit tree to build houses. They say
that the wood is second only to teak. There is a saying
“Gudeg must be dark; otherwise, it will be lodeg
(coconut milk soup)”. In the past, the Jogja people put
teak leaves (daun jati) in gudeg in order to get a dark
red color soup in which to put the young jackfruit and
other ingredients. However, nowadays local people do
not do this as they feel it will look dirty.
Today fewer people (elderly women are an exception)
drink the jamu pahitan (bitter medicine) which
controls corporal heat, nourishes the pancreas and
prevents diabetes.
Actually, the use of teak leaves is an old wisdom that
provides good health benefits. It has the ability to
The Javanese also have a side dish similar to a salad that
has anti-diabetes properties. It is eaten together with
the main course with nearly every meal. Traditional
trancam consists of several chopped vegetables, for
example petai, petai cina, kacang panjang, taoge
(sprout), bunga turi (sesbania grandiflora L.), kencur
(kaempferia galangal L.) etc., mixed with chili, red
onion, garlic and scraped coconut. All the vegetables
have anti-diabetes qualities. This dish is still popular
but nowadays there is less diversity of vegetables.
The Hinduistic Bali:
Balinese traditional medicine originates in large part in
Hindu traditions. The knowledge can be found in
books made of palm leaves called usada (concerning
traditional medicine mostly using plants) and tutur or
tatwa (concerning miracle alphabets and philosophy).
A person who uses the knowledge in usada to cure
others is called a balien usada. A person will be strong
and healthy when all elements in the body are in good
balance. There are three controlling elements; vata
(wind), pitta (fire), and kapha (water).
Everything in the cosmos, including diseases and
medicines to cure them, is created by God. Diseases
can be hot, cold or neutral. Medicines are also hot or
warm, cold, or neutral.
Three gods control disease. Hot diseases and medicine
with hot characteristics are under the supervision of
81
Brahma. Wisnu supervises cold diseases and medicines
with cold characteristics. Iswara takes care of neutral
diseases and medicines with neutral characteristics.
Many plants with white, yellow or green flowers have a
hot characteristic. Many plants with red and blue
colors have a cold characteristic. Other plants with
flowers of other colors are not hot and not cold.
Balinese traditional medicine also includes knowledge
of how to balance food by combinations of many
plants and vegetables.
Balinese food consists of many ingredients, or basa.
Basa come in many types and are found in holy books
or in the heritage of a village or family. For example,
there is basa gede (big set of ingredients), basa wangi
(fragrant base ingredients), basa manis (sweet base
ingredients), basa genep (delicious base of ingredients
or enough ingredients to be delicious), basa intuk
(ingredients which are prepared by pounding), basa
ulig (ingredients which are prepared by grinding), basa
rajang (ingredients which are prepared by chopping
thoroughly), basa be sampi (ingredients set for cooking
beef), basa be siap (ingredients set for cooking
chicken), basa be pasih (ingredients set for cooking
seafood), basa jukut (ingredients set for cooking
vegetables) etc. To prepare Balinese food, the very
important thing is to know how to prepare and use
basa.
82 Panel 2
Ingredients / Type of basa
Basa
gede
Basa
wangi
Basa
manis
Basa
genep
Basa
intuk
Basa
ulig
Basa
Basa
Basa
rajang be sampi be siap
Basa
be pasih
Basa
jukut
Salt
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
Shallot
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
Garlic
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
Red chili
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
Kencur
/
/
/
/
/
/
Palm sugar
/
/
/
/
/
Ginger
/
/
/
/
/
/
Galangal
/
/
/
/
/
/
Turmeric
/
/
/
/
/
Candle nut
/
/
/
/
Lemongrass
/
/
/
/
Salam leaves
/
/
/
/
Shrimp paste
/
/
/
Lemon leaves
/
/
/
/
/
Black pepper
/
/
/
/
/
/
Coriander seeds
/
/
Cumin / Ginten
/
/
Ginten cemeng leaves
/
/
Bird chili
/
/
Cloves
/
/
Nutmeg
/
/
Sesame/ Wijen
/
/
Jangur
/
/
Shampoo Ginger/ Lempuyang
/
/
Kaffir lime/ Jeruk purut
/
/
Cinnamon
/
/
Honey
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
Burned coconut
/
/
Simbukan leaves
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
White pepper
Basa wangi
/
Table 13: Table shows components found in some basa.
Wise adaptation of local and traditional wisdom is
essential
Traditional Food, Traditional Medicine, and all
Aspects of Local Wisdom are Parts of a Culture
Around 50 years ago the only kind of gudeg available
was the wet type normally prepared and eaten by
families. Dry gudeg then grew popular as it is easy to
transport. It has become commercialized and is part of
Yogyakarta’s identity. The marketing of gudeg is a
good example of how a local and traditional food can
survive in the modern era. It is also a clear example of
how a local wisdom allied to health has given way to
economic forces.
A culture has a strong foundation when it is about
behaviors that people share and understand. Persons
who do not have a strong understanding of their own
cultures are easily influenced by new ones. This leads
to a situation in which they have a firm footing in
neither the old nor the new culture. Change can bring
new problems that are not easily solved because there is
no support system. However, if a culture is strong,
people can interact positively with a new culture. The
traditional culture can survive if the changes are in
form rather than in essence. Adaptation can take place
with the help of education and information.
Local Wisdom in Herbal Plants and Herbal
Medicine: The Indonesian Experience
In 1982 the government of the Republic of Indonesia
announced a new National Health Policy, (ministerial
regulation Keputusan menteri kesehatan RI No.99a /
Menkes /SK/III /1982 Tgl. 2 maret 1982) with the goal
to make all citizens healthy by various means. Because
the country lacked modern medical personnel, stress
was placed on primary health care, including the
medicinal use of plants, animals and minerals. The
health ministry launched the Tanaman obat keluarga
program (Family Medicinal Garden Program)
throughout the country. This program holds that
every Indonesian household should cultivate a herbal
garden to provide for basic prevention and healing
health needs. The program is similar to Thailand’s
Herbs For Fundamental Health Care project. But in
Indonesia the responsible agency, the Subdivision of
Folk Medicine and Alternative Medicine, was
promoted to a Division in 2011. The Division plans to
reactivate and strengthen the program.
In 2007 Jamu was declared an Indonesian national
brand by the then President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono. The government now supports the
industrialization of jamu. Educational institutions and
study programs have been set up. But little has been
done in relation to jamu as local wisdom.
In 2009, according to Health Law No.36, Folk
Medicine was declared a part of the National Health
Service. In 2010, the central government launched at
least 12 special clinics in state hospitals providing
services based on traditional medicine. Practitioners of
modern or western medicine have been trained to
prescribe herbs or traditional medicine. But this
prescribed medicine is concentrated on fitofarmaka,
traditional and herbal medicine developed with
modern technology. That means ordinary people,
especially folk doctors, cannot take a significant part in
the campaign.
Yet the possibility to be an active part of the National
Health Service is not yet totally closed. According to
an official regulation of Indonesian Food and Drug
Organization, declared in 2004, three kinds of herbal
or traditional medicine can be registered as allowed.
83
1. Jamu, or empirically-based herbal medicine.
2. Obat herbal terstandar, or scientific-based herbal
medicine
3. Fitofarmaka, or clinically-based herbal
medicine. This kind of medicine is mostly
prescribed by doctors in state hospitals.
All medicine traded in public markets must have a logo
identifying clearly one of these three registration
categories.
The criticism of this standardization is as follows: The
cataloging is on the one hand “good” and practical,
because consumers can make their own decisions
about which mode of production of traditional
medicine they chose. It is a kind of guarantee by the
state. On the other hand, the cataloging introduces a
kind of discrimination. Traditional practitioners with
empirical experience but no means of getting
registration due to lack of “knowledge” and
“technology” are kept out of the system. So the large
pharma industries will automatically be given more
chance to make increased profits and eventually
perhaps a monopoly in the health care service.
Epilogue:
Observations on Local food: Wisdom is slowly
dissolved in an ‘Age of Change’
Changes in local food consumption patterns may
result in a loss of local knowledge about traditional
food systems.
1. Consumption of more vegetables and food is made
easier due to the exchange of money. Consumers have
a wide degree of choice due to open markets. How
many people will still go to the forests to collect foods
and vegetables?
2. The increasing importance of education in the
classroom means generations of children in rural areas
are removed from their original localities to attend
schools and colleges in bigger villages, towns and cities.
The transfer of local knowledge from grandparents
and parents to children is made more vulnerable. The
future generations, who should be “receivers” of
traditional wisdom, have little opportunity to learn
what is known as the deep knowledge and
understanding of their ancestors.
84 Panel 2
3. With globalization comes modern technology. The
open society and western, modern and scientificallyminded cultures have been widely accepted as superior.
Traditional culture is looked down upon as inferior,
old-fashioned. Young modern people are ashamed to
connect to “ancient” subjects. New lifestyles make
western foods popular. There is heavy promotion of
branded international fast foods.
Present generations are forgetting their traditional
food. Accumulated wisdom is being lost. One result is
more diabetes. Some people still recall the healthy food
they ate when young but they do not know how to
cook it.
4. The government should focus more on maintaining
traditional knowledge. Many teaching departments
concerning food and cooking promote domestic foods,
but do not teach the in-depth local wisdom behind
each ingredient or ideas about healthcare in relation to
individual foods. In fact, teachers and educational
departments can do much to promote the wisdom of
local recipes. Students from rural or remote areas could
be encouraged to ask their parents and grandparents
for local wisdom and the schools could collect such
information. In this way a part of local wisdom could
Fresh instant ingredients shop in Medan.
be kept alive. Three educational institutes promised to
follow up this idea after I held conversations with key
personnel there. Other agencies involved in the
development and promotion of knowledge said they
would do similar.
Minor explanations for why local food has lost its
popularity among modern Indonesian peoples,
especially urbanities, include;
5. Many urban Indonesians have married outside their
own ethnicity and have adapted new lifestyles. Such
families consume more western foods and smaller
amounts of food. Many people I interviewed said local
food involved more trouble as there are a lot of
ingredients, more preparation time, and challenges
preparing it in modern kitchens. They felt that if you
wanted to eat something local it was best to go to a
restaurant or a supermarket.
6. Medan city still has some shops that help promote
the cooking of local food. The shops have grinding
machines for local food ingredients. Customers can
buy fresh ingredients such as pepper, onion, garlic,
pepper and avoid having to grind them at home.
Some local vegetables found in Carrefour supermarket.
Local foods are considered healthy, since they originate
locally and are derived from natural sources. But since
the world has become a “global village,” the question
must be asked, is there any place left that is safe, secure
and healthy, since production systems have been
moving to a model based on capitalism and world
markets.
Reform of the education system is one solution. This
could be on two levels.
The problems facing local wisdom and food, and the
utilization of indigenous medicinal vegetables for
health care, are seen in many traditional societies in
transition, including ASEAN countries. Folk wisdom
is disappearing. How can it withstand the invading
cultural and economic globalization?
This writer suggests that a synthesis of tradition and
modernity can and must be found. We in the ASEAN
community — and we in the API network - share
similar cultural backgrounds and traditional
foundations from which we can meet the challenges of
globalization with strong responses.
1. Standard and formal education; apply scientific
knowledge to improve acceptance of folk wisdom.
2. Community education; apply
anthropological theories for the
development of folk wisdom.
appropriate
sustainable
REFERENCES
Amal, M. Adnan. 2010. Kepulauan rempah-rempah : Perjalanan
sejarah Maluku Utara 1250-1950. Jakarta: KPG (Kepustakaan
Populer Gramedia).
Balai pelestarian sejarah dan nilai tradisional Banda Aceh. 2004.
Makanan tradisional melayu di sumatera utara.
Budah Gautama, Wayan. 2004. Dharma caruban tuntunan
membuat olahan/ebatan. Surabaya: Paramita
Ganie, Suryatini N. 2010. Mahakaya kuliner 5000 resep
makanan & minuman di Indonesia. Jakarta: PT Gramedia
pustaka utama.
Hidayat, Zulyani. 1997. Ensiklopedi suku bangsa di Indonesia.
Jakarta: LP3ES.
Lasmadiwati, Endah and Putu Oka Sukanta. 2008. Sehat
mandiri dengan akupresur & ramuan. Bogor: Taman Sringanis.
Mangoting, Danial, Imang Irawan and Said Abdullah. 2005.
Tanaman lalap berkhasiat obat. Depok: Swadaya.
Marwanti. 2000. Pengetahuan masakan Indonesia. Yogyakarta:
Adicita karya nusa.
Murniatmo, Gatut, Ani Rostiyati, Mudjijono and Darso
Harnoko. 1992. Pengobatan tradisional daerah istimewa
Yogyakarta. Jakarta: Direktorat jenderal kebudayaan.
Nala, Ngurah. 2006. Aksara bali dalam usada. Surabaya:
Paramita.
Ochse, J.J. 1942. Sajoer-sajoeran negeri kita. Batavia: Balai
poestaka.
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Ranggasutrasna, Ngabei (atas prakarsa Sunan Pakubuwana V).
2005-2010.Serat centhini jilid 4-12. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada
University Press.
Remen, I ketut. 1987. Olah olahan paebatan bali.
Segatri putra, I gusti. 1999. Taru premana. Denpasar.
Soepardi, R. 1952. Hutan dan hasilnja jang dapat di makan.
Djakarta: Balai pustaka.
Suci, Ni Ketut, I Made Panca, Ida Bagus Yudha Triguna and Ida
Bagus Dharmika (Proyek penelitian dan pengkajian kebudayaan
bali). 1986. Pengolahan makanan khas bali. Bali: Direktorat
jendral kebudayaan.
Suriaviria, H.Unus. 2000. Tanaman lalap dan penyakit masa
kini. Jakarta: Papas Sinar Sinanti.
Tilaar, Martha,Wong Lip Wih and Anna Setiadi-Ranti. 2010.
The green science of jamu. Jakarta: Dian Rakyat.
Triratnawati, Atik. 2005. Masalah kesehatan dalam kajian ilmu
sosial-budaya. Yogyakarta: Kepel Press.
Trobus info kit (Vol.8). Herbal indonesia berkhasiat bukti
ilmiah & cara racik. Depok: Wisma hijau.
Ubaidullah, Hajah T. Jaurail. 1996. Buku masakan melayu.
Jakarta.
Usada Budhakecapi, Usada Sundari Siksa, Usada Parik kayu
Widyawati, Wiwien. 2010. Ensiklopedi obat jawa. Yogyakarta:
Pura Pustaka.
Von Holzen, Heinz and Lother Arsana. 1993. The food of Bali.
Singapore: Periplus.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Parisada hindu dharma, kabupaten Tabanan. 1984. Buku
dharma-caruban. Denpasar: PUSDOK.
Pusat kajian maskanan tradisional. 2010. Pangan tradisional
Bali. Denpasar: Udayana University.
Raffles, Thomas Stamford. 1817. The history of Jawa volume I.
London: Cox and Baylds.
Raffles, Thomas Stamford. 1817. The history of Jawa volume II.
London: Cox and Baylds.
The author is grateful to the following institutions which
provided him with support him during his stay in Indonesia;
The Faculty of Agriculture, University of North Sumatra Islam,
(through Ir. Rahmad Setia Budi, the Dean), the Indonesian
Institute of Science, (through Ir. I Nyoman Lugrayasa, the
Director of Bali Botanic Garden, and Pak. Bayu Adjie). The
author is also grateful to the many individuals who assisted with
suggestions and interviews and by giving information and
materials. I give heartfelt thanks to my father, my mother, and
my family, who have encouraged and supported me.
Ranggasutrasna, Ngabei (atas prakarsa Sunan Pakubuwana
V).1991-1994. Centhini Tambangraras-Amongraga jilid 1-3.
Jakarta: Balai pustaka.
86 Panel 2
“Master Planning” vs “Networking” Approaches to Solve Contemporary
Urban Crises in Asian cities
Kenta Kishi
Introduction
As an architect involved in design and research
projects, I have visited many cities around the world
and observed many large urban development projects.
I have noticed that when I am in cities, I often become
lost and disoriented. I have also noticed that city
residents often refer to large urban development
projects around them as though they were “hit or miss”
affairs. I have often asked myself: what do we really
want of a city?
The modern Western model of “master-planning” for
urban development often encompasses ideas around
creating “ideal cities” from “ground zero”.1 Why are
the pre-existing aspects of urban life almost never
incorporated into such projects?
In recent years, I have focused on one Asian urban
settlement to investigate these questions. Upon
entering the mainly lower-middle-class settlement, it is
instantly evident that residents continually perform
small actions to maintain and improve the quality of
daily life in the area. The place is dynamic and filled
with many realities. There are many positive hints to
be found for urban development.
Project Background
This project focused on kampung (informal urban
settlements) in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest
city and the capital of East Java. It focused on social
structures, living environments and local daily
activities. Special attention was paid to systems of selforganization and the maintenance of identity. Many
small programs which I call “micro-projects” were
observed, and some were considered as strategic
material for an alternative approach to urban design.
By examining the possibilities of networking among
micro-projects this study tries to propose a
methodology of urban design and/or urban
management that reflects the complexity of urban
ecosystems. The goal is to overcome negative impacts
on the quality of the environment in urban
development.
The potentials and possibilities within the kampung
and the city were investigated, mainly through
cooperative research and study activities with diverse
local players, including government employees,
academic societies, business groups, civil groups and
media. Rather than pursue an objective analysis of
measurable city data, such as is pursued by experts
under the master-planning model, the study employed
a cooperative method in which possibilities were
explored spontaneously and dynamically. The city was
seen as a platform for investigation and participation
in an open process.
Surabaya in Transition
Surabaya’s urban environment has seen major
transition during the recent period of economic
recovery after the Asian Financial Crisis. Surabaya is a
historical city that encompasses many kampung and
includes diverse racial and ethnic groups, including the
Javanese, Madurese, Arab and Chinese. There are two
large challenges in the city’s current configuration.
Urban sprawl (suburbanization) has seen upper
middle-class and wealthy people moving out from the
center of Surabaya, creating an economic disparity
between the outside and inside of the city.2 The second
major problem is the extent of large development
projects in the central area, such as hotels, shopping
malls and office complexes, which are erasing old
residential areas. Both issues undermine traditional
patterns of local urban culture and impose instead a
model of the successful city as portrayed in advanced
countries. The “new” Surabaya is becoming a typical
generic city of global standards. The city will most
likely become a place to which residents will lose their
attachment, as master-planning erases its memories,
history and identity.
Beyond Master-Planning
This project suggests key problems of the masterplanning approach.
Exclusivity
It is in the nature of master planning to engender
an exclusivity that eliminates diverse groups of
people. Planners aim to reach their goal via the
shortest and fastest route, without interventions
and diversions. A limited number of participants
such as investors, developers and planners are
involved in the process. There is usually little
effort to listen to residents.
Rigidity
There is always a risk that a project may be held
up by an investor or a government. Since master
planning always has single fixed goals, it rarely
includes the provision of alternative possibilities
or options. This means that if difficulties are
encountered, projects may be suspended or
abandoned. Surabaya now has various wasted
central urban spaces as a result of projects being
abandoned during the Asian Financial Crisis.
Hierarchy
Master planning generally works on a tree-type
model of chain of command and workflow. This
model is highly rational and economical in
relation to task management, but given the large
number of segmented and specialized elements
involved, there can be inflexibility when a
project runs into challenges or trouble.3
87
In the real-life setting of the kampung, we see the
generation and cultivation of many informal
innovations. Various small “settings” or micro-projects
as well as “activities” exist and are linked in networks
or webs. Creativity and solutions for local needs in
daily life can be found everywhere in shared spaces,
such as in alleys, in small dead-end streets surrounded
by houses, in open spaces at the end of alleys, and in
residences and gardens or other spaces owned by
inhabitants. Residents are highly aware of public/
common spaces, especially those for which ownership
is unclear. Residents create all kinds of informal
settings for their own enjoyment and convenience.
Activities include setting up food stalls, selling basic
necessities, using spaces to chat with neighbors,
hanging around, playing chess, watching children play,
taking naps, avoiding the rain and sun, hanging out
laundry, enjoying greenery or listening to birdsong.
The important point is that these micro-projects are
not stand-alone. They support each other. The setting
up of one micro-project is intertwined with other
micro-projects or activities and each impact on the
other. The networking processes of these microprojects are open-ended.4
Study Approaches
The following research approaches were taken:
Measurability
Approach A: Internal Measurement
The data in master planning includes mainly
measurable information such as cost, area, ratio,
and period. The data rarely acknowledges that
each city has its own character, history and
memories. This character is in fact a very
important aspect to be taken into consideration
in urban planning.
The kampung urban environment is developed
and maintained through the resident’s daily lives
and their personal motivations. The project set
up a base camp for research activities through
participation in various local activities as a
member of the community.
Kampung in Surabaya, and the concept of “MicroProjects” and the “Platform/Network” System
A kampung is at the tail of a great tree structure or
official administrative system. Yet kampung also
involve village-type systems in which people help each
other and share activities and ceremonies. Such joint
activities are often carried out by small communal
units such as neighborhood associations, Rukun
Warga (RW) and neighborhood organizations Rukun
Tetangga (RT).
Approach B: Cooperation
A “platform/network” is defined as a
spontaneous environment development system.
This study set up such a platform, which
operated via a cooperative work style and
through exchanges of views on city issues with
groups such as residents, media, corporations,
government organizations and civic groups. This
approach made us very aware of the importance
of achieving wide cooperation in order to
instigate urban projects.
88 Panel 2
Approach C: Public
The project organized multiple public seminars
at its base-camp and held a large public
exhibition. An important objective of these
public gatherings was to promote participation
by public intellectuals in city activities. Such
participation helps key players to recognize the
importance of interdisciplinary approaches to
urban activity.
Methodology and Process
This project operated in five phases;
Phase 01
Camp-on Kampung: Orange House Studio (OHS)
The project rented a typical house in downtown
Surabaya as a base for research activities.5 The house
was maintained and repaired in cooperation with
neighbors and local university students. This helped us
learn local’s work styles and culture.6 A project team
was set up through a public process and three local
young professionals from different design fields
became involved.7 They went on to conduct public
activities such as seminars, discussions and moviescreenings at the center, which was named Orange
House Studio (OHS) by local participants. The name
reflected the color of the house and also reflected a
symbolic name in the colonial era.8
Phase 02
Field Work: “Micro-project,” a cultivated spot of
the city
This phase was carried out by cooperative work with
ITS DESPRO (Department of Industrial Design
Product, Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember).
First, we arranged an orientation workshop at the
school’s design studio in order for students who would
conduct fieldwork to understand and share the
concept of “micro-project”. They also received training
in becoming active observers of the city. The book
Gotham Handbook by French photographer Sophie
Calle was introduced as a reference.
Figure 1: A micro-project from the Gotham Handbook.
This book was produced as a result of written advice to
the photographer from the American writer Paul
Auster. The writer advised Calle after she moved to
New York City to “love and cultivate your spot in the
city sustainably”. Calle followed this advice through
practical and creative actions. She focused on a public
telephone booth on a street as a micro-project. She
painted it green, decorated it with fresh flowers, and
attached a favorite photo and a chair. It became a
familiar spot in city for her and others. We could say
the booth was not only an artwork but but also a social
action, in which the boundary between public space
and ownership could be observed and analyzed.
We asked the students to find a spot on their campus,
analyze it and propose their own micro-project there,
as a case study.
After the orientation workshop, we visited several
kampung, took photos, conducted interviews, and
collected a large and diverse amount of micro-projects.
Information and data of measurable and quantitative
types was collected.
Researched Kampung
Ampel
Peneleh
Malang Kulon (1)
Blauran
Ketandan
Plemahan Besar
Genteng
Keputih
Plampitan (2)
LemahPutro (2)
Tambak Bayan (2)
89
Characteristics (religion / history / location / ethnic group)
Islam (religious center) / historical / old downtown / Arab
Mixed (mostly Islam) / historical / old downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)
Islam / after WW2 / present downtown / Javanese
Mixed (mostly Islam) / after WW2 / present downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)
Mixed (mostly Islam) / after WW2 / present downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)
Islam / new / suburbia / Javanese
Mixed (mostly Islam) / historical / old downtown / mixed (mostly Javanese)
Guan-yu ( Buddhist and Christian) / historical / old downtown / Chinese
Table 1: Kampung marked (1) were part of Phase I of the project. Those marked (2) two hosted exhibitions in Phase 5 of the project.
Title: Expanded Interior Space for Multiple Activities
Some householders provide a large wooden bench in front of their houses. The
benches are a site for diverse activities. A bench can be defined as an extension of the
interior of the house, but it can also be understood as a container of activities on an
alley
Scale of Time: Daytime (except when raining)
Transition: There are many transitions of activities
Events: Watching passers-by, chatting, studying (school kids), napping, eating, etc.
Objects: Large bench, alley, house
Players: Owner of bench (any generation and member), neighbors, passers-by
Site: Kampung Ketandan
Collector: Orange House Studio
Date: 2010 / Nov / 16
Scale of Space: approximately 2 sq.m
Figure 2: A micro-project at Kampung Ketandan
Title: Bird Homes
A house-owner decided to hang up many birdcages on an empty wall in front of his
house. A formerly quiet alley began to have the beautiful sound of birds, and an ugly
wall was transformed into a place for birds.
Scale of Time: The cages are hung up only in daytime
Transition: Quiet alley is filled by bird song in daytime
Events: Listening to bird song, hanging up bird cages, stowing away cages at night
Objects: Birds, bird song, deck of owner’s house, bench or chair, empty wall
Players: Birds, house owner, neighbors, owner of nearby house, passers-by
Site: Kampung Blauran
Date: 2010 / Nov / 20
Scale of Space: Wall of a kampung house
Figure 3: A micro-project at Kampung Blauran
90 Panel 2
Title: A Book Store on a Fence
A man sells books in front of Masjid Ampel during daytime. He places the books on a
part of a fence around the masjid. He also hangs up a plastic bag that contains his
personal items. The location is his showcase or shop, and the fence functions as
furniture to hold his personal belongings.
Scale of Time: Daytime
Transition: From rejecting function (= for security) to attracting function.
Events: Selling books, arranging books on the fence, waiting for customers
Objects: Fence, books, plastic bag (as a carrying container of books)
Players: Customers, seller, passers-by, religious people at the masjid
Site: Kampung Ampel
Date: 2010 / Dec / 07
Scale of Space: for twenty books
Figure 4: A micro-project at Kampung Ampel
Title: Shop that is 300mm wide
Description: A shop in Pasar Ampel (Bazar Ampel) operates along a narrow alley near
another shop. It sells “Kopiah” and “Jilbab” which are displayed separately, with
“male” and “female” garments on opposite sides of the alley.
Scale of Time: During Pasar business hours (normally daytime)
Transition: The alley is made narrower, and it looks busier. The alley has become a
shop, and also a sleeping space for the shopkeeper.
Events: Folding and unfolding of space. Selling and buying. Shopkeeper is sleeping/
living under a cabinet 300mm wide.
Objects: Alley (with walls on both sides), Masjid Ampel, Pasar Ampel, Shop items.
Players: Customers, Shopkeeper, passers-by
Figure 5: A micro-project at Kampung Ampel
Site: Kampung Ampel
Date: 2010 / Dec / 07
Scale of Space: 300mm from wall surface
Phase 03
Notation: visualization of ‘networking’
In this phase, facts and possibilities related to various
micro-projects were analyzed. Daily life and activities
91
in the kampung are hugely diverse. In order to
understand the complexity of the systems, we needed
to develop a technique to visualize the information. A
specific design icon was created for each micro-project
and their inter-relationships were depicted on a
landscape photo.
Figure 6: Icon design for micro-projects
Figure 7: Icon design for relationship of micro-projects
92 Panel 2
Figure 8: Visual interface of the kampung system.
This visual information is not a tool to understand the
physical and measurable environment. Rather it is a
tool to recognize environmental quality, in a new way.
This phase of work was operated jointly with design
students from ITS DESPRO. We studied various
visual information design systems from around the
world and developed our own technique.
Phase 04
Practice: application of “network/platform”
concept for conventional design education
In this phase, we proposed a micro-project for
professionals in product design and architecture. This
session was conducted in cooperation with UBAYA
DMP (Program Desain dan Manajemen Produk,
Universitas Surabaya). It consisted of three parts;
product
design,
engineering
design
and
communication design. The concept involved
restructuring the standard approach to design
education by substituting a “network/platform”
system. Traditional education involves a hierarchical
structure, in which courses are taught by lecturers and
students simply listen to lectures. Opportunities for
interdisciplinary communication are rare. This is no
longer suitable for the highly complex needs of design
in a globalized world.
At first, all courses were integrated into a sort of
“platform” for a kampung administrative society.
Activities were permitted to be flexible and students
were required to communicate and exchange opinions
and information with people from different
backgrounds and specialties. Lecturers were asked to
act as flexible facilitators and to navigate students in
various directions. This process resulted in diverse
discoveries and knowledge sharing. The platform
became an alternative public space. The project was a
valuable methodological trial.
Phase 05
Practice: urban action through collective wisdom
and experience
93
organizations, academic societies, businesses, civil
groups and members of the mass media. This diverse
group could be considered a prototype for a “network/
platform” type of urban planning.9
This phase included the holding of a large public
exhibition with participation by residents, government
Figure 9: A military tent provided by the city government was used for the main exhibition space in Kampung Peneleh.
Figure 10: Audiences at a movie screening session by local cultural organization “Kinetik”.
Figure 11: Public discussion with residents of kampung and others such as students, designers, architects, educators, government officers,
journalists, owner of broadcasting company, etc.
94 Panel 2
Concept
Site
The theme and title of the exhibition was
“Refugees of Future Cities”. In this time of
transition, many people envision cities in terms
of master planning. In the future, this may mean
some people end up as “refugees” from such
locations. Everyone has the potential to be such a
refugee.
Three kampung were selected as exhibition sites.
Each faced different critical issues in relation to
the current master-planning taking place in this
transition era in Surabaya. The public was
invited through various activities to consider
these problems as their problem.
The exhibition aimed to encourage ways to
consider critical issues around the living
environment. The concept of “refugee” in this
context was not a negative one. Rather a refugee
suggested a person who was seeking positive
action for survival and who was searching for
new possibilities. The exhibition title sent a
message that everybody should aim for a
productive existence, rather than being a
consumer.
Aim
A main aim of the exhibition was to provide a
public platform to share and discuss the diverse
possibilities of urban living in a kampung. The
exhibition was divided into sections on
architecture, design and art. Each division
offered activities such as exhibitions, performing
arts, movie screenings, design workshops and
conferences. The exhibition was structured to
open up lengthy and comprehensive discussion
among stakeholders. This was also a trial to link
urban kampung systems to other public and
social activities.
System
Each exhibition was programmed as a microproject in the kampung. Each exhibition was
independent, but had a certain connection with
the others.
Stakeholders/Participants
From the preparation stage to the end of the
exhibition project, diverse stakeholders and
participants cooperated. Participants came from
Surabaya and all over Indonesia.
Impact
Participants realized that the quality of the
exhibition would depend on the degree of their
participation. They recognized their capacity to
find the “hidden problems” of a city, if they were
sufficiently committed. This interactive
experience should be considered as a
methodology to develop an ideal social and
physical city environment.
Figure 12: A Bukan-Cafe (Not-Cafe) was constructed at Kampung Lemah Putro, through cooperative work by local residents and
university students from ITS and UBAYA.
95
Figure 13: A mural was drawn on walls at Kampung Tambak Bayan, through cooperative work between local residents and university
students from ITS and UBAYA.
Figure 14: In the main site, an “Instant Space” for public events was constructed by a resident from Kampung Keputih and architecture
students from ITS. Based on his experience in building his own house, he trained students in how they could build a house in two days and
how free materials should be collected and connected to make a new space.
96 Panel 2
Figure 15: A bamboo structure was designed and constructed on an existing bridge by Mohammad Cahyo, a young local architect. One
function of this structure was to act as an entrance gate for the main exhibition site.
Figure 16: An artwork “C.M.S.S.K (Cache Memory Salvation Service of Kampung)” was produced by Kentaro Taki, a Japanese visual
artist. He asked kampung residents what had the potential to become a memory should they have to leave their home or land through a
natural disaster or because of a master-planning project.
Conclusion
This study discovered that meaningful information
could be collected through actual urban activities. The
study’s five continuous phases, from research fieldwork
to public exhibition in 10 months, enabled us to create
a vision and to propose an alternative methodology of
urban planning.
Struggle in the framework of urban society
Through the progress of the project, we recognized
understandable conflicting interests and different
opinions among groups such as communities,
developers, local governments and the media. We
found that each party tried to solve issues from the
standpoint of their own conventional framework,
neglecting the complexities and inter-relatedness of
the issues. At the same time, it should be realized that
we could not pinpoint issues and problems without
conducting small-scale observations on all levels, and at
the level of daily life. Overlooking these matters would
have resulted in a “master planning” type of urban
development.10
Let me explain what we observed at the kampung
where we carried out this project.
There was a dispute between residents of one kampung
and a developer over a particular site. This seemed
likely to go to court. The kampung community called
the project a “Money Tsunami”. They said that the
developer and the local authorities that approved the
project had not gone through the proper process. The
community also blamed the mass media for failing to
air the matter in public. Meanwhile, the developer
viewed the community residents as “squatters”
blocking the project. The dispute became emotional
and neither side had come up with constructive ideas
for an amicable resolution. Though a court may settle
the issue in future, any judgment would likely leave a
sour taste in the mouth for both parties. We found
that the dispute was not simply an issue of real estate
but more a social issue. Kampung residents should
consider why their property was targeted by a
developer for a new development. Factors such as “a
youth drain from the kampung,” “economic slump,”
“losing industry/culture in the area,” etc., might have
given a developer reasons for why the site should be
suitable for a new development.
97
These issues should be treated as socioeconomic issues.
A developer aiming to generate quick projects can get
embroiled in a court battle, damaging both the project
and the company image. Companies should avoid this
by recognizing the complexity of urban development
and the fact that the issues affect many groups. Selfinterested approaches are not an answer. It is vital to
ensure cooperative efforts and approaches among
various social groups in order to achieve mutually
acceptable and beneficial urban development.
Through discussions with many stakeholders, we came
up with a proposal for how to proceed with urban
development programs in the context of a fastdeveloping urban environment in Asia.
1: Necessity of a committee to discuss urban
matters
Establish a committee consisting of
representatives of various social groups, with the
goal of reaching a common vision acceptable to
all groups.
Each committee member should focus on
intergroup issues and on issues within his/her
own group. All should be prepared to make
adjustments or compromises to reach the goal.
We noticed that it is very rare for kampung to
cooperate with other kampung on issues.
Kampung tend to each have an independent
spirit and organization. Through various
organizations such as RW/RT and social
activities, residents have a strong kampung-based
community spirit.
This cooperative spirit can however mean a
certain closure to the opinions or feelings of
other communities, perhaps of a different race or
religion. There is often an iron gate at the
entrance of kampung. In fact, cooperation and
information sharing between kampung would be
an important step towards solving common
problems.
2: Importance of education to develop the
urban environment
All stakeholders should have an opportunity to
access appropriate education to support them to
recognize and understand key issues. This
education does not have to be a highly academic
and/or special. It should be interdisciplinary and
should include awareness of kampung life, and of
master planning.
98 Panel 2
An appropriate educational program should be
developed. All stakeholders, including the
authorities, should be familiar with the
methodology.
NOTES
1
Our project is now starting to test the above
ideas in Surabaya with some local professionals,
such as an architect, a sociologist and a
journalist, and with kampung communities. We
will treat the city as a school campus, and a
special focus will be placed on issues related to
individual kampung and their histories and
traditions.
The Pruitt–Igoe housing project in St. Louis, the United
States, was designed by the American architect Minoru
Yamasaki in 1954 and became a remarkable failure of master
planning. This large complex degenerated into slum-like
conditions quickly and was demolished 16 years after
construction was finished.
3: Practice in other Asian cities
This methodology could be applied to other
Asian cities, where massive urban changes are
causing problems such as a lack of harmony
between people and the space they occupy. City
authorities tend to view master planning as the
solution. However, this rarely pays attention to
the specifics of a community and an urban space.
This project hopes to show the way towards an
enhanced vision of city life.
2
Many Asian cities may follow the urban crisis processes
already seen in Detroit and St. Louis in the U.S. Critical
problems such as Hollowing and Gentrification will need to
be discussed in Surabaya.
3
Christopher Alexander, an Austrian-born American
architect and urban planner, suggested the problems and
limitations of “tree” type urban structures in his article “A
City is not a Tree” in 1965. He proposed an abstract “Semilattice” model as an alternative. This was a proposal for the
physical aspect of a city, but we should consider how it could
be applied to non-physical aspects. A “Semi-lattice” is a type
of network structure that can contain diversity and
complexity.
4
The concept and details of the “tree” and “platform/
network” system were introduced by Kenta Kishi at the
International Conference on Creative Industry 2011 in Bali,
Indonesia.
5
Kelurahan Tegal Sari, Kampung Malang Kulon 1, no.3 (we
were attached to “RT2”, a local administrative society)
6
Neighbors who cooperated with us to set up a base included
drivers of becak, an Indonesian three-wheeled, pedal-powered
cart. Becak drivers may also be handymen. For our project,
they provided a living archive of handy-work knowledge
which helps maintain the kampung environment.
7
Kumara Sadana (Product Designer / Lecturer at DMP
UBAYA), Pandu Utomo (Communication Designer) and
Bintang Putra (Product Designer) cooperated in this project
as local directors. They named our base OHS -Orange House
Studio.
8
The Hotel Majapahit is the most popular historical site in
Surabaya. It was built in 1910 as the Oranje Hotel (Orange
Hotel), after the Dutch Royal family, by Lucas Martin
Sarkies of the famous Armenian family whose collection of
It is intended that the project will have a mediator to
spearhead the process. The mediator should be in
neutral position without having any financial interest
in a particular party and/or prejudice against it. The
mediator should be a professional regarding urban
issues and capable of mediating between different
opinions.
Our project could be treated as a first step. In fact, a
few kampung and media that cooperated in this project
have started to network with each other. Local
designers and students are continuing their urban
studies by holding meetings, public seminars,
exhibitions and by issuing publications.
Looking ahead
In cities, meaningful actions lead to other actions. This
process makes for dynamism in city life. In contrast,
master planning can destroy social cohesion and
encourage instead isolation and alienation. In Japan,
locations similar to kampung known as shitamachi, are
disappearing. Kampung are also in crisis. The
destruction of urban systems is a loss and a tragedy. It is
vital to revive traditional and indigenous urban
knowledge in relation to cities and for a broad
coalition of groups to work together in new ways for a
better urban future.
An unrealized urban planning project by the French architect
Le Corbusier, “a Contemporary City of Three Million
Inhabitants (Ville Contemporaine)” in 1922, is an example
of one of the earliest examples of master planning. This
clearance/master-plan style was totally new when it was
unveiled. Most people who had affection towards the existing
space were against it. However, since the scheme was clearcut in terms of economic efficiency, construction and
maintenance, it became a model that is still followed today.
grand hotels includes Raffles in Singapore, the Strand in
Rangoon and the Eastern and Oriental in Penang.
9
10
99
Poster of Camp-on Kampung Exhibition “Refugees of Future
Cities” can be downloaded from this link: http://
dl.dropbox.com/u/3037653/refugees-of-future-cities.pdf
A documentary film was produced by students from ITS
DESPRO which explains the work of participants in the
exhibition “Refugees of Future Cities”.
http://vimeo.com/27716989
Yamasaki, Minoru. 1954. Pruitt–Igoe Housing Project. Urban
redevelopment project.
During the process, the issues below were recognized as
problems to be overcome:
ITS DESPRO (Department of Industrial Design Product,
Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember) http://www.its.ac.id/
en/despro.php
1: Paradox of alternative methodology
When an alternative methodology is developed which aims
to replace master planning, there is always a risk that the
alternative plan would become another case of masterplanning should the plan put too much emphasis on
economic efficiency. How can we solve this risk?
UBAYA DMP (Program Desain dan Manajemen Produk,
Universitas Surabaya) http://ubaya.ac.id/courses/pk_dmp/0/
Program-Desain-dan-Manajemen-Produk.html
2: Ambivalent information
Measurable data will be needed for any kind of urban
planning. Immeasurable data, such as the experience and
memory of residents, is also important. Architects and urban
planners must balance these two types of information. How
we can operationalize this kind of decision-making?
culture360. 2011.
Refugees of Future Cities. Web magazine
http://culture360.org/event/refugee-of-future-cities-surabayaexhibition/
3: Value of inefficiency
Mainly because of economic reasons and time issues, a
“platform/network” approach is often likely to be turned
down. Yet master planning often incurs unexpected costs and
generates complaints, down the road. Thus it is difficult and
time-consuming to evaluate the “best” kind of planning, even
from a strictly economic stance. How can the “inefficiency”
of the alternative approach be understood as a suitable tool
for urban planning?
REFERENCES
Alexander, Christopher. 1965. A City is Not a Tree.
Architectural Forum.
Calle, Sophie. 1999. Double Game. With the participation of
Paul Auster. Violette Editions.
Jakobs, Jane. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities,
Vintage Books.
Kishi, Kenta. March 10, 2011. Meta-Kampung: The Third
Concept of Sustainability. Plenary speech at International
Conference on Creative Industry 2011, Bali, Indonesia.
http://icci2011.wordpress.com/
Koolhaas, Rem. April 03, 2009. Sustainability: advancement vs.
apocalypse. Keynote lecture at Ecological Urbanism Conference,
Harvard University. http://www.oma.eu/index.php?option=
com_content&task=view&id=132&Itemid=25
Le Corbusier. 1922. A Contemporary City of Three Million
Inhabitants (Ville Contemporaine). Unrealized plan of urban
development.
WEB AND MEDIA SOURCES
fold this.. 2011.
Camp-on Kampung Exhibition. Web magazine
http://foldmagazine.com/event/camp-on-kampung-exhibition/
Indonesia Kreatif. 2011. Web magazine
Refugees of Future Cities
http://www.indonesiakreatif.net/index.php/id/event/read/
refugees-of-future-cities
Jawa Pos. 2011. Metropolitan section
April 04, April 24 and May 02, 2011
Prastyo, Eddy. 2011. Suara Surabaya. Web magazine
Peneliti Jepang 9 Bulan Blusukan Kampung Surabaya (April 03,
2011)
http://kelanakota.suarasurabaya.net/?id=d75e6b3628622670
f34d54cbbcc4300d201190918
Kampung Jadi Benteng Terakhir Kota Surabaya (April 04, 2011)
http://kelanakota.suarasurabaya.net/?id=d75e6b3628622670
f34d54cbbcc4300d201190926
whiteboard journal. 2011. Web magazine
Refugees of Future Cities
http://whiteboardjournal.com/news/event/refugees-of-futurecities.html
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project could not have been conducted without strong
teamwork by local participants and stakeholders. Kumara
Sadana, Pandu Utomo and Bintang Putra were the local
directors during the whole process. My appreciation also goes to
residents of kampungs Malang Kulon, Plampitan, Lemah Putro,
Tambak Bayan and all the other kampung. Lastly, I would like to
thank staff and students from UBAYA DMP, and students,
lecturers and Mr. Baroto Tavip Indrojarwo (Head of Industrial
Design Department) at ITS DESPRO, a counterpart of this
project.
100 Panel 3
A Mindscape Like No Other?1
Bits and Pieces on the Globalization of Manga Subculture and Visual Identity
Hikmat Darmawan
Introduction
The subculture of manga (Japanese comics) has
become a part of global youth culture, especially since
the late 1990s. Why? Is it because of some internal
quality of manga, such as the superiority of this unique
visual culture? Or is it because of something more
external, like the economic aspect of this cultural
phenomenon? To find answers, the writer visited
Japan and Thailand, where, in journalistic mode, he
observed manga subculture on the street level. In
Tokyo, he set out to observe the perpetual movement
of people, ideas, and things. He found a dynamic
between “inside” and “outside” that has created a
particular mindscape that makes Japanese visual
culture unique. To understand that mindscape is
important in understanding what Donald Richie
called “The Image Factory”, a unique aspect of Japan’s
industrialization process. Within this context, we can
understand more about the globalization of manga
subculture. In some countries, this can be experienced
as a domination of local cultures.
I went to Japan to try to understand the roots of
manga or Japanese comics subculture. I then went on
to Chiang Mai and Bangkok in Thailand, where I saw
the globalization of manga and its impact on the local
comics scene in Thailand.
In Chiang Mai and Bangkok, manga is a given. Just go
to any bookstore, large or small, in either city. Better
yet, go to any of the rental comics shops that are so
prevalent in Chiang Mai. You will find that “comics”
are “manga” there. “It’s a cultural invasion, there’s no
other words for it”, said Penwadee (“Pooh”), a young
female curator working in the Jim Thompson gallery
in Bangkok.
I am very familiar with this phenomenon: the same
thing happened within Indonesia’s comic scene in the
1990s. That is why I became so curious about what
makes manga so popular around the world. What
especially made me curious was the fact that for many
manga enthusiasts in Indonesia, manga culture had
become so embedded in their identity that they could
not help but become “Japanese” to a certain extent
when they expressed themselves.
One of the most talented Indonesian comic artists,
Oyas Sujiwo, said to me that in the 1990s, at the height
of his infatuation with manga subculture, he preferred
to spread the Japanese flag in his home during the
celebration of Indonesian Independence Day on
August 17. Now he says he “knows better”, but he still
doesn’t know why he did it.
I was intrigued as to how this quintessentially Japanese
(pop) culture could be so influential on current youth
culture in far-flung places. I had read Daniel Choo’s
book, Otacool, which is basically a photo album about
Otaku2 (manga fans) around the world. There was
something surreal for me, reading about an adult
Caucasian so in love with Sailor Moon characters and
feeling really “cool”.
I wanted to understand this subculture, the lure, the
seduction, the machination. I wanted to see it from
inside.
Non-methodical research
In Wrong About Japan, Australian novelist Peter
Carey seamlessly chronicled his many initial notions
and assertions about Japan and how they all dissolved
after he got there. Like me, he was driven by curiosity
about what made Japanese popular culture tick, and he
went there on a trip with his son to find out.
At the end of the trip, and of the book, Carey said he
felt that almost all outsiders would find their from-adistance image of Japan quite wrong then they
encounter the reality of being there. But at the end of
the experience, they will have found their own Japan.
This was somewhat damning for my own research. I
wanted to do journalistic research, like Carey’s. His
book made me think that I will be wrong about Japan
and I will find my own Japan anyway. I thought I
might as well experience the unknown fully, then.
MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA THE GLOBALIZATION OF ART, MEDIA AND PERFORMANCE
So I gave up trying to learn the Japanese language. I
went to Japan with some English language books about
the country and about Japanese comics, with some
ideas about where to go, who to speak to, and what to
do, but overall I had the attitude that I was fearlessly
stepping into The Great Unknown. (I lied to myself
about this, of course. In reality, the prospect of living
for nine months inside The Great Unknown was quite
dreadful.)
I also brought with me a belief that the journalistic
approach was basically “the art of being there”. A
journalist should be there, wherever the action is,
wherever the subject of his interest lives. Whatever a
journalist finds there, he or she should write about it
with a rigorous spirit to bring the reader in, too. I
believed that (good) journalistic writing could
transport the reader, albeit virtually, into places where
the journalist has been.
Initially I wanted to spend most of my time in Japan in
Kyoto, quietly researching the rich manga materials in
Kyoto Manga Museum and hanging out in the manga
department in Kyoto Seika University. But after
several days in Tokyo and Kyoto, I felt the need to be
more inside the current Japanese comics scene. Kyoto
is a beautiful city, but I didn’t want my stay in Japan to
be all about temples and picturesque old Japanese
culture. I wanted to experience the more current
Japanese visual culture, and its manga subculture, at
the street level.
So I decided to base myself in Tokyo, and to visit
Kyoto and other cities and towns periodically during
my research between June 2010 and April 2011. The
neon lights, the colorful people who seemed always to
be in a hurry, the noise, the flood of the latest kitsch on
the walls, the constant anxiety about information
overload. Yes, I needed that: to watch closely the
perpetual movement of people, ideas, and things in
Tokyo.
I thought that by being inside all this movement, I
would understand more about the globalization of
manga subculture. Globalization is about movement,
intensified by technology.
No culture is static. Ideas, technologies,
products, and people move from one place to
another. When cultures come into contact
through migration, trade, or the latest
telecommunications devices, they influence each
other… But the pace has changed… Today,
101
because of the telephone, the television, the
internet, telecommunications satellites, world
trade, and long-distance travel, cultural
influences can spread across the planet as fast as
the click of a mouse.3
I moved around Tokyo corners. I tried to be there, to
be inside the visual culture that begat manga
subculture. I talked with people, went to events, tried
to feel the city’s pulse, and wrote several pieces about
what I saw for Indonesian media outlets. I wasn’t an
academic and I’m afraid that my research wasn’t very
methodical from an academic viewpoint. I just tried to
move along with the movement, and to say something
about it.4
Inside, Outside
Inside Japan, I will always be an outsider. But I sensed
that Japan is a country where people have acute
awareness about inside and outside. Take a look at torii,
the gates at the entrance of temples or shrines.
A torii is unattached to any wall and is without any
door. As all gates do, torii mark the demarcation of
outside and inside. But without the physicality of wall
and door, the border between outside and inside
becomes spiritual. Or rather, it becomes virtual.
Could it be that by becoming virtual, the border
becomes stronger?
By making the border virtual, the inside and the outside
become a mindscape. As a mindscape, the inside and
the outside become more present: in the strong notion
about the absolute difference between an outsider and
insider, in the management of spaces in cities, in
“Japanese design” and the ways to enjoy it.
Most Japanese houses and apartments have thin walls
and very small spaces. It is customary that sounds
heard through the thin walls must be handled with
discretion: you must pretend not to hear those sounds.
The natural and acceptable sounds, that is – and here,
we find another work of classification that mostly
operates within a mindscape.
There are acceptable noises from inside a home; the
laughter or wailing of children, a heated argument,
possibly the muffled sound of a couple making love.
There are also unacceptable noises from inside a home,
and that must kept outside; the awkward sound of
102 Panel 3
people learning music instruments, or the sound of
people partying.
Public spaces in Japan also impressed me as places
managed by the same acute sense of inside and outside.
At temples, the outer side of the temple is generally a
place for economic transactions, a market. Walk to the
inside of the temple, and the spaces grow quieter. Walk
beneath the torii, and you are closer to the serene
inside. And then, the temple itself, with its walls and
doors, which are always open: the stillness of the air,
the quiet prayer, a monk moves swiftly without a
sound, and visitors from outside adapt to the soothing
silence.
In the Shibuya area of Tokyo, I felt a similar
arrangement of spaces. There was the Meiji Temple,
one of Tokyo’s biggest and most popular temples.
Between the inner gate near the temple and the outer
gates near Harajuku and Yoyogi stations, there was a
small forest. Outside the outer gates, there was the
lively Yoyogi park. And around that area, there was the
commercial district of Shibuya, Harajuku,
Omotesando with all the noise, crowds and sights.
But what was more important for me was that in
Japan, the inside and the outside are prepared, often
meticulously, to become spectacles. The inside is unlike
the Western kind of inside: this is something
metaphysical, hidden in the dark. The act of bringing it
out is an act of subversion of the kind that is
sometimes necessary to reach some kind of
enlightenment; it always a big, often dramatic, deal.
Roland Barthes addressed this matter in his book,
Empire of Signs, when he analyzed the bunraku theater
and the practice of “bowing” in Japan. About the
theater, he wrote:
Take the Western theater of the last few
centuries; its function is essentially to manifest
what is supposed to be secret (“feelings”,
“situations”, “conflicts”), while concealing the
very artifice of such manifestation (machinery,
painting, makeup, the sources of light). The
stage since the Renaissance is the space of this lie:
here everything occurs in an interior
surreptitiously open, surprised, spied on, savored
by a spectator crouching in the shadows. This
space is theological – it is the space of Sin: on one
side, in a light which he pretends to ignore, the
actor, i.e., the gesture and the word; on the other,
in the darkness, the public, i.e., consciousness.5
Barthes, as a Westerner who had problems with the
Renaissance, was struggling to understand how
bunraku theater works so differently from Western
theater. He understood that there is no hierarchical
relation between inside and outside in bunraku theater.
In Western theater, the inside commands the outside.
The surface acts are always logical consequences of the
inner world. Not so in bunraku theater.
The key is that in bunraku, there is no concealing act
of the artifice of the manifestation of the inside. The
difference between the inside and the outside is not a
big deal in bunraku: it’s just there, and we can watch
both.
In the practice of Japanese politeness, in the practice of
bowing, Barthes found another dynamic of inside and
outside. Again, he tried to understand the Japanese
practice with his own set of (Western) problems:
Occidental impoliteness is based on a certain
mythology of the “person”. Topologically,
Western man is reputed to be double, composed
of a social, factitious, false “outside” and of a
personal, authentic “inside” (the site of divine
communication)… However, as soon as the
“inside” of the person is judged respectable, it is
logical to recognize this person more suitably by
denying all interest to his worldly envelope:
hence it is the supposedly frank, brutal, naked
relation, stripped (it is thought) of all signaletics,
indifferent to any intermediary code, which will
best respect the other’s individual value: to be
impolite is to be true—so speaks (logically
enough) our Western morality.
So he found (or rather, he thought Westerners would
find) the practice of bowing that is as casual as smiling
for the Japanese, an empty gesture. Barthes himself
appreciated the potential meaningfulness of emptiness
in Japan (it is, after all, a typically Zen-thing). Or, more
precisely, he appreciated the meaninglessness of many
things in Japan as opposed to the burden of meaning
that seems omnipotent in Western civilization.
In regard to the dynamics between the inside and the
outside, Japanese people don’t find the very graphic
gesture of bowing as problematic as Western people. It
is, for a Japanese person, a part of a natural thing to do
in the outside world – the world in which they interact
with other people, the world where other people can see
them.
On the street level in Tokyo (also in Kyoto,
Hiroshima, Miyajima island, Yokohama, Osaka, and
some other smaller cities and towns that I visited),
there is a constant flow of these kinds of appearances:
stock gestures, “proper” attitudes, and the “right”
costumes. Bowing is but one gesture that is
immediately recognizable because of its very graphic
character. A Westerner may find it odd compared to
his or own concept of politeness, as Barthes suggested.
Streets and public spaces in Tokyo felt like a big
theater for me. Japanese people extended so many
expressions to other people (to foreigners, and to each
other) that it felt akin to the donning of spectacles. It
wasn’t insincerity. It was just that they couldn’t help it.
It is part of a “manual” on how to appear when in the
presence of the eyes of another.
Hafiz Ahmad is an Indonesian who lives in Chiba,
Tokyo. He is pursuing a doctoral degree in
experimental psychology, and he confirmed my
suspicions. One very hot June day in Odaiba, Tokyo,
Ahmad told me, “Indonesians have so many different
expressions for, say, surprise. In Japan, they always have
the same expressions for surprise. They have
uniformity on other emotions too. When I went to
Disneyland with my Indonesian friends, we were
flabbergasted. We thought, “Can Japanese not say any
other word besides kawaii6 when see something they
find cute?” Every now and then, all day long, we
always, always, heard them shout, “kawaii…!”
“The manual” is a term I picked from a scan of Hideo
Yamamoto’s
manga
titled
Homunkurusu
(Homunculus). This sci-fi/horror manga plays on the
theme of inside and outside in Japanese society very
effectively. It is about Susumu Nakoshi who has the
ability to see “homunculus”, or manifestations of the
inner (troubled) psychology of people around him,
when he closes one eye. He gained this strange ability
after having brain surgery. With this bizarre premise,
Yamamoto manages to provide a sharp social
commentary about contemporary Japan.
103
Toys, clothes, a course in life, all from a manual.
When people like 1775 rebel against their
parents … they follow “the rebellion manuals”.
Burusera, or shoplifting…
And in a way, one of those manuals for the Japanese is
manga. As Marry Grigsby pointed out in her paper
about Sailor Moon, quoted by Wendy Siuyi Wong in
Mechademia Volume 1, the social function of manga in
Japan is to provide readers with
Information about the beliefs, values and
practices of the culture in which they are
conceived.7
With this social function of manga, one could wonder
about the role of manga in the dynamics of the inside
and the outside in Japan. It is a known fact that
Japanese people in real life generally wouldn’t do many
things that “Japanese people” (or characters) do in their
manga. Yet, many Japanese people are really attached to
their comics and identify with the manga characters.
I think that it’s not just about the cathartic function of
manga at work, or mere escapism. It’s about releasing
what they cannot do outside into the inside of their
mindscape. But if manga is containing the inside
thinking or feeling of Japanese people, the manga itself
is something that is out in the open: everybody can
read it, everyone can see it.
So, the inside is in the outside again.
The image factory
The age demanded an image
Of its accelerated grimace…
- Ezra Pound
We established that as the burden of meaning is
omnipotent in the West, image is omnipotent in
Japan.
In Homunculus Vol. 3, Manabu and Nakoshi talk
about an underage girl who works in a sex shop. The
girl is known in the shop simply as number 1775.
Manabu thinks that the girl can only live according to
the “manual”, an unwritten book on how to live one’s
life in contemporary Japan. Manabu analyzes the girl:
We could, as many do, point out that one of the major
factors in this is the use of kanji in the written culture
of Japan. Japanese kanji, adopted from China, as we
know, is basically a pictographic system of writing. It
has shaped the Japanese culture and mindscape
towards a strong affinity with images and visual
culture.
I’m sure that her parents are from the manual
generation. They’ve given 1775 everything…
If we connect this affinity with the dynamics of inside
and outside in Japanese mindscape, we can see that it
104 Panel 3
probably relates to the high degree of spectatorconsciousness in Japanese people.
Donald Richie, one of the most articulate
commentators of all things Japanese for the past 20
years, approaches this with a slight different focus:
Japanese are so “status-conscious”, and that’s why “selfimage is important and new image indicators are in
demand”.8
For Richie, this cultural focus on social status, social
acceptance, or social conformity has played a very
important part in the flourishing of the phenomenon
of fashions and fads in Japan. “This is everywhere true,
but Japanese society includes conformism as a major
ingredient and everyone wanting to do everything at
the same time creates a need which the fad and fashion
factories fill”.9
Fashion, as Richie used the term, is not only about
clothing, but includes trends relating to gadgets,
attitudes, and beliefs. It is something that floats on the
upper layer of the fictionalized “national style” and is
stronger than a somewhat unreliable “fad” (or “a
custom, amusement or the like, followed for a time
with exaggerated zeal”, as Webster’s Unabridged
defined it, quoted by Richie).
Reading this, my mind was transported back to the
days when I roamed the streets of Tokyo and felt that I
was in the middle of a big theater stage. Theater needs
actors and costumes, right? Especially in Japan, where
the performance is all about appearance.
Images are essential; everybody has a role (or roles) to
play, in the street. “Salary man”, “Schoolboys and
girls”, “rebellious youth”, “cool guy”, “dolls”, “cute
girls”, “grand old man”, “Obo-chan (elderly women
who walk around the city with travel bags, usually
homeless)” and so many more. They all have their own
costumes, accessories, and proper gadgets. Somebody
could make a fortune out of this theater.
Indeed somebody (many people) has made fortunes,
for quite a long time now. This is possibly what’s
unique about the Japanese economy: a large portion of
it is the image-based industry and consumption.10
Richie counted many of its manifestations: the kawaii
industry, the sex bazaar, manga culture, pachinko, etc.
But I don’t really share Richie’s view about the cultural
factor shaping Japan’s economy.
There is an affinity between image-culture and
industry in Japan, but it’s not a causal relation. After
World War II, Japan’s severe defeat and its occupation
by America coerced Japan to restructure its economy
and industry.
After the Meiji Restoration in 186811, the economy of
Japan was shaped by both commercial and military
industry. We tend to forget the military characteristics
of the Meiji Restoration, its motives to centralize the
government, and its patriotic values (at least in its early
form) to achieve an equal position with the advanced
countries in the West.
That was why in the early 20th century Japan
developed a natural affinity and partnership with
Germany.12 Japan’s economy was becoming more and
more military-based, and military expansion became a
major drive in developing the overall economy. But
after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945,
Japan’s mighty military regime had to surrender and
military ideas became a taboo.
What was left then was an American model of a
consumption economy. The post-war Showa period
was characterized by the brutal speed of modernization
(a second time for Japan, after its experience in the late
19th century) which lasted until the 1980s. And it is
this economic model that has a great affinity with the
visual culture of Japan.
Take manga for example. After the great Edo period
graphic artist Hokusai introduced and popularized the
term manga, modern comics were born as early as 27
July 1881 with a six-frame cartoon by Honda
Kinkichiro in Kibidango magazine. But the birth of the
manga industry as we know it only began after the war.
At first, post-war manga artists in Japan just wanted to
tell stories to somehow ease the pain and horror that
the children of Japan witnessed during the war.
Professor Saya Siraishi in 2005 once explained this to
the comics community in Jakarta, “After the war,
children in Japan were confused and traumatized.
That’s why manga at first served as an explanation
about what had been going on and as an entertainment
to ease the pain and trauma after the war for Japanese
children around that time”.
One cannot escape Osamu Tezuka when talking about
modern manga history. He began early in post-war
Japan: by 1947, he co-created his first “Red Comic
Books”, an adaptation (one could say, a Japanization)
105
of Treasure Island, and laid down one of the most
important traits of modern manga: a pure visual form
of storytelling, a comic language that relied heavily on
the breakdown of kinetic movement into many panels
to move the story forward, and did not rely on the text.
the manga subculture, and otaku14 subculture in
particular, as a focused and specialized mode of
consumption in the economy of post-war Japan. The
subculture evolved and is still evolving in accordance
with what happened with the economy.
Early in his industrious life, Tezuka also laid down a
model for the manga industry that had a high degree of
compatibility with the consumption-economic model
of the Showa period. That model of the manga
industry was best summarized by Jiwon Ahn, quoted
by Wendy Siuyi Wong, when he talked about anime or
the Japanese animation industry and its “media mix
strategy”:
When the capitalism of the economy reached its later
stage (what is known as, of course, “late capitalism”),
the otaku subculture reached its postmodern stage as
identified by Hiroki Azuma in his seminal work,
Otaku, Japan’s Database Animals. Perpetual
production and reproduction in larger and larger scale,
such as modeled by Osamu Tezuka’s career, is the real
result of the market extension of the manga industry.
Although not necessarily in a chronological
sense, from the original manga (comic book)
series, then the manga is adapted to animated
television series or film features or both formats;
also video production of the animated series
follows… Almost simultaneously, various goods
related to the manga and anime, including
original soundtrack CDs, paperback books,
fanzines, and numerous character merchandises
like action figures, toys, stationery goods,
confectionary products, etc. are distributed in
the market. Also, the release of computer games
based on the manga and anime follows, which in
turn increases the sales of the original manga
series, magazines, books and videos, and spurs
the creation extended.13
This media mix strategy was first conceived by Tezuka,
particularly with his Tetsuwan Atom (Astro Boy)
comics (in 1952) and animation series (in 1963). And
Tezuka himself is a very model of this Japanese
consumption economy: he made more than 150,000
pages of comics, or 700 comic books before his demise
in 1989—and we haven’t counted how many
animation works he made (he is also a pioneer in
experimental animation as well as commercial
animation).
This Showa economy context for the birth of the
manga industry gives us a glimpse of its important
characteristics. First of all, the manga industry and the
subculture it nurtured was a child of the Japanized
American consumption-economy of post war Japan.
The gigantic scale of manga industry, and by extension
its very rich manga subculture, resulted from the brutal
efficiency of this economic model.
It wasn’t because of the power of its content, or its
cultural power. It was economic. And so, we can read
As Richie wrote:
The successful and self-perpetuating factory,
which is Japan’s image enterprise, has operated
for centuries but it is only now, in this age of
instant communication, that it reveals itself as a
major industry.
In this context, the globalization of manga subculture
is only a logical extension of the consumptioneconomy. And in this light, we can also assert that the
globalization of this particular subculture can only
happen when global consumption reaches suitable
conditions for accepting it.
What is so “Japanese” about manga?
At the purest sense, and its simplest notion, global
culture, I think, is just what everybody does (or could do)
regardless of geography. To be sure, the current form of
global culture has international economic forces as a
major force behind it. But when all is said and done,
it’s about people consuming fast food, popular movies
and music, branded clothes, etc., with all of the pros
and cons of that.
And what about identity? It’s only a tweak, I think, of
that situation. A tweak, arising from each country or
location’s unique (1) history, (2) geographical
conditions, and (3) language.
Everybody (this is of course an exaggeration) can eat
McDonald’s now. But Japanese McDonald’s burgers
are actually slightly different from Indonesian
McDonald burgers. The same thing can also be said of
the consumption and production of comics.
Comics everywhere are basically “juxtaposed pictorial
and other images in deliberate sequence, intended to
106 Panel 3
convey information and/or produce an aesthetic
response in the reader”.15 But Japanese comics have a
tweak that we can immediately recognize.
Actually, during the first months when I was
rummaging through used and new comics books in
bookstores in Shinjuku, Shibuya, Jimbocho,
Akihabara, Nakano Broadway, and many other places,
I very much doubted whether there truly was a distinct
visual identity in manga. It’s easy enough to identify
what’s Japanese in the mainstream of manga: the
majority shonen and shojo manga that is dominating
the industry have the same visual style that is
commonly mistaken as “a Japanese comics style”.
Japanese alternative manga or their side-stream
industry which produce works that, at least at the
initial glance, defy common assumption about “manga
style”. It was not that I didn’t know that those
alternative manga existed, but just that I didn’t know
there were so many of them!
I’ve struggled to see approximately 250 volumes of
mangas in Japan, widely varying in style and genre. (I
use the word “see” instead of “read” because I can’t read
the Japanese language yet. And because what I was
trying to understand was the visual identity in Japanese
comics.) I made a matrix of visual elements in Japanese
comics by comparison with European and American
comics tradition.
But I’ve long ago refused to identify Japanese comics
with its “wide eyes” and “cute characters”. And, yes,
that’s exactly what I got: a quite large number of
VISUAL
ELEMENTS/
COMICS
TRADITION
LINES/SHAPE
FIGURATIVE
SHAPE
COLORS
SPACE
TIME
JAPAN
EUROPE
1. Visual tradition from ancient
Chinese civilization: an aesthetic
evolved in the context of heavy
use of brush and ink, and various
kinds of water colors used on
fragile paper.
1. Impressionist-Lyrical
2. Non-Mimesis (2 Dimension) →
Non-Realism → Artisticidealization.
1. Originated from nature/the
colors of Japanese flowers, food,
etc. (the contrasting but calm
colors of Japanese nature).
1. Visual tradition since the
Renaissance: logical, within a
well-established discipline of art
in art school and other art
institutions.
1. Visual tradition from media
tradition (cartoons from
Benjamin Franklin) and pulp
fiction: semi-logical,
autodidactic.
1. Physiognomy
2. Mimesis → Realism → Logicalidealization
1. Stereotype
2. Mimesis → Realism →
Fantastic-idealization.
1. Originated from Fine Art
tradition (with references to
their fine art schools and
periods).
1. Originated from the printed
media tradition (With the birth
of strip comics Yellow Kidas the
first colorful printed comics in
US) → continued in Pulp fiction
tradition (contrast and
aggressive colors)
1. Space as a backdrop of a story →
space inside a panel is a support
for texts, an illustration.
1. Kukan/Supesu: empty spaces are 1. The clear line tradition, from
Hergé (Tintin series) which is
not empty.
also known as a democratic
2. Ma: the principle of space equals
approach to draw spaces in
time: the image of space signifies
comics: everything in the room
the flow of time.
must be drawn equally clearly.
1. A focus on moment (Zen Time) 1. Chronological/linear times
2. Ideas of movement.
→ Time as mosaic.
2. “An individual expanding itself,
becoming one with the nature/
cosmos” → time becoming one
with movement.
AMERICA
1. Chronological /linear time, with
focus on action → The ideas of
Action
A Lighthearted Characteristic
Beside those visual styles I found in manga, there is also
an interesting assertion from Taiyo Matsumoto, a
young manga artist known for his much-praised
Tekkin Konkurito (Black & White) and Go Go
Monster.
In his youth, Taiyo traveled to Paris and America, in
search of the essence of style in European and
American comics. He found that European comics
tend to be intellectual, while American comics tend to
be cool. And he concluded that Japanese comics tend to
be lighthearted.
When I looked closely at my manga collection, I felt
that the “lighthearted” traits Taiyo perceived applied
not just to the way the stories developed but to the
visual nature of the story telling too.
The visuals of manga, with all their over-the-top
humorous takes on everything, felt like a feast of mortal
moments, a jubilation in everything that is ephemeral.
No logic, no burden of meanings, no biblical scale of
battles between good and evil, just laughter, games,
poses, cute things, and the joy of an imagination in
which anything goes. The seriousness in manga is often
very playful. There is always a detached view of the
world lurking behind most of the high drama in manga
stories.
Thailand: an affirmation of domination
And then, I went to Thailand. First, to Bangkok for a
few days; and then to Chiang Mai for another two and
half months of research. After the cold climate and the
stress from the Great Tohoku Earthquake of 11 March
2011, the dust and the heat in Chiang Mai felt like a
first step in my eventual destination, the equally dusty
and hot Jakarta.
“In Thailand, there is no such thing as comics”, said
Pooh, in the library of the Jim Thompson Art Center,
one rainy afternoon. “We don’t usually use the term
“comics”. We use the term ‘cartoon’, and it is used for
comics, cartoons, drawings for cover art, and
animation”.
It is true. My dear friend in Chiang Mai, Jay Santiphap,
a documentary filmmaker who I met in Yokohama
during his artist residency program in 2010, once gave
me three books with cartoon covers, and said
107
enthusiastically, “I want to show you a legendary Thai
cartoonist! He was very popular when I was a kid!”
When I opened the books, they weren’t comic books
or cartoons at all. They were storybooks for children,
with cartoon illustrations here and there.
But there is now a whole lot of manga everywhere.
They are translated into the Thai language, whose
script is more similar to Javanese than Japanese script.
Along Suthep Road near my apartment in Chiang
Mai, I found at least 10 comic rental shops with most
of their books being manga.
Are there no Thai comics? Of course there are some
Thai comics. Actually, the history of popular Thai
comics began as early as the Siamese Revolution of
1932. After the revolution, Thailand had many
popular comics such as Sang Thong and Khun Maun
comics, which adapted the Popeye and Mickey Mouse
comics for local readers. In 1952, Thailand’s first
indigenous comic book series for children was
introduced: Tuk Ka Ta, written by Pimol Kalasee.
Traditionally, ghost stories and humorous comics are
the main genres produced in Thailand.
But there was no advance consumption-economy in
Thailand. There is no industrial approach attached to
Thailand’s own comics, unlike the brutally effective
approach in Japan.
Pooh said that this was because Thailand’s popular
culture has no roots, but I still think it’s an economic
thing. A case in point, Pooh also thinks that American
popular culture has no roots, and look at how big
popular culture industry is in America. (Of course, I
don’t share her opinion about the rootedness of
American popular culture either.)
And so, economically speaking, Thai comics are
vulnerable from the surge of cultural product from
more developed countries such as America and Japan.
In manga’s case, the penetration of the Thai market
began in the late 1970s or early 1980s. “I have read
manga and watched anime since I can remember”, said
Jay Santiphap, who is in his late thirties.
Fusanosuke Natsume, in his research on manga
influence in Thailand and Indonesia under the API
fellowship program, divided Thai comics into two
main categories. First, the traditional Thai comics, sold
on newsstands at very cheap prices (five baht). Second,
comics of Japanese origin, targeted at children of the
new middle class. And now, there is a new trend of
108 Panel 3
Thai comics by local youth with the style of shojo and
shonenmanga, supported by the same constituents as
Japanese comics in Thailand, sold in bookstores with a
rather expensive price (around 50 baht).
I found myself attracted to the cheap Thai comics. The
format is very similar to Indonesian cheap comics that
usually contain religious and humorous themes. They
are also very similar to the Red Comics Books that
began the manga industry in Japan.
When I held those cheap Thai comics, I thought, here
it is, an affirmation of the domination of the manga
industry: this cheap comic, with its cheap paper and poor
print quality, sold on the periphery of the market, outside
the formal institution of the market (the immaculately
shiny bookstores). Who knows what the future holds for
you, O marginalized one?
5
Roland Barthes, Empire of Signs, translated by Richard
Howard. 1982. Hill and Wang, New York.
6
Kawai is a contemporary Japanese word, usually translated as
“cute”. It has becomes a subculture in itself, the Japanese
affinity and excitement for all things cute, known as “Kawai
culture”.
7
Mary Grigsby, “‘Sailormoon’: ‘Manga (Comics)’ and ‘Anime
(Cartoon)’
Superheroine
Meets
Barbie:
Global
Entertainment Commodity Comes to the United States,”
Journal of Popular Culture 32 (1998): 65, quoted by Wendy
Siuyi Wong, “Globalizing Manga: From Japan to Hong Kong
and Beyond,” Mechademia Volume 1, University of
Minnesota Press, 2006.
8
Donald Richie, The Image Factory: Fads & Fashions in
Japan. 2003. Reaktion Books, London.
9
Donald Richie, idem.
10
One could dispute this assertion quite easily. What about
Hollywood? Yes, for a long time, the USA could claim
supremacy in the world’s “image-based industries”. But
despite its size in the world, the American image-based
industry is much smaller than its military industry. In Japan,
the motor industry is the country’s largest, and one could
argue that it is partly a life-style based industry and partly an
image-related industry.
11
Many equate the Meiji Restoration with the opening up of
Japan to foreign (Western) influence after long isolation.
Actually, the first time Japan opened its doors to Western
influence was in 1854, with the treaty of amity with the
United States, and continuing in 1858 with commercial
treaties signed with the US, The Netherlands, Russia,
England, and France. But the treaties did not place Japan on
an equal footing. The Western countries considered Japan as
an underdeveloped country. The Japanese gradually realized
that they were not equals to the Westerners, so they sped up
modernization so they could demand a more equal position.
The Meiji Restoration itself was a restructuring process of the
government system into a more modern (more centralized)
system from the earlier feudalistic system.
12
I found out about this after I asked around about what is so
fascinating about Germany for a Japanese, so much so that we
can find many German references in the comics of Osamu
Tezuka and Naoki Urasawa?
13
Wendy Siuyi Wong, idem.
14
As defined by Hiroki Azuma, a self-proclaimed otaku who
happened to be a philosopher, otaku is: “…a general term
referring to those who indulge in forms of subculture strongly
linked to anime, video games, computers, science fiction,
special-effects, anime figurines, and so on….”ept This
definition can be found in his book, translated by Jonathan E.
Abel and Shion Kono, Otaku, Japan’s Database Animals,
University of Minnesota Press, 2009.
15
A well-known, and much debated, definition of comics from
Scott McCloud’s seminal work, Understanding Comics,
1993. Tundra Publishing.
And I still don’t have a clear understanding on why
Oyas Sujiwo was compelled to spread a Japanese flag
during Indonesian Independence Day. I just know that
he doesn’t do that anymore.
NOTES
1
This paper is a first draft and is still in development.
Nonetheless, I dedicate the paper to Rika Febriyani, without
whom my journey would not be possible. I am also grateful to
many others who have helped me, especially Krisnadi
Yuliawan, my chief editor in Rumahfilm.org, Rane Hafiedz
in Tokyo, Ade Armando and Putut Widjanarko in Jakarta,
and Jay Santhipap in Chiang Mai. And of course, to all the
helpful board members and staff of the Nippon Foundation,
API Fellowship program.
2
The popular Japanese term “otaku” has a slightly different
meaning outside Japan then the original Japanese meaning. I
will get back to this difference later, but for now, suffice to say
that the term is used by Daniel Choo for a group of people
around the world (usually youth) who are immersed in
manga and anime (Japanese animation) subculture.
3
4
Millennium in Maps: Culture, a supplement for the Global
Culture issue of National Geographic, vol. 196, no. 2, August
1999.
As promised to the API Fellowships Program in Jakarta, I am
writing a journalistic book about the globalization of manga
subculture and visual identity. This work is still in process.
But as it turned out, my stay in Japan was very inspiring and I
have already completed a manuscript about my first month
there, titled Sebulan di Negeri Manga (A Month in Manga
Country). The manuscript is now on the process of being
published in Jakarta.
109
Mapping Kyoto: An Artist’s Perspective
M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha
Introduction
a. Project’s Context
In 2005, as a reaction to the continuous displacement
of his hometown’s numerous historic buildings due to
—rather ironically— the rapidly-increasing tourism
industry, the author embarked on a self-commissioned
project involving several relevant communities, to map
most of those buildings and publish the result in a
book illustrated with hundreds of watercolor sketches
done during the mapping activities. Since then, the
book has evolved into a series, each one representing a
major city in Indonesia.
The result, however, is a limited success since the
displacement process has continued since then: of 180
historic buildings featured in the first book, eight
privately-owned buildings have since been demolished,
largely due to the perception that business in old
buildings is usually not profitable. It seems that the
public needs more samples of financially sustainable
privately-endorsed preservation efforts, and we need to
publish a more diverse range of materials in order to
reach a wider audience. This is an omnipresent issue
common to all historic building preservation efforts
throughout the world and, thus, we need to learn from
the best examples.
Listed among the world’s best heritage cities, Kyoto
clearly offers a wealth of samples of this kind. It is an
excellent example (showcase? Exemplar? Model?) of
how numerous world-scale cultural heritages sit sideby-side with the most advanced modernization icons
of today. More importantly, it also offers a range of
excellent examples of how a vast number of established
business owners (shinise) capitalize on the preservation
of their historic buildings as an important aspect of
their business.
Another reason for choosing Kyoto is that Japan is
basically a cartographically-conscious society. The
country’s earliest map was drawn in the 7th century
CE. Numerous Kyoto maps from the Edo period (17th
century CE) that accurately portray the city’s features
—even individual land parcels — are extant to this
day. Japan is also familiar with illustrated popular
publications: the most obvious and contemporary
example, of course, being the omnipresent industry of
Japanese comics, whose aesthetics has permeated all
kinds of media. Even the most detailed map is
presented in an irresistible kawaii (cute) fashion. Thus,
a visitor to present-time Kyoto will immediately find
that —compared to other tourist-destination cities in
other countries — Kyoto offers a lot more of tourismoriented navigational publications customized to fit all
kinds of interests and different seasons.
b. Objectives
The objectives of this study are twofold: (1) to study
and categorize various mapping objects and methods
employed in numerous thematic maps of Kyoto; and
(2) to produce a copy-ready script for an illustrated
sketchbook of Kyoto City,1 similar to a previous book
series by the author.
c. Significance
By accomplishing the first objective, the author wishes
to identify various potential city resources that should
be incorporated in any historic preservation-related
maps and to present them in a structured and
interesting way. Accomplishing the second objective
will enable the author to learn about Kyoto’s various
realistic, workable solutions for the classic conflict
between a city’s persistent nature to modernize and the
urge to maintain its established urban scape and
character.
d. Methodology
The project will mainly consist of two activities:
1. A map-making activity, with sub-activities such
as:
• A literature study on Kyoto’s history to
determine the scope and method of the field
survey, as well as its analysis method
• Field surveys focused on collecting data on
privately-endorsed preservation efforts, as well
as map samples. It is crucial to get map samples
that are as diverse as possible.
110 Panel 3
• Interviews with locals to identify and confirm
important resources
2. Producing an illustrated book will consist of
such sub-activities as:
• Re-drawing the resulting map, as the direct
outcome of the map-making activity
• Writing a script in order to present the
outcome of the activity in a more structured,
comprehensive way
• Creating illustrations in watercolor
• Preparing a layout design
To determine what objects should be included in the
illustrated sketchbook, the author applied a mapping
method similar to those of Green Map™, an
environmental movement established in 1995 that has
spread to 55 countries since then. Basically, it is a
specifically-themed map collaboratively created by
local communities to identify both environmental
resources and problematic spots around their
neighborhood that were then marked in a custom map
using an established set of icons. The icon set is
copyrighted and to use it (and other Green Map™’s
resources) the user has to be registered; thus, Green
Map™ usage is rather exclusive. However, with the
advance of the Internet and GPS technology, similar
methods are also provided by a number of online,
editable map services such as Openstreetmap™, Google
Maps™, Wikimapia™, Bing Maps™, and MapFan™
(Japan only). Although Openstreetmap™ is arguably
the most versatile of all, the author chose Google
Maps™ for its popularity.
Substantive Results
a. Historic Preservation in Japan: The Leading
Edge
Japan is, perhaps, among the most advanced countries
in the world when it comes to historic preservation.
Their first comprehensive list of historic artifacts was
compiled in 1871, largely as a reaction to a nation-wide
movement known as haibutsu kishaku several years
earlier, when a large number of Buddhist temples and
artifacts were destroyed in an attempt to “purify”
Japan. In 1897, the government enacted the Ancient
Temples and Shrines Preservation Law, which, as its
name implies, focused on protecting historic religious
buildings and artifacts. However, in the early 20th
century, modernization also transformed the
landscape and posed a threat to historic and natural
monuments, which led to the enactment of the
Historical Sites, Place of Scenic Beauty, and Natural
Monuments Preservation Law in 1919. This was
extended further by a 1929 law, which extended
protection to all public and private institutions, and
individual estates such as family castles, private shops,
and residences. Another law was passed after the Great
Depression in 1933 to prevent the international
trading of important artifacts. In 1955, those laws were
finally merged under one comprehensive law, thereby
(or effectively) incorporating intangible cultural
artifacts such as the performing arts and making it
among the most comprehensive historic preservation
laws in the world.
In the 1960s, the destruction of historic sites in several
cities brought forth citizen’s protests that eventually
led to the enactment of the Law for the Preservation of
Ancient Capitals in 1966. In 1975, the law was
expanded to also include important districts with
groups of historic buildings. Along with the
decentralization of the urban planning authority to the
municipality level, citizen’s participation in historic
preservation efforts began.
In 1972, Kyoto Municipality passed the City
Ordinances on Urban Landscape, making it the
nation’s first on such subject. Several historic districts
(Gion Shimbashi, Sanneizaka) were designated as
preservation areas under this ordinance. More districts
were added to the various categories of preservation
areas between 1996 and 2003. In 2007, the New
Landscape Policy was enacted. It strictly regulated all
aspects of individual buildings (height, materials,
colors, design features) that may affect the overall
character of the landscape in those preservation areas.
b. The Decline of Kyo-Machiyas
Although the local ordinances have resulted in a more
consistent landscape character such as those of
Sanneizaka’s and Gion, the designation of certain
districts as preservation areas creates a new problem in
those areas not traditionally intended as main tourist
areas. While numerous existing traditional Kyoto-style
shops (kyo-machiyas) have flourished along the touristcrowded paths of Sanneizaka and Gion, a large number
of kyo-machiyas are located within the now declining
residential and industrial areas due to the prolonged
economic crisis that has been persisting for almost 20
years. A 2008 survey on kyo-machiya shows that of the
50,000 machiyas within the city, more than 20% exist
within the Nishijin area, a declining textile-producing
district within the central portion of the city.
The kyo-machiya owners have limited options to
upgrade their houses due to the new policy; further,
maintaining a kyo-machiya is not easy. The wooden
structures are often cold during winter and extremely
hot during Kyoto’s summer. Living inconveniences,
the risk of earthquakes and fires, the expensive costs of
repair, and high inheritance taxes are often cited as the
primary reasons for not living in a kyo-machiya (Kyoto
Center for Community Collaboration 2009). In fact,
923 kyo-machiyas (9.4%) within the Nishijin area had
perished within a five-year period (2003-2008). This
happened even after the City Planning Bureau devised
two plans to revitalize the district.
In 1998 (revised in 2004), the bureau planned to
create a Business-Residential Special Use District
through a broad-based partnership between residents,
businesses, and government. It was followed in 2000
by the Kyo-Machiya Revitalization Plan to promote
the reuse of kyo-machiya as new shops, small offices,
ateliers, and public service facilities, as well as to create
support networks to preserve them (City of Kyoto
2000). The Kyo-machiya House Development Fund
in the Kyoto Center for Community Collaboration
even opted for the most direct (and expensive)
approach to reverse the trend, by funding the
renovations of the selected Kyo-machiyas and partially
converting those into public facilities. But the fund’s
financial and technical capacities were somehow
limited: only seven machiyas were renovated in 2006,
and 12 machiyas in 2007.2
Kyo-machiya’s reputation, however, is not always
associated with backwardness. If maintained properly,
a kyo-machiya’s image will easily be associated with the
established and well-cultured. Most of Kyoto’s shinise
(established shops that have been in business for at
least a century) prefer to retain their original kyomachiya shop, even if that would mean having to
purchase an additional shop, that is, the one adjacent
to it.3 One particular book that covers most of Kyoto’s
shinise, namely, Old Kyoto: A Guide to Traditional
Shops, Restaurants, and Inns by Diane Durston is
extremely popular among tourists. Its 20th edition
came out in 2005, with the first revised edition
published in 2000 or almost 20 years after the first
edition. This fact shows that those traditional shops
still possess their original appeal among Kyoto’s
foreign visitors.
111
This particular “exclusive” image also contributes
greatly to the recently (2011) emerging trends among
Kyoto’s young designers, artists, and startup
entrepreneurs: to rent and share a kyo-machiya for
their studios and shops.4 Sharing is a good strategy to
lower the cost of renting and maintaining the whole
machiya, while retaining its well-cultured and exclusive
image, and giving the customers more choices (thus
increasing their visiting time).
c. Promotions as a Means of Survival
Another important aspect of any business is about how
to make oneself visible. Promoting the business both
online and offline (through brochures and booklets) is
paramount for those who run their businesses in a kyomachiya, especially those who cater to the muchneeded foreign tourists. Tourists are usually quite
hesitant to enter a traditional kyo-machiya, mainly due
to the traditional Japanese’s discreet nature of doing
business rather than displaying a vast array of products
and leaving the door wide open. Original kyo-machiya
shops usually keep their doors closed and merely hang
a noren (a piece of curtain cloth imprinted with the
shop’s insignia) on their front door as a sign that their
shop is open for business.
Figure 1. A noren hung on the closed front door of a machiya,
indicating that the shop is open for business.
112 Panel 3
Another factor that adds to the hesitation of tourists is
the fact that the Japanese use a completely different
address system. Whereas Western countries usually use
a linear address system such that houses facing the
same street would be using the same street name and
an incremental set of numbers, the Japanese use a socalled nested spatial system whereby an address is first
defined by the largest spatial unit (shi, equivalent to a
municipality), followed by its subunit (ku), then its
sub-sub-unit (cho, equivalent to a neighborhood of
approximately 30 houses), and finally, by the lot
number (Nitschke 2003). This results in a seemingly
confusing address system, with houses across the same
street using a completely different address name and a
seemingly random address number. Finding an address
in Japan is simply an impossible task for the first time
Western visitor.
Thus, providing promotional information beforehand
will surely boost the tourist’s confidence in making
transactions with kyo-machiyas. This provision of
information is now being done by most young
entrepreneurs online (via the Internet) and offline (via
brochures, booklets and other printed materials).
d. Online Maps of Kyoto: A Matter of Depth
A map is always an essential element in those
promotional materials, both online and offline. The
most influential factor that affects the current public
usage of those maps, however, was the development of
editable, online map services. MapFan™ (800 thousand
visitors a day5) and the more commercially-oriented
Mapion™ (1.4 million visitors a day) are among the
leaders of the online map providers in Japan.
Combined with GPS-enabled mobile-phone and
mobile-web applications, those providers are heavy
contenders for the top position Google Maps, the
worldwide leader, enjoys in Japan’s market. Five years
ago, Mapion had already invented the “point-based
search” technology, in which users can point mobile
phones toward virtually any business location,
billboard, or geographical area to access information
(BusinessWire.com 2006). To compete with Google
Streetview™ (not available in most countries, but
almost always available in any Japanese middle-sized
town) that enables the user to navigate along a virtual
street, Mapion has devised a new, three-dimensional
technology that enables the viewers to experience the
simulation of depth on their computer screens.
Despite these advanced technologies, most of kyomachiya-based businesses that promote online prefer
to create their own, customized mobile-oriented map,
using the online map services only as a base map. This
is due to the facts that Japanese mobile devices are
highly advanced and, in Japan, most websites are
accessed more often via those devices than a computer.
The users usually prefer the much simpler and quick
nature of customized maps, as it takes but a single
mouse click to get the location info in a customized
map, compared to a few more clicks deep in an online
map provider’s main page. A customized, speciallythemed map conveys only relevant information, thus
avoiding prolonged download time as well as
“information overload” so ubiquitous in most Japanese
web pages.
e. Offline (or Printed) Maps of Kyoto: Selecting the
Right Information
The selective nature of a customized online map also
applies to offline (or printed) maps. Even more, with
its limited capacity and availability, a printed map has
to be extremely selective in conveying information and
necessitates suitable distribution points. Based on their
theme, these maps are broadly categorized into the
following:
1. Mapping by Region
This map category is usually designed for the
general, first-time visitors who do not have
particular interests or specific destinations. In
these maps, every object of interest is featured,
thereby potentially generating confusion if not
chosen selectively. To avoid such confusion, the
objects are usually organized into major objects
(such as city landmarks), and into one to two
levels of minor objects. Most official maps
(published by local authorities) fall in this
category. For example, maps of Takao
(www.kyo-takao.com), an area north of Kyoto,
features several temples, scenic spots, historic
bridges, and even traditional wood logging
activities within one single map. This type of
map is mainly distributed at the entry points to a
specific area, such as in bus/train stations and
airports
2. Mapping by Object
This map category is usually designed for specialinterest tourists. Most commercial maps fall into
this particular category. As Kyoto is a historic
city, the most typical of its maps are historically-
themed ones featuring gardens, temples, castles,
and palaces. The more specific maps usually
consider the said city landmarks merely as
starting points for finding more specific spots or
objects. The specially-themed maps usually
cover:
Historic/religious buildings and sites. One
interesting map is the Higashiyama Roadside
Buddha Statue Map featuring several statues
within the Higashiyama area (Southeastern
Kyoto). It depicts different manifestations of
Buddha
(Furebotoke,
Sawaribotoke,
Iyashihotoke), as well as some other objects
thought to possess healing properties. The
map encourages visitors to this area to touch
those objects in certain ways to earn merit.
Another map encourages visitors to collect
and stick a series of shuin (temple’s official
stamp) on a certain portion of their map. The
bearer of the completed map receives a special
souvenir as his or her prize.
Natural Features. One example: The
KYOTO
TRAIL
MAP
(http://
kaiwai.city.kyoto.jp/raku/kanko_top/
kyoto_trail_en.html) is a paid map that
features a hiking course covering about 70
kilometers. The hike starts from Fushimi
Inari Taisha Shrine (southeast of the city),
leading to Mount Hiei, Ohara and Kurama
areas, Takao, Arashiyama, and, finally, to
Koke-dera Temple on the west side.
Accommodation and Commercial Facilities
(inns, shops, cafes). This is, perhaps, the most
abundant and most costly map of all. Usually,
it comes in the form of a thick booklet or
even a pocket book. The publication
(production) of the map is usually subsidized
by advertisements, which somehow affects its
objectivity. Some maps are even sold at a
profit. There are also maps of this type that
combine several types of maps within a single
publication.
Other special interests. A map that falls
under this category would be the Map of the
Art Museum in Kyoto that features Kyoto’s
numerous public and private art museums,
complete with exhibition schedules and a list
of the famous artworks in the museum. In a
sense, Diane Durston’s book Old Kyoto which
was mentioned earlier is also a special interest
113
map, albeit with larger sections devoted to
detailed explanations on the featured objects.
3. Mapping by Distance and Mode of
Transportation
This map category is extremely effective for
those users whose times are limited. The
coverage area is usually defined by the amount of
time needed to reach all the featured objects
(destinations?) on a predestined path, using
certain modes of transportation (walking, riding
a bike, riding a car, or even taking the train). For
example, the KYOTO WALKING MAP
features interesting objects and scenic spots that
are reachable within 20 minutes of walking.
Another map features objects and scenic spots
that accessible along a specific railroad route, the
train being the most popular transportation
mode in Japan. The Uji Walking Map,
published by Japan Railway (JR) Company
features additional information such as walking
time and distance from each object(destination),
with the starting and ending points (naturally)
being at the nearest JR train station.
It is worth noting that most major railway
companies in Japan are actively engaged in
promoting tourist destinations. Different
banners for different seasons are hung inside the
train’s cabin, advertising various tourist events
and destinations along the train’s route. Every
spring, Randen—the only streetcar operator left
in Kyoto—proudly advertises its scenic route
(lined with sakura trees in full bloom) to
Arashiyama, while on certain summer nights,
Eizan Railway happily conveys large crowds of
tourists to the north to witness the Kurama Fire
Festival, for free.
4. Mapping by Calendrical Events
This map category is perhaps unique to Japan. It
includes maps that feature regular events and
festivals, especially those held to celebrate the
change in seasons. Celebrating a change in
season is always a huge event in Japan, with
thousands of locals visiting one spot after
another within days, vying for the perfect
hanami (sakura blossom-viewing party) spot in
spring, or the perfect momiji (maple leaf party)
spot in autumn. To appreciate the fullyblooming sakura or the brilliant red maple leaf, it
is crucial to arrive on the right spot at the right
114 Panel 3
time. Kyoto is the nation’s favorite place for
celebrating the change of season, and the Kyoto
Sakura Map, the special map that plots the best
hanami or momiji spot on a certain date, is
extremely helpful. Yahoo® Japan has, in fact,
devised a special mobile-map application to
indicate in percentage the blooming progress of
sakura flowers in favorite hanami or momiji
spots.
5. Mapping by Period
The existence of a series of old Kyoto maps,
some dating back to the 17th century AD, has
enabled some cartographers to put layer upon
layer of maps chronologically, thus simulating
the development of Kyoto year after year. A
particular publication stands out for this kind of
map: the Time Trip Map by Jidai Map
(www.jidaimap.jp). A layer of transparent map
(made from a vellum sheet) is laid on top of
another transparent map, thus enabling the
viewer to see chronologically all the gradual
changes that the city has been through. A
research done in Kyoto Ritsumeikan University
takes the experience further by reconstructing
the entire city in certain eras using old maps, GIS
data and computer-generated building models.
Several layers of these city models are then laid
virtually on top of each other, to enable the
viewer to simulate the urbanscape changes in
three-dimensional form.
Most of these offline maps have their digital,
downloadable versions as well, mainly for
environmental reasons rather than as a matter of
convenience. This digital version may gain popularity
in the future, mostly due to the rapid development of
lightweight tablet computers such as Apple® iPad™.
Nevertheless, the printed-version is more ubiquitous
and is easier to use, making it simply irreplaceable in
the near future.
C. User Responses and the Participation of Local
Communities
Due to limited resources, the author did not
commence a full-scale survey to obtain a
comprehensive account of the users’ responses to the
maps. Rather, the author relied on the interpretation
of data obtained from a series of existing map-making
efforts (ca.2000-2006). Those were undertaken mostly
to comprise an important step in the machi-zukkuri
(“town-planning”) decision-making process, for which
locals were involved in communal mapping efforts to
identify potentials and drawbacks within their
neighborhood. Satoshi Otsuki et al. (2006) questioned
the effectiveness of those so-called “map-making
methods”. Based on his findings, he concluded that
their effectiveness would significantly increase if the
users were directly involved in the process.
Otsuki thus implies two user categories according to
their degree of participation:
1. Users who are directly involved in the mapmaking process, usually local inhabitants or local
businesses.
2. Those who are not directly involved in the mapmaking process (especially tourists).
a. For them, the goals, scopes and boundaries
of those maps must be clearly indicated;
b. As far as they are concerned, there is a lack
of detailed information in those maps due
to the media’s limited capacity;
c. Disorganized, confusing information
commonly found on certain maps are
usually intended to cater to users who are as
varied as possible. A specialized map is
more effective.
According to the author’s observation, the first user
category usually plays an important role in new and/or
small-scale tourist destinations, where the lack of a
comprehensive source of information usually
facilitates more intensive interaction between the
locals and the visitors. This was observed during the
author’s brief visit to Miyazu Town, north of Kyoto.
Miyazu is a small, sleepy place located near the famous
Amano-Hashidate (“Heaven’s Bridge”), one of the top
three major natural tourist destinations in Japan.
However, due to the lack of other tourist destinations,
the duration of the tourist’s visit to Miyazu is usually
rather brief. Miyazu’s Town Council had developed a
tourist map involving a large number of locals who
could identify interesting spots and objects previously
known only to locals. This move has also prepared the
city inhabitants to interact more intensively with
tourists in the future, an important factor in creating a
warm, welcoming impression.
The line between those users who are directly involved
and those only indirectly involved in the map-making
process, however, started to blur recently. The
development of online (internet) map technology has
enabled virtually all kinds of participants, even
occasional tourists, to be directly involved in the mapmaking process. This is similar to Lonely Planet’s
method of authoring travel books: readers actually
collect and supply the information in Lonely Planet’s
books. On the other hand, some online map providers
like Google Maps™ and Openstreetmap™ have enabled
users to collaboratively build their own maps using
both default and customized icons. Thus, a group of
local citizens can simultaneously and collaboratively
work on the map, pinpointing both local resources and
hazards that affect the quality of their environment.
Technically known as Public Participation in
Geographical Information Systems (PPGIS), it has the
“enormous potential for community involvement in
policy-setting and decision-making by local
governments” (Setoet al. 2009). PPGIS enables the
user to tag various attributes to a location on the map.
In a major kyo-machiya survey (2008-2009), a group of
Historic
115
scientists from Kyoto Ritsumeikan University applied
this PPGIS method to assess the physical conditions of
Nishijin’s kyo-machiyas, as well as to identify certain
locations considered as “scenic spots” with aesthetic
potentials by the residents. The result was later
uploaded to the Web, using Google Maps as
a basemap. Google Maps’ capability has enabled
the Green Map™ movement in 2009 to launch
its collaborative online mapping network,
OpenGreenMap.org.
D. Implications/Follow-ups
These extensive mapping knowledge and skills
acquired while in Kyoto would greatly help the author
in raising the public’s appreciation and awareness of
historic buildings in his hometown (Bandung). It
would also help privately-owned historic buildings to
survive financially by effectively promoting their
businesses. However, there are significant differences
between the two cities, and some adjustments/
solutions need to be made, as follows:
Local Conditions
Kyoto
Bandung
Local tourists
International tourist
destination, focused on
destination focused on
retail-based tourism.
historic tourism.
Information and
Information on those
objects is easy to obtain. promotion on historic
tourism are limited.
Adjustments
The offline map should serve primarily as a promotional
material and must be deployed in main entry points to
the city (bus/train/travel stations, airports).
Concerned individuals/communities should be
encouraged to provide detailed information online.
Social media must be used to generate interest in
historic tourism.
Retail-based tourism must be combined with historicbased tourism.
Legislation
Communities
Local Conditions
Kyoto
Bandung
Supportive preservation Weak preservation laws
laws and local ordnances on the national level, with
limited implementation
on the local level. No
preservation ordinances
existed for privatelyowned objects.
No strong neighborhood
Existing local cho
communities nor local
(neighborhood-scale
communal events. Most
communities)
public events are held by
traditionally bound by
religious rituals (matsuri) small special-interest
communities such as
and local shrines
cycling, photograph, and
auto communities.
Adjustments
The map should be designed to raise awareness on
preservation issues among local inhabitants. Its value to
property and local businesses should be established
(made known?).
Create a series of special interest maps that combine
certain activities with historical backgrounds or
buildings. For example, a Historic Cycling Map could
combine Bandung historic spots with cycling activities.
116 Panel 3
Financial
Culture
Technology
Government funding for
nationally designated
objects.
Preservation fund to
acquire and preserve
historic buildings is
virtually nonexistent.
Most preserved buildings
Most significant historic
are owned by private
companies or individuals. buildings are stateowned.
Special tax incentives on
No tax incentives at the
the local level.
local level.
Familiarity with maps of Not familiar with maps.
Usually relies on verbal
all purposes and
direction.
complexities.
Highly developed
mapping and placefinding technology in
mobile devices.
Limited mobile
technology.
Based on his experience in Kyoto, the author is
currently working on the following projects:
The publication of the Kyoto in Watercolour,
preferably in Japan. The author also plans to
hold a charity exhibition to sell reproductions
and original versions of some of his works. Funds
generated from these activities will be given to
the Tohouku earthquake recovery program.
Inspired by the shuin-collecting map, the author
has already embarked on a pilot project to
encourage local tourists to explore the relatively
neglected part of Bandung’s old town, by
creating a so-called Bandung Treasure Map. The
concept is simple:
• Create a network with Bandung’s well-known
designers to design 10 categories of souvenirs
unique to Bandung. Each category would
consist of three to five product items. Each
category will be produced in a craft-producing
area within the city, thus creating a muchfavored link between designers and craftsmen,
enabling the latter to improve on their
products.
• The souvenirs will be sold in certain locations
within the old town area, preferable in old
shops (similar to “shinise” in Kyoto) currently
struggling to survive. This will give those
shops some unique “branding”, and will enable
them to survive and even diversify their
merchandise.
The activities promoted by the map should create
economic benefits for the owner as well as the local
communities.
Promoting preservation efforts should be a CSR
(Corporate Social Responsibility) activity.
Held special map-reading events (such as “treasure
quest” with unique prizes) to foster mapping skills
among the youth.
Create a series of “you-are-here” map featuring
Bandung’s important and popular spots, imbued with
historic information.
Concerned individuals/communities should be
encouraged to provide detailed information online.
Use social media to increase interest in historic tourism.
• Publish a free Bandung Treasure Map
brochure featuring a “treasure trail” that
connects all the shops together, along with
detailed descriptions of the souvenirs. The
users will be encouraged to collect a stamp
from each shop, and a special prize will be
given to those able to assemble a complete set
of stamps. In this fashion, the tourists are
encouraged to explore the relatively
unexplored parts of the old town, thus
promoting the growth of tourism-based
businesses in the area.
3. Inspired by young Kyoto designers supporting
the Machiya Revival Program, the author aims
to promote the idea of creating collaborative
(“shared”) working spaces in some parts of
Bandung’s old town, especially among fellow
designers and young artists in Bandung. Most
buildings in Bandung’s old town area have an
expansive floor area (up to 600m2), making it
prohibitive for young entrepreneurs and creative
workers to rent the space on their own. Sharing
the rent and operating cost would make it much
more affordable for these people. The author
also proposes to dedicate a portion of the
working spaces as a communal space for college
students, freelance workers, and community
activists. Through this, the author wishes to
reverse the city core’s decaying process, establish
images of old buildings as a “hip” place for a
creative office, and thus initiate a new trend: that
of using old buildings for new purposes.
117
Kyoto City. 2000. Urban planning-revitalizing downtown: The
commercial/residential district improvement plan.
NOTES
1
2
The resulting book script has been excluded from this paper.
See http://watercolorichsan.com for illustration samples.
It is expensive to renovate even a small machiya unit.
According to a 2008 workshop, it would take 5 million yen to
lease, renovate, and rent 10 small machiya units. It would
take the same amount to purchase one large unit.
3
For example, Ippodo, a world-famous tea shop in Teramachi
dori, prefers to open another additional shop in another
corner in the same block, rather than enlarge the original
shop.
4
One of such shared kyo-machiya is located at Ajiki roji (alley)
near Gojo dori (street) in Higashiyama. It was featured in a
documentary film The Alley in Kyoto produced by NHK.
The machiya is shared by six tenants, among them, a young
Japanese purse-maker, a florist, a house decorator, and a
garment accessories-maker. Another shared kyo-machiya is
located near Imadegawa Dori (within Nishijin area). It is
shared by a honey shop, a pottery artist, a furniture designer,
and an architect’s office specializing in the renovation of kyomachiyas (Rover Architect).
5
in August 2011, according to www. neatstat.com
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118 Panel 3
“The Land of Isolation” - a Soundscape Composition Originating in
Northeast Malaysia.
Yasuhiro Morinaga
Introduction
This paper describes the production of the soundscape
“The Land of Isolation”. It describes the process of
conceptualization, the creation of the work, and the
relationship between the composition and the
techniques of field sound recording.
The idea for “The Land of Isolation” originated with
the author’s personal experiences of a large storm that
followed earthquakes that reached a magnitude of 7.5
near Mentawai Island, Indonesia on October 25, 2010.
The storm ranged across a wide distance, including
Malaysia, Singapore and even the Philippines. It was an
intense, aggressive and unforgettable natural
phenomenon. It inspired the writer to create a
soundscape to depict the event in a musical context.
The resulting composition drew upon initial field
recordings in Terrangano and Kota Baharu in
northeastern Malaysia, near the Thailand border.
Ambient materials were recorded from rainforest
locations and at the ocean at Terrangano and Kota
Baharu. Using different kinds of recording techniques
and through layering, I created a composition of
complex sonic structures presented in multi-surround
sound diffusion.
The sounds were categorized in colors to make a
graphical score;
Green: Rainforest
Yellow: Wind (Forest)
Orange: Wind (Seaside)
Blue: Sea wave
Red: Electronic sound
Pink: Rain
Light Blue: Thunder
Image 1: Graphical score for “Land of Isolation” (using Nuendo software).
The final work is a 20-minutestructured soundscape,
using techniques such as mixing and layering,
overlapping, filtering and equalizing, and designed to
be performed as a concert. In order for the audience to
experience the feeling of the storm as fully as possible,
I created 10.2ch multi-surround sound. This was key
to helping the audience to experience the storm
environment and to understand the nature of the
music.
Image 2: Concert setting at Tempo Reale Music Center, Firenze,
Italy 2011
119
the topic. Over the years, soundscapes have tended in
large part to be about the creation of electro-acoustic
music with the use of digital technology. Participants
in the World Soundscape Project, including Barry
Truax and Hildegaard Westerkamp, were primarily
electro-acoustic composers. A notable soundscape
released as a CD, “The Vancouver Soundscape 1973”
was based on recordings taken from around British
Columbia but produced as a form of electro-acoustic
music. In general, the issue of technique has received
little attention in relation to soundscapes. By contrast,
I foreground technique and process in both
production of “The Land of Isolation” and in this
discussion.
2. The definition of field recording
Field recordings are one of the core elements of
soundscape production. Field recordings have long
played a role in both artistic production and in the
fields of ethnomusicology and anthropology. In the
digital era, field recordings are used in digital media art
and in the composition of digital music. Digital
equipment has enabled people to create soundscapes
easily and economically, by simply pressing “play” and
“stop”. In an earlier era, recordings were made on
analog equipment such as magnetic tape recorders and
were more difficult to do.
Image 3: Graphical sound system for the concert. 10.2ch multisurround sound system setup.
Soundscape composition and relation to field
recording
1. Soundscape composition
A soundscape is an organic or non-organic sound that
enhances and deepens our sonic environment. The
concept of soundscapes received wide attention with
the work of Canadian composer R. Murray Schafer,
leader of Simon Fraser University’s World Soundscape
Project 1970s.1 Since then, there has been an increase
in both the number of soundscapes produced and in
the number of publications and research devoted to
However, in the digital age field recordings still rely
greatly on factors such as skill, method and technique.
Sound quality varies greatly depending on the choice
of microphone and microphone position, and the
choice of recording equipment and how it is used. For
example, in the CD, “The Vancouver Soundscape
1973” there is an impression that high and low
frequencies within the materials was sometimes lost.
The technical equipment for “The Land of Isolation”
was chosen carefully. “Shotgun” type microphones
which have a wide dynamic range and greater sound
absorption were used for both monophonic and
stereophonic sounds. Digital recording technology
allows for recordings of up to 96kHz of sampling
frequency, capturing more than magnetic tape, where
frequency rates are from 20Hz to 20kHz. Although
the sonic perception of human auditory rates are from
20Hz to 20kHz, with the use of digital technology, the
listener’s so-called alfa wave function is understood to
be activated.
120 Panel 3
Field recording technique
I focused on different recording techniques to depict
the following three sound types; 1) atmospheric
sound, 2) featured sound, 3) Mixture of atmospheric
and featured sound.
1. Atmospheric sound
Atmospheric sound is the sound of a given location or
space. According to German philosopher Gernot
Boehmes, “the sound of atmosphere is the given
placement of a particular location”.2 The appropriate
technique to capture atmospheric sound is to place the
microphones far from the sound source, according to
British sound recordist, Chris Watson.3 Depending on
the choice of microphone, capturing stereophonic
sounds through the M/S (middle and side sounds
using a phasing reaction) and L/R (left and right
sound allocation) are the techniques normally used. In
order to capture the rich and subtle sound movement
of waves and wind over a wide range and to depict this
on a multi-surround sound system, I focused on using
Image 4: Atmospheric sound: Sea waves
The M/S recording technique. Stereophonic recording
through the M/S technique creates richer and wider
perspectives and a fuller sound.
2. Featured sound
Sound recordist Chris Watson has said “the featured
sound is to be focused on the particular sound
sources”.4 Examples of featured sound include the
voices of humans, animals and other creatures, or
moving items such as the sound of footsteps. Featured
sound is often captured via monophonic recording, so
that the sound remains isolated, and in order to
provide the flexibility to place the sound in various
locations on a computer-based composition.
My composition contained the featured sound of fish
underwater. A unique cracking noise consisting of fish
in movement was captured with the use of an
underwater monophonic microphone.
Image 5: Featured sound–hypobranchial muscular movement of
fish underwater.
Obviously, this is not a sound that is normally heard in
daily life, it is a sound that only exists in the invisible
sonic environment. In my composition, I mixed this
sound with atmospheric sound in order to place it in a
concrete environment and to enhance the sound of the
atmosphere.
3. Mixture of atmospheric and featured sound
Certain sounds are captured using a mixture of
atmospheric and featured sound techniques. It is often
difficult to divide atmospheric and featured sounds
when recording in a particular environment. Most
environments contain featured sounds which account
for a large part of the atmosphere.
According to sound artist Francisco Lopez, “The
sound of the environment we hear has two
categorizations; one is the background sound and the
other is foreground sound”.5 This statement also
relates to methods of field sound recording. In general,
and in a cinematic context, atmospheric sound is
recognized as background sound and featured sound is
a part of foreground sound.6 In real environments, we
hear these two sonic environments as one singular
experience. However, there are always sounds that we
do not hear “in reality”. Hearing sounds is a matter of
perception. For example, at a cocktail party, the ear
selects from a wide variety of sounds. And when
recording bird sound, the results may differ depending
on the conditions of the recording.
A number of singular sounds, and a variety of
techniques, were employed in “The Land of Isolation”
in order to depict the rich complexity and depth of the
storm. In particular, it was necessary to control and
adjust sound levels, directions, movements and
qualities. The following aspects were controlled by
computerbased software.
1. Panning
Panning means allocating selected sounds to speakers.
The technique originated in the cinema, when the
Walt Disney studio experimented with moving sounds
between the left and right channels, even before the
introduction of stereophonic technology.
121
Panning is a significant aspect of my composition. In
my soundscape, in order to allocate the different
sounds to 10 different speakers, each sound had to be
carefully balanced and automated. Below is a
photographic image of the panning system for my
soundscape.
Image 6: Panning structure of “The Land of Isolation”.
Most of the sound levels from different locations in
Terrangano and Kota Baharu were fixed on -12db, so
their qualities were relatively equal. However, for an
audience to really understand the dynamics of the
storm and of the recording, the different sounds from
elements such as waves, forest, rain and wind needed to
be layered and balanced slightly. Below is an
illustration of the volume levels of different wind
sound movements. By adjusting the level of each and
allocating each a different speaker, there was no
conflict between the different sounds.
The image above depicts the movement of sound along
different speakers. The movement is complex, in order
that the experience of being in the midst of a storm
would move through the audience. One challenge is
that when sounds are panned through different
speakers they may begin to mix accidentally, and to
conflict with each other. Careful balancing and control
of sound direction and volume is required to avoid this
issue
2. Voluming
Volume control is needed to balance the presentation
of different sounds and to prevent unexpected sound
mixtures.
Image 7: Volume levels and automations, wind movements.
122 Panel 3
3. Equalizing
In order for audiences to more easily differentiate
different sound qualities, it is necessary to vary the
sound frequency levels. Audiences gain perspective
through changing and automating frequency rates,
together with varying volume levels.
For my composition, it was necessary to vary the
frequency rates for the sound of wave and rain
movement. Usually, when the sound of waves and rain
is recorded, the sound of amplified air is also
automatically captured, creating a sort of “noise”
which can help create perspective. For example, sea
waves are usually heard at a low frequency of 10Hz and
100Hz, creating a sound that gives the listener an
impression of something approaching. When the low
frequency is altered or includes the air amplified
sound, from around 5kHz to over 10kHz, an illusion is
created that the sound is closer. By automating the
frequency levels and amounts on an equalizer, the
texture of the sound as well as its qualities is altered. In
“The Land of Isolation”, in which sounds emerge from
different speakers, the role of equalizing techniques is
very important so that the audience may experience
the horizontal sound movements and perspectives as a
mood or feeling, while also receiving illusional
experiences.
Conclusion
With its strong focus on technique, “The Land of
Isolation” takes a very different approach to the R.
Murray Schafer composition, “The Vancouver
Soundscape 1973” and other soundscapes in which the
focus is primarily on representation.
My composition endeavors to communicate the
experience of a huge storm to the audience in a way
that allows them to understand the concepts and
interpret the various sounds in detail in the context of
an indoor concert.
NOTES
1
For more information on the work of R. Murray Shafer, see
“The Turning of the World, R. Murray Shafer, Knopf,”
1977.
2
Gernot Bohme “Aesthetics of Atmosphere” 2006–please give
full academic reference
3
Chris Watson “Field Recording Workshop @ Tokyo
University of the Arts” 2009–please give full academic
reference as per API guidelines
4
Please give full reference as above
5
Francisco Lopez “Environmental Sound Matter” 1998–
please insert full Lopez reference as above
6
Tomlinson Holeman “Sound of Film and Television” 2000
REFERENCE
Tsutomu Oohashi’s “Sound Ecology” – what is the context/
reference context for this?
123
Contemporary Southeast Asian Art: Narratives of a Region
Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz
Introduction
The proposed research was to look into contemporary
art practice and production in an area of art
production that needed a foundational analysis. It was
proposed that the research culminate an exhibition
that would travel around three venues in Europe, Asia
and America. While this was hugely ambitious, the
researcher saw this as a necessary approach for the
project. One of art’s traditionally specific conditions is
its need to be experienced rather than merely “looked
at” or “seen”. However, the research engendered even
more research and so the projected exhibition became
an academic conference.
The background of the research was inspired by Mari
Carmen Ramirez who showed the contemporary art
world that Latin American Art was more than just the
artwork of Diego Rivera and Frida Kahlo. In an essay,
written in 2008, Arthur Lubow1 briefly brings to our
attention the expansion and recognition (and eventual
consequences such as exhibitions, catalogues, essays,
and its introduction into collections) and the Latin
American art. As one of the curators for the Houston
Museum of Contemporary Art, Ramirez rallied for the
acquisition of a range of Latin and South American
Art by artists who until then were unrecognized by
American and European publics.2 “It is important to
stress that Latin American art is part of the West, it is
not hanging out there as neo-Aztec or neo-Mayan
culture”, Ramírez argued.3 While this line of argument
lays the ground for a return to Eurocentric
colonialism, Ramírez nevertheless introduced a set of
artists formerly unknown and unrecognized, and with
it opened new ground with which South and Latin
American art could be read and discussed.
Likewise, much of SEA art was previously unknown.
In 1996, T.K. Sabapathy wrote, “Indeed, to date, not a
single perspective or framework for the study of
modern artists and art of the region has been mooted
by writers or scholars from countries in the region”.4
Although there is currently an apparent acceleration of
art production in the region, reflective and critical
consideration of their movement and production are
nary discussed.
The research has managed to navigate the twists and
turns of the history of the “surfacing” of SEA
contemporary art. Research also brought to light the
labor needed to braid the multi-points of ignition5
present in SEA contemporary art production and the
ensuing interest regarding its practice. The research is
focused on public institutions only; institutions
realized by governments to use culture as an economic
strategy.
One of these ignition points is found in Fukuoka,
Japan. Located in the south of Japan, Fukuoka is closer
to Asia than the rest of Japan. For the Fukuoka Asian
Art Museum, the purview of their Asian collection
stretches from Southeast Asia all the way to China and
Southwest Asia to include India, Bangladesh and
Mongolia. However, this research is limited to their
collection of Southeast Asian Art. It must however be
noted that the existence of the Fukuoka Asian Art
Museum came about due to the growing collection of
the Fukuoka Art Museum; it needed another venue
which could exclusively hold and study Southeast
Asian Art.
Founded in 1979, the museum opened its doors to an
exhibition of Asian art6 focusing on India, China and
Japan. Ushiroshoji points out that this exhibition
served to initiate the rest of the Asian Art Shows
which, through acquisitions, would build up the
museum’s collection to such a point that it needed a
whole new framework (critically and physically) to
continue its growth. The decision to put up the
Fukuoka Asian Art Museum was made.
Critical discussions would surface much later in
another part of the world. In 1992, a roundtable
discussion led by Asia Society’s Vishakha Desai7 took
place in New York. Consisting of Asian and American
scholars, art historians, curators and critics, the
discussions produced the pivotal decision of having
Asian “guest” curators lead the exhibition, which
would eventually be entitled “Contemporary Art in
Asia: Traditions/Tensions”. Thai curator Apinan
Poshynanda would become the lead in fashioning this
exhibition that travelled around America and Asia. It
was crucial to see the context within which
Poshynanda worked in Thailand and the repercussions
124 Panel 3
of his key role in creating a valuable platform for SEA
Contemporary Art outside of Asia. The research for
the API is one strand of the globalizing pace at which
SEA contemporary art grew into importance. The
other two critical strands that allowed for
contemporary art in Southeast Asia to grow are the
sustained collecting practices of other public and
government backed institutions within Asia and
Australia, together with the large-scale exhibitions that
encouraged the practice within the region. Such
sustained practices underline an economic capital
willing to encourage cultural and social expression to
develop. Despite the slowdown in funding, in Japan
for example, there continues to be a certain public will
to continue supporting cultural practice.
Overview of Practices in Public Contemporary Art
Collections
The idea of the museum can be traced back to
tradition of the cabinet of curiosities (wunderkammer
and/or the kunstkammer [art cabinet]) which became
highly popular during the height of colonial conquests
when voyages into the East brought back “wonders”
otherwise only imagined by European travelers. While
the heritage is not a direct line, as Douglas Crimp
emphasizes, “This late Renaissance type of collection
did not evolve into the modern museum. Rather it was
dispersed; its sole relation to present-day collections is
that certain of its “rarities” eventually found their way
into our museums (or museum departments) … in
some cases our museums of art”.8 Wherein its initial
and continuing definition has been a repository of
objects, collections are the core of museums and
inevitably their strength, specially for those
institutions who work within traditional frameworks.9
In a UNESCO public discussion on 21st-century
museums, Jean-Louise Deotte essays in his
presentation that museums are devices by which
certain aspects of culture are made heterogenous.
Having had past experience working for the other 2
institutions,10 it was mostly through interviews,
watching FAAM staff work on exhibitions display and
spending time in the storage that allowed me to gain a
better understanding of the collection and the
museum’s development. My research looks at three
main public and government –backed institutions that
seek to produce a coherent collection within the
framework of regionality.
There is the Singapore Art Museum, the only
institution of its kind in Southeast Asia that focuses its
collection on Southeast Asian art; the Queensland Art
Gallery/Gallery of Modern Art in Brisbane, Australia,
the institution that established its name by its active
presence within the region in the mid-1990s; and the
Fukuoka Asian Art Museum whose early interest in
Asian Art and the discourse and problems that went
with it, broke ground for SEA contemporary art
acquisitions.
However, while my research was limited to Japan and
Thailand, thus mainly focusing on the Fukuoka Asian
Art Museum (as well as the Asia Society activities, via
Thai curator Apinan Poshynanda), there is a need to
mention the following institutions as they are
necessary for the discourse in SEA narrative making via
their museum’s collecting and exhibitionary activities.
It must be noted however that each institution uses the
idea (and word) Asia in a variety of contexts and
considerations. But all are government initiated and
continue their work and their programs through
public funding. This research does not include private
collections whose funding come from private
sources.11
Kuroda Raiji notes that for FAAM geographical
grouping was their “objective” way forward, collecting
everything from Mongolia to Pakistan to Taiwan, the
Philippines and Singapore. Singapore, on the other
hand, limits itself to the ASEAN group of nations—
however, there has been interest in works from
Cambodia and Laos. The QAG/GOMA in Australia,
which straddles Asia and Europe, collects work ranging
from international art to Pacific Islander art, without
any particular category for SEA art.
1. The Singapore Art Museum
SAM opened in 1996 with the objective of becoming a
museum aimed at preserving and presenting the art
histories and contemporary art practices of Singapore
and Southeast Asia. It set its goal when their opening
exhibition looked at the region’s practice across
generational artistic practice. This was by no means
definitive or prescriptive. In fact, its title “Modernity
and Beyond”, offered a conscious effort at suggesting a
possible discursive framework with enough problems
(this being the term “modernism”) to invite and raise
both comment and discussion, but leaving the
exhibition open to the unfolding of regional and
national histories.
Fifteen years on, the Singapore Art Museum has gone
on to craft a more efficient and ambitious collections
objective. From the SAM website, it reads:
125
Like the region itself Singapore and Southeast Asia is
diverse, dynamic and multifaceted, possessing its own
distinctive aesthetics and artistic traditions shaped by
different approaches to art-making and practices. With
this in mind, SAM has been building a stellar collection
of contemporary Southeast Asian art. SAM’s acquisitions
policy devotes 80% of funds to Southeast Asian art, and
the remaining 20% to the wider Asian region, such as
China, India, Korea and Japan to provide a broader
cultural context for the core collection.
decorative art objects, multimedia installations, and
works on paper”.
An artwork is acquired for its artistic merits and
innovation, as well as what it may reveal or reflect of
wider developments in art and society. The artists
represented in the SAM collection fall into three broad
groups: the “pioneering” contemporary artists or ones
associated with avant-garde practices, mid-career artists,
and emerging practitioners. Through its acquisition
policy and continued funding support from the
government, individuals and corporate donors, SAM is
able to include iconic works of art in its collection,
encourage artists to create important new works through
artist commissions and showcase the best in
contemporary art from the region.
The Collection text continues: “… the past 20 years the
focus has shifted towards the representation of modern
and contemporary cultures. As a result, the Queensland
Art Gallery is now distinguished for its growing
collections of contemporary Australian art, Indigenous
Australian art, and the art of the Asia-Pacific region”.
This collections objective targets SEA but does not
however provide itself with a direction other than a
general amassing of works. Upon observation, it may
well be found within the context of Singapore’s
incessant drive to fashion itself into a hub, not only as
financial and economic, but also into one wherein
culture is allowed to flourish. Certainly, through
SAM’s efforts, the National Art Gallery, which is set to
open in 2014, has become its logical off-shoot. The
collection will then be divided between the two
institutions. As to how the collection will be
apportioned to give each institution a specific identity,
is something that will have to be seen when the doors
of the National Art Gallery of Singapore open.
2. Queensland Art Gallery/Gallery of Modern Art
Queensland Art Gallery (QAG) is the oldest of all the
institutions mentioned, with its history dating back to
the 1800s, its initial collection a set of loans from a
private collector. While its history is mostly checkered
by the search for a permanent home (they finally
settled on the Brisbane River at South Brisbane), QAG
collecting history is also slightly less focused. From its
website, we learn that,
“… (it) houses a significant collection of more than 14
000 Australian and international paintings, sculptures,
A search through its collection search engine shows a
cataloguing of artworks across a wide range of areas:
Indigenous Australian Art to Queensland Heritage to
Contemporary International Art to International Art.
There is of course Asian Art that is differentiated from
Contemporary Asian Art and Contemporary Pacific
Art.
In 2006, the Gallery of Modern Art (GOMA) opened
a new building and gallery that effectively split the
demands on Queensland Art Gallery’s resources
regarding exhibitions, programs and collection
displays. With new GOMA next door, the new
gallery’s focus was to look at art produced during the
20th- and 21st-centuries.
Before GOMA’s building opened in 2006, the AsiaPacific Triennial was launched in 1993. It became a
major event in Australia and the rest of the region,
placing Brisbane as an important city for culture and
the arts. It started QAG’s role as a major SEA
contemporary art collector as most of the works shown
and/or commissioned by QAG were absorbed into the
collection.
QAG, upholds, and rightly so, that the APT “..is the
only major series of exhibitions in the world to focus
exclusively on the contemporary art of Asia, the Pacific
and Australia”.12 The APT exhibitions became
opportune moments for acquiring important pieces.
The APT also pushed their curators to develop deep
ties in the countries where their specific research was
taking place (this was the case for the Philippines for
the first three APTs). The work that was shown
proved to be of a quality and significance worthy of
consideration for acquisition. This acquisition scheme
has been modified with sharper scrutiny before an
artwork is acquired into the collection: “an ongoing
element of the APT series is the commissioning of new
works in tandem with an acquisition program for the
Gallery’s permanent Collection”.13
126 Panel 3
3. Fukuoka Asian Art Museum
The Fukuoka Art Museum (FAM) opened its doors in
1979, and similar to the Singapore Art Museum
launched its museum with an exhibition on Asian art.
The interest in Asia was sustained so much so that, “In
October 1980, the first exhibition in the world to
comprehensively introduce the contemporary art of
Asia was held at the Fukuoka Art Museum. The show
was the first, and probably the last of its kind in terms
of scale. More than 450 artists from 13 countries, from
Pakistan eastward to Japan, took part.14 This latter
aspect is similar to QAG/GOMA, as these early
exhibitions led to acquisition of work into the FAM
collection. The first exhibition, called the Asian Art
Show, became an effort which was held every 5 years,
resulting in four exhibitions from which more than
500 works have been absorbed into the FAM
collection. By the mid-1990s, the situation was similar
to that of QAG, and there was the political will to
create a new museum; this became the Fukuoka Asian
Art Museum (FAAM) which was to house the Asian
collection and create a program to support this
growing aspect of contemporary art in this area of
Japan.
It was, too, in 1999 that the Fukuoka Triennale saw its
inception in this new home. The exhibition, which
may be seen as a copycat move to the earlier APT, was
instead a continuation of the Asian Art Shows framed
within the growing modality of the Biennale/
Triennale circuit. By this time, the acquisitions
program of FAAM was set in place, with it purchasing
outside of its large-scale exhibitions, but also acquiring
those that were part of it.
Narratives from a Collection
It is necessary to give a background to the collecting
practice of the other important institutions as this sets
the tone for the rest of the paper, which looks at the
Fukuoka Asian Art Museum, and from this weaves
patterns of reading a particular collecting narrative as
well as the stories that arise from its collection.15
1. FAAM Collecting Practice
What are the political, moral, artistic and philosophical
issues of the collection in the 21st century? …The
intention of the collection is always to accumulate, protect
and exhibit — to make visible and to explain. However,
the distinction between the nature and the role of
museums has undergone significant evolution,
compelling us to study anew how the question of
universality has been addressed in the past, and how it is
addressed today.16
Collecting has now become more than mere
accumulation of objects. Each collection, formed,
supported and sustained, embodies particular
discourses that maintain stakes expected of culturally
directed institutions. Raiji Kuroda, current Senior
Curator at FAAM states clearly that the push for
artistic activity in Fukuoka was a policy developed by
the Fukuoka City government.17 In many cases, the
aspiration to promote a city becomes viable through
the promotion of art. Politicians hover on the edges of
artistic entrepreneurship18 and push for these to exist
so as to attract a variety of investors and audiences.
Kuroda re-tells the moment when the official
expectation of the new museum, FAAM, developed
into more than mere suggestion:
“After examining possible locations for the new
museum, the city government…chose the location in
the Hakata area…(where) a huge new building was to
be constructed…originally conceived for (sic) a
department store…the biggest project to re-develop the
area…the museum got two floors”.19
It was therefore no surprise to the curators that “the
new museum was expected to work not only for art,
but for the revitalization of the community”.20 Before
one reaches the museum, which is found on the 7th
and 8th floor of the building, one has to cross and pass
along the unabashed consumerist pulls of Louis
Vuitton, Gucci and YSL shops, an expensive wine and
sake shop, an organic store and several other posh
shops. An expensive restaurant is found on the ground
floor facing the river. Using the museum as an events
venue and as a cultured space allowing the Japanese to
meet artists, curators and performers, the revitalization
effort pushes for global money (the stores are not
Japanese) as museum guests crisscross the halls of the
Riverain to arrive at the Fukuoka Asian Art
Museum.21
The museum, its collection, programs, staff, etc. were
asked to look outside of Japan rather than in. Then
Senior Curator, Ushiroshoji Masahiro, then made the
decision to shift FAAM’s original directive to be more
in line with the political move of the city government.
This shift was to engage with art that was more
practice-driven rather than object-ended. Kuroda
explains that:
“The decision to emphasize practice and encounter22,
more than theory and aesthetics, by (sic) producing
stages where audiences can directly meet…Asian
contemporary artists, rather than…debating…past
history, seeking Asian identities, or to …“teach” people
about Asian culture or contemporary art. I do not
mean that the museum is allowed to ignore or forget
these theoretical and historical discourses, but when
can we start practice if (sic) we are to wait to find the
conclusion?”23
With this new focus, FAAM’s programs and
exhibitions consequently re-directed and re-articulated
the collection from one that was merely object-based
to a collection with more archival work, videos and
installations which made possible more audience
encounters.
Jean-Louis Deotte asserts that the museum is a device
in which objects solely inhabit the museum’s
imagination (this being collected objects that merely
re-tell the imaginations allowed by curators)24 but not
its memory (if we consider the original idea of the
museum as not merely repositories of objects, but that
of memory). However, the practice of encounter and
exchange facilitated by FAAM removes the loss of
imagination and possession disallowed by detached
objects. The museum’s practice of allowing encounters
and interactions means that audiences can assume
“ownership” of an artwork.
2) FAAM Collection
The collection contains a variety of objects and
practices that tell the histories of societies. In this case,
FAAM is one of the few institutions that collected
early SEA art without the political inflections found
across the collections of QAG/GOMA and SAM. It is,
for instance, refreshing to see works by Filipino
printmaker Pandy Aviado (Photo 1) alongside those
expressing the political angst of Indonesian Dadang
Christanto. These two works which carry particular
timbres of political and aesthetic edges, suggest a
variety of plays and juxtapositions that clever and
astute curators can pull together to discuss an array of
concerns and topics. The collections reflect the global
ebbs and flows of cultural exchanges.
Several artists whose works are found in the collection,
come to mind as ably chronicling not only changes in
attitudes towards art across the region, but also
reflecting the context in which they were produced.
This reading of art may seem like a task of simply
127
reading the visual cues that are presented within a
work of art. But sometimes the visual blurs the actual
context, or becomes reactionary impulses towards
events or are produced as trends dictated by the times.
Art has always been a device, used as a carrier of
thought and imagination; processes of thinking and
reflection; a purveyor of the tempers of contexts and
society; of political upheavals and financial turmoil. At
times they leave us no choice, as some artists tie their
work down to one meaning and there is no shaking off
this hardened shell.
Tang Da Wu’s “Reconstructed Horn from Rhino
Drink” (1989) (Photo 2) and “Plaster Cast of a Tiger’s
Penis” (1991) (Photo 3) are connected works in the
artist’s practice and oeuvre. Both works exist as
documentation of performances. “Reconstructed
Horn from Rhino Drink” is embodied as a sculpture,
but at the same time exists as a study for the
performance, entitled ‘“Tiger Whip” (Photo 4). Tang
Da Wu is seen as the seminal performance artist in the
art circuit of Singapore. Da Wu’s works draws
attention and awareness by his critique of animals
being killed for one singular part of their physiognomy.
Mostly drawn from myth, these marketed potions are
popular for a variety of healing and virility purposes.
But high demand for these products has almost pushed
these animals into extinction.25 The Rhino drink for
example uses rhinoceros horns, while another potion
uses tiger penises. Da Wu’s performances take place
within an installation, with stark elements. Animal
forms are merely white, emptied of other references
other than their universal shape, and Da Wu moves
within the installation in similarly stark dress to weave
his way across the installed forms.
Nindityo Adipurnomo’s works have always centered
around the headpieces of Javanese women covering the
faces of men (Photo 5). While this may have trapped
his work into a particular reading, Nindityo’s longterm practice of woven rattan sculptures had pushed
his work into the realm of iconography. His beautiful
sepia photographs extended and re-interpreted his
subject of Javanese women. (Photo 6). While in his
studio in Japan, the artist collected a set of Japanese
notebooks, creating a diary of his stay. Nindityo’s diary
consisted of objects and paintings. These were kept
inside a closet, which contained this set of notebooks,
plus another set of modest portraits of people he came
across. The two sets of stories created a picture of his
stay in Japan, telling the flow of his days; allowing us a
visual entry. The details, such as Japanese paint
128 Panel 3
brushes, a small painting of a blond woman with a
tooth brush, are concrete and tangible, but despite
having the objects as proof, the stories flow without a
full stop. Nindityo’s works do not tell us when to move
on to the next story. It is a cabinet that allows for
curiosity, if not a sense of voyeurism. (Photo 7)
conservators, housed in particular storages and
handled with gloves. Each object must remain in the
same state, as much as possible, the way they were
received. In this way, objects are treated with
permanence, so much so that all acts done upon it will
permeate through to the future.
I have placed Navin Rawanchaikul last because while I
was in Thailand, I witnessed one of his biggest art
projects which took place in his home town of Chiang
Mai. One of the key artists in Thailand, if not the
region, Rawanchaikul’s art had from the very
beginning involved community participation. His
“Navin Gallery Bangkok” (Photo 8) had a taxi
installed with art and objects. The taxi travelled
around the city like a normal taxi picking up
passengers. Other versions were done in Sydney,
London, Bonn and New York.26 The exhibition in the
taxi would be changed each week. His practice has
since been centered around the act of bridging local
systems with that of global trends.27 His project with
Fukuoka Asian Art Museum in 1998 involved
working with schoolchildren and local people. His
work in December 2010 was a public intervention
entitled Mahakad (Photo 8, 9, 10) which involved the
Chiang Mai’s Warorot market (known locally as Kad
Luang) a market almost as dizzying as Chatuchak in
Bangkok. Rawanchaikul chose the market, a central
feature of Chiang Mai, having grown up in his family’s
fabric store in Kad Luang. This massive intervention
involved interviews with the locals of the market’s
multi-cultural community. It is to Rawanchaikul’s
credit that this site-specific work elaborated not only
the lives of present-day market vendors (who gave
their oral histories on video), but also re-established
connections to the history of the place.
Rawanchaikul’s use of local histories and formats from
which to anchor global forms of exchange, frees him
from being pulled into accepted norms within the
international art scene. The critique of the spectacle
and issue of exoticism can be leveled against his
practice. But as this project was situated in his own
city, self-reflexivity comes into play. Rawanchaikul is
situated, and the event’s context untranslatable.
Any work of art always exists within a context; and
while there are possible and even allowable universal
interpretations, art is always made in specific
circumstances and purposes. Meaning can be drawn
from each object, but the crux of this paper focuses on
the myriads of ways. It may seem like a relativist
notion, interpretations whirl around every object, such
that “questions can be formulated, and answers sought
in ways very different from the procedures developed
in western tradition”.28 Indeed, art works once drawn
into a collection and also once presented in a display
allow for meanings to emerge. However, the reading of
meanings cannot pivot around an object mercilessly
such that the object is rendered catatonic. Certain
ideological contexts can be taken, and depending on
what one chooses, most especially with conceptual
cross-cultural borrowing, each position must be held
into account for establishing the art objects’ validity.
In Ushiroshoji Masahiro’s text, he gives us a glimpse
into the collections via FAAM’s exhibition display.
Plainly speaking, exhibitions like these are skewed
towards works that are seen as jewels of the collection.
Thus the 2007 exhibition “Asia Collection 70: From
the Collection of the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum”,
highlights works from either seminal artists like
Amanda Heng and Tang Da Wu from Singapore or
iconic works like Thai artist Montien Boonma’s Alm
(the work and artist are key in the region) (Photo 11)
or Carcass-Cornucopia by Filipina artist Agnes
Arellano (Photo 12) Indeed, FAAM’s collection needs
unearthing to reveal the trajectories that certain artists
and their works have opened to allow for other works
to follow, and other discourses, even those in
opposition to theirs.
Un-crating Collections and the Transit of Ideas
It has been said that art works that enter museums go
there to die. In a sense, there is some truth to this as
museums tend to freeze the artworks. As a repository,
the museum keeps and cares for the objects in
perpetuity. The objects are cared for by experts and
“Henry Moore said,”sculpture is like a journey”. In a
sense, visiting a museum and viewing its collection also
resembles a journey. // The journey through that land
known as the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum (FAAM)
must be a little eccentric and yet a fresh experience.
Unlike well-known tourist destinations, there is no
adequate map, there are no guidebooks prepared and
there are no signposts to be found. The travelers who visit
this place may begin to question their own values and
artistic standards. When they begin this questioning
process, that may be the moment when the landscapes of
this journey begin to speak to their hearts. But, this is
probably the case in any journey, bound for anywhere”.29
These journeys as we walk through exhibition displays
(these are exhibitions drawn from the collection/s) are
journeys suggested by a curator’s mind. But also a
journey taken through exhibitions seen elsewhere,
with objects drawn from this one and then another.
The trips taken by curators are to basically cull objects
and absorb them into their own keeps, the basic level
of the global art exchange. One step up is loans—
wherein museums borrow from museums. This spurs
the exchange of ideas, but also the financial investment
to encourage these exchanges. Critical inquiry into
various aspects of culture, from the problematic of
Asian-ness, what makes Asia, the congruency of
relational aesthetics with regional concerns, etc. are
discussed. Through these conduits exhibitions become
reflections and repositories of events and movements
in the art world and their contexts. Exhibitions
however are temporary events, brief blips in time that
reflect current thought—it is the source of the objects
from whence these exhibitions are produced that
anchor the production of thought and discourse.
This turn of the gaze inwards, with full understanding
of contexts and backgrounds, is one of the aims of the
research. It is to read the text set out by strong SEA
collections. As explicated above, FAAM has set out a
strong position towards the collection of objects and
exhibitions geared towards participation. This
readiness to forge new ground outside of
straightforward acquisition of objects, gives us traction
upon which contemporary art museums with SEA
collections can be viewed and re-viewed.
While my original project proposal was an exhibition,
a conference from the three institutions with large
SEA collections is being studied, instead. The work of
collections needs to be understood more within the
context of institutional collecting, and its impact on
society, and apprise the reach of SEA contemporary art
outside of the region. The exhibition Traditions/
Tensions was initiated more than a decade ago and
although it has spurred on other large-scale Asian/SEA
exhibitions, its goals and objectives now need to be reassessed. We too must consider the recent swell of
financial growth in the region which has once again
pulled attention to Asia/SEA. HK and Singapore are
leading in the creation of sparkling cultural centers
attracting European curators and directors. Korea has
also been actively making rounds and initiating
129
exchanges. The Jakarta Biennale and Singapore
Biennale have been gaining ground as destination
exhibitions. The auctions have also been active
(whether this be to the detriment of the art scene or
not), and art fairs (Manila and Singapore) have
become common ground for exchanges. We have
outgrown the Tiger economies era and ambitions have
run beyond mere and blatant financial growth. There
is the realization that culture too is a consumerist
product which is as desirable as the next Prada outfit.
It is due to these events that a more thorough exchange
should and can be made within and amongst these
institutions, together with leading local critics, art
historians, curators and artists. Most of these
institutions (except for QAG, exempting the fact of
the APT project and the opening of GOMA) are
young, newly opened. Whilst patterned after
traditional western models, the trajectories of
exhibition-making and the future of their collecting
patterns are moving away from given models. We have
to create our own set of histories, discussions and
discourses, not as a pass? orientalist/other-ness
backlash, but because we must, and we can.
NOTES
1
Arthur Lubow, “After Frida”, New York Times, March 23,
2008. Accessed March 23, 2008.
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/23/magazine/23ramirezt.html?scp=3&sq=After%20Frida%20Arthur%20Lubow&st
=cse
2
“…a spotlight on the less-familiar alleyways of the South
American avant-garde, especially the artists working in Brazil,
Argentina and Venezuela during the quarter-centuries on
either side of the end of the Second World War.
Visitors…gazed on striated panels….by the “kinetic” artists
Jesús Rafael Soto and Carlos Cruz-Díez in Venezuela; the
sinuously calligraphic drawings and vehemently left-wing
sculptures of the Argentine Léon Ferrari; the mysterious
steel-wire hangings, like sun-warped or moth-eaten Bauhaus
grids, by Gertrude Goldschmidt, a wartime German refugee
to Venezuela who was known professionally as Gego; and the
many-faceted work of the Rio de Janeiro artists Hélio
Oiticica and Lygia Clark, close colleagues whose protominimalist and precociously interactive work in the ‘60s”.
Lubow, “After Frida”.
3
Lubow, “After Frida”.
4
TK Sabapathy, introduction to Modernity and Beyond,
(Singapore: Singapore Art Museum, 1996), p8
5
When speaking of “multi-points of ignition”, I would like to
point out that the research was not made to look at private
130 Panel 3
initiatives of collecting, but rather government backed
initiatives. As such, legislated government projects are less
about personal taste but more of an institution that validates
art to the public. The 3 institutions highlighted, are the three
biggest PUBLIC institutions which began under such
circumstances.
6
Masahiro Ushiroshoji, “The Birth of the Asia Collection:
The Fukuoka Art Museum and Two Decades of Asian Art
Shows”, in New Generation of Asian Art. Exhibition
catalogue, 1997, 12.
7
Desai was then Vice-President for Cultural Programmes and
Director of the Galleries of the Asia Society in New York
when the round-table was convened in 1992 in NY.
8
Douglas Crimp, On the Museum’s Ruins, (MIT Press:1993),
225.
9
There are spaces, such as kunsthalles run by local art
associations or groups (known as kunstvereins) which are
local museums/ spaces that house temporary exhibitions.
10
In 1999 I was an intern for 1 month for QAG’s APT 3, giving
me access to the processes of large-scale exhibitions. From
2005 until 2007, I worked as curator for the Singapore Art
Museum, working on exhibitions and advising for the
acquisitions team. There is however a need to re-visit these
two institutions for research much like the one made with
FAAM’s collection.
11
Private collections are dictated by the inclinations their
owners and are usually bought for investment, and if note,
their own personal tastes. These are very different from
government-run cultural institutions which are answerable
to a public. Most curators are powerful in a sense as they are
relied upon to make choices as to which objects are to be
collected and which ones are excluded. There are very
complex and nuanced lines between public/private,
economic factors, living museums, etc. which are not covered
by this paper as it would need more time and more extensive
research not covered by the remit of API’s programming.
12
http://qag.qld.gov.au/exhibitions/apt
13
http://qag.qld.gov.au/exhibitions/apt
14
Ushiroshoji, “The Birth of the Asia Collection”, 11.
15
This is the crux of the research. For the researcher to produce
a comparative study would mean spending time to look more
closely at the two other institutions.
16
Isabelle Tillerot, editor’s note to “The Stakes of the Collection
in the 21st Century”, Museum International 59, (2007): 1-5.
17
Interview, October 2010, Fukuoka, Japan
18
Pascal Gielen, . The Murmuring of the Artistic Multitude:
Global Art, Memory and Post-Fordism. Antennae: Valiz,
Amsterdam, 2009, p 2
19
Raiji Kuroda, “From Objects to Projects and Back Again:
Practice of Fukuoka Asian Art Museum” paper given in
Vancouver, 2000
20
Kuroda, “From Objects to Projects”
21
The idea of a “living museum” brought up during the
conference paper presentations, is out of the scope of this
paper and does not consider it. The customary practice of
these types of museums are more anthropological and
historical in nature with customs and heritage concerns are
primary concerns. Such museums can be interactive to a
certain extent, but are mostly sets explaining specific
instances in history. Most art museums do not take this
approach as their focus is more on producing aesthetic
experience and collaborative actions with its audience.
Activities thus look into encouraging the public to join
activities that reference art, rather than historical events. The
activities programed by the Education Department in an art
museum are thus more fluid and wide-ranging.
22
Please see above
23
Kuroda, “From Objects to Projects”
24
Déotte, J.-L. (2007), The Museum, a Universal Device.
Museum International, 59: 68–79. doi: 10.1111/j.14680033.2007.00615.x
25
“This work focuses on the rhinoceros, which has been driven
to the brink of extinction by poaching and indiscriminate
killing. Rhinoceros horn is used in Chinese traditional
medicine for its antipyretic and other properties, so by using
antipyretic medicine bottles with an image if the rhinoceros
as trademark, Tan symbolically reverses the process, creating
a horn out medicine bottles. Tang addresses issues of
mundane life, Chinese traditional medicine, Chinese cooking
and so on, using everyday objects in his installations and
creation of works. Frequently his use of the everyday world
around him includes inviting viewers to help in their
creation”. Masahiro Ushiroshoji. Catalogue text in Asia
Collection 70: From the Collection of the Fukuoka Asian Art
Museum. (Fukuoka) Catalogue, 2007, 4.
26
In 2008, his work “Navins of Bollywood” was shown in a NY
gallery and in New Orleans, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/
01/29/arts/29iht-mertens.1.9573662.html
27
http://navinproduction.com/artist.php
28
Howell, Signe. Art and Meaning in The Myth of Primitivism:
Perspectives in Art.
29
Masahiro Ushiroshoji, How to Look at Asian Art: From the
Collections of the Fukuoka Asian Art Museum in Asia
Collection 70: From the Collection of the Fukuoka Asian
Art Museum. Catalogue, 2007, 4.
131
Creative Contemporary Asian Dance based on Traditional Techniques and
Spirituality Fusing Lanna (Northern Thailand), Indonesia, and Japan
Ronnarong Khampha
Introduction
This paper discusses the challenges of traditional dance
in three parts: (1) Artists (2) Village, Palace, Street,
Festivals, and (3) Workshops and Collaborations.1
1. Artists. This section highlights two artists from
Japan and two artists from Indonesia to show a range
of challenges and responses to globalization. In Kyoto,
Japan, Tatsushige Udaka is a young traditional Noh
theater actor, subject to the strictest rules and
restrictions. Also in Kyoto, Heidi Durning, a halfJapanese, half-Swiss woman dancer, exemplifies the
challenges faced by a person from a multi-ethnic
background in a traditional society.
In Indonesia, Rianto and Mugiyono are performers
based in the city of Surakarta (widely called Solo) who
practice contemporary dance. Rianto is from a village
in Banyumas (between West and Central Java), while
Mugiyono comes from a dalang (shadow-puppeteer)
family in Central Java.
2. Village, Palace, Street, Festivals explores the wide
range of traditional dance being presented by groups
and institutions. From Japan, I introduce Awa Odori,
a popular street festival held in mid-August each year
in the town of Tokushima on the southern island of
Shikoku. The festival attracts hundreds of thousands
of people every year. I also explore Hayachine Kagura,
an ancient form of masked shrine dance, believed to be
the ancestor of Noh drama, which is being quietly
preserved by villagers in the town of Tohno in Japan’s
far north. Finally, I discuss traveling troupes of socalled “downtown Kabuki” which play in small
theaters in the poorer districts of Osaka and Tokyo. In
contrast to the very traditional “Grand Kabuki”, these
troupes introduce informal elements such as pop
music, the wearing of blond wigs and other
innovations.
In Indonesia, Mangkunegaran Palace in Solo transmits
classical Javanese techniques and spiritual values
through the teaching of gamelan music and dance in
the palace’s historic pendopo performance halls.
Ceremonies at Samwan Tiga, a Hindu temple in Bali,
are also highly traditional, but are preserved by
villagers. As an example of an international arts event
of the sort that are greatly influencing contemporary
dance around the region, I introduce “In the Arts
Island 2011,” a dance and music festival held in July
2011 in Bali and East Java.
3. Workshops, Classes, and Collaborations. This
section describes workshops in which I learned from
Japanese and Indonesian artists, as well as those in
which I taught Lanna dance. Three collaborations
with local artists are discussed. In “Tatsushige to
Ronnarong” (Jan 2011, Kyoto), Noh artist Tatsushige
and I contrasted Noh drama with Lanna dance. In
“Rianto to Ronnarong” (June 2011, Solo), Rianto and
I conducted a similar event comparing Banyumas
(Javanese dance) with Lanna dance. In a performance
titled Kembang Kapa (July 2011, Solo) Javanese singer
Peni Candra Rini and I combined music and
contemporary dance.
1. Artists
Tatsushige Udaka
Born in 1981, Tatsushige is the son of leading Noh
actor Michishige Udaka of the Kongo School of Noh
Theater in Kyoto. Kongo is one of five traditional
schools descended from the actor Zeami of the 15th
century. The Kongo School is led today by a hereditary
iemoto (grand master). At age 29, Tatsushige is a
member of the young generation of Noh performers.
Noh is a form of masked theater that originated in
shrine dances. Abstract, slow, and highly controlled
down to very small details, it includes three elements:
mai (dance), hayashi (drums and flute), and utai
(chanting). I studied mai and utai with Tatsushige and
learned to perform the dance section (shimai) of the
play Yuki (Snow).
Tatsushige was first placed on a stage (where he says he
promptly fell asleep) at the age of three. Today he is a
professional actor, comfortable with the Noh tradition
and ready to step forward into the world of
globalization. He is an expert on wearing the kimono,
132 Panel 3
the hakama (Japanese traditional pants) and the obi
(sash) when he performs Noh, but he wears jeans and tshirts otherwise. He engages with artists from many
countries and has taught Noh workshops in France,
the United States and Korea. With his open
personality, he attends dance shows of all varieties,
including Western and contemporary performances.
He hopes to reach out to people in society and to
provide easy access to the very specialized world of
Noh.
However, as an actor of the Kongo School, Tatsushige
needs to follow the guidelines of the iemoto. The strict
rules of iemoto mean that Noh Theater has been passed
on, almost unchanged, for centuries, making it one of
the world’s oldest forms of continually performed
drama. On the other hand, this strength also means
that it is difficult to break away from the rules.
Among Tatsusighe’s attempts to do this are
collaborations with his wife, the contemporary dancer
Haruna Udaka, and with artists from Slovenia in a
performance piece called Nohsono. Tatsusighe has said,
“I want to go back to the origins of Noh (simple stage,
lighting from the woods). It feels contemporary looked
at from today”.2 For Tatsushige, the road to
globalization lies not in trying to bring in new forms,
but in going deeper into the old forms and finding
contemporary value in them.
Heidi S. Durning
Choreographer and dancer Heidi was born in 1957 of
a Swiss father and Japanese mother. Based in Kyoto,
she studied Nihon Buyo (traditional Japanese dance) in
the leading Fujima School, where she received the
professional stage name “Fujima Kanso-o”. She also
earned a master of fine arts from the University of
Michigan.
Nihon Buyo dates back to Kabuki performances along
the Kamo river in Kyoto in the early 1600s. More
realistic and expressive than Noh, it developed within
Kabuki theater during the Edo period (1600-1868). It
later multiplied into many styles, including geisha
dance. Nihon Buyo features make-up rather than
masks, elaborate stages and costumes, and flowing and
dramatic gestures and rhythms.
In her contemporary choreography, Heidi mixes
Nihon Buyo with contemporary dance. While freer
than Noh Theater, Nihon Buyo is still quite strict, so
when Heidi performs anything that is not traditional
she uses her own name “Heidi S. Durning”. When she
performs or teaches Nihon Buyo she uses her certified
Fujima school name.
“Being half Swiss and Japanese, sometimes it seems I
get away with being creative in this way, but I guess if I
did something very embarrassing the school would not
like it. I have not had too much trouble creating new
things. I guess I am also sort of known as a fusion
dancer within that world… I feel I have been lucky to
travel through these worlds. Sometimes I feel like a
foreigner in the traditional Japanese world… It would
be nice to be more universally accepted in those ways
sometimes”.3
Heidi calls her work Fusion Dance. Heidi’s “fusion” is
part of the centuries-long process of traditional dance
adapting to outside influences. Being half Swiss and
half Japanese has advantages and disadvantages. Most
Japanese Nihon Buyo dancers are still focused on
working within the iemoto system and are not ready to
venture into contemporary forms. That gives Heidi
certain possibilities and openings. On the other hand,
many Japanese people feel that she is not a “true
Japanese” and so it can be difficult for her to work in
the traditional formats, at the deeper levels.
Rianto
Born in 1981 in a village near Banyumas, a small city
between central and west Java, Rianto began
traditional Javanese dancing in high school and
graduated with a degree in dance from the Intitut Seni
Indonesia at Surakarta (STSI) in 2004. From 2005 he
also trained in Javanese court dance at Mangkunegaran
Palace. Married to a Japanese dancer, he is the founder
and director of the Dewandaru Dance Company in
Tokyo. Rianto spends part of each year in Japan, and
the rest in Indonesia and conducting performances in
other countries.
Rianto believes that what we now see as “traditional
dance” was the “contemporary dance” of its time. He
develops his work by taking the techniques,
choreography and ideas from traditional dance to
create his own new work.
In Rianto’s vision, the difference today between
traditional and contemporary dance is that while
traditional dance evolved over the years, contemporary
dance is more focused on “concept”. It takes ideas from
133
the lives of people and the artists themselves to create
something new. Rianto’s motto is “new creation, new
idea”.
2. Village, Palace, Street, Festivals
Rianto works with artists from different countries, for
example, Pappatarahumara (a contemporary dance
company in Tokyo), Noh actors, and Sen Hea Ha from
Korea. He also takes dancers from Indonesia to
perform in dance festivals around the world.
Awa Odori is a type of dance performed in mid-August
in Tokushima city in Japan’s southern island Shikoku.
Everywhere in Japan in mid-July or mid-August,
people gather to dance in honor of the ancestors for
Obon (Festival of the Dead). In most Obon festivals,
people dance calmly in unison in a circle, with
musicians seated in a tower in the center. However, in
Tokushima, people dance in small separate groups that
parade through the streets, accompanied by musicians
playing kane (gongs), taiko (drums), fue (flutes) and
shamisen (guitar). At times the dance can be very
frenzied and acrobatic. Dancers and musicians,
including women, men and children, make fun with
spectators and invite them to join the dancing. The
men, wearing happi (short tunics) and white shorts,
dance more energetically than the women who are
dressed in yukata (cotton summer kimonos) and straw
hats. The women look like delicate white egrets
stepping through a pond.
Rianto’s challenge is that not many people know about
contemporary dance in Indonesia. However,
awareness is growing as a result of dance festivals such
as the Indonesian Dance Festival in Jakarta, the Solo
International Performing Arts event and the Lenyog
Art Festival in Kalimantan.
Mugiyono Kasido
Mugiyono, the most senior artist mentioned here, was
born in 1967. Known as one of Indonesia’s leading
contemporary performers, he comes from a family of
dalang (shadow puppet masters) in Central Java. He
started dancing at the age of eight, and continued to
study classical Javanese dance, graduating in 1993 from
the Institut Seni Indonesia at Surakarta (STSI).
Mugiyono highly values the masters he has studied
under, such as R. Ng. Rono Suripto from the
Mangkunegaran Palace, Suprapto Suryodarmo, and
Sardono W. Kusumo.
Starting in 1992, while still studying at STSI,
Mugiyono began choreographing contemporary
pieces. He wanted to do something new.
In addition to dance, he teaches and conducts
workshops. However, he points out, “Anywhere in the
world, it is hard to live as a dancer”.4 In Solo it is
acceptable to perform both traditional and
contemporary dance, and Solo society is supportive.
But there is not much support from the government.
“The concept of my contemporary work is
‘nowadays’”, says Mugiyono. In his vision, he tries to
make the traditional and contemporary elements in his
dance enhance and support each other. He tries to
transmit old forms in a modern way. For example, in
his performances, he uses old dance techniques and
stories, but wears ordinary clothes and presents the
stories in a contemporary way.
Awa Odori
Awa Odori is very popular and draws hundreds of
thousands of people from around Japan. Some
participants practice all year just to dance in the event.
Some groups are very traditional, wearing typical
yukata; others adopt a more “pop” style, with costumes
decorated with metallic silk-screen designs, and using
poses from rock or rap bands. Some groups dance for
show in front of an audience seated on viewing
bleachers; others just dance for pleasure, wandering
around at random in the back streets. The event
provides traditional, informal fun for everyone, adults
and children.
An important contribution to the success of Awa
Odori is good management by the city authorities. For
example the authorities invite dancers to come from all
over Japan, provide bleachers for the audience to watch
the parades, and close off large parts of the city to
traffic so that groups can dance freely.
Tohno
Tohno city is located in Iwate prefecture in
northeastern Japan. Northern Japan is known as the
country’s rice bowl, and is also known for its severe
winters. Tohno became famous in Japan after
ethnologist Kunio Yanagida published his book Tohno
134 Panel 3
Monogatari (Tales of Tohno) in 1910, introducing the
region’s colorful folk tales and ghost stories.
The region preserves several very old forms of folk
dance. One is Shishi-Odori, a very energetic jumping
dance. It’s a kind of “lion dance” using huge masks that
are part-deer, part-lion, and that feature enormous
manes made from shaved wood bark.
Another is Hayachine Kagura, an ancient masked
dance performed at Hayachine Shinto Shrine in the
mountains. Kagura is a type of dance performed at
Shinto shrines. Experts think that Hayachine Kagura
shows the original form of Noh Theater, before it
reached the capital of Kyoto and was refined after the
14th century. It has been preserved for centuries by
villagers who have their own groups of performers and
even a local hereditary iemoto, Mr. Suzuki.
Shishi-Odori is still going strong, with groups of young
farmers training and dancing at festivals. But the
village of Hayachine is ageing, and Mr. Suzuki has no
heir. The tradition, which has lasted for so long, is in
some danger. It was moving to watch Mr. Suzuki, who
is very old and had recently had a stroke, put on the
mask and dance for us. We could see a world of ancient
art that might not survive the modern age.
Downtown Kabuki
In centuries past there were many traveling Kabuki
troupes in Tokyo and in the provinces, but in the early
20th century they were combined into the “Grand
Kabuki” based in Tokyo. Grand Kabuki is performed
by famous artists in big theaters. The level of art is very
high, with large orchestras of traditional instruments,
painted stages, brocade costumes, and beautifully made
wigs and makeup. The manner of speaking is very
stylized, as are many of the movements.
In fact, some of the small Kabuki troupes didn’t
disappear but went “underground” into small theaters
in the old downtowns of poorer neighborhoods in
Osaka and Tokyo. One of these theaters is the Naniwa
Club in the Shinsekai area of Osaka. I went to see a
troupe called Hisho.
Unlike at the Grand Kabuki, where people sit very
quietly and clap politely at the end, the audience for
Hisho was lively, eating and drinking, shouting their
appreciation, and even tacking wads of Y10,000 notes
onto their favorite actor’s kimonos. The Hisho troupe
is basically one family, with set pieces performed by the
grandfather, grandmother, aunt, father, and even
young children. They wore blond wigs, had costumes
made of day-glo synthetics, and danced to pop music
while lit by strobe lights. It was Kabuki adapted to
international pop culture.
At the time of its beginnings in the early 1600s, Kabuki
was the art of the people; the pop culture of its day.
Nowadays people think of it as “traditional art,” but in
Osaka one could see how it grew out of pop culture.
Mangkunegaran Palace
The royal courts of Java preserve a rich tradition of
dance, gamelan music, costume, textiles, ritual, and
philosophical teaching. Their dance is similar to
Japanese Noh theater in that the pace is slow and
stately, the mood contemplative and abstract. The
courts themselves, led by hereditary Sultans, and
prizing small but important differences between each
other, are similar to Japan’s iemoto (hereditary schools
headed by grand masters).
Of these, Mangkunegaran Palace, a princely house in
Solo dating from 1756, is one of the leading centers of
traditional performance in Indonesia. Its pendopo
(open-sided performance hall) is one of the oldest and
largest in the country, and its ruling family places
much emphasis on preserving old forms of dance and
music, and teaching them to Indonesians and foreign
students.
I studied in Solo from August 2006 until July 2008,
and again from February to July 2011 on the API
fellowship, and during those years spent much time
viewing performances and studying at Mangkunegaran
Palace.
Mangkunegaran’s emphasis on tradition is actually an
advantage in a globalized age. People around the world
want to see the highest and best example of old art
forms, and so they are drawn to Mangkunegaran
because of its quality. It is proof that something that
seems very traditional and local can have an
international appeal.
However, it doesn’t happen just by accident.
Mangkunegaran Palace works hard on outreach to
Indonesians and foreigners, including providing public
performances on Wednesdays and by organizing the
palace-sponsored Mangkunegaran Performing Arts
festival.
Mangkunegaran’s successful combination seems to be:
Within the institution, or internally, it maintains a
pride in tradition and an emphasis on high standards.
Externally, it is open to outsiders, eager to teach people
from many backgrounds, and willing to experiment.
Samwan Tiga Hindu Temple
Samwan Tiga is an ancient Hindu temple in the village
of Bedulu, near Ubud in central Bali. Now a lesserknown local site, in the 10th century it was the state
temple of the main kingdom of Bali.
Once a year, people from around 12 villages in the
vicinity gather for a huge festival. Groups parade from
all directions to the temple. Lines of women carry tall
offerings of fruit and flowers on their heads, bands of
musicians play cymbals and drums, and men carry
palanquins with the images of various deities,
including Hindu gods such as Shiva and Brahma,
Buddhist deities and local spirits. Among the latter are
the barong (guardian spirits) which can be in the
shapes of lions, dragons, or even people, such as the
black images of a 10th century Balinese king and his
Chinese wife, revered as lords of black magic.
Men dressed in white run in circles through the temple
complex, whipping each other with sacred leaves, as
elderly women follow them while dancing a very
archaic style of Balinese dance. Everywhere there are
elaborate flower arrangements and fruit offerings. The
thousands of participants are dressed in their best
sarongs made from Balinese and Javanese textiles.
Bali is unusual in Indonesia because it resisted the
Islamic wave in the 15th century and continues to this
day to be a Hindu island. In the 20th century it used
tourism to support and internationalize its arts, so that
today Balinese dance is perhaps the best-known
Indonesian dance worldwide. However, the festival at
Samwan Tiga is interesting because it is based entirely
on religious faith, and not on tourism (most tourists
don’t even know about it). Importantly, it shows that
maintaining a culture is not so difficult; you don’t need
support from the government or help from outside
organizations. Simple faith can preserve cultural
traditions. This can be done without modification to
fit into modern society or globalization.
135
“In The Arts Island 2011”
Regional arts festivals are a powerful engine for the
globalization of performing arts in Asia. Unlike many
other dance events, they are not “tourist shows” with
locals dressed up in picturesque costumes dancing
traditional showpieces. They focus on creative artists,
and try to facilitate cultural exchange between
different countries. Arts festivals are venues for
premieres of cutting-edge work by creative artists. At
arts festivals many students get their first taste of the
outside world. Some festivals tour regional towns and
villages, so that even villagers are exposed. Meanwhile,
the festivals provide visiting artists with a chance to
learn about local traditions.
One of the smaller, but most exciting, Indonesian arts
festivals is “In The Arts Island 2011,” founded by
director Agung Gunawan from Yogyakarta. I joined
this festival in July 2011 in its second year. The
concept is to foster cooperation between
contemporary dance artists from overseas and artists
and artistic traditions of local areas in Indonesia. The
festival moves around, presenting the same work in
different places.
In 2011 the festival started in Bali and moved to four
locations in East Java between 12-20 July. Participant
artists came from Australia (Yumi Umiumare, Tony
Yap, Ida Lawrence); Malaysia (Kuan Nam); Thailand
(Ronnarong Khampha), and Indonesia (Agung
Gunawan, Iwan Darmawan, Memet Chairul Slamet,
Gita Purnama Kinanthi, I Nyoman Sura, Bagus
Budiindarto and Agus Riyanto).
One interesting event was held on 19 July at Punden
Mbah Agung/Pujon Malang in East Java. The festival
started with the parade of the bantengang dance (bull
trance dance) in which everyone, including many
dance troupes, paraded from village to village from
noon until midnight, ending at the tomb of the
founder of the first village. Then the action shifted to
contemporary work from Thailand, Australia,
Malaysia and Indonesia, finishing with improvised
dance by local artists, villagers and overseas artists. The
event continued on into the night with the bull trance
dance.
“In The Arts Island 2011” is a good example of a
linking between contemporary artists from overseas
and traditions of a particular area in Indonesia.
136 Panel 3
Ranging from village to international – and back again
– it was a truly globalized event.
3. Workshops, Classes, and Collaborations
Workshops and Classes
I stayed for six months each in Japan and in Indonesia
to become familiar with the traditional values and
techniques of dance and other traditional arts in both
countries. In Japan, I studied Noh Theater with
Tatsushige Udaka of the Kongo School, and Nihon
Buyo with Senrei Nishikawa of the Nishikawa School.
In Indonesia, I attended dance practice at the
Mangkunegaran Palace in Solo, and studied Balinese
dance with Kadek Dewi Aryani at her studio in Ubud,
Bali.
I also conducted workshops to introduce Lanna dance
to local students. I taught a series of classes in Lanna
dance at Kyoto Seika University, concluding with a
performance in which students danced in costume
before an audience. I also taught Lanna dance to
students at the Institut Seni Indonesia ISI Surakarta in
Solo.
Through workshops and classes such as these I had a
chance to learn the dance techniques of Japan and
Indonesia, and to pass on some of my traditional
knowledge to students in both countries.
Collaborations
“Tatsushige to Ronnarong” (22 January 2011)
From August 2010 to January 2011, Tatsushige Udaka
and I embarked on six months of study of Noh.
Beginning with aisatsu (greetings), we worked on how
to wear the kimono and hakama (lower garment), the
forms of Noh dance, such as kamae (basic stance) and
ashi-hakobi (moving the feet), culminating in the study
of two shimai (the dance part of Noh Theater) from
the plays Oimatsu (Ancient Pine) and Yuki (Snow).
In Yuki, the kata (forms) used in the dance are very
simple, which makes it suitable for Noh beginners. At
the same time, the theme (the spirit of snow) makes it
a demanding dance, since the actor must express a
heart as pure as the spirit of white snow.
Once, in a practice session, I remarked that I finally felt
freedom within the totally prescribed forms of Noh
dance. Tatsushige responded by explaining the
concept of “shu ha ri”. This was a moment of discovery
for the two of us.
Shu means “obey”; ha means “break”; ri means
“depart”. First you learn how to obey the rules, but
there comes a point where you start to break them, and
finally you depart from the rules altogether in order to
reach a new level. It describes the process of
development as an artist.
Tatsushige says, “Shu ha ri is a daily theme for me
personally. After you pass through the ri of shu ha ri,
you arrive back to shu again… Always changing, it’s a
painful and difficult process, but I feel it points to
something very deep, essential to art”.5
Tatsushige’s shu, ha, ri is also a metaphor for the
globalization of traditional dance. Shu is the
traditional forms as they’ve been handed down, ha and
ri are when you break through to contemporary forms.
And then you go back to shu to get inspiration from
the traditional once more.
On the night of 22 January 2011, we held a joint event
in the main hall of the historic Honen-In Temple in
Kyoto. First we demonstrated the similarities and
differences between Noh and Lanna; and then we
showed the audience something of Noh training. At
the end, I performed the shimai (dance part) of Yuki
four times: once properly, as taught; the second time,
“breaking” by adding some Lanna feeling; the third
time “departing” by making it mostly Lanna with some
Noh feeling. And then a fourth time, I performed in
complete Noh costume with a mask in front of the
Buddha; back to shu, the original form again. It was a
merging of two traditions that is only possible in our
globalized world. But it wasn’t just “mix and match”.
While sharing, we each preserved the essential core of
our own traditions.
“Rianto to Ronnarong”, 30 June 2011
The aim of this performance was similar to that of
“Tatsushige to Ronnarong”. This time it was
collaboration between me and Rianto, the Javanese
dancer from Banyumas, who I have known and
worked with since 2006.
In this event, performed at the Tidak Sekedar Tari
Program at TBS (Cultural Center of Central Java),
Solo, we developed the shu ha ri concept in a different
way. We began on opposite parts of the stage dancing
in our traditional styles (shu – “obey”). When we
became close to each other, we explained to the
audience our styles and how we use them to create
contemporary dance (ha – “break”). We then danced
together in contemporary style (ri – “depart”). At the
end, we crossed to the opposite side of the stage to
where we started, and danced our traditional styles
again (back to shu again). The challenge was for us to
show contemporary dance together and in the process
to return to the origin of dance that transcends both
genres.
An important part of the event was talking with the
audience at the end of the program. In the strongly
artistic society of Solo, criticism from the audience is
useful for artists in order to develop their work. When
the experience and knowledge of the individual artists
are different, this can make for a conflict of ideas, but it
is also a starting point of conversation and discussion.
Many audience members said that it was interesting to
see the differences and similarities between Javanese
and Lanna culture, and how we developed traditional
forms into contemporary dance. However, some
people said it didn’t feel so much like a dance
“performance” as a “workshop” on stage.
The critics were probably right because contemporary
experiments like ours are in a sense “workshops”.
Artists are feeling their way, experimenting as they go.
In this case, it was a combination of three cultures: a
Japanese concept, Lanna dance, and Javanese dance.
Kembang Kapas
I first met singer Peni Candra Rini at the APPEX
(Asian Pacific Performing Exchange) program held in
Bali in February 2010. Born in 1983 in Tulungagung
in East Java, Peni is a composer and well-known
sindhen (a female singer who sings with a gamelan).
Peni has received awards for her work and participates
in many festivals, collaborating with different artists
from all over the world.
In February 2011 I had a conversation with Peni in
which we said that we would like to create a
collaboration piece featuring music and dance. We
started to work on this project, with each of us
working from our own traditional base. The
performance was held at the Theater Kecil ISI
Surakarta in Solo on 11 July 2011. The title Kembang
Kapas meant “cotton flowers”, which are the flowers of
137
life. It was inspired by a poem “Kembang Kapas” by
Garin Nugroho, an Indonesian artist and movie
director. Peni wrote and sang the music, which was
traditional Javanese-modern fusion; I did the
choreography, which was Lanna-contemporary fusion.
Peni said, “We’re all of the new generation that can
play on Facebook and use Skype to talk with friends in
other countries. But we are very lucky that we know
about traditional arts. I am a sindhen singer; I was
famous for my voice and almost became a pop singer
and a star in Jakarta. But I decided to be a teacher to
teach students how to sing traditional music. It makes
only small money, but I’m so happy that I can help to
pass on our traditional music and at the same time I
can work on creating new music based on that
tradition I have within me. Amin!”6
Conclusion
In the 21st century, Asian dance traditions are at a
turning point. Some traditions will probably be lost,
such as the knowledge of the old Hayachine Kagura
dancer Mr. Suzuki in the town of Tohno. But in the
same area, the Shishi-Odori dance is healthy, and
continues with the young generation. The key to
survival is the ability to make dance attractive to, and
taught to, young people, and not only the property of
the old.
In Bali, the strong Hindu beliefs of the people ensure
traditions are passed from generation to generation in
local ceremonies such as the festival at Samwan Tiga
temple.
In Osaka, “Downtown Kabuki” connects with
audiences by bringing in “pop” elements. In
Tokushima, good city management of the Awa Odori
Festival helps to make the event fun and popular.
The “In The Arts Island 2011” festival in Bali and East
Java has succeeded because of the open-mindedness of
the local artists and audiences, including villagers.
Performing arts in Mangkunegaran Palace thrive
because the palace has pride in its tradition, promotes
the arts, and teaches to local and international
students.
For some artists the challenges are more difficult than
for others. Noh Theater has elements that make it feel
very modern and abstract, so it should be easy to use it
in contemporary work. However, a young actor like
138 Panel 3
Tatsushige Udaka under the control of the iemoto
system must be very careful. He cannot do anything
too adventurous, too suddenly.
dance was impacted upon by Siam and China. Noh and
Kabuki have roots in China. The traditional performances,
which I looked at, are the results of these complex processes.
Contemporary dance differs from traditional because artists
have access to, and freely make use of, dance styles from any
place in the world, in addition to which they invent
movements that are new and unique to them. Most
contemporary dance today involves a specific concept, which
can be political, emotional, or artistic. This differs from
traditional which usually focuses on established forms and
stories.
Other artists, such as half-Japanese, half-Swiss Heidi
Durning in Kyoto, are relatively free to do what they
want, but they find it difficult to be entirely accepted
in local society.
Peni, Rianto, and Mugiyono represent different
aspects of Indonesia’s very active performance world.
Peni uses avant-garde composing and singing; Rianto
travels between Japan and Solo; Mugiyono performs in
arts festivals worldwide. All three are succeeding in
bringing their traditional arts into the modern world
and appealing to new audiences.
These are all examples of what I saw during my one
year of research: how performers and institutions
manage to continue traditional dance in interesting
ways in order to survive in a borderless modern world.
For myself, I took up the challenge of fusion and
modernization through collaborative performances
with Noh actor Tatsushige in “Tatsushige to
Ronnarong,” with Javanese dancer Rianto in “Rianto
to Ronnarong,” and with Javanese singer and
composer Peni Candra Rini in “Kembang Kapas”.
The benefit was not only in the performances that we
created, but in the time we spent working together,
exchanging our cultures through dance. Through these
connections we are building a network in the Asian
dance world, and we will continue this in our own
countries through performances, by giving dance
workshops, and by giving presentations around Asia
and beyond.
This kind of collaboration is not a new thing. But in a
time of globalization when traditional arts are under
threat, it is important to show how we can develop
traditional arts, and bring them alive in the
contemporary world.
2
Conversation with Tatsushige Udaka, 7 September 2010
3
Facebook message from Heidi Durning, 12 February 2011
4
Conversation with Mugiyono Kasido, 9 February 2011
5
Program notes for “Tatsushige to Ronnarong”, 22 January
2011
6
Conversation with Peni Candra Rini, 4 July 2011
REFERENCES
Alex Kerr. http://www.alex-kerr.com/
Antengannuswantara’s Blog. Perihal : Kesenian Bantengan.
http://bantengannuswantara.wordpress.com/2010/06/18/
perihal-kesenian-bantengan/.
Encyclopedia of Shinto. Shishi-odori.
http://eos.kokugakuin.ac.jp/modules/xwords/
entry.php?entryID=1018.
Hanamaki City Official Website. Hayachine Kagura Dance.
http://www.city.hanamaki.iwate.jp/english/
kagura_shishiodori.html.
Heidi S. Durning. Biography. http://www.lucbouvrette.com/
heididurning/heididurning2.html.
In the Art Island Festival. In the Art Island Festival 2011
(Featival
Seni
Pertunjukan
Keliling).
http://
theartsisland.blogspot.com/.
Masayuki Nakamura. r. 2009. A Bilingual Guide to Japanese
Traditional Performing Arts. (Translated by Jeffrey Hunter).
Tankosha).
Joglosemar. Puro Mangkunagaran.
http://www.joglosemar.co.id/mangkunegaran.html.
Kunio Yanagida. 1910. (trans by Ronald A. Morse 2010). The
Legends of Tono. Lexington Books.
Mugi
Dance.
Biography.
biografi.php?bhs=eng.
NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY
1
In this paper, I divide dance into “traditional” and
“contemporary”. Traditional dance has generally arisen in
one place or among one people, and has been practiced over a
long time. Contemporary dance has no “place” because it can
be performed anywhere in the world, and it focuses on one
time, now. Of course, over a long time, traditional dance
absorbed outside influences. For example, traditional Lanna
Napovedik.
Nohsono.
dogodek169201_nohsono.
http://www.mugidance.org/
http://www.napovednik.com/
Rianto: Indonesian Dancer, Choreographer. http://riantodancer.jugem.jp.
Ronald Cavaye, Paul Griffith and Akihiko Senda. 2004. A Guide
To The Japanese Stage From Traditional to Cutting Edge.
Kodansha International Ltd.
MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS
139
Theories and Practices of Mindfulness in Asian Traditions: Historical
Context and Relevance to the Modern World
Dante G. Simbulan, Jr.
Introduction and Methodology
I embarked on a four-month API Fellowship 2010
project1 in Japan to answer the question: How relevant
is “mindfulness” from Asian traditions in the modern
world? To answer this, I searched the literature on the
historical context and the theories and practices
underlying mindfulness. Finally, I reviewed the
modern applications of mindfulness. The paper was
inspired by the pragmatic goal to contextualize the
physiological research.
Mindfulness refers to a state of focused awareness of
being in the present moment, of recognizing with
acceptance and equanimity present events, past events
and events that are about to unfold. Mindfulness is
associated with meditation and its purpose, “in its
ancient context is to eliminate needless suffering by
cultivating insight into the workings of the mind and
the nature of the material world” (Siegel 2009). The
practice of mindfulness arose within various Eastern
traditions, especially in Indian Yogic, Buddhist, Sufi
and Daoist traditions (Gunaratana 1992; Odier 1986).
I have wrestled with mindfulness as a concept and as a
practice concerned with the intuitive acceptance of
reality, and as a cognitive appraisal of the contents of
the mind, especially in the defining and labeling of
various “sins” or “defilements (kleshas” (Figure 1,
Figure 2) which bring about “suffering” according to
Eastern traditions.2
Figure 2. Kleshas or “poisons” in the Buddhist tradition are the
equivalent of “sin” in other traditions. The original Buddhist
teachings prescribe mindfulness practices, including Tranquility
Meditation (samatha) to pacify the “kleshas” while Insight
Meditation (vipassana) is said to help one to realize the true nature
of reality.
Mindfulness: Historical Context and Cognitive
Framework
“In the wars and violence of the industrial age, our species
has been neglecting our heart needs. We have also
neglected the needs of other beings with whom we share
this planet. We need to probe more deeply and more
communally into who we are as a species: our strengths
and our weaknesses, our power and misuse of power.
Paying attention includes going into our capacity for
destruction and self-hatred, our resentments and our
avarice, our envy and our listlessness, our despair and our
cynicism, our addictions and our projections, our
arrogance and our malice - in short, for lack of a better
word, our sins”. (Fox 1999)
I found the above quote a fitting introduction to this
section of my paper on mindfulness, the practice of
which takes the mind on a tour not only of human
experiential comfort zones but also of unpleasant
zones that are causes of human suffering - manifested
in what Buddhists call “greed, anger and delusions”.
Figure 1. Five defilements (kleshas) in the Yoga Sutra
Fox (1999) adds: “As our species evolves spiritually, we
must take another and harder look at our complicity in
140 Panel 4
evil and at how our spiritual traditions may assist us in
growing beyond our violence. Spiritual advancement is
not restricted to increasing light in the world; we need
also to increase awareness of those shadow forces with
whom we must wrestle. If we don’t, we will pay the
price”.
Historical Context: An “Axial Age of Spirituality” at
a Time of Great Transitions and Warfare
Armstrong (2006) links conditions of great social
upheaval and violence in around the 9th to the 1st
century B.C.E. to Karl Jasper’s “axial age”3 of
spirituality which was meant to “control the selfish
drive of men” and “develop a spirituality of
compassion”. Armstrong (2006) revisits this axial age
of spirituality which gave rise not only to Hinduism
and Buddhism, but also to Confucianism and Daoism
in China, monotheism in Israel, and philosophical
rationalism in Greece, with modern Judaism,
Christianity and Islam as offshoots of the earlier
Abrahamanic traditions of that age. Armstrong (2006)
further added: “The prophets, mystics, philosophers
and poets of the Axial Age were so advanced and their
vision was so radical, that later generations tended to
dilute it. In the process, they often produced exactly
the kind of religiosity that the Axial reformers wanted
to get rid of. That, I believe, is what has happened in
the modern world”.
Search for Answers to Human Suffering: Evolution
of Theories of Mindfulness Encoded in Ancient
Yogic and Buddhist Literature
Within the vast and rich literature of Asian
mindfulness practices, the interested reader may refer
to the Yoga Sutra of Patanjali5 (Figure 3), Gautama
Buddha’s concepts6 of the Four Noble Truths (Figure
4) and the Eight-fold Path (Figure 5) as part of the
evolution of Asian spiritual thought. Finally, a
theoretical framework for modern mindfulness
practices is provided in the Satippathana Sutta
(Foundations of Mindfulness) shown in Figure 6.
Figure 3. An Outline of the Eight Limbs of Yoga mentioned in
Patanjali’s Yoga Sutras7
According to Armstrong (2006), the “Axial Age was
one of the most seminal periods of intellectual,
psychological, philosophical, and religious change in
recorded history”. There was nothing compared to it
until the Renaissance, which could be seen as the
second axial age on which modern society is now built.
In the Asia region, it is in the context of the “first”
Axial age of spirituality that mindfulness practices
evolved, emerging as part of yogic contemplative
traditions and finding their way into Hinduism and
Buddhism, and perhaps, in my opinion, influencing
Daoist practices in China. In the Indian subcontinent,
yogic contemplative traditions arose from so-called
shramana movements dating back to the Indus Valley
civilization (3000 to 2000 B.C.) which predates Karl
Jasper’s original “Axial age” sages. Santina (1999)
provides additional insights into this ancient, preBuddhist, pre-Aryan Indus Valley civilization.4
Figure 4. The Four Noble Truths
141
Figure 5. The Eight-Fold Path serves as a useful framework for mindfulness practices in daily life, for both Buddhists and non-Buddhists.
Figure 6. The Four Foundations of Mindfulness (Satipatthana Sutta)
142 Panel 4
The Traditional Practices of Mindfulness in Modern
Life
Figure 8. Summary of some Formal and Informal Mindfulness
Practices
Figure 7. Sitting Meditation Practice. (center picture), with the
Rinzai Zen Monk Toda san of Daitokuji in Kyoto, Japan in 2010.
(Left): attending a ten-day Vipassana retreat in the Philippines in
2009; there were Catholic nuns in our meditation batch.
Mindfulness practitioners, whether beginners or
veterans, are encouraged to practice the minimum of
Five Precepts during meditation retreats, (as well as
applying them in daily life). The Five Precepts can be
either the Five Yamas of Yoga (Figure 3), or the Five
Precepts originating from Buddhist meditation
practice (abstaining from: taking life; what is not
given; sexual misconduct; false speech; intoxicants).
Regardless of one’s religious or philosophical
orientation, these precepts prepare the practitioner to
examine one’s conscience, improve one’s social
relationships, and help bring about a calm mind
conducive to meditation.
Below (Fig. 8) are some formal and informal practices
which can help bring mindfulness to one’s daily life,
further discussed by Siegel (2010).
In addition to the practices mentioned in Fig. 8,
another formal as well as informal mindfulness
practice is “loving kindness” (metta) meditation
(Siegel, 2010). This involves silent expressions of
positive affirmations and intentions for oneself and
others, while in formal sitting meditation practice, or
in informal situations. One such affirmation is “May I
be happy, may I be healthy, may I be free from harm”.
This is repeated a few times. The affirmation can be
dedicated to loved ones, acquaintances, or to those
who have harmed one in the past or irritated one in the
present.
Attitudinal Foundation of Mindfulness Practice: Dr.
Jon Kabat-Zin (1990) has listed eight attitudes
necessary for developing a mindfulness practice. These
are outlined below in Table 1.
143
Table 1. Attitudinal Foundation of Mindfulness Practice (adapted from Kabat-Zinn, 1990. pp. 33-40)
1. Non-Judging
“Impartial witness to one’s experience, aware of the constant stream of judging and reacting to
inner and outer experiences.”
2. Patience
“Cultivating patience toward our own minds and bodies when practicing mindfulness.”
3. Beginner’s Mind
“Too often we let our thinking and our beliefs about what we know prevent us from seeing things
as they really are…”
4. Trust
“It Is important to be open and receptive to what you learn from other sources, but ultimately you
still have to live your own life, every moment of it. In practicing mindfulness, you are practicing
taking responsibility for being yourself and learning to listen to and trust your own being.”
5. Non-striving
“Although it takes a lot of work and energy of a certain kind, ultimately meditation is a non-doing.
It has no goal other than for you to be yourself. The irony is that you already are.”
6. Acceptance
“Acceptance does not mean that you have to like everything or that you have to take a passive
attitude towards everything and abandon your principles and values ... it simply means that you
have come around to a willingness to see things as they are... setting the stage for acting
appropriately in your life, no matter what is happening.”
7. Letting go
“In meditation practice, we intentionally put aside the tendency to elevate some aspects of our
experience and to reject others. Instead we just let our experience be what it is and practice
observing it from moment to moment. Letting go is a way of lettings be, of accepting things as they
are.”
8. Commitment, Self“A strong commitment to working on yourself and enough self-discipline to persevere in the
Discipline and intentionality process are essential to developing a strong meditation practice and a high degree of mindfulness.”
RELEVANCE TO THE MODERN W0RLD
Mindfulness practices evolved as tools to overcome the
“causes-of-suffering” known as kleshas in the earlier
yogic/ shramana traditions (Figure 1 and 2),
summarized as “greed, anger, and delusions” in
Buddhism.
Mindfulness can certainly help us to be in touch with
our own “greed, anger, and delusions”, in a nonjudgmental way, accepting the sensations of the body
that come along, without acting upon them. If one sits
long enough, meditates enough, in regularity and
persistence, it can help one recognize the
impermanence of one’s emotional manifestations in
bodily reflexes. Mindfulness can also help us to
recognize our own failures with full loving acceptance,
and allow us to begin again anew.
wars of aggression most often brought about by fear
and hatred of the “other”, driven by resource
competition and control by mega-corporations.
Nation-states hold onto their concepts of permanent
borders, and powerful nation-states as well as despotic
leaders attempt to maintain their dominance in
various ways, both diplomatic and violent. Delusionary
visions of rapid growth societies, fuelled by mass
consumerism, and technological quick-fixes have
caused global warming, and the mass extinction of
species.
It is my belief that mindfulness, as a practice of
“nonjudgmental awareness and acceptance of reality as it
is” can help in recognizing the kleshas as they arise, not
just the external manifestations, but by recognizing the
problems that originate “within the mind”, thus
preventing destructive behavioral and material
manifestations.
1. Overcoming modern expressions of the Kleshas:
Could mindfulness practice help in overcoming
“greed, anger, and delusions” in modern society,
especially now that societies have become so
globalized? Greed has become so institutionalized in
globalized, class-stratified societies. Anger has taken on
new expressions in the conventional and nuclear arms
race, in “fundamentalist” movements seeking to
challenge the established global order, in civil wars and
2. Health Applications: Mindfulness Practices fuel
scientific research on the mind-body connection.
Mindfulness literature abounds in the medical
database. The reader may be interested to look into the
Clinical Handbook of Mindfulness (Didonna 2009)
multi-authored by numerous experts in the field.
Another book which gives an overview of the clinical
applications of mindfulness in medicine is The Art and
144 Panel 4
Science of Mindfulness: Integrating Mindfulness into
Psychology and the Helping Professions (Shapiro and
Carlson 2009).
Biomedical researchers have focused on three yogic
techniques (pranayama, asana, jhana) for their health
applications (Figure 9).
Figure 9. Three yogic techniques that are the main areas of research interest found in electronic medical databases.
While these techniques of the yogic and mindfulness
traditions are worthy of investigation, researchers
should not fail to understand that these practices are
carried out in conjunction with cognitive frameworks
which emphasize ethical principles such as nonviolence and honesty, which may possibly affect
emotional responses and help effect positive long-term
health outcomes due to their effects on the autonomic
nervous system and immune functions (in other
words, the mind-body connection).
In 2009, I conducted a review of research activity
indexed by Medline (Pubmed.com) on yoga and
mindfulness over the past few decades (Figure 10).
In the 1970s, Harvard University medical physiologist
Dr. Herbert Benson8 carried out studies on meditators
within the Transcendental Meditation (TM)
movement, which led him to the characterization of
the physiological “relaxation response”, the opposite of
the “stress response”. The TM group, largely
influenced by the Vedic tradition, used repetition of a
phrase or “mantra” as the focus of concentration in
meditation activities. Dr. Benson demonstrated that
there are different ways of inducing the “relaxation
response”, including the use of words inspired by
Christian, Jewish or Islamic traditions.9 The TM
studies were later overtaken by a wide range of clinical
studies, mostly conducted at the beginning of the 21st
century, and many utilizing a combination of
techniques such as yoga stretches, sitting and walking
meditation, and cognitive group therapy, popularly
known as “mindfulness-based stress reduction”
(MBSR)10. The latter focused on breath awareness,
breath counting, somatic awareness, and other
techniques like positive affirmations (e.g. metta
meditation) and visual imagery.
145
Figure 10. Frequency of published journal articles on “yoga” (left) and “meditation” (right) indexed in the Medline electronic medical
database.
An overview of clinical studies on yoga and
mindfulness applications for various illnesses and
special subpopulations in the medical literature
indicates that emotional health is a key measured
outcome.11 Stress reduction is a main outcome
measured in most if not all yoga-related studies,
alongside changes in physical strength and other
physiological parameters.
Meta-analyses of various systematic reviews of yoga
indicates positive outcomes with recommendations for
more studies with more refined methodologies, in
order to be able to make more definite conclusions.
Meta-analytical reviews using random-controlled
trials, with an increase in sample size, uniformity and
refinement of methodologies, have helped to increase
the quality of yoga-related studies.12
The mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR)
program started by Dr. Jon Kabat-Zinn at the
University of Massachusetts School of Medicine is a
growing specialty in the health care field. The MBSR
model, originally spanning eight weeks, is important as
it reasserts a holistic approach to stress reduction. It
combines different components of traditional yoga
(stretching asanas, breath awareness and meditation),
and integrates them into a modern health care setting.
A 2004 meta-analysis of MBSR studies has shown that
the approach can be effective in helping a broad range
of individuals, contributing to symptom reduction in
patients suffering from pain, cancer, heart disease,
depression, and anxiety, as well as for those who are
stressed but generally healthy.13 While a 2007 metaanalysis of MBSR studies for anxiety and mood
symptom reduction, compared to active controls,
indicated that there was no reliable effect,14 a 2009
meta-analysis of MBSR studies for cancer patients
indicated that that MBSR helps improve cancer
patients’ mental health.15 A 2009 systematic review
and meta-analysis of MBSR for healthy people also
showed that it is able to reduce stress in such
candidates.16
I have summarized the health benefits of mindfulness
and yoga training in Figure 11 below.
146 Panel 4
Figure 11. Summary of Results of Clinical Studies on Effects of Mindfulness and Yoga Training in Healthy and Chronically Ill Patients
Recent studies have indicated that the balancing of
parasympathetic and sympathetic nervous systems not
only induces the “relaxation response”, but also affects
the immune system through vagal innervations of
immune tissues, thereby improving immune functions
even among those with cancer.17
Recent studies have focused on the effects of long-term
mindfulness training on preserving the telomere
length of human chromosomes, which is a sign of
longevity.18 A probable model has been presented
below (Figure 12), adapted from the work of Epel et al.
(2009) presented during a scientific convention on the
theme “Longevity, Regeneration and Optimal Health”
of the New York Academy of Science. According to
the authors, “some forms of meditation may have
salutary effects on telomere length by reducing
cognitive stress and stress arousal and increasing
positive states of mind and hormonal factors that may
promote telomere maintenance”.
Figure 12. A hypothetical model by which mindfulness practices can affect longevity.
The cardiologist Dr. Dean Ornish has pioneered
integrating mindfulness practices as part of a
preventive and rehabilitative health care model19 (Fig.
13A). Dr. Herbert Benson has a similar model20 in
which he integrates “mind-body therapies” within the
western medicine framework (Figure 13B).
There are safety issues and precautions to be observed
in yoga and meditation training. Certain physical
aspects of hatha yoga undertaken in a regular fitness
class are contra-indicated for people with hypertension
or for those with spinal injuries. There are various
levels of hatha yoga training that are appropriate for
people of various health conditions, and ages. Intense
meditation training may not be appropriate with
147
people with severe psychosis. It is now common for
meditation retreat organizers to request prior health
profiles of participants.
How does this positive picture of the health benefits of
mindfulness practice fit into the lives of economically
deprived working men and women of Asia and the rest
of the world? Even the Buddha found the “Middle
Way” after finding out that extreme ascetic practice
was not helpful in mind cultivation. A nourished
brain/mind and body is necessary for mind-body
training.
Figure 13. (A) Spectrum Model of Dr. Dean Ornish; (B) Three-Legged Stool model of Dr. Herbert Benson. Both models emphasize
integrating mind-body interventions with conventional medicine and other healthy lifestyle modifications.
3. Mindfulness in Education:
The tradition of basic mindfulness training is brought
into the classroom by Schoeberlein and Sheth (2009)
in their publication Mindful Teaching and Teaching
Mindfulness, “offering hands-on tools, exercises, and
insights tempered by the voice of experience that help
to build relationships with students and engage them
in learning, and that will renew teacher’s own energy,
passion and commitment”.
Fontana and Slack (1997) in Teaching Meditation to
Children: The Practical Guide to the Use and benefits of
Meditation Techniques, suggest that the practice “gives
even very young children power over their thinking
and their emotions through enhanced selfunderstanding
and
self-acceptance,
helping
adolescents navigate the emotional peaks and valleys of
the transition from childhood to adulthood”.
A Mindfulness in Education Network was begun in
2001, organized by United States-based educators and
students of the Vietnamese Zen monk Thich Nhat
Hanh, for “the purpose of facilitating communication
among educators, parents, students, and others
interested in promoting mindfulness in educational
settings”. The network has organized annual
conferences on mindfulness in education since 2008.21
A similar group, the Association for Mindfulness in
Education, is committed to promoting mindfulness
research and to providing “support for mindfulness
training as a component of K-12 education”.22 The
efforts at bringing mindfulness education to schools,
colleges and universities in the United States have been
chronicled by mindfulnet.org.23 Learning from the
efforts of a pilot mindfulness training experiment in a
primary school in California in 2007, many schools
tried out a similar program under a Community
Partnership for Mindfulness in Education, which
evolved later into Mindful Schools, with a vision to
“transform education through mindfulness”.24
148 Panel 4
4. Mindfulness in Leadership
Inspired by the successful documentation of the health
benefits of mindfulness training in controlled clinical
settings, and their gradual acceptance in the
educational arena, mindfulness training has also been
introduced in the arena of leadership training. Carroll
(2007), a mindfulness practitioner/ trainer and
business management consultant, has for example
published The Mindful Leader: Awakening Your
Natural Management Skills through Mindfulness
Meditation. The book covers a wide range of
mindfulness-related topics related to training staff and
managers of organizations to develop innate leadership
talents. Finally, the Center for Mindfulness of the
University of Massachusetts has pioneered programs
in mindfulness in leadership training.25
Conclusion
This study provided me with insights into how
mindfulness practice and cognitive frameworks may
have evolved within the historical context of great
dissatisfaction with human suffering brought about by
intense human rivalries and violence, from which arose
an “axial age of spirituality” when ancient sages aspired
to give meaning to human existence.
Despite the technological wonders that have shaped
industrialized countries of the Western hemisphere,
and the newly industrializing countries of Asia and
South America, and even after the end of the Cold
War period, the planet continues to be faced with
economic, political, and cultural-spiritual crises, and a
common ecological crisis - climate change. The vision
of sustaining a model of continuous economic
expansion and consumption has become blurred, if it
has not gone into a decline, with the traditional major
economic powers apparently reaching an economic
plateau. New economic superpowers such as China are
emerging, while Western powers have conspired to
stabilize aligned dictatorial client states in the Middle
East while supporting the de-stabilization of nonaligned dictatorial states. Religious “fundamentalist”
resistance to the neo-liberal economic power
structures in some parts of the world has spawned nonstate terrorism which tries to match the barbarity of
state-supported terrorism of small and large powernation states. Indeed, the planet appears to be entering
another crisis period.
To answer my principle question, how relevant is
mindfulness practice in the light of these numerous
crises confronting the planet?
1. Mindfulness practice can be a tool to recover
the original intentions of ancient sages of
various spiritual traditions: to continually
revisit the inner resources necessary for a
spirituality of compassion, which evolved to
pacify and temper the human species amid
violence and warfare. As the Dalai Lama once
said: “This is my simple religion - there is no
need for temples, no need for complicated
philosophy. Our own brain, our own heart, is
our temple. The philosophy is kindness”. In this
way, mindfulness practice is also a way to
develop a link across theistic and non-theistic
worldviews, to help improve the human
condition.
2. In the past, mindfulness practice had become
confined to monastic communities in Asia,
isolated from the mainstream of society. The
challenge, time and again, has been how to
reengage mindfulness to influence social
structural transformation. We have seen
attempts at engaged mindfulness practice in
some Asian countries; such as during the Indian
Independence struggle from Great Britain,
during the Vietnam war when peace
movements arose to try to stop the civil war, in
Thailand through the engaged Buddhadasainspired social movements, during the
American Black civil rights movement of the
1960s, in the continued adherence to nonviolent resistance to the Burmese dictatorship,
and even in the Philippines through peoplepower mass movements. Inspired by Eastern
mystic’s traditional adherence to non-violence,
similar movements have emerged in the past
and present in other parts of the world,
including in the recent Occupy Wall Street
Protests against corporate greed. How can
mindfulness practice further strengthen such
social movements for change?
3. The advances in mindfulness research and
practice in the scientific, medical and
educational community in the West and in Asia
have helped further the adoption of
mindfulness practices in non-Buddhist
countries. These advances can contribute to the
conscious revival of mindfulness practices.
4. Mindfulness is not just a matter of “technique”,
as often investigated by the scientific and
medical community. It is a way of life. It has a
cognitive framework and an ethical framework,
as earlier discussed. We should always allow
such cognitive-ethical frameworks to be
reexamined whenever necessary, in continuing
dialog with modern science, as well as with
other religious, philosophical traditions or
evolving worldviews.
5. Mindfulness is meant to assess a situation of
“suffering”, using “suffering” as an opportunity
for growth: Quoting the 13th century Sufi poet
and mindfulness teacher Jelaluddin Rumi: “Do
not turn your head. Keep looking at the bandaged
place. That’s where the light enters you”.
7
The Eight Limbs of Yoga: The Yamas explicitly set
requirements for the ancient yogi to follow a code of moral
conduct – non-harming (ahimsa), truthfulness or non-lying
(satya), non-stealing (asteya), sexual continence or celibacy
(bramacharya), and non-possessiveness. These were
definitely guidelines for shramana or ascetic monk training.
The eight limbs of yoga prepare the postulant for a
contemplative lifestyle, dedicated towards achieving an
enlightened consciousness through meditation. To be able to
do this, one has to be socially engaged in a positive way,
observe personal hygiene and purification steps (niyamas),
then dedicate oneself to the individual practice of meditation
which starts from a correct sitting posture (asana). Breath
awareness and breath control exercises (pranayama) help to
prepare the body for different levels of contemplation
(dharana and jhana), until one reaches the promised
enlightened state of mind (samadhi).
8
Dr. Herbert Benson was a Physiology professor at Harvard
University in the 1970s, and authored the book The
Relaxation Response based on his meditation research studies.
See: Profile of Dr. Herbert Benson: http://www.mbmi.org/
benson/default.asp
9
Other papers did show that mantra recitations, whether of
the Christian or Hindu type, could affect autonomic
responses. See: Bernardi L, Sleight P, Bandinelli G, Cencetti
S, Fattorini L, Wdowczyc-Szulc J, Lagi A. Effect of rosary
prayer and yoga mantras on autonomic cardiovascular
rhythms: a comparative study. British Medical Journal.
2001;323:1446-9
10
For descriptions of the mindfulness-based stress reduction
program started by Dr. Jon Kabat-Zinn, see: http://
www.umassmed.edu/Content.aspx?id=42426
11
The titles of some representative science papers on the effects
of yoga and mindfulness on emotional health can be accessed
at
my
website:
https://sites.google.com/site/
mykyotodiaryofmind/home/vii-appendix-preliminaryreview-papers/api_endnote-46
12
The titles of some representative meta-analytical reviews of
yoga and mindfulness studies appearing in medical journal
publications can be accessed at my website: https://
sites.google.com/site/mykyotodiaryofmind/home/viiappendix-preliminary-review-papers/api_endnote-47
NOTES
1
My API Fellowship Activity Report can be accessed online at:
https://sites.google.com/site/mykyotodiaryofmind/home
2
Hindu and Buddhist traditions incorporate the concept of
kleshas in reference to defilements which obstruct the
attainment of full human potential. See http://
www.palikanon.com/english/wtb/g_m/kilesa.htm as well as
http://www.nathorder.org/wiki/Five_Kleshas
3
4
The term “Axial age” was first coined by the German
philosopher Karl Jaspers (1883 – 1969). Jaspers pointed to
the period between 800 to 200 BCE in which great
revolutionary thinking arose in China, India and the West,
during which the common goal of sages was the search for the
meaning of human existence. The “axial age” concept was
further explored by Karl Armstrong (2006).
Archaeological excavations have revealed a number of
symbols important to the people of the Indus Valley
civilization which include the pipal tree (bodhi tree), animals
such as the elephant and the deer, and the image of a human
figure seated in a cross-legged meditation posture. These are
important images in Buddhism.
149
5
Some online sources of translations and commentaries on
Patanjali’s
Yoga
Sutras
include:
http://
www.abardoncompanion.com/Alex/Patanjali.pdf ; http://
www.swamij.com/yoga-sutras.htm
13
See: Grossman P, Niemann L, Schmidt S, Walach H.
Mindfulness-based stress reduction and health benefits. A
meta-analysis. Journal of Psychosomatic Research. 2004
Jul;57(1):35-43.
6
For free online access to the Pali Canon, see: http://
www.palicanon.org/. The Buddha’s discourses were divided
into three parts: (1) Vinaya Pitaka contains all the rules
which the Buddha laid down for monks and nuns; (2) the
second part is called the Suttanta Pitaka which contains the
Discourses; (3) the third part is known as the Abhidhamma
Pitaka which comprises the psycho-ethical teachings of the
Buddha.
14
See: Toneatto T, Nguyen L. Does mindfulness meditation
improve anxiety and mood symptoms? A review of the
controlled research. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry. 2007
Apr;52(4):260-6. Review.
15
See: Ledesma D, Kumano H. Mindfulness-based stress
reduction and cancer: a meta-analysis. Psychooncology. 2009
Jun;18(6):571-9.
150 Panel 4
16
Chiesa A, Serretti A. Mindfulness-based stress reduction for
stress management in healthy people: a review and metaanalysis. Journal of Alternative and Complementary
Medicine. 2009 May;15(5):593-600.
17
For discussions on the mechanisms of the health benefits of
yogic practices, see: Kuntsevich V, Bushell WC, Theise ND.
Mechanisms of yogic practices in health, aging, and disease.
Mt Sinai J Med. 2010 Sep-Oct;77(5):559-69
18
19
20
A recent study has been published on the effects of a threemonth meditation retreat, increasing telomerase activity in
retreat participants versus control subjects: Jacobs TL, Epel
ES, Lin J, Blackburn EH, Wolkowitz OM, Bridwell DA,
Zanesco AP, Aichele SR, Sahdra BK, MacLean KA, King BG,
Shaver PR, Rosenberg EL, Ferrer E, Wallace BA, Saron CD.
Intensive meditation training, immune cell telomerase
activity,
and
psychological
mediators.
Psychoneuroendocrinology. 2011 Jun;36(5):664-8. Epub
2010 Oct 29.
The website of the Preventive Medicine Research Institute,
founded by Dr. Dean Ornish who is a pioneer in the area of
integrating mindfulness practices in health care, is at: http://
www.pmri.org/
The Benson-Henry Institute for Mind-Body Medicine
founded by Harvard University Professor Emeritus Dr.
Herbert Benson integrates mindfulness practices with
mainstream Western medicine.
See: http://www.massgeneral.org/bhi/about/
Desikachar, T.K.V. 1995. The Yoga Sutra of Patanjali (Part III).
In The Heart of Yoga. 143 – 215. Rochester, Vermont: Inner
Traditions International.
Didonna, Fabrizi (editor). 2009. Clinical Handbook of
Mindfulness. New York, U.S.A.: Springer.
Epel, Elissa, J. Daubenmier , J.T. Moskowitz, S. Folkman, and E.
Blackburn. 2009. Can Meditation Slow Rate of Cellular Aging?
Cognitive Stress, Mindfulness, and Telomeres in: Longevity,
Regeneration, and Optimal Health: Ann. N.Y. Acad. Sci. 1172:
34–53 (2009).
doi: 10.1111/j.1749-6632.2009.04414.x C 2009 New York
Academy of Sciences. p. 35
Fontana, David and Ingrid Slack. 2007. Teaching Meditation to
Children: The Practical Guide to the Use and Benefits of
Meditation Techniques. U.K.: Watkins Publishing.
Fox, Mathew. 1999. Introduction: A Species Wanting
Attention. In Sins of the Spirit, Strengths of the Flesh. New York:
Three Rivers Press.
Gunaratana, Venerable Henepola. 1992 Mindfulness in Plain
English. Wisdom Publications. (http://www.vipassana.com/
meditation/mindfulness_in_plain_english.php_ )
Kabat-Zinn, Jon. 1990. Full Catastrophe Living: Using the
Wisdom of Your Body and Mind to Face Stress, Pain, and Illness.
USA: Bantam Dell (Random House)
21
The online group Mindfulness in Education Network was
inspired by the work of the Vietnamese Zen monk and peace
activist Thich Nhat Hanh. See the website at: http://
www.mindfuled.org/
Odier, Daniel. 1986. Nirvana Tao: The Secret Meditation
Techniques of the Taoist and Buddhist Masters. USA: Inner
Traditions.
22
The website of the Association for Mindfulness in Education
is at: http://www.mindfuleducation.org/
Ravindra, Ravi. 2006. Yoga in the Yoga Sutra and the Bhagavad
Gita. In The Spiritual Roots of Yoga: The Royal Path to Freedom.
45 – 100. Canada: Morning Light Press.
23
Case studies on mindfulness in educational settings are
chronicled here: http://www.mindfulnet.org/page7.htm
24
The website of Mindful Schools in California, USA. http://
www.mindfulschools.org/
Santina, Peter Della. 1999. Tree of Enlightenment: An
Introduction to the Major Traditions of Buddhism. Yin Shun
Foundation. Available at http://peterdellasantina.org/books/
tree_of_enlightenment.htm.
25
The mindful leadership training program of the Center for
Mindfulness in Health Care, Medicine and Society: http://
www.umassmed.edu/cfm/leadership/index.aspx
Shoeberlein, Deboraha and Suki Sheth. 2009. Mindful Teaching
and Teaching Mindfulness: A Guide for Anyone Who Teaches
Anything. Boston, USA: Wisdom Publications.
REFERENCES
Armstrong, Karen. 2000. Buddha. USA: Phoenix (paperback
edition)
Armstrong, Karen. 2006. The Great Transformation: The
Beginning of Our Religious Traditions. Alfred A. Knopf /
Random House
Carroll, Michael. 2007. The Mindful Leader: Awakening Your
Natural Management Skills through Mindfulness Meditation.
USA: Trumpeter Books.
Shapiro, Shauna L. and Linda E. Carlson. 2009. The Art and
Science of Mindfulness: Integrating Mindfulness into Psychology
and the Helping Professions. Washington, DC, USA: American
Psychological Association.
Siegel, Ronald D., Christopher K. Germer, and Andrew
Olendzki. 2009. Mindfulness: What Is it? Where Did It Come
From? In Clinical Handbook of Mindfulness, ed. Fabrizio
Didonna, 17 – 35.USA: Springer.
Sujiva 2000. Essentials of Insight Meditation (A Pragmatic
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151
The “Contemporary Art Museum” in Japan: A Study on the Role and
Function of this Cultural Institution in Today’s Urban Society
Aroon Puritat
Introduction
If art museums were considered a function existing in
the urban fabric in the same manner as markets, train
stations, theaters, parks, universities, offices, etc. are,
one would see the constant adaptations and
adjustments of these urban buildings and spaces over
different periods. It is inevitable for art museums to
resist the changing course of time. Such changes
eventually become significant evidences of Japan’s
history of art and culture, and of the progression of its
society, economy and politics, including its
architectural developments.
Architect Arata Isozaki classifies the historical changes
of museums into three generations. “The Pantheon
style museums in the first generation focus mainly on
collection and preservation, while the second
generation art museums are modern museums where
white cubical space carries out main functionality in
exhibiting different genre of art. Contemporary
museums in the third generation are site-specific,
which integrate artworks into the museum’s
architectural space” (Fudo 2011, 2).
Yuko Hasegawa (2004, 78-79), chief curator of the
Museum of Contemporary Art in Tokyo, divides the
evolution of art museums into four different
generations. She wrote:
Art museums have changed with the times. In
Japan, the first generation of museums built in
the postwar period up to the 1960s focused on
the function of preservation. The second
generation, in the 1960s and 1970s, emphasized
display and presentation. In the 1980s and after,
a third generation appeared with an emphasis on
visitor participation, learning experiences, and
hospitality to visitors. Facilities were established
for workshops, concerts and performances.
Amenities such as cafes, restaurant, and shops
were provided for the people who were spending
more time in the museum, taking advantage of
the many programs it offered. Since the 1990s, a
fourth generation of museums has appeared in
response to the greater influence of information
in society, the trend toward globalization, and
the demand for lifetime education. They give
viewers a more active role and provide them with
greater opportunities for personal growth and
self-realization.
It is noticeable how the architect Arata Isozaki
categorizes the generations of art museums according
to their architectural styles, while Yuko Hasegawa
classifies art museums by their functionalities and
social roles. The researcher, meanwhile, incorporates
the insights of the two experts in the classification of
art museums proposed in this research. This research is
the result of a one-year fieldtrip, during which the
researcher traveled to art museums in the different
cities of Japan to explore and analyze the urban
contexts surrounding the museums, their
administration systems, as well as their architectural
aspects.
The methodology chosen for this research included indepth interviews with artists, architects, curators, and
art museum directors in Japan. The researcher also
participated in several academic seminars including art
and architectural exhibitions. The events were
recorded in the form of a digital video for further study
and analysis for this research.
The First Generation Art Museum
After the Second World War, Japan attempted to
reconstruct the nation from the debris of destruction
through the developments that looked toward several
Western models, ranging from the education system
and industrial technology, to art museums, which were
then an emerging cultural unit inspired by the West. It
was the era when the first generation of art museums in
Japan was conceived with the main roles of collecting
and preserving several genres of art.
Junzo Sakakura designed the Museum of Modern Art
in Kamakura in 1951. The museum marks a
prominent milestone in Japan’s modern architectural
history and is considered Japan’s first museum of
modern art. The country’s first National Museum of
152 Panel 4
Art was initially founded under the administration of
the Ministry of Education. The Japanese Government
back then bought the building from Nikkatsu
Corporation and assigned the architect Kunio
Maekawa to be responsible for the renovation.1
The Museum of Modern Art, Kamakura, architect Junzo Sakakura (1951). Photos taken by Aroon Puritat.
Not long after, Le Corbusier designed The National
Museum of Western Art in Tokyo, which opened in
1959. Its spiral circulation plan resonates with Le
Corbusier’s desire for the museum to be able to expand
in the future when the collection grows larger. The
original collection exhibited in the museum was Kojiro
Matsukata’s personal collection. Such contribution
exemplifies the way art collectors transfer their
personal collections to public art organizations, a
practice that later became more common in the
Japanese art culture scene. The art pieces exhibited in
art museums during this period were mostly paintings
and sculptures.2
This was also the period when collections of western
art from different eras were gradually compiled in
different art museums. For instance, the National
Museum of Western Art exhibited a collection of
artworks from the 14th to the 19th centuries, while the
National Museum of Modern Art in Tokyo mounted
Japan’s notable artworks by both Japanese and
international artists from the 20th century, or the
modern era.
The National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo, architect Le Corbusier (1959). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
The Second Generation Art Museums (1970-1980)
The second-generation movement emphasized
exhibition and presentation more. During this time,
art museums began to emerge in the different
provinces of the country, instead of clustering in
several venues in Tokyo.
It was during this period when the 1970 Expo in
Osaka manifested the majesty and early development
of Modern Japanese architecture that started to break
away from the influence of Western architecture,
particularly that of Le Corbusier. This era’s generation
of architects, among them, Kunio Maekawa and Junzo
Sakakura, projected such differentiation distinctively.
In the early 70s, Arata Isozaki, the new generation
architect of that time, became widely recognized
through many of his important architectural creations
such as The Kitakyushu City Museum of Art,
Fukuoka and The Museum of Modern Art, Gunma
(finished in 1974). Kisho Kurokawa, another
important architect from the same generation,
designed the Saitama Prefectural Museum of Modern
Art (finished in 1982).
The works produced during this period took the first
step into the realm of late Modernism where geometric
forms were not distinctively visible. Instead, the
architecture played with the diversity of form and
space, which seemed to allow the Japanese architects to
conceptualize and crystallize their own architectural
notion and identity.
The Third Generation Art Museum (1980-1990)
This decade marked the time when art museums grew
substantially both in terms of size and function.
Theaters, concert halls, and workshop areas were the
popular add-ons that allowed viewers to have a more
collective experience in museums. Since the venues
were getting bigger physically, areas such as a café and a
restaurant were put in, mainly to accommodate the
viewers so that they could spend more time in the
museums.
This period can, more or less, be considered as the
Renaissance of art museum construction due to the
massive financial injection art museums enjoyed from
153
the country’s bubble economy. Japan entered the
realm of architectural transformation, stepping into
the third generation with the rise of influential
architects of the era, particularly the renowned
protégés of Kenzo Tange: Kisho Kurokawa, Fumihiko
Maki, Arata Isozaki, Yoshio Taniguchi, etc. These
architects had had the chance to work on several art
museum projects, both in and outside Japan, since the
early days of their profession back in the 70s. But it was
the 80s that was considered the true golden era of this
group of architects.
In an interview, Professor Hiroyuki Suzuki (2010 ),3 a
prominent architectural historian of Japanese
Architecture, notably the Modern era, explained the
nature of the social movements that were influencing
Japanese architecture at the time. In 1969, university
students in Japan were actively participating in the
political movement that called for several changes in
Japanese society then. Professor Suzuki was a student
at Tokyo University where the architectural
movement emphasized the search for the manner by
which to initiate massive residential projects, in
response to the expansion of the urban fabric and the
increasing population. Nonetheless, when Japan
developed into a country of better-quality living,
which was the result of its post-war economic revival
and advanced technology, Japanese architecture veered
toward a more individual direction. Such change can
be seen in the abundant births of architecture
conceived in the 80s and the early 90s—the times
when Japan’s bubble economy reached its highest
capacity prior to the explosion that led the country to
economic recession.
Kyoto National Museum of Modern Art, Kyoto, Architect Fumihiko Maki (1986). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
154 Panel 4
Hiroshima City Museum of Contemporary Art, Hiroshima, Architect Kisho Kurokawa (1989). Photos by Aroon Puritat
It comes as no surprise to see renowned architects of
the 80s create their own architectural theories and use
these to conceptualize their own designs. It was also
during this period when the Post-Modern Movement
started to emerge, and many art museums were created
without sufficient supporting factors that could
enhance future sustainable operation, and address the
museum’s lack of a suitable architectural program and
administration strategy. Given that many art museum
organizations had to face massive maintenance costs,
the art museum buildings were unable to function as
properly as expected. While the architects from the
third generation were swamped with large-scale public
building projects, the fourth generation ones who had
never studied under the Japanese or Western
education system, among them Tadao Ando and the
Tokyo University educated Toyo Ito, played
increasingly significant parts. This group of architects
would later assume an important role in the local
architectural scene, specifically from the post-90s until
the present.
One of the interesting art museums built during this
period was the Marugame Genichiro-Inokuma
Museum of Contemporary Art (1991) designed by
Yoshio Taniguchi, the modernist architect whose
works were known for their rather simple, humble,
and serene architectural expression. Interviews with
several curators showed how most of them admired
and agreed that Yoshio Taniguchi’s design exemplifies
the architectural program of a museum that is highly
flexible, making it very convenient to facilitate
different forms of installations and presentations.
The Marugame Genichiro-Inokuma Museum of
Contemporary Art (MIMOCA) is located in a small
town of Magurame. The functionality of the building
is designed to interestingly connect itself to the city
fabric. The huge staircase is at the side of the building,
allowing viewers to access different areas of the
building, such as the restaurant and the library,
without having to buy a ticket to enter the exhibition
area of the museum. The distinctive development of
MIMOCA as an art museum is its ability to
incorporate extra functionality, such as the public
library, into the building. The large ground in front of
the museum is mostly used for exhibiting sculpture
pieces; however, the area also has opened public access.
In 1991, wrote:
The main point of Taniguchi’s design is his
creative intention to create a building that
enhances the viewer’s desire to go to the
museum, but in the meantime, the architecture
must not disturb or distract the viewer’s interests
from the artworks exhibiting inside of the
museum. This explains the simplicity of his
architecture, which is a simple looking box that
doesn’t have any gaudy decorative architectural
composition or flashy building’s surface. 4
Architecturally speaking, Taniguchi’s design can be
classified as belonging to the Second Generation art
museums, which basically have a white-cube space
suitable for artworks from the Modern art era. The
accessibility the architect creates for the general public
to use certain spaces in the museum without having to
see the exhibitions was developed from this generation
of art museums. However, when considering the
administration system and time of construction,
MIMOCA can be classified as a Third Generation art
museum.
155
Marugame Genichiro-Inokuma Museum of Contemporary Art, Marugame, architect Yoshio Taniguchi (1991). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
The early 90s was when Installation art and
Conceptual art became more influential, resulting in
the museum’s readjustment of exhibition space due to
the changing process of artistic creations. Artists did
not just work in their studios and install their works in
museums anymore. On several occasions, they began to
incorporate museums into their artistic projections.
Yokohama Museum of Art, Yokohama, architect Kenzo Tange (1989), Photos by Aroon Puritat.
One of the interesting museum projects from the late
80s is the Yokohama Museum of Art, which began to
operate in 1989. The museum was designed by master
architect Kenzo Tange. Globally renowned and one of
the most influential architects in Japan, he was known
for his work in stadiums and urban planning projects
in the 60s and the 70s.
The Yokohama Museum of Art can be classified as a
Second Generation art museum for its emphases on
the exhibition and preservation of artworks with a
strong “institution” image. It projects a great deal of
contrast with other museums conceived during the
time of transformation, when art museums were
beginning to adjust and adapt themselves. Several
museums had then opened up their spaces for more
public access, connecting the museums to the city
fabric and communicating with a general public more
than they used to.
156 Panel 4
Watari-Um Museum of Contemporary Art, Tokyo, architect Mario Botta (1990). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
Opened in this particular period was the small art
museum, the Watari-um Museum of Contemporary
Art, with Mario Botta as architect. This private,
family-operated museum had the Watari family in
charge of administration. Koichi Watari, the director
and second-generation successor of the museum,
provides an interesting point of view. In an interview
on how the Watari-um is operated, he said, “I organize
the exhibitions that I find interesting, be it art or
architecture. We don’t really mind whether the
contents we choose to exhibit are popular or not. I
discuss what I want to do with my colleagues and
family, and then we make the final decision”. The
museum has hosted several art and architectural
exhibitions of many world-class artists and architects
such as Joseph Beuys,Henry Darger, Jean Fabre,
Federico Herrero, Mike Kelley, Barry McGee, and
Nam June Paik, to name a few.
Mario Botta designed the architecture of the Watarium Museum of Contemporary Art by emphasizing
symmetrical forms, while the installation of surface
materials and the structure were designed in response
to the symmetrical shape of the building. It was a
challenging task, considering the triangular shape of
the land that made it even harder for Botto to execute
his signature symmetrical architecture.
The Watari-um Museum of Contemporary Art is
considered another important piece of architecture of
the Post-Modern Era. Designed by foreign architects,
it is also a great example of how a small private
organization can manage to operate and function as a
successful art museum, without having to depend on
government support. Watari-um still organizes
interesting exhibitions of several artists and architects
continually.5
The Fourth Generation Art Museums (1990-2000)
The Fourth Generation Art Museums were
constructed during the age of information and
globalization. It was the period when viewers were able
to access information and began to extend their artistic
understanding in the form of long-term studies.
Through art, viewers became capable of understanding
themselves more under different social roles, be this
politic, gender, or culture. For their part, art museums
were adapted and extended to encompass several other
forms and genres.
Despite the economic recession, the construction of
art museums in Japan continued. Some of the private
ones had to close down after less than two decades of
operation. In interviews, curators and directors of
several state-funded and provincially-funded art
museums revealed that their budgets were cut down by
10 percent for 10 consecutive years, while many art
museums were required to prove to the general public
that their organizations were spending the taxpayer’s
money properly and efficiently.
In the late 20th century, a distinctive example of an art
museum conceived with a site-specific program in
Japan was an art project initiated by the group called
Benesse Art Site Naoshima. This was originated by
Soichiro Fujutake, the chairman of Benesse Holdings,
Inc. and the Naoshima Fukutake Art Museum
Foundation. Soichiro Fujutake came up with the idea
to build an art museum on Naoshima Island. His aim
was for the museum to function not only as a venue for
exhibiting artworks, but also to serve as a tool that
would expand the conventional frame of art museums,
by taking the art out of the museum context. The
project offered new alternatives and directions for
artistic presentations, where nature, art, and
architecture were integrated.
The Benesse Art project was founded in 1988, while
the first museum of the island, the Benesse House
Museum, was finished in 1992 with Tadao Ando in
charge of the architectural direction. The museum has
hosted a personal collection of Soichiro Fukutake that
included the works of several internationally
renowned artists ranging from Gerhard Richter,
Donald Judd, Nam June Paik, Robert Rauschenberg,
David Hockney, to Andy Warhol, etc. The interior
space of the museum was specifically allocated for the
installation of each artwork, while the balance between
the artworks and the architecture was creatively
controlled. 6
The museum’s architectural style and the presentation
of exhibitions are not entirely different from those of
other museums from the Second Generation.
Nonetheless, the location and the hotel facility, which
have been incorporated as part of the program,
differentiate the Benesse House Museum from other
art museum projects. In the meantime, Tadao Ando’s
157
architecture does not exactly exhibit any distinctive
evidence of its attempt to create specific interactions
between the architecture and the artworks.
In 1998, the Benesse Art Site, Naoshima launched The
Art House Project in Honmura district by renovating
several old traditional houses that were to serve as
exhibition venues for site-specific Installation art
pieces. Tatsuo Miyajima was the first artist to ever join
the project, which was followed by many other similar
installation art projects. The project did not only
intend to restore and preserve the old, traditional
Japanese wooded houses, but also interwove local
history with the contemporariness of the artworks.
Some of the works were installed next to the district’s
religious place, causing the artists to reinterpret their
artistic creations under an entirely new surrounding
context and environment, quite different from the
artistic process taking place in the conventional white
cube-like space in a museum properly designed by an
architect.
Benesse House Museum, Architect Tadao Ando (1992). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
The Art House Project, Honmura district, Naoshima (1998). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
158 Panel 4
In 2004, Tadao Ando designed the Chichu Art
Museum that hosts the works of three legendary
artists: Claude Monet, James Turrell, and Walter De
Maria. The majority of the building is located
underground, beneath the grass hill. The architecture
was designed to emphasize each space where each art
piece is installed. For instance, the room where Claude
Monet’s Water Lilies is exhibited is laid with small
white mosaic pieces that accentuate the painting, to
make it even more vivaciously distinctive.
Although concrete is the common material used in
most of Ando’s designs, the architect adjusted his own
architectural language to suit the presence of the
artworks to the Chichu Art Museum. The circulation
is controlled by limiting the number of viewers for
each visiting round, while noise making is prohibited
when entering the exhibition space. These measures
protect the art viewing atmosphere from any
disturbance. To illustrate, the museum allows only one
viewer at a time to see James Turrell’s works.
Viewers who walk into the museum go through a series
of empty spaces in the different areas of the museum
before reaching the artworks. The clash between the
artworks and the architecture that takes place inside
the Chichu Art Museum rigorously draws out the
contemporariness of Claude Monet’s Impressionist
paintings.
Chichu Art Museum, Architect Tadao Ando (2004). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
In 2008, the Inujima Art Project Seirensho made its
debut on the island of Inujima (Okayama Prefecture)
with the Art Museum Seirensho as the first phase to
open for operation in April. The museum was
renovated from the old copper refinery closed down in
1929 after only 10 years of operation. The renovation
of the old factory, which was a testament to Japan’s
industrial modernization, was creatively undertaken
by the environmentalist architect, Hiroshi Sambuichi.
The specialty of this museum was the way the architect
designed the building to embrace the sea breeze, so as
to cool down the museum during summer. On the
other hand, natural sunlight was incorporated into the
building to generate warmth during winter. Both ends
were achieved without use of any electrical power.
Wastewater in the museum, meanwhile, is put through
treatment and later used to water plants.
The Art Museum Seirensho is another successful
example of how the renovation of a deserted building
can result in an impressive architectural creation of
great aesthetic values and environmentally friendly
functionalities. Installed in the building are Yukinori
Yanagi’s artworks, in which the artist brings in doors,
windows, and plug sockets from the house of the
famous Japanese writer Yukio Mishima and reinstalls
them within the space of the museum. Yukio Mishima
is one of the most significant Japanese writers who
critiqued the changes that transpired in Japanese
society during the modernization period.
Art
Museum
Seirensho
interweaves
the
contemporariness of the present to the days of Japan’s
industrial modernization by bringing back the old
factory and the deceased writer to life, thereby
allowing people of the later generations to appreciate
and understand the presence of the past.
159
The Art Museum Seirensho, architect Hiroshi Sambuichi, artist Yukinori Yanagi (2008). Photos by Aroon Puritat.
Teshima Art Museum, architect Ryue Nishizawa (2010). Photos by Aroon Puritat
Not long after, in 2010, to be exact, the Naoshima
Fukutake Art Museum Foundation opened the
Teshima Art Museum. The museum that covers 2,334
square meters is situated on the hill overlooking a
panoramic sea view. This small museum only exhibits
the works of the female artist Rei Naito, a natural
observer who picks up on natural phenomena what
most people tend to overlook, and visualizes them into
intriguing artworks, among them her delicate, barely
visible sculpture that transforms the “wind” into an
intriguing visual perception.
Once at the museum, the viewers are guided to walk
through the designated path before entering the
exhibition space where Rei Naito’s works are installed.
The exhibition area is filled with water droplets that
move around in different directions as a result of the
specially coated floor. When rainwater comes down,
the viewers are able to see the natural, real-time
movements of water and wind, Massive openings
architecturally and artistically enhance the building to
embrace every natural presence—from the wind, the
rain, sunshine, and snow, to the birds and insects.
The Teshima Art Museum is a collaboration of Rei
Naito and the architect Ryue Nishizawa. The artist’s
decision to present water and different natural
phenomena involving water has resulted in the liquidlike shaped architecture. Reinforced concrete is not
used to create a normal beam structure, but to form a
concrete shell structure. The construction process is
begun by piling up the earth to create massive curvy
hill masses onto which the concrete is poured, covering
entire earth hills. After the concrete is set, the earth is
dug out, creating massive voids, which become the
interior spaces of the museum.
Several projects initiated by the Naoshima Fukutaka
Art Museum foundation manifest the attempts to
create new programs in the art museums of the early
21st century. Such attempts include the dispersion of
museums from the high-density urban fabric to
different venues in the rural areas surrounded by
beautiful nature. They also include the design and
construction of architecture that accommodate only
one specific artistic creation. This has resulted in a
more collaborative process between architecture and
art, not to mention consideration for creating
environmentally friendly architecture. Art museums
160 Panel 4
have become tourist attractions that aim for viewers to
spend more time visiting them. That artworks are
located in different parts of the island explains the
presence of additional facilities such as the Benesse
House hotel, thereat.
Community wise, the arrival of artworks, architecture,
and tourists on Naoshima Island enlivens the small
island village and rejuvenates the spirits of its 3,307
residents, who are mostly senior citizens. In the
meantime, young people have increasingly begun to
settle on the island, starting tourism businesses that
range from restaurants and hotels, to cafés. Statistics
also show how the number of tourists visiting the
island has grown continually since 2005.
While all sorts of activities and projects that
incorporate the involvement of the local community
have helped stimulate collective contributions and the
participation of community members, the Foundation
has revived the activities that the islanders used to
undertake by making them part of people’s everyday
lives once more. For instance, starting 2006, the
ongoing Naoshima Rice-Growing Project resuscitated
the rice-growing activity, which had been absent from
the local community since the 70s. Another interesting
project was the Honmura Noren Project initiated in
2001 by the artist Yuko Kano. The project
reintroduced the use of noren (short cloth curtains
hung in the entrance to Japanese shops) after Kano,
the dyeing expert, made noren for the 14 houses in
Honmura district, thus leading to the birth of the
Honmura Noren Project committee advocated by
Benesse.
21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art,
Kanazawa
From 2004 to August 2011, the 21st Century Museum
of Contemporary Art Kanazawa proved its
overwhelming success, attracting over 10 million
tourists to the museum and the city of Kanazawa.
Before it reached this glorious stage, the museum had
been the subject of comprehensive planning, a process
that took over nine years to accomplish. In 1995, the
project was initiated with the establishment of the
Urban Core District Preparation Scheme Committee,
a joint committee consisting of the Ishikawa
Prefecture and Kanazawa City. In 1996, the Citizens
Forum was held to discuss the art museum scheme
before the board of special advisors (17 members) and
general advisors (4 members), appointed to draft
general art museum plans in 1997. Another Citizens
Forum was held in July-August 1997. In 1999 Kazuyo
Sejima and Associates + SANAA was selected as the
project’s architectural designer.
In 2000, the museum began its artwork collecting and,
not long after, in May of the same year, the name “21st
Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa”
was proposed to the General Standing Committee.
The first official meeting of the 21st Century Museum
of Contemporary Art, the Kanazawa Steering
Committee, and the Preparatory Committee was held
in 2002. In 2003, the citizen’s observations of the 21st
Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa
construction site took place 10 times. In July 2004, the
design of museum staff uniforms by Miyake Design
Studio was made public. The 21st Century Museum of
Contemporary Art, Kanazawa finally opened for
operation in October 2004.
The 21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art,
Kanazawa is situated in the center of Kanazawa City.
Through its transparent glass walls, one can see the
activities going on inside the building, as well as the
linkage between the museum’s interior and exterior
spaces. The circular plan of the building creates a sense
of connectedness between the architecture and the
city, for it embraces the cityscape from all directions,
surrounded by the city’s three main roads.7
Under the collaboration of the architects, artists, and
curators, the exhibition area is divided into 14 galleries,
resulting in the more flexible adjustment of space that
can accommodate various forms of artworks, with the
main corridor connecting all the galleries to each
other. This particular planning allows the viewers to
step out of the galleries if they want to rest their eyes,
or to easily leave the exhibition areas should they wish
to, for any reason whatsoever.
Here, the flow that museum visitors follow is different
from that in other museums, in general, for it allows
viewers to choose their own, without having to follow
particular sequences, the way it is done in most art
museums. Visitors can also walk around the museum
without having to enter the exhibition areas if they do
not want to. The architects came up with this
alternative to expose viewers to new art-viewing
experiences whenever they come over. Even after
visiting hours when the exhibition area is closed, the
people may use the exterior space of the museum until
22.00, as this is accessible via the four entrances located
along the museum’s different ends.8
As for the administration, the museum has been
advocating several educational programs that would
urge museumgoers to have more interactive artistic
experiences. This has resulted in the birth of many
projects, such as an art project with a one-year
exhibition duration, that sees qualified candidates
helping artists in the work and installation processes.
By allowing viewers to be part of the artistic creation
process, the project enhances the viewer’s interactive
experience with the artists.
Akimoto Yuji, the former director of the Chichu Art
Museum and the current director of the 21st Century
Museum of Contemporary Art, shares some of his
thoughts on the budget issue pertaining to the
museum,
Despite having over one million visitors every
year, our budget has been cut down by 10% every
year, as well. The ticket sales of our museum do
not generate that much income compared to the
Naoshima Fukutaka Art Museum Foundation
that can generate six to seven times more
revenue from their ticket sales. Having said that,
both museums cannot depend entirely on
entrance fees to pay for all their expenses. Take a
161
look at a private museum like the Benesse Art
Site Naoshima: the project receives financial
support from the Naoshima Fukutaka Art
Museum Foundation. On the other hand, the
21st Century Museum has the city of Kanazawa
as its main supporter.
Akimoto discusses the issue concerning the general
public’s understanding and attitude towards
“contemporary art”, and the common perception that
contemporary art is “too incomprehensible”,
To understand contemporary art takes time. But
it is not that hard. What we are trying to do is
create educational programs that focus mainly
on students. We work closely with several
elementary schools in Kanazawa that have over
5,000 students under their responsibility; we
offer them the chance to come to our museum.
These kids learn to be familiar with the very
foundation of contemporary art and when they
grow up, they will become the people who have a
basic understanding of contemporary art. It is
they who will become the viewers and important
supporters of our museum in the future.9
162 Panel 4
The 21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa, architect Kazuyo Sejima and Associates + SANAA (2004). Photos by Aroon
Puritat.
Contemporary Art and Art Museums of the Early
21st Century in Japan: The Overall Picture
Within the overlapping period from the late 20th
century to the early 21st century, several art museums
emerged in the different cities of Japan, while some
museums incorporated the term “contemporary” into
their names. Nonetheless, the understanding and
appreciation of contemporary art remain limited to a
small group of people. Based on recorded statistics, the
exhibitions with the highest number of viewers are
often those of famous Impressionist artists and other
artistic legends such as Picasso and Van Gogh. For
instance, Claude Monet’s exhibition held at the
National Art Centre, Tokyo from April to July of
2007 had viewers totaling 704,420, while other
contemporary art exhibitions held in the same
museum averaged only 30,000. This was so despite the
fact that the durations of both were the same: three
months. Such phenomenon is evident in almost every
principal art museum in every big city of Japan.
In a 2010 interview, Minami Yusuke (2010), the Chief
Curator of the National Art Centre, shared her
opinions on the matter,
Massive media corporations in Japan have a great
deal of influence on big art museums. They
choose popular artworks and promote the
exhibitions through the media they have in their
hands, which explains the overwhelming
number of viewers. The media-sponsored
exhibitions often feature works from the Classic
or Impressionist era, mostly because they are
easier to understand compared to works from
the contemporary art genre, which require a
considerable amount of interpretation and
comprehension from the viewers. In addition,
the administration system for the organization
of this type of exhibition usually demands a great
deal of preparation and investment, which
consequentially costs a lot of money. These
exhibitions bear a resemblance to concert
touring with a showing scheduled in big name
museums around the country, while they realize
profits from ticket sales”. 10
The exhibitions of artworks from the pre-Modernism
era such as Impressionism in contemporary or modern
art museums in Japan create a sense of obscurity, while
manifesting a gap in understanding among the general
public regarding the way “art” is still perceived in such
a limited manner. Further, they are sometimes limited
to only one specific artist or era. In the meantime, the
way the museums, as governmental organizations, have
the duty to serve the public and the majority of the
population reflects the political structure of the
country’s liberal democracy. As a result, recorded
statistics regarding the number of viewers remain the
key indicator of the museum’s performance
estimation.
Conclusion
Following the establishment of nation states in the
19th century, various political and social institutions
were formed. One of the early forms of nation-state
outputs was the art museum, a place used to store art
and cultural history for the citizens to learn about the
roots of the nation, consolidate the history of various
ethnic groups, and thread them together into a
completely new story. The intentions of these art
museums were to educate people about the history of
the new nation and foster a shared ideal, political
philosophy. Thereafter, the new nations attempted to
gather every social element and citizen together as part
of the state, hence, founding a political
decentralization system.
Japanese art museums were no exception to this new
political structure. A perusal of art museums founded
era by era since World War II reveals that the early
museums took to collecting both Japanese and foreign
art pieces along with historical evidences, displayed
them in a coherent manner, and sought to explain the
artistic influence that the outside world brought to
Japan, and Japan to the outside world. Most art
museums in Japan were founded by the government;
therefore, the main art museums of the state were
located in major cities such as Tokyo, Kyoto, and
Osaka, where the country’s masterpiece collections of
each era were stored.
Given Japan’s decentralized political system, the
prefectural museums of art within each city received a
locally allocated budget to maintain their sites. During
the 1980s and 1990s, a large number of these museums
were founded in each city. They focused on
constructing hardware or buildings, and purchasing
modern and contemporary art collections from the
western world. Building these unique art collections in
each museum required a huge investment, while art
pieces created by Japanese artists were largely ignored
or disregarded by the museum. Moreover, Japanese art
collectors did not pay much attention to modern and
contemporary Japanese art. As a result, many of these
works were purchased and possessed by foreign art
collectors and museums. Once these Japanese artists
became famous, their works’ value appreciated
considerably in the global market.
But then in 1900s, Japan faced a tough financial crisis.
After the bubble economy burst, the financial
capabilities of many Japanese art museums diminished
such that they could no longer afford to possess or
acquire Japanese art pieces, whose prices were going
beyond levels that the museum’s budgets allowed.
In addition, unlike their contemporaries in the
western world, Japanese art museums do not have large
funds that can support long-term activities. Moreover,
the government does not give any special incentive to
donors or art and cultural organizations – a scheme
put in place in the US and the UK, where a donated
amount is tax-deductible or entitles the donor to have
the collection named after him or her. Western
countries likewise hold various systematic fundraising
programs and engage the private sector in the arts, to
promote their organizations.
This comparison clearly shows that Japan has not
established systematic funding support, even as
capitalism and the art market are observed to have
become inseparable in many parts of the world. It is
evident, as well, that art galleries, artists, art collectors,
and media in art museums have come to be regarded as
benefits that the government must provide its citizens
as these are all funded by tax. But, in Japan, the
government has not established a system that can
sustain the business of these art museums, an oversight
that has consequently crippled other sectors in the
Japanese contemporary art industry. It has been
evident how some art museums have gone out of
business because they did not have adequate funds to
manage and maintain their sites.
architectural design and remarkable exhibition
programs, aside from reflecting transparency in the
work process. This was in keeping with the liberal
democracy nature of Japan. Still, the funding used to
maintain the museums continues to be sourced from
local government bodies. The negative affect of this
arrangement will be palpable and inevitable once the
economy falls.
Many private art museums in Japan have established a
fund to help in the long-term sustainable management
of the sites. But the limitations of this set-up remain
evident. For example, the museums housing them are
small scale and lack collection variety. To build a good
collection takes time and consistency, along with the
vision to see which collections will be of great
historical value in the future. To achieve this status
again requires time and effort on the part of curators,
historians, and critics who design and plan collections
that reveal powerful histories.
Art museums are often connected to politics in many
ways – through policy, the economy, society, and
culture. It is therefore important to maintain a good
proportion of each element and fit them together with
the budget.
Currently, Japanese art museums are facing difficulties
from a tight budget, while experiencing the need to
review their role in presenting contemporary art in a
very competitive global arena, and to simultaneously
provide more knowledge to society. These
responsibilities add up to a huge burden in the face of
limited manpower. We have yet to see how these art
museums will adjust themselves and survive the tough
current in the future.
NOTES
1
Yamauchi, Maiko (Curator of The Museum of Modern Art,
Kamakura). 2011. Interview by author, July 21.
2
Murakami, Hiroya. 2010. Interview by author. Tokyo.
October 12.
3
Suzuki, Hiroyuki. 2010. Interview by author, October 29
4
Nakata, Koichi. 2011. Interview by author, June 26
5
Watari, Koichi. 2010. Interview by author. August 29
6
Akimoto, Yuji. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.
st
Several Japanese art museums founded in the early 21
century have started to engage the general public,
curators, architects, and specialists from different areas
somehow involved in the process—from planning,
designing and constructing the museums, to sourcing
art collections which resulted in outstanding
163
164 Panel 4
7
Fudo, Misato. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.
8
Hirayabashi, Megumi. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.
9
Akimoto, Yuji. 2011. Interview by author, June 7.
10
Minami, Yusuke. 2010. Interview by author, September 17.
REFERENCES
Baniotopoulou, Evdoxia. 2001. Art for whose sake? Modern art
museums and their role in transforming societies: The case of
the Guggenheim Bilbao. Journal of Conservation and Museum
Studies, 07: 1-15.
Fudo, Misato. 2007. The Museum as the Site of a Quiet
Revolution of the People / An Interview with TATEHATA
Akira. A journal on contemporary art and culture. The 21st
Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa, 04: 9-15.
Fudo, Misato. 2011. Beginning of the Endless Dialogue of PostCollection. The Collection Catalog of 21st Century Museum of
Contemporary Art, Kanazawa. Bluemark Inc. 1-2.
Haseagawa, Yuko. 2004. What is 21st century art museum? In A
Museum of the New Century, The Vision and Innovation of the
21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa. Bijutsu
Shuppan Ltd.
Mauhler, Marina Gizinic. 2002. Does Contemporary Art Need
Museums anymore? A journal on contemporary art and culture.
The 21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa, 01:
10-15.
WEBSITES
21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art, Kanazawa,
Museum Timeline http://www.kanazawa21.jp/data_list.php?
g=50&d=1&lng=e
Benesse Art Site Naoshima, History
http://www.benesse-artsite.jp/en/about/history.html
165
MUKHANG PERA: Banknotes and nation.
Ambeth R. Ocampo
Introduction
Mukhang pera is a title I owe to the witty API Fellow
Nick de Ocampo who coined it effortlessly when I was
explaining my research project. The phrase literally
means “looks like money” but in everyday Filipino
conversation, it carries a double meaning: the positive
meaning refers to the faces or portraits engraved on
banknotes; the negative connotation refers to a greedy
person, someone who figuratively “looks like money”.
All round the world people deal with banknotes
everyday; these are so common we tend to take them
for granted. We see and exchange banknotes but
seldom notice the details in them that tell a story
significant to the country that issued the notes and the
people who use them. Almost all banknotes have
portraits of people on them, how and why did they get
there?
My API research project began from my involvement
as historical adviser to the Numismatic Committee of
the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the
Philippines) from 2002-2011. The most significant
work of this committee was to finalize and recommend
to the BSP Monetary Board the designs and security
features that would go into the “New Generation
Currency” (NGC) that was issued in December 2010.
Being the only person on the committee not
connected with the Central Bank, the meetings
provided an introduction to the arcane world of
banknotes, especially the complex design elements and
technical requirements considered primarily to deter
counterfeiting. A historian was called into the
committee to provide inputs on the historical
personalities on the face of the banknotes, as well as the
historical events and icons printed on the reverse.
Aside from aesthetic or artistic considerations, these
images were chosen as a proud display of the history
and culture of the Philippines. The images integral to
the banknotes were meant to evoke pride, images that
were an expression of nation.
After almost a decade with the BSP Numismatic
Committee, I have never looked at banknotes the same
way again. Armed with this unique experience and a
referral from BSP Deputy Governor Diwa Gunigundo
to his counterparts I embarked on my research
fellowship to study the banknotes of countries
participating in the Asian Public Intellectual program:
Japan, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia to see if their
designs were also an expression of nation and
nationhood. To this end, I was based: in Kyoto from
October- November 2010; Bangkok, December 2010February 2011; Jakarta, February-April 2011; and
Kuala Lumpur, April-June 2011.
Why banknotes?
In its earliest form, money began as barter for goods,
often food or the exchange of physical objects of
equivalent value. Before the use of precious metals like
gold and silver, monetary value was reckoned in staple
foods like rice in China or Japan or grain in Egypt and
Mesopotamia. One of the earliest coins, the drachma,
was based on the weight of grain and one of the earliest
paper money in Japan, the koku, was based on rice
either in storage or even in expected yield, an early
example of futures trading. As societies became more
complex, other inedible products were also given
exchange value: pearls and cowrie shell from the sea,
and finally processed precious metals from the earth
like gold and silver or copper and bronze.
While coins came before paper money and were more
durable, these were physically more difficult to
transport in large quantities, thus individuals, banks,
and governments started to issue paper as a promise to
pay a given sum with equivalent value in gold or silver.
This made transactions easier, safer, and more
lightweight. While some form of paper money was
used in ancient China to address the shortage of coins
circa 960 AD, the acknowledged first banknote in
history is dated to Ming China in 1375. Sheets of
paper made from the mulberry tree, the size of an A4
sheet today, were printed to be exchanged for 1,000
coins printed on the banknote. When you realize that
this piece of paper was worth three kilos of coins, you
would understand the advance and practical use of
paper money. In the West, the earliest banknote was
issued in the 17th century; in Sweden in 1660, and by
the Bank of England in 1694.
166 Panel 4
Banknotes and Identity
Often overlooked is that paper in itself is of little or no
value compared to a piece of gold or silver. However, a
piece of paper printed into a banknote depending on
what is written on it and the person or institution that
issues, it is a promise to pay in a given value. Banknotes
can be as simple as cheques if all that is required are the
text and numbers that clearly indicate its amount or
value, but all banknotes issued by different Monetary
Institutions around the world contain more than the
value and the guarantee of payment. These banknotes
usually have the portrait of a person significant in their
country on the front of the note and a scene or other
iconic elements on the reverse. All these pictures are
placed on the notes primarily to deter counterfeiting
but in the process these images reflect the unique
history and culture of the issuing country. One could
say that the images on banknotes can be read as an
expression of the identity of a country. When you see
George Washington on a green dollar bill, you know it
is issued by the United States of America; when you
see the face of Queen Elizabeth II on a banknote, you
know that it is issued by the United Kingdom or any of
the countries in her realm. Like Flags and Emblems
that are symbols of a State, a banknote placed in your
pocket or wallet is like a name card of a country.
Banknotes are a supplement to textbook and
classroom history and civics because they express
something about the past: Founding Fathers,
significant events and personages. Some banknotes,
like the present currency series in Malaysia express
aspirations for the future or a development goal they
call “Wawasan”. In a global and globalizing world
banknotes are not just means of exchange but a way for
people to see their place in the larger world or even in a
smaller geographic and political grouping like the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
Banknotes attempt to tell a story, or part of a story
regarding nation and nationhood. Thus, like classroom
history a banknote is both informative as well as
formative when this past is utilized to situate citizens in
the context of nation. While banknotes tell a story on a
small sheet of paper, what people do not see are the
reasons behind banknote design, for example, the use
of particular historical personages and the exclusion of
others is a decision that underscores the contested
nature of history especially when it is handmaid to
nation building and nationalism.
Numismatics or the study of money is traditionally
focused on coins that have a longer, more complex
history than banknotes. Numismatics often studies
physical qualities of coins and coin design in
chronological order for as a reference for collectors and
specialists. This study was narrowed down to
banknotes or paper money because it provided more
visual material and its widespread use covers the
modern rather than ancient history.
Almost all modern banknotes in the countries visited
were issued in the 19th century by private banks or
individuals and as a promise to pay was, in principle,
physically convertible to precious metals like gold or
silver. Sometimes the banknotes were worth the
precious metal value that was to be drawn by the issuer
from whatever was kept on deposit in a secure storage
facility. In abstract terms, paper money is important
because it is based on trust or confidence in the issuer.
Thus, most early money came in two forms: a draft
that was value held on account or a bill that was a
promise to convert to its equivalent in precious metals.
With the establishment of central monetary
authorities in the 20th century, banknotes issued by
private banks were taken off circulation and replaced
by notes issued by sovereign governments. From
simply printed or designed monetary instruments,
these evolved into the complex and beautiful
banknotes we know and use today.
All the monetary authorities interviewed for this study
said that the design or redesign of banknotes was
primarily a response to counterfeiting. All other
considerations like durability, legibility, and aesthetic
design were secondary. Like the Philippines, Thailand,
Indonesia and Japan printed their own banknotes.
Malaysia outsourced banknote production. In Japan,
the system is slightly different. The Bank of Japan
issues the banknotes but these are produced by the
Japan Bureau of Printing, coins are manufactured by
Mint Bureau. Some security printing facilities in other
countries produce passports and documents on
security paper aside from banknotes. During our visits
much discussion was related to the various security
features placed on the notes: from actual printing,
engraving and embossing to the type of paper or plastic
used, and other elements such as holograms, magnetic
strips, infrared text etc. The end result of this long
design process was to factor in all the physical
requirements and yet keep in mind the aesthetic
consideration that banknotes should be beautiful, or at
least pleasing and attractive to the end user.
All modern banknotes have on the front or face: a
detailed and prominent portrait, the denomination or
value of the note clearly stated in numbers and words, a
promise to pay the bearer the value indicated on the
note, a serial number, issue date and the signature of
the Governor of the Central Bank (sometimes the
signature of the President as seen in Philippine
banknotes). Banknotes are often in a distinct over-all
color to help users differentiate the various
denominations. As a historian, I was more interested
in the reasons or rationale behind banknote design and
their historical and cultural background. One could
say that banknotes were a form of public history, or a
document that expressed a given historical past as
understood by the Monetary authority. All banknotes
carry images of nation: from portraits of monarchs and
presidents to icons of nationalism like heroes and
significant cultural artifacts or historical events. All
these are positive symbols that promote a sense of
pride and identity. The use of historical figures or
events on a banknote is an attempt to connect past and
present to achieve relevance for the public as the end
user. Most of the figures on banknotes are no longer
living, they are historical, and connected to the birth of
the nation with the notable exception of the
banknotes of Thailand who have a living person, the
reigning king, H.M King Bhumibol on all their
banknotes.
Banknote Design Approval
While the Monetary authority cannot speak for a
nation, it actually does so on banknotes. There are no
general or public consultations made regarding
banknote design because this would complicate and
delay issuance. Consultations are made often in-house
or in committees within the bank to discuss design
elements. In the Philippines a new banknote design is
initiated by the Bangko Sentral Numismatic
Committee that discusses all aspects of design and
production, they recommend approval to the
Monetary Board of the Bank and then the Governor of
the Bangko Sentral presents these to the President of
the Philippines for final approval. In Japan, the
Finance Minister initiates the process, the Bank of
Japan draws up the designs and the Governor of the
Bank goes back to the Finance Minister for approval. It
is presumed that the Finance Minister has consulted or
informed the Prime Minister regarding these designs.
In Thailand, the process is the same: it begins with a
Banknote Management Group, goes up to the Board
and Governor of the Bank, then the Finance Minister
167
who transmits these for final approval by the Royal
Household, and in particular by authority of the King
whose portrait is on all the notes. In Indonesia and
Malaysia, the process begins and ends with the Bank
Negara.
What follows are some notes gathered from each
country visited that will figure in a book on the subject.
It is unfortunate that for this report we cannot include
the many illustrations that make the subject very
engaging.
PHILIPPINES
The oldest known example of Philippine writing is
said to be the Laguna Copper Plate Inscription or LCI.
It is a piece of copper with ancient Javanese, dated to
the 10thC, documenting a transaction in gold. It is
significant that the earliest writing in the Philippines is
not a poem or a piece of literature but a receipt. Gold
was used as a social marker and in trade in pre-Spanish
times and archeological evidence reveals that early
money were small gold pellets, known in numismatic
circles as “piloncitos”, stamped with the pre-Spanish
character for “ma” that some historians claim was
short for “Ma-yi” one of the ancient names of one of
the islands in an archipelago that is now the modern
Philippines. These piloncitos have also been found in
archeological sites in Indonesia and Thailand and
other parts of insular Southeast Asia suggesting a
currency that was in use before the coming of the West
in the 16th century. It is significant that the character
“ma” stamped on the piloncito could mean “mas” and
short for “emas” the Malay word for gold.
While the Spanish silver dollar, a coin better known as
“piece of eight” (ochoreales) was legal tender in the
colonial Philippines, the first paper banknote was
issued in 1859 by the BancoEspañol Filipino de Isabel
II (Spanish-Philippine Bank of Isabel II) that later
became the present Bank of the Philippine Islands.
The First Philippine Republic issued banknotes in
1898-1899 and when the United States acquired the
Philippines from Spain in 1898 and ruled for half a
century, notes were issued by private banks and later by
the Commonwealth government until the Second
World War when the Japanese occupied the
Philippines and issued banknotes.
In 1949 upon the establishment of the Central Bank
of the Philippines, private banks were not allowed to
168 Panel 4
issue notes and the first modern Philippine banknotes
were issued, in English in 1951, printed by Thomas de
la Rue in England. There were nine different
denominations all of which carried a portrait of a
deceased historical person. Seven of the nine
banknotes issued then carried the portraits of 19th
century heroes associated with the struggle for
Philippine Independence. Two of the nine notes in
this series carried 20th century figures, both former
presidents of the Philippines. It is significant that eight
of the nine banknote portraits were male with the sole
exception of Melchora Aquino or “TandangSora” an
elderly woman who supported the Philippine
revolution against Spain. She was later moved from
banknote to a coin in 1967. The next time the portrait
of a woman appears in a Philippine banknote, after a
quarter of a century, in 1991.
The New Generation Currency released at the end of
2010 is composed of six denominations, the text on all
are in Filipino. It is significant that compared to
previous banknote series the portraits carry no more
19th century heroes of the Philippine Revolution,
these historical figures had been relegated to coins over
the years. Five of the six portraits on the notes are of
Presidents (politicians), the only note without
politicians is the 1,000-peso note that honors three
heroes of World War II who fought against the
Japanese during their occupation of the Philippines.
Public reaction to the 2010 New Generation
Currency, while generally positive, has included some
criticism regarding accuracy in detail and also the
interpretation of history, making a banknote a
battleground for various viewpoints.
THAILAND
Early money in Thailand was cowrie shell and later
gold, silver bullet money or “pod duang” and even
Chinese gambling chips and some flat coins. The first
paper money was issued in 1853 and known as the
“Maii”. The paper money “AttKradat” was issued in
1873 to address a shortage in coins. Like other
countries in Southeast Asia before the establishment of
central monetary authority, the paper money
circulated was that issued by private or commercial
banks that were multilingual. One banknote had text
in English, Chinese, and Thai.
At present, banknotes are issued by the Bank of
Thailand in six different denominations. Thailand has
had 15 different banknote series. In the 20thC, only
three Thai kings have appeared as portraits in
banknotes: Rama VII, Rama VIII, and Rama IX with
the rest appearing as design elements on the reverse of
the bills. As the world’s longest reigning monarch, it is
not surprising that the portrait of Rama IX has
appeared on seven out of fifteen banknote series from
1948 to the present. With the portrait of the reigning
king dominant on the face of the banknote, the reverse
expresses other symbols of nation: Chakri kings, Great
Kings, Temples, significant historic and cultural
artifacts, achievements of different kings through Thai
history.
JAPAN
Unlike Thailand that has the reigning king as a
portrait on the front of all their banknotes, or Malaysia
that has the portrait of their first King on the front of
all their banknotes, Japan is unique because it has a
reigning Emperor but he is conspicuously absent from
Japanese banknotes. One explanation given for this is
that the image of the Emperor was so revered in the
past it was not appropriate to be placed on a common
everyday item as a banknote.
The earliest paper money in Japan known as “koku”
was based on rice as a medium of exchange. Later, in
the 19th century banknotes took on the form we
recognize today with portraits on the face of the note.
It is significant that in the development of Japanese
notes, almost all the portraits are male, preferably with
a beard to deter counterfeiting, and before 1984 these
were mostly politicians. Only two women have
appeared as a portrait on Japanese banknotes: Empress
Jingu in 1881 and Higuchi Ichiyo in 2004. To address
the gender gap the Bank of Japan suggested placing the
portrait of Murasaki Ichibu, author of the “Tale of
Genji” on a commemorative 2,000-yen note to be
issued in 2000. A technical difficulty was raised by the
Printing Bureau because there was no clear
photograph or image of Lady Murasaki. Thus, the
2,000-yen bill did not have a portrait on the front and
had an image of the Shureimon Gate in Okinawa the
site of an important G8 meeting that year. Lady
Murasaki appeared as a small detail on the reverse of
the banknote.
The 1984 Japan Banknote Series followed the pattern
of European banknotes that celebrated artists and
writers, thus resulting in the series with Meiji Period
“Men of Culture” namely: Natsume Soseki (Writer),
Nitobe Inazo (Agricultural economist, author and
educator) and FukuzawaYukichi (writer, educator,
political theorist). The reverse of these banknotes and
that of the 2000 series were marked by an emphasis on
Culture and thus featured significant cultural icons:
Phoenix from Byodoin Temple, Irises from a screen by
Korin Ogata, and Cherry blossoms with Mt. Fuji.
Two decades later, to address counterfeiting a new
series was introduced in 2004 still with Meiji period
“Persons of Culture”, namely Noguchi Hideyo
(Scientist),
Higuchi
Ichiyo
(Writer)
and
FukuzawaYukichi. When asked why Fukuzawa was
retained from the 1984 banknote series, the official
answer is that the Printing Bureau had no time to do a
new portrait. The unofficial explanation is that
Fukuzawa was the founder of Keio University. Was it
merely a coincidence that the Finance Minister and
Prime Minister in 2000 who were heads of both
authorities responsible for the approval of the note,
were alumni of Keio University?
169
Towers, Kuala Lumpur International Airport and a
map showing the location of Putrajaya and Cyberjaya;
TRANSPORTATION is depicted by: Malaysian
Airlines plane and a Putra LRT train; MINING is
depicted on RM50 represented by a [Petronas] central
oil drilling platform together with wellhead control
valves and images of oil pipes; MANUFACTURING
is depicted on the RM100 bill by a car production line,
next to which is shown a close-up of a Proton car
engine, also gear wheel and cam-patterns.
In 2007, Malaysia celebrated the 50th anniversary of
Malaysian Independence and issued a RM50
commemorative note. Later, RM50 notes have,
basically, the same face but the reverse now carries
hibiscus and songket weaving designs. Following the
Wawasan 2020 theme on economic development,
the RM50 note depicts AGRICULTURE with oil
palm and Tunku Abdul Rahman Puta Al-Haj, the
first Prime Minister during the declaration of
independence.
MALAYSIA
INDONESIA
Of the countries in this research, Malaysia has had the
least number of design series of banknotes issued by
the Bank Negara Malaysia. To date they have only
issued four different banknote design series beginning
in 1967. This simple design became the standard
followed in succeeding issues. All bills carry a portrait
of DYMM Yang D-Pertuan Agong, first King of
Malaysia, on the face of the bill. His portrait has graced
banknotes of all denominations from 1967 to the
2011. Since Malaysia has a system of rotating
monarchs, the portrait of the first king is a practical
solution to the challenge of printing new notes for
each king. The Bank has publicly announced the
coming of a new design series to be released in 2012,
and during my research, no details were given.
Since the face of the bill is basic and simple, it is only
on the reverse that we can see an expression of
contemporary times. SERIES II was issued in 1982 on
the theme of Malaysian monuments and historic sites,
buildings, cultural artifacts, ornaments, woodcarving,
etc. Series III first issued in 1996 was on the theme
“Wawasan 2020” aiming to “reflect Malaysia’s
economic development and achievement towards a
fully developed country”. There are several categories:
TELECOMMUNICATIONS is depicted by: Kuala
Lumpur Telecom tower, MEASAT satellite, and a
map of ASEAN; CONSTRUCTION and
INFRASTRUCTURE is depicted by: Petronas Twin
Indonesia has the most numerous banknote series in
the countries visited for my fellowship with design
elements just as numerous to be detailed in this
narrative report. In 1953, Bank Indonesia issued its
first banknotes ante-dated to 1952 with designs
reflecting Indonesian heritage. The portraits on the
notes were as follows: 5 Kartini, 10 Statues, 25 Cloth
design, 50 Wayang, 100 Sudirman, 500 Bas-relief
sculptures, and 1,000 Borobodur making classification
by theme difficult. In 1958, the series were on
handicrafts like wood-carving, weaving, fishing,
spinning etc. and the portraits were the different
artisans at work on these Indonesian traditional crafts.
In 1959, the “SerieBunga” depicted flowers and birds.
In 1960, the theme was Dance and Dancers. The next
design series was the “Seri Hewan” or Animals series
with portraits of Monkey, Crocodile, Squirrel, Tiger,
Elephant, Monitor lizard, and Water buffalo. At the
moment, I am still consolidating my notes and trying
to make sense of the frequent design changes in
Indonesian currency.
Conclusion
From the data gathered in the above countries, one can
clearly see that banknote design can be studied at face
value for the images and history they depict but when
170 Panel 4
studied in chronological order, these banknotes are
also an expression of the desires and aspirations of the
country. For example, in Japan the present banknotes
carry portraits of Meiji period persons of culture:
scientist, writer, and educator. Significant cultural
artifacts and natural scenery are also depicted on the
reverse of the notes. In the Philippines, all the
portraits, except for one denomination, are presidents
and or politicians. There are no more heroes of the
19th century Philippine Revolution and on the reverse
are scenic wonders and animals of the Philippines. In
Indonesia, the portraits in current banknotes pertain
to heroes and the Indonesian struggle for
independence and nationhood. In Thailand, the notes
express the significant role the monarchy plays in the
past, present, and future of the kingdom. In Malaysia,
the notes express goals for economic and social
progress.
Banknotes may seem like ordinary everyday objects,
they are so common that people tend to see these but
rarely take the time to look at the design elements and
ask whether the notes truly reflect their own ideas of
nationhood. Banknotes are meant to teach or express
national history and culture, but we must ask who
decides on the designs and why because these add
another dimension to a study of the nation’s past in
relation to its present and its aspirations for the future.
There is more in the small space of a banknote than we
think.
171
IN SEARCH OF AN ASEAN IDENTITY
Pham Quang Minh
“We are inescapably and forever part of Southeast Asia.
But we must also never be limited to or be trapped by
South-east Asia” (Bilahary 2005, 31).
Background
According to Article 1 of the ASEAN Charter, one of
the purposes of ASEAN is “to promote an ASEAN
identity through the fostering of greater awareness of
the diverse cultures and heritage of the region”
(ASEAN Secretariat 2011, 5). In the ASEAN Vision
2020 issued in December 1997 during the group’s
annual meeting in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, one of the
directives was defined thus: “We envision the entire
Southeast Asia to be, by 2020, an ASEAN community
conscious of its ties of history, aware of its cultural
heritage, and bound by a common regional identity”.
The Vision also emphasized that the region will be one
in which “all people enjoy equitable access to
opportunities for total human development” under
the heading “A Community of Caring Societies”.
From these statements it appears that the organization
is not only about political will, but also asks the people
how they think of themselves as citizens, and whether
they see themselves sharing one identity consisting of
diverse cultures and heritage, tied together by history.
Looking back at the history of ASEAN, it is clear that
the association’s founders adopted the Malay cultural
practice of consultation and consensus building as
operation processes in its rigid policy of noninterference. ASEAN realized how “Economic
advancement and powerful governing bodies are
essential aspects of developing a dynamic region, but
they do not guarantee social cohesion or open societies.
Instead a strong, participative, well-informed public
are the hallmarks of open societies and dynamic
regional bodies” (Jones 2004, 142). Therefore,
ASEAN’s 2003 Social Development Report provided
for a regional project to instill awareness of the
ASEAN identity in primary education curricula.
What is the ASEAN identity? How did ASEAN
construct this during its development? What core
elements shape the ASEAN identity? How do its
members consider the common identity? Such
questions seem to be more important nowadays, with
ASEAN trying to ask all its citizens to re-conceptualize
their thinking: Do they think of themselves as citizens
of the organization? Do they seem themselves as
belonging to a common community? The ASEAN
policy combines the expansive goals of government
bodies on the one hand, and expectations regarding the
fulfillment of duties and responsibilities by citizens, on
the other. According to Wendt (1994, 386-390), when
a corresponding sense of being and a shared destiny
that means identity exist, international politics seems
to be more stable and enduring, rather than ad hoc or
opportunistic, as materialistic approaches would
suggest.
ASEAN was founded in 1967 amidst the turbulence of
the Cold War and the intense East-West rivalries.
Looking back at this period, one could say that
ASEAN had successfully played the big powers against
each other. Therefore, ASEAN’s foundation and its
success were used as strong arguments for realism. Its
supporters saw ASEAN as the product of a “balanceof-power”. With the end of the Vietnam War in 1975,
and of the Cold War in 1989, Southeast Asia seemed
to fall into a power vacuum populated by the
overriding interests of states. By arguing that ASEAN
still faces similar external threats like it did during the
Cold War years, neo-realism perceived the need for
ASEAN to balance these threats. In 1997, as Southeast
Asia faced a financial crisis, we realized how great
powers outside Southeast Asia still continued their
dominance of ASEAN.
It is true that Southeast Asia cannot “escape” from the
influence of outside great powers, as neo-realists have
argued. But how can one explain the undoubted
success that ASEAN has achieved during its forty long
years of existence? Liberal institutionalism was right
when it argued that ASEAN was a single force that
could act as a regional conflict-mediator. As for the
political question, ASEAN was successful in dealing
with the outside world with a single voice. The series of
ASEAN-led initiatives, including the establishment of
a dialogue with the European Community in 1972, the
Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 1989,
the ASEAN Region Forum in 1994, the ASEAN-plus
three meeting after 1997, and the East Asia Summit in
172 Panel 4
2005, were recognized by the world community. As for
security issues, the Paris Agreement on the Cambodian
conflict in 1991 and the peaceful settlement of the
Spratly Islands are examples of the significant
contributions of ASEAN. In the economic sector,
ASEAN signed the agreement to establish an ASEAN
Free Trade Area (AFTA) in 1992. Overall, liberal
institutionalism argued that ASEAN is on the phase of
institutional-building, and is actually doing this in its
own special way-the “ASEAN way”.
Differently from both realism and liberalism, which
focus more on material forces, constructivism has
sought to explain state behavior by “inter-subjective
factors,” including both material components like
power and wealth, and spiritual elements such as
norms, standards, policies, values, and traditions. Over
its 40 years of existence, despite many challenges,
ASEAN was able to develop and sustain its existence
based on its own identity. This identity was reflected
and represented in the so-called “ASEAN way” and the
ASEAN Charter. Thanks to this common identity,
ASEAN was able to act as a unique group in its
regional forum and mechanisms such as APEC, ARF,
ASEAM, ASEAN Plus Three, East Asia Summit, and
ADMM+. Although there are differences among
ASEAN countries, they nonetheless share a common
feature-that of “belonging together”, which reflects
ASEAN’s motto of “unity in diversity”.1
Theories on identity and their implications for
ASEAN
The theories of identity are rich in their approaches
(Schlenker 1980; Sheldon 1987; Yardley and Honess
1987; Turner 1987; Leary 1996; Abrams and Hogg
1999). Simon (2004) argues that identity is an
expression or placeholder for social psychological
processes dealing with self-definition or selfinterpretation. However, the question refers to the
function of identity. According to Simon, identity can
help people provide themselves with a sense of
belonging and a sense of distinctiveness. Identity can
also help people “locate” themselves in social worlds.
Last, but not least, identity can help provide people
with self-respect and self-esteem (Simon 2004, 66-67).
Campbell (2000, 67) provides a more concrete
definition: “The self-concept is a multi-faceted,
dynamic construal that contains belief about one’s
attributes as well as episodic and semantic memories
about the self. It operates as a schema, controlling the
processing of self-relevant information”.
In his “Self-Aspect Model of Identity”, Simon (2004)
clarifies the main elements of a person’s self-concept
including: personality traits (shy), abilities, physical
features behavior characteristics, ideologies, social
roles, language affiliations, and group memberships.
He considers it important to distinguish between
individual and collective identity. Individual identity
refers to the self-definition of an individual as a unique
person, while collective identity refers to the selfdefinition as a group membership.
Brewer and Gardner (1996, 84) distinguish three
different levels of self-representation: the individual,
the interpersonal, and the group. According to them,
each level is appropriate to one self, namely the
“personal self”, the “relational self,” and the “collective
self”. Hecht (2005, 63) shares the same idea, arguing
that an individual identifies him- or herself through his
or her relationship with others. He regards a
relationship as a unit of identity.
Simon (2004) also argues that despite the different
levels and processes of self, they are, by nature,
cognitive and social. This means that identity is a
phenomenon consisting of both stable and enduring
elements, and of such processes as interaction,
negotiation, and construction.
From the Southeast Asian perspective, identity must
be understood via conscious attempts by the leaders of
the region, to overcome the region’s diversity and
countervailing forces that might otherwise hinder the
building of a peaceful, cooperative and prosperous
region for its member states. These attempts at
cooperation have played a key role in constructing the
modern Southeast Asian identity.
Relating to the regional identity, in general, Southeast
Asia, should be examined from two specific
perspectives. First, the politics of Southeast Asia has a
rich history and deals much with the different
attempts of its representative leaders to build up its
own space for political, economical, socio-cultural and
strategic development, to confirm its existence and
survival. The process of making Southeast Asia a
coherent region has been long-winded and has
consisted of a series of ups and downs. Second, the
common assumption is that regional cooperation has
played a decisive role in creating the modern Southeast
Asian identity. Through its international relations and
interactions, Southeast Asia has developed regional
patterns and characteristics, which help in recognizing
its regional identity. In addition, this argument is
important because, on the one hand, “the almost
universal tendency of historians” has been “to focus on
the constituent parts of Southeast Asia rather than to
develop a perception of the region as a whole, as a
suitable subject of study” (Legge 1992, 4-5). On the
other hand, political scientists and security studies
have neglected the questions regarding what
constitutes the components of the regions and what
makes the region exist (Acharya 2000, 1).
With the development of Southeast Asia itself and of
Southeast Asian studies as a field of its own, a new
approach has emerged for studying Southeast Asia:
that of approaching the region from interdisciplinary
perspectives such as history, anthropology,
international relations, comparative politics, etc. Most
of these perspectives try to show the new importance
of the region and regionalism. Regionalism was
developed over several different stages beginning with
the establishment of the Southeast Asia Command
(SEAC) through inter-regional linkages within SEA,
on to the creation of the first regional organization.
The new ways of thinking about regions and
regionness that have emerged consist of both culturalhistorical, as well as political factors. If the first idea of
inter-regional linkages is represented by the concept of
the Mandala state of O.W. Wolters (1999),2 the
research on “theatre state” of Clifford Geertz (1980),3
and the idea of “galactic polity” of Stanley Tambiah
(1985), the second takes a look at the evolution of
regionalism as a product of interaction. Through
interaction, regionalism and regionness can develop
norms, standards, values, policies, organization, and
last, but not least, identity. In this way, we can say that
identity is socially constructed.4
The most successful political form that Southeast Asia
has thus far achieved is ASEAN way. The development
of ASEAN represents a quest not only for an
organizational but also for a regional identity.
According to Acharya: “Regions are socially
constructed, rather than geographically or ethnosocially pre-ordained. Southeast Asian regionness
cannot be established by simply looking at its
geographic proximity or shared cultural attributes.
Regions like nation-states are imagined communities”
(Acharya 2000, 11).
173
The formation of the ASEAN identity
On 8 August 1967, ASEAN was created in Bangkok
with the participation of Indonesia, Malaysia,
Singapore, the Philippines, and Thailand. Although
the Bangkok Declaration stated that ASEAN is open
to “all States in the South-East Asian region
subscribing to the aims, principles and purposes”, it did
not define clear boundaries of the region itself.
The motivation of the ASEAN foundation was not
only to “accelerate the economic growth, social
progress and cultural development in the region,” but
also “to promote regional peace and stability”.
Whether consciously or unconsciously, considerations
of national and regional security also figured largely in
the minds of the founders of the ASEAN. In fact, the
immediate motivation to form ASEAN was a common
desire of its members for collective action toward
external powers. According to Prime Minister Lee
Kuan Yew (1978), the formation of ASEAN helped
the members “to have their interests taken into
consideration when great powers make their
compromises”. However, in comparison to external
threats which could be considered differently, the
ASEAN members shared a common perception of
internal threats. This was explained by the fear of the
national liberation movement in Vietnam, Laos, and
Cambodia, and by the communist insurgency along
the border areas between Malaysia and Thailand, and
between Malaysia and Indonesia. The agreements
regarding the common control of the border between
Thailand and Malaysia in 1959, Indonesia and the
Philippines in 1964 and between Indonesia and
Malaysia in 1967 explained the strengthening of the
bilateral security cooperation between ASEAN
members.
The creation of ASEAN also marked tremendous
changes in the Southeast Asian environment. First,
with its final abandonment of Konfrontasi
(confrontation), the New Order regime of President
Suharto in Indonesia provided new impetus for
regional integration. Second, since its separation from
the Malaysian Federation in 1965, Singapore felt more
secure upon joining a regional organization such as
ASEAN. Third, the other ASEAN members like
Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines also saw
ASEAN as a tool for fostering and strengthening
mutual trust and understanding among its members.
Fourth, the creation of ASEAN also reflected changes
in the rivalry between big powers. In the second half of
174 Panel 4
1960, the Soviet-China dispute and competition over
Southeast Asia became public and tense. Meanwhile,
the détente and rapprochement in the relationship
between the US and the Soviet Union on the one
hand, and between China and the US on the other,
made countries in Southeast Asia worry that their
security interests might be neglected or undermined.
Fifth, the founding of ASEAN also reflected the
regionalism trend in other parts of the world where
three regional organizations were born: the
Organization of American States (OAS), the Arab
League, and the Organization of African Unity
(OAU) in the 1970s. Last, but not least, the Vietnam
War and American aid extended to ASEAN members
contributed to the economic growth and security of
each country, as well as of ASEAN as whole.
Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand profited much from
the situation and experienced their best economic
performance yet; the Philippines stagnated. Regardless,
the common features of ASEAN economies were
“uneven development, limited national integration
and plural societies” (Dixon 1991, 50). Thus, all of
them, externally through WB and IMF, and internally,
had to seek a close alliance among the state, foreign
enterprises, and domestic capitalists in their efforts to
follow common economic policies such as economic
liberalization and export-led development. According
to Acharya (2000, 90), “while rejecting a military role
for ASEAN, its members hoped that political
cooperation would create an atmosphere of stability
which in turn would facilitate economic growth”.
The birth of ASEAN, however, could not prevent the
member states from experiencing conflicts. Very soon
after the creation of ASEAN, the association faced a
dispute over Sabah, between the Philippines and
Malaysia, from April 1968 to December 1969. Thanks
to diplomacy, measures, communication, and pressure,
the foreign ministers during their meetings in Jakarta
in August and in Bangkok in December 1968, were
able to prevent the further escalation of the Sabah
dispute which could have led to open armed conflicts
and destroyed ASEAN. Moreover, the outcome of the
Sabah dispute provided ASEAN the impetus to
develop a new framework to build up a Zone of Peace,
Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in Southeast
Asia in 1971. The ZOPFAN idea emphasized the
importance of regional countries to “respect one
another’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and not
participate in activities likely to directly or indirectly
threaten the security of another” (Ghazalie bin Shafie
1971, 115). However, the ZOPFAN framework
encountered difficulties in implementation due to
disagreements among member states with regard to the
presence of the US in the region. A step forward in the
establishment of a regional cooperation was the Treaty
of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) signed by member
states at the First Summit in Bali, Indonesia in 1976.
For the first time, the norms that formed the bases of
ASEAN’s code of interstate behavior were signed.
They included five fundamental principles: (i) mutual
respect for the independence, sovereignty, and
territorial integrity of all nations; (ii) the right of every
state to lead its national existence free from external
interference, subversion, and coercion; (iii) noninterference in the internal affairs of one another; (iv)
settlement of differences and disputes by peaceful
means; (v) renunciation of the threat of use of force
(ASEAN Secretariat).
The “ASEAN way” as core component of the
ASEAN identity
Based on the main principles of TAC signed in 1976,
despite challenges arising since its foundation,
throughout its more than four decades of existence,
ASEAN could prove to be a cohesive regional grouping
with a distinctive and effective approach to peace,
stability, and development. This “soft approach” to
inter-state relations among member states was called
the “ASEAN way”. The ASEAN way consisted of a set
of institutions inclusive of norms, principles, rules, and
decision- making procedures that were “soft
institutions”. These institutions were based on
convention and informal agreements rather than
formal treaties. Connors et al. (2004, 80) contend that
“The pillar of ASEAN is voluntarism not legalism”.
The roots of such informal mechanism and voluntary
procedures for decision-making could be found in the
Malay culture of “musyawarah” (consultation) and
“mufakat” (consensus). These characteristics of
negotiation are very common in Southeast Asian
countries including Vietnam.
The ASEAN way of diplomacy in Southeast Asia
consists of six norms including sovereign equality; the
non-recourse to the use of force and the peaceful
settlement of conflicts; non-interference and nonintervention; the non-involvement of ASEAN to
address unresolved bilateral conflicts between
members; quiet diplomacy; mutual respect and
tolerance (Haacke 2003, 1). In fact, the ASEAN
emphasized quiet diplomacy and friendly negotiation.
175
“Musyawarah”, as explained by a former Indonesian
Foreign Minister, means a setting in which negotiation
would be considered “not as between opponents but as
between friends and brothers” (Acharya 2000, 128).
As members of a family, the ASEAN countries have
never used Articles 13 to 17 under Chapter IV of
TAC, in the settlement of disputes. According to this
Treaty, whenever there are disputes among countries,
there will be a High Council consisting of a
ministerial-level representative from each member
state that will take appropriate measures and
encourage direct negotiations for a peaceful
settlement. However, until now, the ASEAN members
have never called a meeting of the High Council,
though there had been a number of disputes among
them. Almost all disputes among ASEAN members
were solved in an informal way, without resorting to
formal, multilateral measures.
heterogeneous polities of ASEAN members, such
matters of high politics like the establishment of
military alliances or common markets would not be
suitable to the early phase of cooperation. Malaysian
expert Pushpa Thambipillai (1980) presented the
point that ASEAN countries would not follow the
process of community building as Karl Deutsch (1957)
prescribed, not striving to build political community
whenever there is according to Deutsch (1957, 6):
“formal merger of two or more previously independent
units into a single larger unit, with some type of
common government after amalgamation”, but would
prefer to preserve their own autonomy. Consequently,
although the level and scope of interdependence
among ASEAN members had been increasing, the
member states of ASEAN still try to maintain their
own identities by supporting the principle of noninterference in internal affairs.
The other example of the ASEAN way of informality
was its relatively small bureaucratic apparatus reflected
in the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, although there
have been about 700 meetings of different levels of
ASEAN officials.
The most important explanation for the obstacles
encountered in the course of building a common
identity would be the historical burdens. According to
Korean expert Ching-si Ahn (1980), the explanation
behind the slow process of regionalism of Southeast
Asia could be found in its bitter memories of
colonialism and the Second World War. ASEAN
members are very reluctant to give up their sovereignty
and independence, the achievement of which entailed
a long, tough battle. The ASEAN secretariat continues
not to make any decisions for or on behalf of its
member states.
Despite the fact that ASEAN had had to adapt to a
new environment and situation by issuing legalistic
documents, “soft regionalism” based on consultation
and consensus remained the most important norm for
ASEAN.
The six norms mentioned above provide the basis for
four main principles of ASEAN. The first principle is
“open regionalism” which means avoidance of
discrimination among intra and extra regional actors,
mutual commitments, and non-exclusive order
maintenance. The second principle is “cooperative
security” which means the opposite of a military bloc
that implies exclusive membership, non-interference,
respect for national identity, and territorial integrity.
“Soft rule” is the third principle which means a nonlegalistic approach to cooperation, a loose
organizational structure, non-binding decisionmaking, networks, and the absence of any supranational agencies. The last principle is “consensus
building” which means moving forward by establishing
broad support (Acharya 1997).
Despite the success of the ASEAN way, it faced a lot of
critics. According to Estrella Solidum (1974) from the
Philippines, the cooperation among ASEAN members
would be more realistic and successful if it dealt with
“safe” or non-sensitive issues. Because of the
Until the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis in
1997, there had been a strong belief in the ASEAN
way of informal, soft, non-binding procedures. Then
the crisis showed how ineffectively ASEAN was
working and thus put an end to the procedures of
ASEAN ideal model of development before depression
and disintegration could set in. There were different
points of view regarding this development, but one
thing was clear: ASEAN lacked the economic
resources and the institutional mechanisms to deal
with the financial crisis. The third point of view saw
the crisis as a chance for ASEAN to revitalize its spirit
by developing new mechanisms of cooperation for
Asia-Pacific and sub-regional levels like the ASEAN
Plus Three Forum.
Following the crisis, Thailand, with the support of the
Philippines, proposed that ASEAN’s non-interference
principle should be replaced by so-called “flexible
engagement”. This idea was, however, not accepted by
majority of ASEAN members, but was nevertheless
176 Panel 4
believed in by then future ASEAN General Secretary
Surin Pitsuvan (1998) observed:
In 31 years, diversity has become a problem for
ASEAN… Diversity, which used to be a source of
strength, has become a source of weakness… We
have no freedom and flexibility of expressing our
views concerning some members. We have to be
silent because we are members of the family.
This is not fair, not just.
Since the end of the Cold War, ASEAN has witnessed
a period whose emerging post-Cold War politicoeconomic structure Philip Cerny (2006) has
characterized as being neo-medieval, whereby the
transnational character of global exchanges
undermines the traditional border and allegiances of
the nation-states and “de-concentrates” loyalty as it
deracinates identities.
In 2007, after four decades of existence, ASEAN could
approve for the first time the most important
document of Association: the ASEAN Charter which
provided ASEAN a legal personality as an intergovernmental organization. This personality serves as
the organizational identity, distinguished from the
identities of its individual member states (ASEAN
Secretariat 2011). The Charter is not only a
reassertion of traditional practice, but is also a new call
“to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance
and the rule of law, and protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms…” (ASEAN Charter 2010, 4).
It is, as well, a call to commit the Association to
establishing an “ASEAN human rights body”
(ASEAN 2010, 19).
Despite some renewal changes in its institutional
measures and mechanisms, ASEAN is a state-driven
process rooted in the consciousness of relative power,
rather than a normatively regulated process. Its central
objective was, and remains, the pragmatic one of
sustaining regional order (Jones 2008).
In order to achieve a shared regional identity, the
Vision of ASEAN suggests the enhancement of
“human resource development in all sectors of the
economy through quality education, upgrading of
skills and capabilities, and training” (ASEAN
Secretariat 2011). Without education, there are a
number of policies that would not be achieved, for
example, “creating a zone of peace …respect for law and
justice…economic development strategies in line with
the aspiration of respective peoples…reduced poverty
and socio-economic disparities …governance with the
consent and greater participation of the people”
(ASEAN Secretariat 2011). The education policy will
focus on the following categories: an education
representational structure to help regional education
directions; civic education for multicultural society;
and language and cultural issues (ASEAN Secretariat
2011).
The future of ASEAN depends much on education
and the perception of young people. In 2007, a study
carried out by Eric Thompson and Chulanee
Thianthai in ten countries showed different
perceptions and attitudes of students toward ASEAN.
More than 75 percent of the 2,170 surveyed agreed
with the statement “I feel I am a citizen of ASEAN”.
This sentiment was strongest in Laos (96.0%),
Cambodia (92.7%) and Vietnam (91.7%); and was
weakest in Singapore (49.3%) and Myanmar (59.5%)
(ASEAN Foundation 2008, 4-5). On the question: “In
general, how familiar are you with ASEAN?”, only
60.7% of the students considered themselves “very or
somewhat familiar with ASEAN”. If students from
Vietnam and Laos showed their very good knowledge
of ASEAN at 88.6% and 84.5%, respectively, some
90.3% of students from Myanmar and 49.7% from
Singapore said they were a little familiar or not at all
familiar with ASEAN (ASEAN Foundation 2007,
6-7).
On the issues crucial to cooperation, there were very
diverse responses from the students across countries.
In general, poverty reduction, education exchange and
improvement, and science and technology
development ranked highest among the issues.
Students from Brunei and Malaysia considered health
and disease control the most important, while those
from Cambodia and Vietnam considered them the
least important. If students across the region found
natural resource and environmental management
moderately important for ASEAN, the majority of
them considered cultural preservation and promotion
the least important issues (ASEAN Foundation 2007,
17).
Ever since the end of the Cold War, ASEAN seemed
to have been facing more challenges, among them
traditional and non-traditional security, competition
between big powers, and, last but not least, the rise of
China. On the one hand, during the last decade, China
became the most important trade partner, ODA
provider, and FDI investor for almost all ASEAN
members. But the rise of China and its military
modernization were very much causes for concern
among ASEAN countries, especially Vietnam, the
Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei that had sovereignty
disputes with it over the South China Sea. The other
six members of ASEAN preferred not to include the
South China Sea issue in its agenda due to their
relationship with the Mainland. Singapore,
meanwhile, also shared the same concern, articulated
by one official thus: “Our worst fear is to get two
simultaneous phone calls, one from Washington and
the other from Beijing, asking us to take sides in a
conflict” (Lampton 2008, 164). Faced by a rising
China, ASEAN should not consider it as a “threat”,
but as a “possibility”, and therefore should continue to
engage China to play a more positive, constructive and
responsible role in regional and world affairs.
The ASEAN identity from the Vietnamese
perspective
The year 1995 marked a turning point in the history of
ASEAN as well as in Vietnamese foreign policy, as
Vietnam became its seventh member. The relationship
between Vietnam and ASEAN transformed from
suspicion and distrust, to cooperation. For Vietnam,
this meant ending a long period of hostility rooted in
the Cold War. It also reflected a new environment for
the region where ideological confrontation was
replaced by the sharing of a common interest in the
region’s peace, stability and prosperity. Along with its
renovated open foreign policy, Vietnam expressed its
will to become a friend and reliable partner with all
countries in the world community striving for peace,
cooperation, and friendship.
Vietnam’s ASEAN membership also meant a new
identity for it because until the collapse of the Soviet
Union in 1991, Vietnam had always acted as a member
of the communist bloc. Amidst the bipolar world
order then, there was division between Southeast
Asian countries. The end of the Cold War ended this
division and brought ASEAN to a real regional
organization. Joining ASEAN meant for Vietnam, a
coming back home.
Since joining ASEAN, Vietnam has followed and
fulfilled all ASEAN policies pertaining to political,
economic, as well as socio-cultural issues, inclusive of
sensitive problems of the other members. It was
Vietnam’s very membership that hastened the
acceptance of Laos and Myanmar to the ASEAN in
177
1997 and Cambodia in 1999. One can easily concur
with the following statement: “Thus regionalism can
perhaps be said to have become a part of Vietnam’s
identity building. I therefore emphasize the political
nature of identity building, in contrast to those views
that emphasize the common cultural values behind
regional identity” (Palmujoki 2007, 122). For
Vietnam, the commitment to regional identity is a
result of the political search for a state identity after
the Cold War (Nguyen 2002, 206-120).
Besides the multiple gains Vietnam enjoyed from its
ASEAN membership, ASEAN’s loose political
structure offered Vietnam a flexible instrument to help
mold its relationship with the region, as well as the
expression of its identity. This does not mean that
Vietnamese officials have ignored the problems of the
ASEAN structure by emphasizing its national interests
in the regional organization. This dynamic also limits
the use of ASEAN when Vietnam faces global
challenges, such as dealing with and accession to the
WTO.
Whether its ASEAN membership has been as
beneficial to the conduct of Vietnam’s foreign affairs as
is generally assumed, has yet to be discussed. Does
ASEAN indeed present a continuous golden
opportunity for the management of Vietnam’s
international relations; or would it be accurate for the
country to view the Association as a golden cage, which
offers clear opportunities in terms of the management
of the regional order while also increasingly restricting
Vietnam’s foreign policy options? According to some
authors, in many ways, Vietnam has become one of the
strongest supporters of the traditional approach to
inter-governmental
cooperation,
which
is
characterized by a strict adherence to consensus
building based on the lowest common denominator,
non-binding decision-making, and non-interference
(Dosch 2006, 236-237).
Concluding Remarks
The history of ASEAN reflects a process of identitybuilding whereby the regionalism of the 1970-1980s
developed by ASEAN provided Southeast Asia a
regional identity. The post-Cold War period linked
with the wider Asia-Pacific region, whose foundation
was laid by ASEAN. As expressed by, the outsider
Southeast Asia became an organization of and for the
region.
178 Panel 4
Through its existence over four decades, ASEAN
contributed to the region by maintaining regional
unity and preventing any serious internal conflicts, and
by establishing regional autonomy and self-reliance.
Acharya, Amitav. 2000. The Quest for Identity – International
Relations of Southeast Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Despite its mixed impact on regional identity, through
participation in ASEAN, “the people of Southeast Asia
have come to accept as a matter of course their
identification as Southeast Asian” (Andaya 1996).
Andaya, L.Y. 1996. Ethnonation, Nation-States and
Regionalism in Southeast Asia. Proceedings of the International
Symposium “Southeast Asia: Global Area Studies for the 21st
Century, Kyoto University 18-22 October.
The lack of resources, the economic crisis, and the rise
of China attest to ASEAN’s abilities and its future.
Without financial resources and material capacities,
however, a number of ASEAN activities and plans
continue to remain on paper.
The unity and identity of ASEAN and Southeast Asia
depend much on the internal political will of member
states, as well as on external factors such as
globalization and great power relations.
NOTES
1
Interview of Author with Dr. Pranee Thiparat, Faculty of
Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok on
August 10, 2010.
2
According to Wolters, the mandala was a state system in
Southeast Asia consisting of overlapping “circles of king”.
Under the mandala system, the authority of the king was less
direct and absolute. There were three circles in centerperiphery relations. While the center was under the direct
control of the king, the second surrounding circle was ruled
by princes or governors. The third circle was made up of
tributary states and remained mostly independent.
3
4
In “the theatre state” of Geertz, there was no single state that
possessed the power of hegemony over the others. Instead,
the states shared power with dozens of independent or semiindependent states.
Interview of Author with Prof. Dewi Fortuna Anwar,
Advisor to Vice President of Indonesia in Jakarta, on January
2011.
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180 Panel 4
Collective Memories, Jargons, Rituals and Perceptions: Toward a Broader
Scope and General Recognition of Pengetahuan Lokal in Disaster
Preparedness
Benigno C. Balgos
Introduction
Contentions on Local Knowledge
Pengetahuan lokal (local knowledge) is referred to by
the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster
Reduction (UNISDR) as “sets of methods and practices
developed by a group of people from an advance
understanding of the local environment, which has
formed over numerous generations of habitation”.
Taking on a more scientific and technical approach in
looking at local knowledge, Mercer (2009) holds that
not all types of local knowledge are significant in
reducing disaster risk. She points to a tendency to
romanticize the concept and recommends choosing
only relevant local knowledge that can be effectively
used in minimizing the impacts of disasters.
The disaster risk reduction (DRR) community
considers the Boxing Day Tsunami of 2004 to be the
impetus for recognizing local knowledge as crucial to
developing the adaptive capacity of the vulnerable
communities. The incident has been deemed one of
the worst disasters in contemporary history in terms of
magnitude, lives claimed, and damage to properties
In the current debate on the significance of the role of
local knowledge in enhancing adaptive capacity during
disasters, the “usability” of certain community-based
knowledge and practices has also been the primary
point of divergence between the DRR community and
the Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) community
(Venton et al., 2008).
Baumwoll (2008) observed that within the DRR
community, there is no unified definition of local
knowledge. In fact, across DRR literature, different
terms are being used to connote community-based
knowledge in DRR (i.e., indigenous knowledge, local
wisdom, and local knowledge). The divergence in
nomenclature, as well as the nonexistence of an
integrated definition, is a testament to the fact that the
discourse is ongoing.
Alternatively, some interests groups have ventured on
putting meaning to the concept of local knowledge
and on delineating its contours, depending on the
groups’ political interest. Consequently, there are
certain types of local knowledge that are
disenfranchised and overlooked in the prevailing
literature.
Upon reviewing the existing literature on local
knowledge in DRR, the researcher chose to extensively
use the works of Mercer (2009) and Dekens (2007a
and 2007b). This is precisely because the two recently
looked into the concept and linked it to contemporary
disaster issues.
In complete contrast, the more integrative and allinclusive approach of Dekens (2007a) posits the
existence of several types of local knowledge used in
disaster preparedness, namely: (1) technical knowledge;
(2) environmental and agricultural knowledge; (3)
knowledge about development project; and, (4) sociocultural and historical knowledge. Among these,
Dekens (2007a, 22) reveals that only technical
knowledge is mostly associated with disaster
management, while socio-cultural and historical
knowledge, however significant, have been
marginalized in the literature.
Chakrabarti et al. (2009) held that critics of local
knowledge as an important resource adaptive capacity
center their arguments on: (1) its difficulty of its
transfer because of its being context and culturespecific; and, (2) its lack of intensive documentation.
To address these concerns, the publication Indigenous
Knowledge and Disaster Risk Reduction: Policy Note
reveals that research and documentation can be used to
advance the significance of local knowledge in policies.
The policy note declares that through research and
documentation, unchronicled practices will be
documented and eventually converted to into
applicable knowledge. The policy note proposes four
(4) steps, namely:
1. Understand and establish the value of local
knowledge in the present context, and build a
foundation for its integration with other
knowledge and operational systems
2. Systematically document local knowledge on
disaster risk reduction in traditional
communities
3. Test the value of local knowledge and identify
appropriate practices for replication and scaling
in the context of current science, and
4. Demonstrate through national and regional
pilot programs the applicability of local
knowledge with appropriate adaptation, as an
input to awareness and advocacy work.
Documenting Local Knowledge
The experience of the dwellers of the Simeulue Island
in Banda Aceh, Indonesia during the tsunami in 2004
that affected eleven countries along the Indian Ocean,
provoked reflections on the value of local knowledge in
minimizing disaster risk. According to various
accounts, the use of local knowledge on the behavior of
the sea and the sounds created by buffaloes enabled
80,500 residents of the island to evacuate the shore and
seek refuge in a nearby hill. Only seven died in the
island vis-à-vis 163,700 people in the entire country
(Victoria 2007).
Prompted by the urgency to address disaster risk, the
World Conference on Disaster Reduction was held in
Kobe, Japan three weeks after the deadly tsunami. The
Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), which
capitalizes on building community resiliency, was the
major accomplishment of the aforesaid event. The
HFA signed by 168 countries addresses the gaps in the
earlier United Nations disaster reduction strategies
(e.g., the Yokohama Strategy for a Safer World:
Guidelines for National Disaster Prevention,
Preparedness and Mitigation and Its Plan of Action —
1994). More pointedly, the HFA has five priority
actions:
181
3. Use knowledge, innovation, and education to
build a culture of safety and resilience at all
levels
4. Reduce the underlying risk factors, and
5. Strengthen disaster preparedness for effective
response at all levels.
It can be observed that the HFA, through Priority
Action 3, recognizes the importance of local
knowledge in DRR. As such, there have been
initiatives to chronicle local knowledge over the years
so that the same will be mainstreamed into policies and
plans.
Among the significant publications-documentation on
this are the: (1) Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk
Reduction: Good Practices and Lessons Learned from
Experiences in the Asia Pacific Region (2008) by the
United Nations International Strategy for Disaster
Reduction (UNISDR); and, (2) Indigenous Knowledge
and Disaster Risk Reduction: From Practice to Policy, a
product of an international workshop held in Kyoto,
Japan.
In hindsight, however remarkable, the documents
provide only a model for the use of local technology in
minimizing risk. They also confirm the observations
made by Dekens (2007b) that only technical-based
knowledge is being valued in disaster risk reduction
efforts.
With the emphasis on the type of local knowledge that
can only be merged with scientific knowledge, sociocultural and historical knowledge in DRR have
remained untapped and have been overlooked in plans
and policies, even as communities have been using and
relying on these forms of local knowledge for
generations.
1. Ensure that disaster risk reduction is a national
and a local priority with a strong institutional
basis for implementation
Socio-cultural and historical knowledge as described
by Dekens (2007a) are “knowledge related to the sociocultural environment in its broadest sense (social,
political, economic, and spiritual aspects of life)”. Ellis
and West (2000) wrote that this type of knowledge is
embedded in both the historic understanding of
natural hazards and disasters, and in current actions
and events. They also stressed that local history on
social relations is important because it can influence
the worldview of the people and their response to
natural hazards.
2. Identify, assess, and monitor disaster risks; and
enhance early warning
Velasquez (2008) deems that, “local knowledge have to
be understood, acknowledged, and respected as a
182 Panel 4
formidable information source which can contribute
to reducing disaster risk in many parts of the world”.
According to him, the first step towards appreciating
local knowledge is to carry out thorough and intensive
research and documentation. In fact, Dekens (2007a)
recommends that, songs, stories, proverbs, dance,
myths, cultural values, beliefs, rituals, community laws,
local language, agricultural practices, institutions of
the people need to be explored and studied.
Objectives, Methodology, and the Structure of the
Paper
With the aforementioned forming the backbone of the
research, the paper explores and documents the role of
local socio-cultural and historical knowledge in
disaster preparedness, particularly looking at the case
of Mount Merapi in Indonesia. More pointedly, four
themes—collective memories, jargons, rituals, and
perceptions—will be looked into, analyzed, and woven
to underscore how local communities make sense of
their world, as these influence their understanding and
response to natural hazards.
In doing so, the research will address the
marginalization of these forms of local knowledge in
favor of more scientific knowledge. Also, as the paper
strives to respond to the issue of the lack of
documentation, it is hoped that academics,
development workers, and government institutions
working in the area of disaster risk reduction will
integrate these into their policies and plans.
The data mainly used were gathered from focus group
discussions, a review of secondary literature, and over
90 interviews with local residents of Mount Merapi,
non-government organizations, government officials,
and academics. Additionally, as Mount Merapi’s
eruption took place during the data-gathering period,
newspapers, television reports, and Internet blogs were
likewise consulted.
The paper is divided into four parts. Initially, the paper
elicits reflections on the issue of the marginalization of
local knowledge (socio-cultural and historical
knowledge) by providing the context in which the
study was conducted. The paper then attempts to
establish the appropriateness of the research site by
providing key information on Mount Merapi.
Specifically, Mount Merapi as an active volcano, as a
source of life (livelihood for) to its dwellers, and as a
“kingdom” will be highlighted in this section. The
paper will then chronicle the local knowledge
documented and analyze their relevance and value in
DRR. Finally, lessons and reflections on the need to
broaden the concept of local knowledge and our
understanding of it in the context of disasters will be
provided.
MOUNT MERAPI: AN ACTIVE VOLCANO, A SOURCE OF LIFE, AND A “KINGDOM”
Figure 1: Mapping of Volcanoes in Indonesia
An Active Volcano
Located in that part of the globe known as the Pacific
Ring of Fire, Indonesia is home to 129 volcanoes
(Dove 2006, 240). Mount Merapi, located along the
boundary of the Special Province of Yogyakarta and
Central Java, is considered the most active. It has an
eruption span of 3.5 years on the average.
The volcano is reported to have erupted 61times since
the mid-1500s, and claimed an estimated 7,000 lives
(Lavigne et al. 2008, 280). Of the 61 eruptions, 14
were considered major in terms of scale and damage
(Dove 2006).
The very first recorded eruption of Mount Merapi
took place in 1006 when it is said to have buried the
Buddhist temple of Borobudur that led to the end of
the Mataram Kingdom. As a consequence, Buddhism
migrated to Bali, and Java was Islamized (Coedes 1968,
128; Decker and Decker, 1997; Dove 2006, 240).
However, Mount Merapi’s deadliest eruption was in
1672, during which it claimed an estimated 3,000 lives
(Dove 2006, 241).
A Source of Life
Although the volcano is potentially dangerous to the
residents along its slope and in the nearby areas, its
fertile soil, a consequence of previous eruptions,
enables the people as well as their cattle, sheep, and
other farm animals, to thrive in the area.
Likewise, rock and sand mining activities are sources of
livelihood in the volcano. Every day, hundreds of
trucks go to several riverbeds of the volcano to exploit
its rich sand. The accumulated profits thus derived
immensely aid the local economy and facilitate
development projects in Yogyakarta.
Also, tempat penginapan (sleeping areas for tourists)
are aplenty a few kilometers from the peak of the
volcano. Souvenir shops in the vicinity also sell t-shirts
and videos of past volcanic eruptions, further
augmenting revenue from local tourism. These
economic activities are considered the gifts of disasters.
A “Kingdom”
However, for many residents, Mount Merapi is not
merely a volcano, just as its eruptions are not just the
usual volcanic activities. Dwellers along its slope
183
actually consider it to be very mystical. Hadmoko
(2010) said, ‘The people in Mount Merapi believe that
the eruption is associated with the local beliefs of the
people”. In fact, many volcanoes in Indonesia are the
focus of several mystical beliefs and local cultures.
There are dwellers who perceive the past and future
volcanic eruptions of Mount Merapi as “acts of gods”
or as divine in nature (Dove 2006; Lavigne et al. 2008).
Consequently, some dwellers pay reverence to them
(Lavigne et al. 2008).
The strong Javanese culture, which gives importance
to mystical traditions, spirit cults, ancestor worship,
and spiritual healing, is responsible for this perception
of eruptions. Additionally, inhabitants along the slope
of Mount Merapi have personified the volcano, calling
it Mbah Merapi (Elder Merapi). This patriarchal
reverence for the volcano is seen as very positive rather
than as a source of peril (Dove 2006; Lavigne et al.
2008).
In Mount Merapi, the religious beliefs of the people
can be classified into animism, Hinduism, Buddhism,
and Islam. In the Javanese religion called kejawen, four
figures guard the Mataram Kingdom, namely:
1. Kanjeng Ratu Kidul — the Princess of the
South Seas who is believed to influence the
activity of Mount Merapi. She is considered
(thought to be? Thought as) the wife of
Penambahan Senopati, the First Sultan of
Yogyakarta
2. Sunan Merapi (Eyang/Kyai Sapujagad) — his
kingdom is located at the peak of Mount
Merapi
3. Sunan Lawu — last king of the Majapahit
Kingdom, and
4. Semar — a wayang (puppet) figure who is
believed to guide the Sultan of Yogyakarta on
spiritual matters.
As expressed by Endri (2010), other people [outsiders]
deem that, “the volcanic eruptions are just the usual
volcanic activities. However, for many residents who
were born, grew up, and immensely bonded themselves
with the volcano, the volcanic activity has a different
meaning”. Sarmin (2010) shares the thoughts of Endri.
For him, Mount Merapi is “a palace where various
spirits dwell”.
184 Panel 4
To many dwellers, the active volcano is not just
inhabited by human beings, but also by supernatural
creatures. Tika (2010) narrates:
can live. He chose Mount Merapi. The servant’s
name was then changed to Eyang/Kyai
Sapujagad, the Guardian of Mount Merapi.
Kanjeng Ratu Kidul gave Penambahan Senopati
an endhong jagat (egg) to eat as a sign of her love.
However, Ki Juru Taman, a loyal follower of the
Sultan, advised the leader not to eat it. Instead,
the servant was the one who ate the egg. After
eating the egg, the servant suddenly transformed
into a gigantic mystical creature. Afterwards, the
Sultan searched for a place where the creature
Aside from Eyang/Kyai Sapujagad, another
supernatural creature that supposedly resides in
Mount Merapi is Mbah Petruk (Elder Petruk).
Istiyanto (2010) shared that, “Mbah Petruk was tasked
to warn the people or provide information about an
impending eruption, so that people can prepare
themselves”.
Figure 2: Imaginary line that connects Mt. Merapi, Tugu, Palace in Yogyakarta, and Parangtritis Beach. (Source: Professor Sunarto,
UGM)
Also, it is believed that there is a strong connection
between Mount Merapi vis-à-vis the Parangtritis
Beach in the south (the residence of Kanjeng Ratu
Kidul) and the Kraton at the center (Palace of the
Sultan of Yogyakarta). The people of Yogyakarta
adjudge that there exists an imaginary line, which
preserves the balance between the three (see Figure 2).
In order to maintain the balance of power between the
leaders of each kingdom, regular rituals have to be
carried out. Consequently, the safety of the people is
guaranteed in times of danger and disasters.
Tika (2010) held that “Mt. Merapi has been getting its
life from the balance between the spirits, God, and
nature. Although it is a mere mountain, however, it is a
spring of life to a lot of people, particularly to those
who dwell in its slopes”.
LOCAL KNOWLEDGE
This section provides documented local knowledge of
the residents in Mount Merapi. The collective
memories, jargons, rituals and perceptions of the
communities
highlighted.
on
volcanic
eruptions
will
be
Collective Memories
According to Banzon-Cabanilla (2011), social
memory is key to becoming resilient and adaptive to
disasters and it is a form of local knowledge. Social
memory is knowledge that “encodes the perceived,
remembered and reconstructed historical experiences of
environmental variability and extreme events and the
perceived, remembered, and reconstructed ways that
societies in the past reacted to these challenges” (Redman
and Kinzig 2003, 10).
What specific volcanic eruptions does the community
recall therefore? What were the impacts of these
disasters? What resources did the community use
during the disasters? What were the difficulties
encountered? How do local history and the collective
recollection of previous disaster experiences matter in
disaster preparedness?
The table highlights some of the results of the focus
group discussions with the residents of Mount Merapi
to underscore how the communities’ memories of past
Disaster events
(Focused on Mount Merapi
eruptions)
1954 eruption.
The volcanic ashes prompted
the people to evacuate to a
tobacco warehouse.
185
events have enabled them to become resilient and
better prepared for future volcanic eruptions.1
Difficulties encountered
Physical and social changes after the disaster
During the 1954 and 1961 eruptions, the
dwellers merely walked towards the evacuation
sites because there were no vehicles available for
their evacuation.
The people undertook gotong-royong (mutual
assistance). They started collecting bricks and
stones with which to repair the roads leading to
evacuation sites.
During the 1954 eruption, only the women and Many residents opted to participate in the
the children were evacuated, while the youth and transmigration program of the government to
Sulawesi and Sumatra.
the men were left behind or remained in the
hamlets.
The Balai Penyelidikan dan Pengembangan
Teknologi Kegunungapian (BPPTK) –
Yogyakarta was established in Yogyakarta. This
is an arm of the Indonesian government’s Center
for Volcanology and Disaster Mitigation. Its
main office is located in Bandung.
During the 1961 eruption, the roads leading to The people practiced Gotong-royong (mutual
1961 eruption.
The people evacuated because the evacuation sites were damaged.
stones with which to repair the roads leading to
of the excessive presence of
evacuation sites.
volcanic ashes.
The people practiced Gotong-royong (mutual
Evacuations sites were poorly managed.
1994 eruption.
The dwellers were
stones to repair the roads leading to evacuation
There were no orders from the village leaders
conditioned to rely on early
sites.
regarding the evacuation process. Thus, the
warnings issued from the
people evacuated individually, rather than as a
Mount Merapi observation
Only few residents participated in the
community.
post, but no early warning
transmigration program of the government.
came about. Suddenly, the
Several women were in a state of shock following
volcano released hot gases
the eruption. Others had the presence of mind to The people started using masks provided by the
and the people were
government.
surprised. Consequently, a lot evacuate their children.
of people died, while several
The community started using indigenous
were badly injured.
technology, the kentongan, to issue an early
warning. Once this instrument was sounded, the
people knew they should proceed to the
evacuation sites.
Mount Merapi became the barometer or
reference point of volcanic monitoring all
throughout Indonesia. The government invested
on modern equipment and set them up around
Mount Merapi and in the nearby observation
posts. However, many residents still did not
know how to use the sirens and other early
warning devices installed (provided) by the
government.
The government started reviewing disaster
management policies and mechanisms.
186 Panel 4
Jargon
Local knowledge is part of the culture learned and
shared by the members of a particular society. In this
symbol-meaning system, language is the most extensive
tool (Banzon-Cabanilla, 2011).
What terms and concepts do people know in relation
to disaster preparedness? What local concepts and
words are associated with disasters?
The residents of Mount Merapi are familiar with the
concept tanda-tanda alam (signs of nature), which
enables them to ascertain the status of the volcano. In
fact, Sunarto observed that even the government relies
on tanda-tanda alam (signs of nature) when giving
warnings to the public.
Pak Ego (2010), a resident of Yogyakarta, narrated
those women villagers who look for grass to feed the
livestock usually go down immediately whenever they
smell sulfur in the area. He added that communities
also consider noise from the deer to assess the
condition of the volcano. According to him, deer are
commonly very quiet but when the temperature at the
peak of Mount Merapi changes, they start making
strange sounds. Pak Ego rationalizes that animals use
their natural instincts to find shelter when there is an
impending disaster as they are more sensitive than
human beings. He also cited the case of restless
monkeys that start going down as a consequence of a
sudden change in temperature at the crater of the
volcano. He added that although there are signs or
warnings from the government, the newspapers, and
the radio, these do not usually reach several villages
around Mount Merapi. For this reason, the people
tend to rely on the tanda-tanda alam instead.
Aside from the tanda-tanda alam, the people in
Mount Merapi also subscribe to the concept of mimpi
aneh (strange dreams) shared by some village residents.
In their dreams, a baureksa (a ghost or spirit inhabiting
a certain place) or an old man holding a white horse
suddenly appears, pointing to a certain direction.
Locals interpret this dream to signal an eruption, with
the direction given signifying the area through which
the hot clouds will pass. For this reason, the people
avoid the route indicated in the dreams during the
evacuation.
The communities in Mount Merapi also use an
indigenous device called kentongan. This early warning
mechanism made of bamboo is sounded to dictate the
actions people should undertake in relation to an
impending eruption.
On the other hand, Mount Merapi (and other areas in
Yogyakarta) also subscribe to the concept called juru
kunci (gatekeeper). A juru kunci is a person who has
been given the responsibility to guard and protect the
sacred place. Also, the juru kunci is believed to
communicate regularly with the spirits to plead for the
safety of the people. In fact, during the 2006 eruption
of Mount Merapi, the juru kunci, Mbak
Maridjan,opted not to follow the evacuation order of
the government. According to narratives, he stayed
alone in his house for three days, communicating with
the spirits to lessen the destruction. Fortunately, when
the volcanic activity was over, he was found safe inside
his dwelling. The people believed that the spirits had
protected him. Thereafter, he gained popularity all
throughout the country. As a matter of fact, he won
the respect of people because he stood by his religious
and cultural beliefs, rather than the rational and very
postmodern thinking of the Sultan of Yogyakarta.
This event led him to be become an endorser of an
energy drink and a political party in the election.
Regrettably, during the 26 October 2010 eruption, his
village was the first hit by hot clouds. This time the
juru kunci still chose not to heed the call to evacuate
and died during the eruption. Although his death
stimulated debates on the value of local knowledge in
disasters, to many, he remained the embodiment of a
servant-leader, willing to stake his life in the name of
the responsibility given him.
Rituals
As earlier mentioned, many dwellers reckon that the
volcano hosts not only human beings, but also
supernatural creatures, which influence its activity.
These creatures are believed to perform rituals that
may convince the spirits to lessen the impact of
forthcoming disasters.
What rituals do the dwellers perform? How do
residents carry out these rituals? What meanings do
people attach to these rituals? How do rituals figure in
disaster preparedness?
Regularly, rituals are carried out in Mount Merapi,
mirroring the cultural, religious, and belief systems of
the dwellers in the slope of the volcano, as well as those
of the people in Yogyakarta. Truth be told, rituals are
among the important aspects of the belief systems of
the residents of Mount Merapi. Based on interviews,
there are two main reasons why rituals are performed,
namely: (1) as a means for the people to communicate
with the spirits that reside in the volcano; and, (2) to
keep people safe and prepared.
Below are three examples of ceremonial rituals that the
community performs in relation to disaster
preparedness.
Labuhan Merapi
The term labuhan comes from the Indonesian term,
labuh, which means, “throwing”. The ceremony is all
about throwing/offering gifts to the spirits who
inhabit the sacred volcano. Labuhan Merapi is a twoday ritual carried out during the 29th day of Rajab of
the Islamic calendar. It is performed the day after the
anniversary of jumengan or the coronation of the
Sultan of Yogyakarta (Sholikhin 2009).
The Javanese strongly believe in the existence of three
kingdoms that supposedly govern their daily lives—
Parangtritis Beach, Kraton, and Mount Merapi.
Although there are juru kuncis in Mount Merapi and
in Parangtritis Beach, Kraton, which is under the
leadership of the Sultan who is also the Governor of
Yogyakarta, is the only kingdom among the three that
is visible.
To maintain balance of power and equilibrium in the
three kingdoms, rituals offerings such as labuhan
Merapi are carried out. One supposed consequence of
performing this ritual is to spare the people of
Yogyakarta from disasters.
In relation to the October-November 2010 eruption
of Mount Merapi, many residents blamed Sultan
Hamengkubuwono X, the current Sultan of
Yogyakarta, for his modern and rational beliefs that
often disregard age-old cultural traditions.
Likewise, the insufficient offering of the Sultan to the
spirits in Mount Merapi was blamed for the 1994
eruption. The palace thereafter said that the 1994
eruption was the end of the tawar-menawar or
negotiation period with the spirits. Dove (2006)
wrote, “it was a considerable tolerance, according to
the spiritual leader compared to have its eruption at
night time, which will entail much more casualties”.
187
On the other hand, Triyoga (2010) offered a different
perspective on the origin of the labuhan ceremony. He
held that it could be traced back to the reign of the
Buddhist King, Sitiwaka Gilingannya. During his rule,
disasters and plagues were prevalent. As a result, the
kingdom and the people were deeply troubled.
Consequently, the king sent Radhi Brahmans to carry
out the Rajawedha offering in his name and that of his
entire family. Afterward, the kingdom became free
from famine, disease, and disasters. The soil became
fertile; while the king, his family, and the people
became prosperous (Triyoga 2010).Other kingdoms
learned of this story and practiced it. The practice was
then passed on to the succeeding generations of rulers
of the Kingdom.
Malam 1 Suro
Malam means “night” while Suro is the first month of
Muharram of the Islamic calendar. While Christians
all over the world welcome the New Year with parties
and celebrations, the Javanese,for their part, consecrate
the changing of time (New Year’s Eve).
Similar with the Labuhan Merapi, during Malam 1
Suro, people bring offerings to the ancestral spirits as a
sign of thanksgiving for the blessings received the
previous year and to request the spirits to bless them
again in the coming year.
The Malam 1 Suro of 2010, which took place on 5
December 2010, became very special for the residents,
precisely because of the then recent eruption of Mount
Merapi. Aside from being a form of thanksgiving, the
ritual became a venue for them to ask Allah and the
spirits to deliver the people from misfortune, such as
another volcanic explosion.
Becekan Lahar
Finally, another ritual carried out for the safety and
protection of the people from disasters, particularly
from a lava disaster, is the becekan lahar (lava ritual
ceremony). According to Sholikhin (2009), this ritual
is done by pouring the milk of young coconut into the
river where the lava is expected to flow.
Sulyanto (2010) narrated, “People usually hear strange
noises at night or in their dreams. The sound is that of
a golden train passing. The people interpret this as a
sign that the Kingdom of Merapi is sending forth an
188 Panel 4
entourage to marry one of its relatives living in the
Parangtritis Beach. People adjudge that the noise is a
signal that lava would soon pass”. In response, the
people have to perform the ritual.
In the same spirit as the labuhan Merapi and Malam 1
Suro ceremonies, the becekan lahar capitalizes on the
concept of balance and harmony between human
beings and nature. However, whereas the earlier two
rituals are performed annually, the second is carried
out only when there is an impending lava disaster.
From the aforementioned ceremonial rituals, we can
conclude that: (1) culture shapes people’s actions
toward natural hazards; and, (2) the actions performed
by the people (through rituals) are deemed to keep
them safe and reduce the risk of disasters.
Perceptions
The dwellers of Mount Merapi have their own
appreciation of the volcano. Many residents view the
periodic activities of the volcano in light of their
cultural mores rather than science. Scientists view this
propensity of the dwellers as indicative of low-risk
perception (Lavigne et al. 2008), cultural vulnerability,
and risk denial.
Following the 2010 eruption of Mount Merapi, several
interpretations regarding its explosion surfaced. For
instance, the state officials responsible for updating the
public on the situation revealed that the biggest lava
dome explosion (November 5, 2010) is part of the
100-year eruption cycle of the volcano (the 1930s was
the last recorded time during which Mount Merapi
erupted with the same intensity. Several residents share
the same insight, which phenomenon is credited to the
disaster socialization efforts undertaken by the
government to debunk the people’s reliance on myth
insofar as eruptions are concerned.
Whenever there is an impending eruption, it always
proves difficult for the government to evacuate people.
Sunarto (2010) said that, “The residents generally
place more confidence on cultural leaders than on the
government because of their strong cultural
attachment”. Additionally, Endri (2010) revealed that,
“Since people were born in Mount Merapi and grew
up in the area, they are immensely bonded in the area.
They believe that the place is where they truly belong”.
Given this reality, Endri and his team do not force
themselves too much on those residents who do not
want to go down to the temporary shelters, in order to
spare these residents from whatever trauma that may
arise from being coerced to relocate.
So how do those with a non-scientific mindset view
volcanic eruptions? How do their perception and
cultural explanations of natural hazards affect
(determine) disaster preparedness? The narrations of
the residents, as well as data from secondary literature.
were woven together to come up with themes relating
to the people’s perceptions of volcanic eruptions.
These are:
1. Volcanic eruptions mirror the condition of Indonesian
society and serve as agents of change.
Life in Mount Merapi mirrors or resembles the
everyday life of the Javanese (Dove 1986, 2006, 2010;
and Dove and Hudyana 2007). Any uneasiness in the
natural world is understood as signifying uneasiness in
the social and political worlds (Dove 2006). The 1994
eruption of Mount Merapi was considered the
precursor of Suharto’s downfall (Dove 2006, 239). It is
believed that Indonesia at that time faced financial,
political, and environmental problems, which led to
the fall of Suharto (Dove 2006, 239). Considering this
and as Dove (2006) argues, in the case of Mount
Merapi, any volcanic activity is seen as an agent of
change.
2. Volcanic eruptions serve to reprimand and warn
leaders and their people.
Istiyanto (2010) revealed that, “The eruption was
deemed to be a way for the volcano to reprimand the
Sultan for his modern beliefs and very rational
thinking that often disregard the Javanese traditions
and give insufficient offerings to the spirits”. He
narrated that, “The spirits are enraged by the current
Sultan because of his lack of charisma and his
inefficiency in governing the people of Yogyakarta”.
Schlehe (2010) said that the eruptions sought to
remind and warn the Sultan of his traditional role and
modern ways, which means traditions need to be
revived, most especially in the modern world.
On the other hand, Tika (2010) said that, “The cycle
of volcanic activities warns the people to protect the
environment and natural resources. It reminds the
people to balance life vertically (our relationship with
God) and horizontally (our relationship with nature
and fellow human beings)”. According to Tika, “The
Javanese subscribe to the precepts called cegah mangan
and cegah guling. Both are connected to reducing one’s
eating and sleeping”. Unfortunately, she observed,
people do and perceive the two differently from each
other. In fact, a lot of people show no clear
understanding of the two concepts. They believe that
disasters happen to warn people to remember God.
Tika holds that as disaster reminds leaders of their
being in a position to lead, they should therefore lead
wisely.
3. Volcanic eruptions mimic the cycle of Life.
Sulyanto (2010) shared two narratives linking
eruptions to wedding ceremonies. First, he said, “The
awan panas (hot clouds) are the garbage accumulated
in the arranged wedding of the children of Kanjeng
Ratu Kidul and one of the spirits in Mount Merapi”.
Second, the awan panas are viewed as the court of
Merapi descending.
Concurrently, Aredo (2010) shared how his
grandfather told him that Mount Merapi is pregnant
and was about to give birth. Interestingly, after this was
said, the sacred volcano released a series of hot clouds,
as though giving birth.
4. Volcanic eruptions area journey toward home.
The volcanic eruptions are also believed to be a journey
toward home. Hewitt (1997) documented a story
about a resident who was led by a wewe (female spirit)
toward the eruption site in 1994. Hewitt wrote that
the resident felt kekasar (lost), bingung (confused), and
diajak (invited). The dweller said that, “rasa pulang ke
kampung sendiri, padahal makin keatas” (I feel like I
am going toward my village, but I am actually going
upwards toward the crater or the home of the wewe)
(Dove 2006, 243; Dove and Hudyana, 2007).
5. Volcanic eruptions are merely day-to-day activities of
the kingdom.
The eruptions are considered as day-to-day activities in
the Kingdom of Merapi. Triyoga (1991, 2010) and
Dove (2006) write that eruptions are believed to
manifest house cleaning or house building during the
Suro month, with the awan panas believed to be the
waste generated from the cleaning. Also, the 1994
eruption was perceived to mirror (indicate?) the
construction of gerbang (gate) or of the ceremonial arch
in the Merapi Kingdom (Dove and Hudyana, 2007).
189
Conclusions
Sunarto (2010) observed that people generally place
more confidence in cultural leaders than on the
government because of their strong cultural
attachment to the former. The issue in this paper is
similar to weighing the importance of the numerical
(i.e., scientifically acquired data) vis-à-vis the empirical
(i.e., the wisdom of the elders). Sunarto stressed that it
will be problematic to pit one against the other.
Technology and local knowledge should be combined
and synergized, rather than made rivals of each other,
lest confusion among the people ensue.
As Sulyanto emphasized, there is no problem in
putting faith in advanced technology even though the
same often fails to provide accurate information.
However, in doing so, the rich culture and tradition of
the people should not be put aside and ignored.
In the National Information prepared for the World
Conference on Disaster Reduction in 2005, the
Country Report provided by Indonesia states that, “In
a number of areas, the local people use traditional
indigenous knowledge to manage disasters. Following
the progress of knowledge and technology, which rely
on the use of new techniques in disaster management,
this traditional indigenous knowledge is increasingly
put aside” (BAKORNAS PBP 2005).
The aforementioned conclusion arrived at during the
conference clearly indicates that the national
government favors technology more than local
knowledge. This is paradoxical because that same
conference recognized the value of local knowledge in
disaster risk reduction, citing the experience of the
people of Simelue Island in Aceh, in particular.
In the final analysis, there is no doubt that sociocultural and historical knowledge are crucial as well in
disaster risk reduction. Also, as seen in the case of
Mount Merapi, the potential of local knowledge to
inspire global solutions there exists. Disaster risk
reduction plans and policies need to be sensitive to
these types of local knowledge. But for the value of
local knowledge to be fully maximized, there is need
for extensive research and documentation.
190 Panel 4
NOTE
1
Prior to the October and November 2010 eruption of Mount
Merapi, three (3) focus group discussions (FGD) were
conducted in Turgo, one of the villages along the slope of the
volcano.
The goal of the FGD was to enable the participants to
collectively recall the disasters they had experienced, and was
not limited to the Mount Merapi eruption. Specifically, the
participants were asked to call to mind the date, location,
damage, stakeholders, and the adaptation strategies for each
disaster event. Additionally, they were instructed to list down
the kinds of resources and life support (human, social,
physical/infrastructures, financial, and local cultures) that
they had in their village when disaster (human, social,
physical/infrastructures, financial, and local cultures). They
were likewise requested to rank these resources from least
important to the most critical, both in the contexts of their
daily lives and crisis situations.
Nineteen women attended the first FGD. The second was
attended by 14 elders (11 male and 3 female), while the
young people in the community were invited to the third
FGD.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Funding of the fieldwork was provided by the Asian Public
Intellectuals (API) Programme facilitated by The Nippon
Foundation. Special thanks also to Sri Danang Hadmoko from
the Fakultas Geografi – Universitas Gadjah Mada. Appreciation
is also expressed for the contributions of my research assistants:
Ruspian Darmawan, Prabono Hari Putranto, and Armunanto
Sunu Hadi. I am also thankful for the insights of Dr. JC Gaillard
and Mr. Mark Andrew Elepaño.
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192 Panel 5
Light at Night: How the Offshore Call Center Industry Is Shaping Young
Filipino Workers1
Resmi Setia Milawati
Introduction
1. The research background
The thriving call center industry in the Philippines can
be easily discerned at Manila airport. Arrivals at the
airport are welcomed by a large and colorful billboard
advertising career opportunities with a leading call
center company. It takes just 15 minutes to drive from
the airport to Bonifacio Global City2, one of Metro
Manila’s call center hubs. Bonifacio Global City looks
new, well-maintained and sophisticated with
skyscrapers, upscale residential condominiums, bars,
clubs, fancy restaurants, fast-food chains, coffee shops
and 24-hour mini-stores. Among the major companies
owning property or based there are included
Accenture, The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking
Corporation, Deutsche Bank, Lawson Software,
Fujitsu, Hewlett-Packard, Ericsson, TetraPak and
JPMorgan Chase.
Bonifacio Global City is a “city that never sleeps”.
Early in the morning, one can see mainly young people
with ID cards around their necks queuing after the
night shift at a mini-store close to a large call center
company, to buy cigarettes, instant noodles, hot dogs
and drinks.
Who are they? What are they doing at this time of
morning, when most people are still resting in their
beds? This research attempts to depict the lives of
young Filipino workers who participate in the offshore
call center industry. Along with other types of workers,
the call center workers are a vivid example of people
whose lives are shaped by events happening far away
and vice versa (Giddens 1990, 64, cited in Inda and
Rosaldo 2002, 8).
The offshore call center industry illustrates how
developments in communications technology have
allowed corporations to relocate their businesses to
areas with significantly lower production costs. There
has been a massive shift of service work from developed
countries, such as the United States, Western Europe
and Japan to low-wage sites around the globe. In the
last decade in the Philippines, a destination country,
there has been a significant growth in the new, service
based business process outsourcing (BPO) industry.
Numbers employed increased dramatically from 2000
in 2001, to 162,250 (2005), 237,000 (2006), and
525,000 (2010). The BPO industry in the Philippines
generated USD350 million in 2001 and USD1.8
billion in 2005, with USD1 billion (56 percent) of that
contributed by call centers. In 2006 it generated
USD3.8 billion with at least 72 percent of that figure
generated by call centers (PIA 2006; Domingo 2006;
Bennett 2007; Villafania 2009). By 2010, the industry
generated revenues of USD8.9 billion, indicating yearon-year growth of around 26 percent. The call center
sub-sector grew by over 21 percent to USD6.1 billion.
By the end of 2010 the Philippines had overtaken
India as the leader of the call center industry in the
world.3 Call centers had come to play an important
role as a source of economic development and
employment in the country.
However, despite these valuable contributions, the
industry has been revealed to have shortcomings.
Research conducted by Rosemary Batt et al., (2005) on
the differences between call centers based in the
United States and offshore centers operated by local
subcontractors show that while companies from the
developed countries have sent work overseas to take
advantage of lower wages, they remained concerned
about the level of service quality provided. They have
thus preferred to hire young college-educated workers
and have imposed tighter constraints on managerial
discretion in offshore call centers. Consequently, the
average level of education of call center workers and
the level of control and standardization is higher than
that found in call centers in developed countries.
However, it appears that in the Philippines, fluency in
English is most likely a proxy for high education levels.
In other words, the offshore call centers deploy labor
sub-optimally because they are hiring staff solely for
their English fluency and are not optimizing
employees’ other educational capabilities.
Anurupa Roy’s (2007) study in India indicates that
long and odd working hours, deskilling, and emotional
labor characterize the call center labor process. In turn
these characteristics lead to alienation on the part of
FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE
workers. Another study by Nadeem (2011) of Indian
call center workers reveals that the constant
involvement with these characteristics of work is
changing the way Indians understand themselves. In
short, a variety of studies illustrate the dilemmas of
globalization. This research follows a similar path by
studying the case of the Philippines, which has received
comparatively little research attention.
2. The research objectives
In general, the research aims to examine how the
offshore call center industry is shaping the ways young
college-educated workers understand themselves.
Specifically, the research attempts to:
2.1 Describe the reasons that underlie the decision
of young workers to participate in the call
center industry.
2.2 Describe the general nature of the offshore call
center industry.
2.3 Describe the social life of workers inside and
outside their workplace, focusing on the usage
of leisure time and the pattern of consumption.
2.4 Reveal the dilemmas inherent in being an
offshore call center worker.
2.5 Describe how various factors shape the way call
center workers understand themselves.
3. The research method
This research employed qualitative methods. It sought
to discover how the offshore call center industry is
shaping the way its workers understand themselves.
Metro Manila was chosen as the research site for
several reasons. First, it is home to almost 85 percent of
the total number of call centers in the Philippines.
Second, it is the destination of choice for workers from
various regions in the Philippines. The variety of
cultural and socio-economic backgrounds represented
in the workforce may color workers’ perspectives on
their involvement in the call center industry. Third,
the growth of products and services is more
pronounced in major cities such as Metro Manila.
Therefore, new consumption patterns and unusual
usage of leisure time are best captured here.
This research combined primary and secondary data
collection. The primary data collection involved
several techniques. In-depth interviews were
undertaken with key informants such as call center
workers, trainers, managers, supervisors, and
193
consultants. In total 24 individuals were interviewed,
16 of whom were call center agents. Although this is
small sample and more interviews could have been
conducted, the degree of repetition in later interviews
suggested that data saturation had been reached. The
characteristics of the informants are described as
follows:
Category
Marital status
Educational
background
Age range
Salary range
Female (8)
6 single
2 married (children)
6 college graduates
2 on leave from college
Male (8)
6 single
2 married (children)
6 college graduates
1 on leave from college
1 high school graduate
22 – 28 years old
18 – 32 years old
12,000 – 28,000 pesos/ 15,000 – 30,000
USD280 – 650 *
pesos/USD349 – 698
*1 USD = ±43 Pesos
Table 1: Characteristics of Informants
Casual interviews were also undertaken with
numerous call center workers in areas such as
Eastwood City, Bonifacio Global City, UPTechnohub Quezon City, Makati City, and Ortigas
Center. The third method employed was participant
observation. This was considered the best tool to
understand workers’ regular activities. The researcher
participated in activities outside the workplace, such as
drinking and videoke (video karaoke) sessions, family
gatherings, and holidays. Secondary data collection
including
drawing
upon
other
research,
documentation and online sources was used to
enhance the data gathered first-hand.
Young Call Center Workers
Many young urban workers grew up within the
context of advanced information and communications
technology. Their exposure to various technologies
such as computers, the Internet and cell phones have
contributed to a fast-paced lifestyle. According to
Hechanova et.al. (2008, 38), “Technology has also
played a large role in exposing our youth to the global
environments and cultures that are shaping their value
systems. They are Filipino nationals but are also fast
becoming citizens of the world”.
Given that context, young4 people become an
interesting topic because they are seen as more adept in
making use of technology, which is necessary in the
offshore call center industry. An operational manager
of a U.S. call center confirms, “We don’t have a strict
194 Panel 5
preference regarding the workforce, but we must admit
that it is easier to hire younger people because they
usually have a good knowledge of computers and easily
adjust to the night shift compared to the older ones”.
From the perspective of young people, the call center is
attractive due to easy access of work, and easy money.
As explained by “Jessica”, a 23-year-old call center
agent, “I saw one of my brother’s friends. He was
buying a lot. Dummy cash? So where is he working? In
a call center? Wow, high-end! Can I try? I tried and
luckily I got the job”. “Josh”, a 25-year-old computer
science graduate, shared similar ideas, “I had to pay
some student loans and debts that my mom had when
I was studying. It was not hard to get accepted into a
call center”.
These comments exemplify the motivations of many
other call center agents who participate in the industry
for financial purposes, usually to support personal
and/or family expenses. Other agents place more
emphasis on personal experience and self-autonomy or
independence. “Jeni”, a new agent in an American call
center explained,5 “I was not really looking for money,
more for experience and an allowance. But at least I am
independent. I don’t want to ask money from my
parents”. Another agent said, “The first time I earned a
salary, I felt I had lots of money. I started to have ego,
pride. I argued a lot with my parents. I left the house
and lived on my own in Manila. My parents got
shocked, but I said to them that I just wanted to
become independent. It took me three years to get
back home”. This comment revealed that financial
autonomy led to a feeling of independence and selfautonomy among some young workers.
However, there are some issues related to the entry of
young people into the call center industry. A survey
conducted by the University of the Philippines
Population Institute (2010) showed that higher
incomes among young call center workers translates
into increased consumption of material goods. The
prevalence of risky sexual activity is significantly higher
among call center workers compared to their
counterparts from other industries. The Population
Institute study supports Frith’s (1984) argument,
which says that increased affluence among working
class youth creates new modes of consumption and
leisure. White and Wyn (1997) also add that one of
the characteristics of youth is their tendency to get
involved in risky behaviors. The social life of young call
center workers in the Philippines will be explored in
the latter part of this paper. In order to provide a
deeper understanding of typical young workers, brief
profiles are provided below.
Profile 1
“Sophia” is a 26-year-old female agent from Manila
and a graduate of Far Eastern University (FEU)
Manila. Soon after completing her studies in 2005,
she entered the call center industry. Sophia’s parents
have lived apart since she was young. Sophia felt
responsible to support her sister and two brothers,
who were still in school. She hoped that after her
siblings finished their schooling, she could use her
income to support her dream to be a theater actress
and to follow her traveling hobby. She created a blog
on traveling and took a theater class. She explained
that she did not want to work in the call center
permanently, especially given that she perceived
there was no career progress. She wanted to pursue
her career as a theater actress seriously. She lived
with her sister who was also working as a supervisor
in a leading American call center.
Profile 2
“John” is the eldest of three children. His parents
own a small business. When the family business
encountered difficulties, John took a break from
studying at Ateneo de Manila University, one of the
leading universities in the Philippines, and found a
job in a call center. He was 22 years old at the time.
At the time of this study, he had been working at a
major U.S.-owned call center company for one year.
He then resigned due to illness and after his parents
business started to operate normally again. He
managed to return to university and to pay his own
tuition fees. He will be finishing his study soon. He
admitted that if he could not get a good job he
might go back to work in a call center until he saved
enough money to set up his own business.
Profile 3
“Rachel” is a 25-year-old mother of three and a
qualified nurse, from Bolinao, Pangasinan. After
finishing her nursing studies she took an internship
in a different sector, leaving her children with her
husband and his family. However, this created some
relationship problems with her husband and she
decided to rejoin him and work on the marriage.
After a short time, Rachel left again, saying that
since her husband did not work, she needed to find
a job to support the family. She went to Manila and
applied for work in several call centers, receiving
several rejections because her English was not fluent
enough and she lacked confidence. She said that it
was not easy for someone from the provinces to live
in Manila and to join a call center. However, she
finally got a job in an American call center company
in Ortigas. After working there for 20 months, she
moved to another call center that offered a higher
salary. After she had a stable income, she brought
her family to a rented house in Antipolo. She is the
breadwinner in the family, supporting her husband,
her sister-in-law, and her three children.
As shown in those profiles, call center workers come
from various socio-economic backgrounds. All,
however, see call centers as a source of easy
employment and relatively high income. In other
words, call center work is a source of financial and selfautonomy, especially for young and single workers.
Category
Inbound
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Description
Receiving calls to provide
consumer services, technical
support, etc.
Calling consumers to collect
bills, sell products, etc.
This involves taking calls
(inbound) or making calls
(outbound).
Mostly involving email and
online chat.
Outbound
Voice
Non-voice
Table 2. Categorization and Description of Call Center Services
Source: Primary fieldwork, 2010-2011
In 2011 there were some 1070 call center companies
located in 30 areas in the Philippines. A total of 898
(83.9 percent) of these companies were located in
Metro Manila (Call Center Directory 2010). The
majority of the offshore call center companies in the
Philippines provide customer services to American
residents. In March 2007, there were over 150 U.S.based call center companies and over 50 companies
from Australia, the United Kingdom, and other
Western European countries (Friginal 2008) in the
Philippines. India-based companies also started to
invest in the Philippines.
The time zone difference with their clients means
most call center employees work in the graveyard shift,
which was unpopular at the beginning of the industry.
This leads to questions around how companies attract
potential candidates.
The Nature of the Offshore Call Center Industry
1. Recruitment strategies
In general, call centers are placed at the lower end of
the BPO value chain since they provide lower profit
margins and require fewer skills compared to other
BPO activities (Bird and Ernst 2009). Call centers
serve clients such as airline companies,
telecommunications companies,
finance-related
businesses, hospitality companies, technology
broadcast media, food companies, internet providers,
and the public sector. Call center services can be
categorized in terms of inbound/outbound and voice/
non-voice. These are explained in the following table.
The massive relocation of offshore call center
companies to the Philippines has resulted in a high
demand and competition for new workers. A
recruitment specialist said, “On average, there are 150
applicants per day. If we get less than 100 applicants,
the HR department will be freaked out because they
will have to fill the seats. 100 people are hired per week.
This company never stops hiring…[since] there are at
least three factors why we keep hiring; attrition rates,
clients demand, and applicants’ failure during
training”.
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The general requirements for a call center agent
include the possession of at least a two-year college
education and excellent oral and written English
language skills. Companies prefer to hire young
workers since they are considered to be more adept in
the use of computer technology, are faster learners, and
they adjust more easily to night shift work. There are
no preferences relating to agents’ field of study; it is
seen as more important to have a customer-oriented
mindset. A 35-year-old female manager said,
“When we did a case study on high performing
agents, we found out that being a college
graduate is not a good indicator of performing
well on the phone. It doesn’t matter what course
you took, what college you graduated from or if
you didn’t graduate. As long as you speak good
English and you have good problem-solving
skills, then you’re okay”.
In order to attract workers, call center companies
adopt various strategies. Billboards are placed in main
streets. Banners are placed in neighborhoods and in
barangay
offices
around
Metro
Manila.
Advertisements are placed on buses and trains.
Advertising slogans include “we offer nothing but the
best opportunities,” “join the best place to work,” and
“your passport to fast employment”. Advertisements
normally also feature a photograph of a smiling young
male or female worker with a headset on. Call center
work is promoted as a desirable and skilled occupation
(Mirchandani 2004).
Websites and newspapers are also used to publish job
openings. Some informants confirmed that they found
their current job by checking ads in such venues. Other
informants mentioned job fairs or job caravans. A male
worker from Pampanga, outside Metro Manila, said
that he learned about the industry and got his first job
through a two-day job fair in his hometown. At the
fair, he was interviewed and took an exam at a nearby
fast food restaurant. (He was also given a free meal
coupon). Other common recruitment practices
include walk-ins and employee referrals. One
informant who had worked in several call centers said
that he got his first job through the recommendation
of a friend who worked in the company. In most
companies, staff whose recommendations result in a
hire receive a bonus that varies from around 1,000 to
5,000 pesos. The practice of referrals is seen as
resulting in lowered attrition rates. Some informants
said that workers hired through this process tended to
stay longer, work harder and were more obedient. This
seems to be related to the concept of utang na loob6 or
“debt of goodwill” which is quite unique to Filipinos.
2. Selection processes
The majority of call center companies divide
applicants into those with and without experience.
Applicants with at least six months experience follow a
shorter screening process. In one major American
company this process is called the “express lane”. The
applicant is required only to take an exam and a final
interview.
Those without call center experience have to follow
several steps. The first step is phone screening,
especially for non-walk-in applicants. This stage
determines voice quality and how the applicant
responds to a phone call. The second step is an initial
interview conducted by the human resources
department or an outsourced recruitment agency to
examine the applicants’ speaking skills, attitude and
confidence levels. Third, the applicant takes an
examination which includes aptitude tests, computerbased call simulations and emotional quotient (QE)
tests. The final step is another interview. This assesses
the applicants’ customer service, technical or sales
skills. In certain cases applicants are also then screened
and validated by a separate recruitment team. The
entire selection process generally takes between one
and two days. A company that needs to fill posts
urgently may finish the process within half a day.
The extensive screening process contributes to the idea
that call center work is a desirable occupation.
However, many employees in fact do not intend to
remain in the jobs for long periods, and many take the
jobs due to lack of other job opportunities that offer
the same salary level.
3. Training practices
The basic training consists of English communication
training, cultural training and product-specific
training. Training can take from a few days to two
months. Given that the majority of customers are
Americans, most workers are taught to speak with an
American accent. However, for non-American clients,
workers are usually required to neutralize their accent.
Mirchandani’s (2004, 360) study of Indian call center
workers has shown that, “The justification provided
for “neutralizing” accents draws heavily on discourses
of human resource development whereby Indian labor
is constructed as a flexible commodity that can be
trained to meet client needs”. “Sandy”, a 23-year-old
Filipino customer service representative for an
Australian account said, “In my company, they only
ask me to speak as clearly as possible”.
For American accounts, workers are taught American
accents, grammar, idioms, jargon, and American
geography and popular culture. They are discouraged
to reveal their geographical location in calls, or to
reveal their real identity. They are asked to use
common American names, such as Eric, Joseph, or
Jenny. The workers have various perspectives on this
practice. Some workers, especially beginners, feel
uncomfortable as they feel they are telling lies to
customers. But other workers find the training helps
them to feel more confident and assertive.
The practical reason underlying the above approach is
to improve service to customers. However, another,
rarely discussed reason may be to “mute the political
backlash in the West over the morality of outsourcing”
(Nadeem 2011, 7). Some companies have now started
to allow agents to disclose their location and their real
identity as Filipinos (see also Hechanova-Alampay
2010).
In offshore call centers, English is seen as a key
instrument to overcome national barriers (Phillipson
2001 cited from Mirchandani 2004). However, there
is a critique that says that training programs conducted
by call centers are an example of engagement in
“language trafficking,” which is understood as the
spread of a particular type of English throughout the
world (Swales 1997 cited from Mirchandani 2004).
Another critical aspect of service work has been
termed “emotional labor”. According to Leidner
(1999, 83), “interactive service workers must expend
emotional labor to produce a certain quality of
interaction but also to manage the emotions of service
recipients so that they do not hang up”. Although the
call center agents do not interact face to face with the
customer, they are still asked to smile and to control
their mood. Trainees are taught that customers can
“see” their smile and sense their mood through their
voice (see Townsend 2007).
Training approaches vary widely between large
companies and small or “fly by night” call centers.
Training approaches are also largely determined by the
type of account they are designed for. Major accounts
usually choose to work with large call centers, which
are seen as being able to deliver a better service due to
197
being relatively more reliable in terms of infrastructure
and technology and human resources (well-trained
workers, skillful trainers, and good quality control
staff). Large companies invest heavily in training. A call
center worker who had worked in call centers of
various sizes said,
“In the smaller companies we didn’t have actual
formal training. On the first day of work we were
already put on the phone, reading a particular
script without knowing what the actual product
was. We just needed to follow the script. In the
larger companies, they are going to train you.
They wouldn’t start any agent without product
knowledge. Prior to that, they train you in
American geography, language and culture. If
you pass, they send you to product knowledge
training. After that, in one or two days’ time,
they will put you on the floor and let you try to
take calls. Then you go back to training class.
Once you have completed the training you start
to take calls. We do get additional training as
well. They try to develop people. They have this
particular plan; we should be able to get to a
particular position in a particular time frame. It’s
in their handbook. If we’re good we can apply for
a higher position”.
A senior training and development manager in a
leading American company said,
“We encourage growth and employment
development. When you join us you will see how
you will progress in terms of career. You will see
a ladder to show you where you will be in six
months, in one year, in two years, so on and so
forth. In some call centers, especially the big
ones, they try to do that. They are shifting the
image of call centers because they realize that in
order for an operation to get to operational
excellence you have to keep your people. They
have to be trained internally. If you keep getting
fresh people you will not reach that operational
excellence because there’s always a learning curve
when you hire new people”.
Those explanations suggest that call center jobs cannot
be seen simply as either dead-end or promising jobs.
Although there is a chance for career movement, few
people actually get promoted due to the limited
number of higher positions. Competition among
workers is very high and may lead to an unhealthy
working environment.
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4. The nature of work and issues arising
This section describes the general nature of work
nature in call center industries. It includes a
description of work-hour systems, salary and allowance
schemes, performance demands, work controls and
workloads, and issues that occur while handling
international customers.
Work-hour systems and effects
The majority of the offshore call center industry caters
to customers from different time zones, requiring
workers to work in the night shift or “graveyard shift”.
To illustrate, a call center worker in Metro Manila
receives and places to and from the United States from
between 10 p.m. to 9 a.m. Philippines time. Most
workers work nine hours per day. Working on the
night shift has implications for workers’ health, social
life and safety (Hechanova-Alampay 2010; Nadeem
2011).
Working on long-term night shifts can make workers
more prone to illness. A 28-year-old female agent
claimed that she became sickly and gained weight after
beginning the work. While we were on a holiday, she
pulled out a pouch containing various medicines for
flu, cough, constipation, peptic ulcer, and heart disease,
some of which she then imbibed. Working on the
night shift limits workers’ sunshine exposure and
ability to do exercise. Strict break policies also add to
health problems. Workers generally receive two 15minute breaks and one 30-minute break on a shift.
Agents usually use the shorter breaks to use the
bathroom or to smoke a cigarette. The 30-minutes
break is for “lunch” at around 2 a.m. Some workers
have complained about urinary tract infections (UTI)
because they cannot leave their post every time they
need to go to the bathroom.
Some agents also complained about the effects on their
social life of having irregular or random days off. This
practice makes it difficult to make plans with family or
friends and can lead to relationship problems. Agents
“Jordan” and “Robert” emphasized the importance of
having regular days off. They preferred to work for a
lower salary in order to receive days off at weekends.
“Robert” said,
“Although there are companies that have offered
me a higher salary, I prefer to stay here. At least I
can feel like a normal person. Now, I can make
plans with my girlfriend and friends. When I was
working in the previous company, I used to fight
with my girlfriend because we rarely saw each
other and I also felt far from my friends. I could
not go to gigs with them anymore”.
“Jordan” said,
“The reason why I have stayed in this company
for years is because they have regular days off. I
only stay in Manila for work. Every weekend I go
home to Pampanga to meet my family and band
mates. This makes me relieved and happy”.
Another issue related to the graveyard shift is safety.
Some workers, especially female workers, are
concerned for their safety when they go to the office
late at night or come home very early in the morning.
A call center agent in Ortigas Center shared a rumor
that a female agent was held up and raped on her way
home. To address the safety issues, some companies
have hired more security guards, installed more lights
and provided shuttle buses. Some workers prefer to use
taxis or come to the office earlier, especially those who
live far from the office (see Hechanova-Alampay
2010).
Salary and allowance schemes
Salary levels are generally higher than other sectors in
the Philippines, including banking. However, salaries
are very low compared to American counterparts.
Some Filipino call center workers are critical of this.
“Eric” said, “Outsourcing helps the economy in the
U.S more. They pay workers there US$8 an hour. One
agent in the US is equivalent to 10 agents here (the
Philippines)”.
In large companies, the salary usually consists of a basic
salary plus allowances, such as food, transportation,
attendance, and bonus allowances. Workers receive
additional payments when they work above regular
work hours and during holidays. In small companies,
there is often no allowance. “Robert” provided an
example of his income and benefits while working in
different-sized companies.
Large Company
Small Company
Basic salary: P 14,500 (US$337.2) All in one: P 16,000-18,000
Food and transportation
(US$ 372 – US$ 418.6)
allowance: P 2,500 (US$58)
No health insurance
Program allowance: P 2,000
(US$46.5)
Total: P 19,500 (US$441.7)
This excludes overtime pay,
attendance and bonus allowance
(if workers reach the company
target).
Health insurance to cover 1 – 3
family members
Figure 1: Salary and Allowance Schemes in Large and Small
Companies
Source: Primary fieldwork, 2011
Compensation differences account in large part for
workforce turnover, known to be very high in the
industry at about 30 to 40 percent (HechanovaAlampay 2010).
199
the target because he needed to maintain quality and
quantity at the same time. He had received a verbal
warning from the manager for not being able to meet
the target. He said,
“It is impossible to finish all the documents.
Even though I keep on working, I still can’t
reach my target. They gave me a verbal warning
and gave me two months to fix it. Otherwise
they will give me a warning for termination.
According to my friends, a verbal warning is a
sign to look for another job before we have a bad
credit in our resume. I already started to look for
another job”.
“Sophia” shared a similar experience. “As a universal
agent, I have to do multiple tasks; collection,
explaining accounts, and other things. I need to handle
every call in no longer than 400 seconds. During peak
time, I need to take 100 calls. Grabe!”
Performance demands, workloads, work controls, and
irate customers
Meanwhile, “Jessica”, a customer service representative
who used to work on sales accounts, shared her
experience dealing with irate customers,
Quality control issues are important to all call centers.
Companies move call center operations offshore to
increase profits, but they face concerns about the
quality of service provided. This results in strict
performance controls and demands that in turn, may
cause stress and burnout among workers. Workers’
stress levels may rise when they encounter irate
customers. As shared by “Jordan” who was currently
working in an American call center,
“…(my) the first time to hear irate customers, I
picked up the call, and they suddenly screamed,
“Fuck you! I need to get my money back!” so I
pressed my mute button and said putang ina mo!
I never heard that before in selling. Then I
pretended to be empathetic. Out of 10 calls,
you’ll get seven irate customers. The salary is
good but the pressure is so great. So now, every
time I start, before I put on my head seat, I’ll say,
“breathe in breathe out”. When I log out, finish
the shift, and it’s time to go home, I leave
everything here”.
“The work pressure is very high. When I was still
in debt collection, I needed to collect from five
customers per day, 100 per month… when you
deal with American customers and they find out
that you’re calling from Bombay or Manila,
there are times that they will insult you. When
they notice you speak differently. Hey, you’re
from Manila, you’re the one who sucks away our
money, you’re the one who’s stealing our jobs.
What I do (is) just let it go. We have to handle
stress, (the) night shift, and discrimination”.
After contracting a throat infection and losing his
voice for two months, “Jordan” was transferred to a
non-voice department to analyze documents. There he
also experienced significant pressure and work
overload. Within eight hours, he was required to
analyze 70 documents. He said that it was hard to meet
Some workers however found that working in a call
center gave them more confidence. “Julia” said,
“Before I joined the call center I was a bit
embarrassed to speak with foreigners, but now I
can even joke about stuff with them and use
slang words I learned during trainings. And
you’ll find out that those American customers
are not as smart as we imagined. They sometimes
ask stupid things”.
These stories reveal the dilemmas of working as a call
center worker. All the benefits agents receive are
accompanied by burdens they carry as a result of the
global restructuring of work.
200 Panel 5
The Social Life of Call Center Workers
After his shift is over, at around 7 a.m., “Eric” and his
teammates go to a karaoke bar near the office to drink
a few buckets of “red horse” 7 beer and to sing. Eric says,
“Drinking with teammates can lessen the stress I got
from work. It also makes me sleep more easily”.
“Jessica” states,
“I usually go drinking after the shift at 5.30 a.m.
and at 2-3 p.m. in the afternoon. With friends
and teammates. We maximize our off days
too…honestly, before I didn’t have savings at all.
I spent it on gimmicks, clubbing, and gadgets
like a laptop, camera, shoes, clothes, movies, and
food. So when I resigned I had to rely on my
back pay until I got a new job. Now, since I earn
more, I can save some”.
young workers. The findings also showed heavy
drinking and smoking, higher levels of premarital sex,
and slightly more conspicuous consumption among
the call center workers compared to non-call center
workers.
However, the social life of call center workers is far
from homogenous. Some workers favor activities such
as taking a theater class, recording a music album,
writing fanzines for the underground music scene, and
organizing music events. A 28-year old male call center
worker who is active in the underground music scene
said,
“Sunday is my music time. I like listening to
music and reading books. I also write fanzines
for the underground scene. I watch gigs during
my days off. I spend my money to pay the bills
and buy music CDs. It’s a bit pricey because they
are imported”.
Some informants said that they use a large proportion
of their money for traveling. As mentioned by
“Sophia”,
Married workers with children often prefer to spend
their time with family. As narrated by “Rachel”,
“My teammates now like eating, drinking, and
videoke. I am so bored ‘because I like traveling. I
have been initiating, making plans for trip, but
they never happen. In my previous workplace,
my teammates liked traveling too. We’d been to
Puerto Galera three times. I spend most of my
money on traveling. I already started to save
money for my next trip to Coron to celebrate my
birthday”.
“I don’t smoke, I don’t go drinking like my
friends. After work, I just go home and spend
time with my children. I go to church with
them… I spend my money to support my family
‘because my husband doesn’t work. I also pay for
my sister-in-law’s tuition fees and pay my father
in-law’s debt. It’s like utang na loob because
during the first year of my work, they took care
of my children”.
Some informants said that premarital sex was an outlet
to relieve the stresses of work. As shared by a 25-yearold female call center worker, “There was a time that
during my lunch break, I would just go to my date’s
office to have a quickie. His office was close by. Work
is stressful!”
The competitive working environment also leads some
workers to develop certain values toward friendships
and relationships. “Jenny” explained,
“During my days off, I usually spend time with
my boyfriend. He also works in the call center.
We go out of town, watch movies, and do other
things. I stay over in his place or he stays over in
my place. We plan to live together but I don’t
know because he has a girlfriend already”.
“What I hate about call centers although I am
still working in one are the gossips, even about
personal life. They chat about it. There are no
real friends in call centers. Among the 200
people in the office, I only got close to 10 people.
They were my teammates. We’re like a family:
drinking together, sleeping together. If you have
real friends in a call center you need to treasure
them. They are so hard to find. If you want to
step up you need to pull people down. That’s
what I hate”.
This kind of lifestyle has been described a lot in
popular media as well as research reports. The survey
conducted by the University of the Philippines
Population Institute (2010) revealed changes of values
and lifestyle among call center workers, especially
A 25-year-old mother of three said, “If you want to get
promoted, you should hang out and smoke with your
officemates or sleep with your superior. My boss said I
would get promoted if I were willing to sleep with him.
No way I will do that!”
A 23-year-old female call center worker said,
Those stories highlight how workers construct and
adjust their life within the call center industry in
various ways.
Conclusion
The research suggests that financial rewards and
personal autonomy are the two main reasons for young
workers opting to participate in the call center
industry. These reasons are often interrelated and have
differing degrees of applicability in different situations.
The offshore call center industry brings many changes
into the lives of young workers. The relatively high pay
offered brings workers into the consumer society and
seems to result in new forms and patterns of leisure
time. However, despite these so-called “unwanted”
consequences, there is also a significant growth in the
sense of autonomy and confidence of these workers as
they relate to parents, family members, and friends.
The link between independence and earnings has long
been observed in labor studies, but still deserves more
investigation in different contexts. For example,
studies of transnational migrant workers indicate that
new workers tend to spend more of their salary on
consumption than investment initially, but after time,
they begin to save and invest more.
Various studies indicate that there is an uneasy
relationship between values imposed through the
structure of call center work under the Western
corporate model and values embedded in local
institutions and relationships (see Nadeem 2011). For
example, irregular working hours and days off may
result in changes in social relationships. Some workers
prefer to work in a company offering lower salaries as
long as they can have regular days off, which are
considered to be a significant factor in maintaining
relationships with family members and friends. The
findings also reveal that the nature of the training and
the work shapes how workers understand themselves
in terms of levels of confidence and the sense of being
Filipino (see also Hechanova-Alampay 2010). While
some workers feel that working in a call center deskills
and degrades them, others feel that communicating in
English on a daily basis has improved their selfconfidence. Intensive interaction with foreign
customers has strengthened their feelings of being a
Filipino as they find out that foreign customers are not
as superior as the workers assumed.
201
These contradictory facts support the argument that
“globalization produces similarity and difference
simultaneously” (Nadeem 2011, 8). This also
highlights the importance of examining factors beyond
the workplace in order to understand the dynamics of
globalization.
NOTES
1
I thank Jose Lorenzo C. Abuel for his assistance during the
primary fieldwork and the report-writing stage. I express my
deepest gratitude to my informants, who willingly shared
their personal lives and included me in their daily activities.
2
For more information, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Fort_Bonifacio and
http://www.bonifacioglobalcity.com.ph/
3
http://www.tucp.org.ph/news/index.php/2011/04/bpoindustry-revenues-grow-26-to-8-9-b-in-2010/ (Accessed on
22 June, 2011).
4
Youth between the ages of 15 and 24 account for 30 percent
of the Philippine Labor Force (Bureau of Labor Employment
Statistics. LabStat Updates vol. 15, no. 9, June 2011).
5
Some interview quotes have received minor editing for ease of
reading.
6
Francis Dancel (2005) explains, “utang na loob is no ordinary
debt. It is a characteristically strong sense of gratefulness
taken with extreme seriousness by Filipinos. Utang na loob is,
in many ways, a debt incurred by the inner being of a person,
a soul debt, which persists and endures, even after the original
debt has been paid”.
7
Extra-strong beer brewed by San Miguel, Manila, Philippines.
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203
Re-imagining Citizenship and Political Agency: Practices and Perspectives of
Migrant Workers in Malaysia and Japan
Alinaya Sybilla L. Fabros
ABSTRACT
This paper looks at different on-the-ground
interventions and initiatives of migrant associations
and networks, in order to reflect on modalities of
active citizenship and political agency that emerge in
the context of transnational labor migration.
Exploring narratives and experiences of Filipino
migrant formations in Malaysia and Japan, this study
looks at two related questions: Do migrant workers
make up a growing body of disenfranchised citizens,
who are deprived of a political voice, within various
arenas that affect them? Or conversely, how are they
able to act as citizens and empowered agents,
particularly in relation to concerns that matter to them
most? The discussion illustrates a few activities and
engagements, and identifies lessons, challenges and
insights drawn from some sustained attempts to
organize and provide services for migrant workers.
“Why talk about citizenship in relation to migrant
workers? They don’t want to acquire citizenship, they just
want to work”.
I encountered the above question regularly in
discussions about my research on global work,
citizenship and political agency. Within this
framework, citizens and migrant workers are
constructed as two distinct, perhaps even mutually
exclusive categories. On one level, citizenship is usually
associated with immigration and permanent
settlement; migrant labor, on the other hand, connotes
temporary movements of guest workers, who do not
aspire and have no option to become “citizens”. This
narrow depiction highlights a gray area that confounds
the situation of foreign laborers, who are treated as
non-nationals or partial citizens (Parrenas, 2001) in
the countries where they work, while removed for
considerable periods of time from their countries of
citizenship.
Deterritorialized workers, disenfranchised citizens?
As a growing number of the world’s population lead
mobile, transient lives, discussion that problematizes
citizenship and labor migration becomes all the more
relevant and necessary. Countless examples in Asia
demonstrate the implications and contradictions of a
restricted citizenship framework in the context of
migrant workers, whether in their host country or
their country of origin. Aguilar for instance points out
that:
“Within East and Southeast Asia, these workers are
generally perceived by their countries of employment
to be transient aliens and temporary workers who are
momentarily useful for various economic roles. They
are classed as “guest workers” even when their length of
stay has spanned a decade or longer. These migrants
have few, if any, entitlement to citizenship rights, but
bear some of the obligations of citizenship (such as
taxes), though by no mean all of them”. (Aguilar, 1999,
320)
Within such a terrain, migrant workers are essentially
cast as non-citizens, whose freedoms, movement,
entitlements and access to services are restricted due to
existing migration/citizenship regimes that set the
parameters and conditions by which foreigners may
stay and work. The curtailment of citizenship rights
here engenders structurally derived vulnerabilities
(Ball and Piper, 2003), which are aggravated by abuses
in labor relations, exploitation in the workplace and
marginalization in daily life.
In this context, I sought to examine perspectives and
practices pertaining to active citizenship, a relevant and
crucial dimension of citizenship and political agency
that tends to be overlooked in discussions on migrant
labor. As a concept, the notion of citizenship can be
viewed in its formal, legal dimensions, as well as its
informal, more cultural aspects, relating to the practice
of being a citizen rather than the process of becoming a
citizen. Whether or not they are actively seeking out
formal citizenship status, in what ways are foreign
workers still engaged in some practical aspects of being
a citizen—participating in processes affecting them,
intervening in community affairs, contributing to
public and community life or even attempting to
exercise a political voice? Even when faced with
restrictive conditions that tend to limit their ability to
204 Panel 5
engage in active citizenship or exercise political agency,
migrant workers are not simply victims of uneven
migration processes or unjust policies. They may also
attempt to maintain practices or carry out activities
that demonstrate community building, and the
sustaining of networks, associations and other
collective modalities that promote their interests,
rights and welfare at home or abroad.
Here, the main question being asked is this: Do
deterritorialized workers make up a growing body of
disenfranchised citizens, who are not only excluded
and marginalized in their host countries, but are also
deprived of a political voice, within various arenas that
affect them?
Put another way: Are they able to act as citizens and
empowered agents, particularly in relation to concerns
that matter to them most? The flipside of
disenfranchised citizenship has gained a lot of
attention and discussion in academic literature. It has
been suggested that transnational migration could lead
to long-distance nationalism (Shipper, 2008),
transnational communities (Castles, 2002), or
deterritorialized nations (Basch, et al, 1994), where
migrants are imbued with a transformative potential as
a social and political force. In these respects, exercises
of citizenship within a transnational terrain are said to
affect nation-building projects as well as influence the
quality and deepening of democracy in both sending
and receiving states. For a country such as the
Philippines, for instance, the massive migration of
workers and rising numbers of de facto absentee citizens
presents considerable implications as well as opens up
potent possibilities.
I also conducted interviews and conversations with
academics, advocates and government officials with
the Philippine Consul General and Labor Attaché and
with a representative of the Immigration Department
in Malaysia. I had the opportunity to participate in
meetings and conferences of key migrant NGO
networks in both countries, including activities of
Jaringan Utara Migrasi dan Pelarian (JUMP) in
Penang, the Migration Working Group (MWG) in
Kuala Lumpur, Asian People Together in Kyoto,
Rights of Immigrants Network in Kansa (RINK) in
Osaka, and Solidarity for Migrants in Japan (SMJ) in
Nagoya.
Citizenships emerging: expressions of individual and
collective agency, identity and community
Methodology
Today, there is increasing recognition of a wide variety
of migrant-related interventions and mobilizations
emerging in the context of transnational migration.
Ball and Piper (2003) acknowledge that “there is a
plethora of NGO activity in labor exporting and
receiving countries which act both as advocates or
lobbyists vis-à-vis the states involved, and as service
providers to individual migrant workers—thus
supplementing the shortfalls in the state apparatus.
These steps towards forging of service and advocacy
alliances have great potential in making the needs and
rights of globalized workers more broadly recognized
and ultimately attended to. In this sense, globalized or
transnational citizenship has taken a new meaning:
nationals are engaging in political campaigns on behalf
of their own compatriots “at home” and “abroad” and
citizens in migrant receiving societies are fighting for
protection of migrant workers within their own
midst”. (Ball and Piper, 2003, 1031)
This paper seeks to provide a view from the ground
based on fieldwork in several cities in Malaysia and
Japan, where I observed and interacted with Filipino
migrant workers, as well as various Filipino migrant
organizations and their support networks. In Malaysia,
most of the migrants I met with were employed as
service, domestic and factory workers. In Japan, there
are technically no temporary migrant workers, apart
from some segments comprised of “trainees” or to a
(now) limited extent “entertainers”. However, the
migrant population includes Filipinos of Japanese
descent and spouses and dependents of Japanese and
permanent residents. Most of those I spoke with were
employed in factories, service work and the
entertainment industry.
In the case of the Filipinos overseas, this rise in migrant
activity can be attributed to the steady stream of
Filipino migrants who venture overseas each year due
to insufficient and unsteady employment
opportunities at home. According to official statistics,
2.8 million Filipinos are unemployed, while 7.1
million others have jobs but are in search of additional
hours of work or other income sources. Against a
backdrop of a lackluster economy and high
unemployment, the evident response of Filipino
households has been to send a family member abroad.
The Social Weather Stations estimates 2.56 million
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) families as of
November 2010, making up 13.6 percent of the
national total.
Initially, the labor migration framework of the
Philippine government viewed overseas migration as a
temporary remedy for a long-standing problem.
However, what started as an employment stopgap in
the 1970s has become an enduring feature of the
Philippine political economy. Today the Philippines is
considered the second largest labor exporting country
in the world, deploying millions of workers for
overseas employment and developing an economy that
is propped up significantly by migration and
remittances from Filipinos abroad. From 350,000
workers deployed in 1984, the Philippines today
deploy over a million workers for employment abroad
each year. With temporary labor exports serving as a
key pillar of the government’s employment generation
strategy, the amount of remittances also significantly
increased over the years, sustaining an economy that
has become dependent on labor export. By 2010, the
total amount of remittances rose to US $18.76 billion,
sent to the Philippines from over 200 destination
countries where almost 10 million Filipinos are living
and working.
According to stock estimates from the Philippine
government, in 2009 Filipinos overseas were made up
of 4 million permanent migrants, 3.86 million
temporary migrants and 658,370 irregular migrants.
For the same year, the figures showed roughly 240,000
Filipino migrants in both Malaysia and Japan,
although the two countries differed in terms of the
composition of migrants. In Malaysia, there were
243,877 Filipinos of which 26,002 were permanent,
89,875 were temporary and 128,000 were irregular. In
Japan, there were 210,617 Filipino migrants, made up
of 146,488 permanent migrants, 29,559 temporary
migrants and 34,570 irregular migrants.
Toward active citizenship: Community formation and
support networks
Within this context, it is easy to lose sight of migrant
workers as key actors and agents in the migration
process. On top of statistics showing increasing flows
of migrants, the prevailing migration storyline also
consists of countless cases of exploitation, abuse, and
trafficking and illegal recruitment. In this respect,
where migrant workers are readily depicted as victims
who are isolated and vulnerable, it is difficult to
conceive any possibility of exercising political agency
or active citizenship. However, there are cases that
demonstrate varying levels of mobilization and
engagement among overseas communities navigating
205
their way through a challenging and constrained
migration terrain.
What is the view on the ground?
Although the situation remains highly uneven, in
various cities that receive foreign workers, there are
numerous instances when migrants have attempted to
collectively confront the difficulties and issues they
face.
In both Malaysia and Japan where I conducted my
fieldwork, migrant compatriots have come together to
build overseas communities and associations, initially
stemming from commonly cited concerns such as
isolation and loneliness. In this regard, migrant
associations carry out events and get-togethers.
Through these occasions, co-nationals meet and
interact with each other. They exchange information,
practice and promote their culture and traditions,
share their travails or successes, and offer support.
These may easily be dismissed as “social clubs” or “elite
associations” yet it cannot be denied that many of
these activities serve as a significant part of migrants”
lives abroad.
When asked about their history and background,
members of associations and communities I spoke
with (based in both Malaysia and Japan) usually noted
how the experience of “being away from home”
brought them together initially, prompting them to
establish venues where they could regularly gather. As
one Filipino leader in Malaysia pointed out, “we want
to lead peaceful and prosperous lives here, but life
abroad is not easy. We need to help ourselves, help
each other out, as kababayans”.
Adjusting to life abroad is recognized as a challenge
among migrants, who have to deal with varying levels
of uncertainty, isolation, heavy regulation and
vulnerability in an unfamiliar landscape where they
have no existing family or support networks. Apart
from loneliness and isolation, migrant Filipino groups
identify a host of concerns and problems that typically
arise in their areas. In Malaysia, where a number of
migrants are domestic workers and factory laborers,
this would include abuse and exploitation in the
workplace, contract substitution, illegal recruitment,
confiscation of passports, harsh working and living
conditions, and disputes with agents. In Japan, where
there are more permanent migrants and Filipino
spouses, migrant Filipinos also point to domestic
violence and family concerns, language problems, labor
206 Panel 5
issues, relations with employers and specific cases
related to vulnerable groups such as entertainers,
trafficked or undocumented workers and JapaneseFilipino children.
Beyond social and cultural gatherings, there are also
initiatives to address these concerns and extend
assistance to compatriots. Although the most visible
activities of many groups indeed tend to be more
social/cultural get-togethers—“to keep in touch”—a
lot of these organizations have evolved into more
complex structures constituted to cover a range of
functions. Many of them have become formalized and
sustained beyond the initial activity or goal that
brought them together. For example, there are groups
that started out of an idea to organize a Filipino mass
in the area, and that eventually evolved as sustained
associations, built around a general vision/mandate of
serving and representing co-nationals (kababayan or
kapwa Pilipino) in the host community.
In both Malaysia and Japan, many associations have
taken on the role of assisting compatriots in need,
helping out in cases that cover more practical concerns
of daily life abroad (translation, transitioning and
settling in), as well as legal and labor issues. Most of the
organizations I met described initiatives that cover
various arenas and serve a variety of purposes, where
formally stated and implied functions seem to loosely
coincide. As such, whether in Malaysia or Japan, these
groups play an important function in disseminating
information about work, news and updates, including
important announcements and legal developments
coming from official sources such as the local
government or the embassy. As support groups, they
try to extend assistance and provide services that many
migrants do not have access to or information about.
Some take on, handle or refer cases of women, stateless
children, undocumented and irregular migrants,
domestic workers. Organizations (both self-organized
and those linked with NGOs) provide various types of
services including translation, legal and medical
referrals and visa and document processing, among
other forms of assistance.
Maximizing Available Spaces
One noticeable aspect of migrant community
formation pertains to this tendency to maximize
available spaces. As migrant non-citizens, apart from
lack of access to services or usual platforms for
participation or redress, most overseas workers also
have very limited access to both physical and
sociopolitical spaces that may be used for individual or
collective purposes. With their growing associations,
migrant communities find ways to utilize/appropriate
existing spaces in order to carry out their expanding
functions and activities. Reaching out to churchspaces, local governments and other NGO networks,
migrant communities also explore different openings
that can be tapped in line with their programs and
objectives.
Church-related associations and activities provide an
interesting illustration of how these crosscutting
networks operate. Existing venues provide diversifying
and multidimensional functions for the Filipino
migrant population. As such these spaces reflect and
are reshaped by situations migrants face and
conditions they would like to address. The most visible
and commonly acknowledged evidence of Filipino
migrant networks revolve around spaces related to the
church. The foremost piece of advice that I kept
hearing as I was conducting this study was—“go to
church, that’s where you’ll find them”. It was through
attending mass that I met my first contacts in Penang,
and it was through referrals by contacts that I made
through these networks that I was able to link up with
other communities in other cities and prefectures in
Japan.
On the one hand, it cannot be denied that the church
provides a venue for migrant Filipinos in different
countries. At the same time, however, some features
and uses of these venues, that is, beyond “religious”
purposes, can sometimes be overlooked.
Many Filipino migrants voluntarily attend and gather
for Sunday mass, making the church a significant arena
for understanding migrant worker community
formation, mobilization and organizing. Apart from
an occasion to practice shared religious rituals, Sunday
mass also functions as a venue for other social and
cultural activities such as tea parties, celebrations and
information dissemination, formally or informally
dovetailed with church events. Individually, migrant
workers use this opportunity to meet up with other
compatriots, gather useful information regarding daily
life or consult about particular concerns that trouble
them.
It is also within such venues that many Filipino
migrants tend to formalize their involvements,
establishing community and/or church groups that
eventually represent and act on behalf of the Filipino
population in a given area.
Many of the groups that I had a chance to observe are
connected with the church, formally or informally,
and/or trace their origins in church-related work. In
some cases, the church leadership plays an active role in
gathering and formalizing these associations, as part of
their mission to assist migrants in their parishes and
localities. In other instances, Filipino associations
emerged from a collective initiative to institute a
Filipino or English mass in their areas.
In addition, some church structures have
institutionalized their work with migrants by setting
up centers or shelters for foreigners in need. These
centers offer several programs often beyond the scope
of traditional church activity, including foreign worker
assistance and counseling, training and education,
social
advocacy
and
community
building
interventions. Having said this, it is important to
emphasize that where communities recognize the
church’s role in their formation, the contribution and
nature of interaction usually varies from place to place.
For instance, some parishes in Japan have given
Filipino associations a portion of collections from the
Filipino mass, which goes into their operational funds.
Others have allowed “second collections” during mass,
for specific causes, such as fund-raising drives for
calamity/relief donations back home, or even plane
tickets for undocumented Filipinos in detention. This
would depend of course on the disposition of church
leaders and the type of relationship they have with
Filipino communities in their area. In a lot of cases I
encountered, Filipino association leaders also play key
functions within the church; as such, the links between
the two bodies appear symbiotic, where both parties
contribute to (and benefit from) the development and
sustenance of each.
The church space itself often serves as a physical venue
for many community related functions, such as
traditional simbang gabi (night mass) observed by
Filipinos around Christmas time, Flores de Mayo in
May or even Independence day celebrations in June. In
this way, the church becomes an annex or at least a
channel by which Filipinos are able to transplant,
recreate and sustain practices that speak not just of
being Christian or Catholic, but also more
importantly of being Filipino. Many Filipina wives and
mothers recognize this space as an important site
where they can retreat and play out their own
practices, as well as introduce their own children to
Filipino culture.
207
During these occasions, the level of organization and
the intensity of involvement of members become very
evident, prompting me to inquire further whether
these acts are in fact germinating expressions of active
citizenship within a constrained terrain, at least on
occasions where national identity seems to foster
increased solidarity, participation, interaction and
community activity.
For example, in December, Filipinos in Penang,
through the PSG and related groups, set up ad hoc
committees to prepare and raise funds to bring in a
Filipino priest from Manila, arrange for transportation
to fetch participants from the households or factories
where they work, and sort out the logistical
requirements for the nightly mass, held for nine
consecutive evenings. Groups of members or
individuals pitched in to bring food, donate prizes and
render performances for the event. During its
culmination, in what they dubbed Pinoy Christmas Joy,
they also invited the Consul General to be
distinguished guest speaker and judge of the parolmaking contest. This instance illustrates how social,
traditional, cultural, national, or even political symbols
and meanings meld and intertwine within such a space.
Similarly, in Japan in June, Sunday mass was set against
a backdrop of flags and doves, as Filipino parishioners
used the occasion to commemorate Philippine
Independence Day. The program included songs and
dances, sharing of information and trivia and other
activities intended to introduce Filipino culture and
history to Japanese-Filipino children. Members and
parishioners brought food to share, with each member
assigned a Filipino dish that represented the different
regions of the archipelago.
These types of activities have been observed in various
locations both in Malaysia and Japan, and set around
important dates and significant practices observed at
home. Such occasions are organized not only for active
members or organizers but also with the general
Filipino populace in mind. By marking these occasions
year after year as a community, associations are able to
establish their presence and legitimize their role.
As seen here, in the case of Filipino communities, the
church plays an important role in recognizing and
responding to migrant concerns, oftentimes
reconfiguring their religious work and interaction with
community formations to accommodate migrant
issues and cases.
208 Panel 5
At the same time, Filipino community formations
(emerging from restricted settings) seem to be
maximizing available venues, for example, where the
church has also been appropriated as a physical, sociocultural, “national” space for Filipino migrants. While
giving them opportunities for “bonding” (as some
Filipino leaders call it), these in turn usually offer
occasions for deepening community formations, or
creating and formalizing support groups and
associations, for and by migrants, focusing on their
needs and concerns, however they may define it in
their respective localities.
NGOs and Local Support Networks
Aside from church-related spaces, migrant ethnic
associations also operate within a larger constellation
of actors and agencies, including national and regional
NGO networks, unions and local government bodies.
There are Malaysian and Japanese non-government
organizations that aim to provide support to foreign
nationals residing and working in their countries.
Apart from extending specific forms of assistance—
daily living assistance, domestic violence interventions
legal aid, arbitration, information and education, labor
case support, translation and facilitation services,
medical assistance and other basic services—these
groups may also engage in legislative and policy
advocacy, and nationwide campaigns. Moreover, loose
formations, such as MWG in Malaysia and SMJ in
Japan to which some migrant communities are
indirectly or directly connected, gather like-minded
organizations in regular discussions that tackle critical
issues and emerging developments in migration, at
times rallying around common platforms and
collaborative engagements.
By linking up with these formations, self-organized
migrant organizations also enhance their “capacity to
assist” co-nationals, extending the range of services
they may offer (or refer) to compatriots in need, by
tapping other allied organizations which specialize on
particular aspects and issues related to migrants. For
example, the NGO Asian People Together established
in Japan brings together local and migrant volunteers
in the service of foreigners in the prefecture. As I
observed, the NGO serves as a platform by which
migrants can offer their services to other foreigners.
The NGO extends a range of services including
translation, counseling, legal assistance, facilitation,
workshops and referrals. In handling individual cases,
the migrant community gains access to these services,
which they might otherwise be unable to provide on
their own. As such, migrant community volunteers are
able to respond more effectively to individual cases.
Moreover, through these networks, issues concerning
migrant workers on the ground are taken up on larger,
mainstream, and more influential venues. In this
regard, self-organized groups also function as focal
points, through which relevant, up-to-date
information, and critical debates may be disseminated
to a wider audience of migrant workers on the ground.
Here, policy questions and advocacy points could be
taken up. Through these extended networks, selforganizing may be situated within a broader practical,
political and discursive terrain that goes beyond
handling of individual cases and holding particular
events.
Local and Transnational Interventions
Community involvement, usually constructed as a
form of service for the benefit of kababayans, can be
situated within both a localized and transnational
frame. For one, community interventions may be
geared toward compatriots (kababayan) located
overseas or at home.
Here, the construction of the Filipino constituency
extends beyond their local area, even as the choice of
interventions still tends to be rather localized, usually
small-scale and directed at hometowns and origin
communities.
Apart from observing traditional and cultural events,
some formations also organize other activities for the
migrant population in their areas, and/or for Filipino
communities at home. For instance, various
associations, including those so-called social clubs may
organize fund-raising events, such as bingo socials or
concerts, as an activity for socializing but also for the
benefit of communities in the Philippines. Proceeds
generated from these activities are sent back home,
for disaster victims or other beneficiaries such
as schoolchildren or women’s livelihood projects
implemented in their hometowns.
Many leaders from various communities shared stories
of their initiatives to help the victims of Typhoon
Ondoy. Others had begun initiating events for all
foreigners in their area, not just Filipinos, creating
opportunities for the foreign populace to gather, share
their experiences and cultures, for instance through
annual events such as Migrant Sunday (Penang) or
casual tea parties.
This type of community service also took another
expression at the time of the 2011 Tsunami in Japan,
when Filipino communities from unaffected areas
conducted relief drives to extend assistance to both
affected compatriots and Japanese nationals. For these
communities, the tragedy presented an opportunity to
demonstrate that Filipinos are “part of the community
too,” in the sense that they also intend to contribute
and get involved to assist a larger community beyond
their own.
Other groups also explicitly define engagements geared
toward both home country and their hosts. For
example, one Filipino organization in Japan,
established during the tail end of martial law in the
Philippines, was formed out of “concern to rally
Filipinos in Japan to help the homeland in facing the
dictatorial rule (present during that time) and poverty.
There may be no dictator ruling in the Philippines
right now, but we still feel the same oppression as
before. In the Philippines, we are still fighting against
the “rule” of poverty and of corruption. While in
Japan, we are fighting the “dictators” of discrimination
and of cultural and language barriers”.
Some organizations also carry out advocacies and
campaigns, which demonstrate a transnational
character and scope. These provide a glimpse of the
range of strategies employed and the variety of arenas
that some networks engage. With the aim of
monitoring and reforming Philippine government
programs and agencies, one ongoing initiative in Japan
(called TASK FORCE RESPECT) brought together
organizations/groups of Filipino migrants in Japan “to
act on protecting the rights of migrants against
government neglect, abuse and ill practices of corrupt
officials of the Philippine embassy and consulate in
Japan”. While rallying kababayans in Japan to register
and monitor incidents of neglect or abuse, the task
force also engages in legislative advocacy at home,
working closely with allied lawmakers to establish a
consulate office in other unattended areas with
sizeable populations of Filipino migrants. Here, the
self-help character of these associations goes hand in
hand with other engagements and strategies that factor
in a broader political economy of labor migration.
Many of these interventions may be taking place
within destination countries but they also underscore
the role and responsibility of the Philippine state to
promote the interest and welfare of migrant workers,
whether they are at home or abroad.
CONCLUSION:
Political Agency
Reimagining
Citizenship
209
and
Despite an uneven, in-flux and at times hostile
migration terrain, social networks surface and
communities emerge—to provide a venue for
exercising underplayed individual and community
practices, to extend aid and service, to ensure
protection and promote rights, to facilitate modes of
redress, and to carry out other functions left
unattended due to the conditions of hazy, partial,
(non) citizenship of migrants.
Migrant community associations assist co-nationals
abroad, implement outreach programs for disaster
victims or impoverished schoolchildren at home, and
carry out legislative advocacy and campaigns to
improve consular services within the country where
they work. Some groups also link up with other similar
associations (of other nationalities), and connect with
churches, NGOs, local governments, unions and
migrant networks.
Comprised primarily of non-state actors, these
networks and communities seem to similarly serve as
“quasi-state” bodies, which fulfill functions that
nation-states (of both host and home country) have
failed to perform. Communities also serve as a venue
for worker-citizens to develop a sense of belonging and
involvement while abroad, mobilizing a civic or
volunteer ethos of migrants in order to design and
implement programs meant for their identified
constituencies. Here, we are able to glean notions and
modalities of citizenship and political agency,
prompted and shaped by conditions and
contradictions of their non-citizenship. Their
initiatives respond to concerns and circumstances in
the host country and country of origin, taking on
various strategies and forms that reflect both a
localized and transnational dimension.
In establishing their associations, a more pronounced
sense of community takes root and becomes more
defined. Here, shared identity becomes a springboard
for building a “community” and performing
“community service” geared toward a constructed
constituency of compatriots. This in turn enables
more regular, programmatic and institutionalized
venues for gathering, providing and receiving
assistance (as opposed to random, individual
encounters among kababayans or one-off events.).
Here, community relates to collectivity and
210 Panel 5
continuity, where one’s sense of belonging may also
engender practices that allow them to act as a member
of a larger group, and promote one’s objectives, interest
and welfare, as part of a larger body. Even without
being explicit expressions of active citizenship,
germinating practices of being a citizen can be gleaned
from elements such as the acknowledgment of
community along with its needs, concerns and issues.
As such, community membership and the desire to
contribute to that community could be seen as a
primordial form of active citizenship within a
constrained terrain, where explicit expressions and
entitlements are not within reach.
What leaders and migrants observe is that “hindi
naman nauubos o natatapos ang mga kaso, nagpapalit
lang ang mga mukha”. (The cases do not run out. The
faces just change).
Active citizenship in this sense is geared toward a
general notion of a Filipino community (within their
area or locality), where community participation is
exercised in relation to an imagined constituency of
compatriots. As one leader explains, “hindi kami
tumitingin kung miyembro ka ba o hindi, basta Pilipino
ang lumapit tutulungan namin hangga’t kaya”. (we
don’t ask whether you’re an official member of the
organization; as long as a Filipino approaches us, we
help them however we can).
On the one hand, there is recognition of their limited
capacity—community
associations
are
not
government bodies that have the mandate and
wherewithal to respond to cases and provide more
programmatic interventions. In contrast, they can only
attend to a certain number of cases at a time, providing
some assistance where and when they can. “We cannot
possibly deal with all the cases, as they come,” one
leader points out, recognizing the limits of their
operations.
These Filipino community associations, whether in
Malaysia or Japan, serve as visible focal points—
critical “self-help” centers that develop and accumulate
some level of resources, skills, services, knowledge and
information—that migrants can “run to” in times of
need. For migrants who come alone into a new country
to work, the presence of an established “community”
could ease the vulnerability, isolation, and
voicelessness they may otherwise face. At the same
time, for leaders and members, these associations
provide them new roles and responsibilities in a
community setting, where they find a sense of purpose
beyond their alienating functions as mere “docile
laboring bodies” or foreign workers abroad. Within
this confluence, the “community” becomes more than
a social and cultural body/venue, but also begins to
take on service-provision functions and rightspromotion aspects that slip through the cracks for
migrant workers who find their own governments and
other state bodies inadequate, inaccessible and/or
unresponsive.
Given the nature and capacity of support groups, there
will be incidents that fall through the cracks — that are
beyond the reach of the limited number of volunteers
and scarce resources of these self-help associations.
Organizations do what they can when and where they
can, but even while some academics look towards these
NGOs as coming in where the state falls short, there
are limits, (and perhaps pitfalls) to the idea of self-help.
The limits of self-help
However, it must be emphasized that despite the
number of organizations and networks operating
programs intended for migrants, there are nonetheless
a lot of concerns and issues that are left unattended.
It has been observed that support organizations tend
to function like an “ambulance” at the height of an
emergency—in other words, where groups
troubleshoot or address certain cases at a time an
incident had already occurred, without thoroughly and
effectively dealing with the situation, much less
targeting and addressing the causes that bring about
the steady rise in the number of cases.
While stressing the continued importance of
organized communities, there is also renewed emphasis
that states have the resources, power and responsibility
to address issues and conditions that self-help NGOs
may not be able to resolve, no matter how organized or
efficient they are.
Here, the purview of NGO/self-help intervention
attempts to take into account factors and conditions
that structurally bring about issues, abuses,
vulnerabilities. There is some implicit recognition that
these cases need to be tackled at the source, while a
majority of initiatives can only do so much to “relieve
some of the symptoms,” as one leader put it.
In this respect, some organizations have begun to
educate and raise consciousness of migrants so that
formations may appreciate and confront the larger
political economy of migration, not just individual
cases or sectoral concerns.
At the same time, on a more discursive level, some
groups also observe that self-help also unwittingly frees
up the state and other parties that need to be held
accountable, such as employers and agents, who
abandon their responsibilities and duties, some of
which end up in the hands of self-organized
associations and non-government groups.
While in the past, groups did step up to fill in the gaps
states have left off, there is now some realization that
this does not necessarily mean that they ought to bear
the full burden of cases, while states and other parties
are freed up from these. Where in the past, groups
would automatically “pass the hat” to assist a conational in need, now there’s more discussion that goes
into the support provided, as they ask questions such
as, “are we letting parties concerned off the hook as we
do this? Are we condoning practices that need to be
corrected? How do we improve the way things are
done, with a longer term view of improving practices
and uneven relations?”
This discussion on self-help also coincides with an
observed attitude of individual migrants to deal with
issues on their own—rather than actively assert their
rights or find solutions to their concerns— which
makes organizing and collective mobilizations more
challenging. Some migrant workers brush violations
aside, particularly when viewed along the lenses of
“pamilya o prinsipyo,” (family or principles)—this
constant reminder that they are abroad to work for
their families foremost, where any other endeavors or
pursuits may be viewed simply as unnecessary
distractions.
On the level of organized communities however, there
is more critical engagement with other entities and
associations, as self-help seems to be redefined to
include the assertion of claims on the state and other
responsible parties, rather than just simply dealing
with the issues “on their own”. As earlier mentioned,
some groups have started to tap into and link up with
state and local government agencies and institutions.
This sort of synergy is most evident in some cities and
prefectures in Japan, although hardly so in Malaysia,
and the contrast can be attributed to differences in
migrant composition. As they redefine their
entitlements as members of local communities,
claiming access to basic services such as health benefits
and other types of aid, some organizations have also
211
made it a point to assert and engage with the
Philippine
government,
underscoring
the
responsibilities of the state and their rights and duties
as citizens, even while abroad.
Having said this, as in any other community, divisions
and distinct interests of members also play themselves
out. Apart from being a support network, overseas
communities are also recognized as a consumer base
for growing businesses, as a clientele for other
initiatives or ventures or simply as networks that
members can capitalize on for whatever purpose. It has
been noted that while migrant networks play a role in
extending assistance to compatriots, there are also
some unscrupulous members of the community who
could exploit this sense of shared identity for their own
gain; as in cases of illegal recruitment or some
employment agents. Also, class and status divisions do
play a part (and at times inflect interactions or lead to
the creation of factions) even though these distinctions
are not explicitly discussed or pointed out by members
of migrant communities. It should be emphasized that
migrant workers who have acquired more stable or
permanent arrangements are more likely to play an
active role in communities than new and shorter-term
migrants who also enjoy less mobility and resources to
participate actively. In this regard, the diversity and
sustainability noted among engagements of migrant
communities in Japan, compared to Malaysia, can be
attributed to particular mix or composition of
migrants in these respective countries.
Another key challenge noted by organizations in this
respect pertains to exploring strategies that would
enable migrant members to sustain involvement
within this multi-arena, multifaceted set of
interventions. As mentioned earlier, while groups
maintain a level of dynamic activity, they are always on
the look-out to find better ways to bring in and capture
the imagination of a larger segment of the migrant
population. On the one hand, this is achieved by
carrying out relevant advocacies that reflect their
interests and concerns. On the other hand, they also
make use of information and communication
technologies and social networking tools to maintain
visibility and keep discussions going and informationsharing flowing. Since workers are also deemed as “too
preoccupied” or too isolated to get involved, current
thinking has it that they must be provided spaces to
participate that are easily/readily accessible to them. At
the same time, however, there is also an emphasis that
nothing substitutes for painstaking organizing and
consciousness-raising work.
212 Panel 5
While migrant workers get onboard, where issues and
activities are found interesting and relevant, there is
still a lot of room to improve and promote collective
action, deepen solidarity, and enhance and sustain
initiatives. The cases identified here point to practices
and attempts to create formations or make use of
existing venues for serving and mobilizing migrants.
Some of these have begun to evolve as spaces for
political activity and collective agency, while others
offer potent platforms, which may or may not serve as
a precursor for other types of mobilizations.
REFERENCES
Aguilar, Filomeno. 1999. The Triumph of Instrumentalist
Citizenship? Migrations, Identities and the Nation-state in
Southeast Asia. Asian Studies Review, Volume 23, Number 3
Ball, Rochelle, and Piper, Nicola. 1998. Globalisation and the
regulation of citizenship— Filipino Migrant Workers in Japan.
Political Geography, Vol 21, Issue 8, 1013-1034
Basch, Linda, etal, eds. 1999. Nations Unbound: Transnational
projects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nationstates. New York: Routledge.
Parrenas, Rhacel. 2011. Servants of Globalization: Women,
migration and domestic work. California: Stanford University
Press.
Shipper, Apichai. 2008. Fighting for Foreigners: Immigration and
its impact on Japanese Democracy. New York: Cornell University
Press
Aya Fabros is a Filipino researcher whose areas of interest
include the sociology of work and global labor, urban sociology,
ethnography, and democratization and social movements. She
has a Masters degree in Sociology and a Bachelor of Science
degree in Economics. She has written, edited, and co-edited
several publications on political economy, globalization, local
politics and governance in the Philippines and social
movements.
213
Muslim Women in Public Spheres: From Historical Narratives to Roles in the
21st Century
Subhatra Bhumiprabhas
Introduction
Muslim women in historical narratives, in the media,
and from feminist perspectives
Even in the hands of a sympathetic writer, the nature of
“national history” almost inevitably means that efforts to
incorporate women will become an uneasy exercise of
insertion rather than integration. (Barbara Watson
Andaya, 2006, 3).
Narratives by Dutch East India Company merchants
who sailed to port cities in the Indonesian archipelago
in the 17th century provide evidence of Muslim
women who were active and influential in the public
sphere as rulers, merchants, traders, hired wives, and as
fighters and commanders.
European traders who arrived on the shores of the
Malay Peninsula in the same century found that they
often had to conduct business and trade with Muslim
women from different socio-economic backgrounds.
For example, Dutch merchant Peter Floris wrote that
he traded directly with the queen who ruled Pattani
Darussalam. In Aceh, foreign visitors had to
compromise with a female ruler who set terms and
conditions for them to do business in her land.
In her book The Flaming Womb: Repositioning
Women in Early Modern Southeast Asiai, historian
Barbara Watsan Andaya provides a story of “Taj alAlam,” the first Muslim queen in Southeast Asia to use
the feminized title sultanah (Muslim female ruler).
Historical records indicate that the queen was a devout
patron of Islam and that she spoke to European men
only from behind a curtain.
“Europeans who attended her regular Saturday
audiences reported that she was well versed in
commercial matters and alert to any threat to Aceh’s
interest; their accounts leave little doubt she was an
effective and forceful ruler”. (Watsan Andaya, 2006)
Other foreign observers witnessed women playing
influential roles in market places, ports and other
public places on the Malay Peninsula. Historian
Anthony Reid wrote in his study Female Roles in Precolonial Southeast Asia that the Dutch and English
dealt with some formidable female traders. A woman
named Datu Newanan of Pattani was said to owe
money to the English. The Dutch in Aceh bought tin
for export from “another Acehnese woman”.
However the roles of such Muslim women in the
Southeast Asia region are rarely present in the presentday “national histories” of Indonesia and other
countries.
Even within Indonesian feminist perspectives,
relatively little attention has been paid to the active
role of Muslim women in history. The book
Indonesian Women in a Changing Society, for example,
in a chapter focusing on the Indonesian women’s
movement in the period of 1928-1965, provides a very
brief line on the Acehnese heroine Cut Nyak Dien,
who was proclaimed a National Hero of Indonesia in
1964.
Cut Nyak Dhien (1848 - 1908) was the wife of Teuku
Umar, a leader of guerrilla forces in Aceh. After her
husband’s death she herself led guerrilla actions against
the Dutch. The book touches on dominant themes in
the Indonesian women’s movement including “the
lack of opportunity for women in public spheres”. It
criticizes the current Indonesian media for offering
stereotypical images of women as sexual objects or as
belonging solely to the domestic sphere.
In Thailand, where Muslim citizens make up 3.8
percent of the population, the media offer few stories
about Muslim women. Some of the images that have
appeared have originated with southern women
activists who have portrayed Muslim women as
vulnerable wives and daughters and as victims of
violence. Women’s groups have tried to empower
women by portraying them not just as victims but also
as “peace makers”. The latter image has parallels with
the view of the last Pattani female ruler as depicted in
the television drama Raya Kuning, written by
Tomayanti, the pen name of well-known novelist
Wimol Siripaiboon. The television show portrayed the
Pattani queen as a “peace maker” who worked for the
214 Panel 5
re-establishment of relations between Pattani and
Ayutthaya.
About the research project
This study explores the current situation of Muslim
women in public spheres through the eyes and
experiences of Muslim women journalists.
In conducting this research, many academic papers and
books written by historians and feminist scholars were
consulted. It was decided not to hold discussions with
women’s rights groups, human rights activists or
government agencies, in order to avoid the dominant
and stereotypical images and perspectives depicting
women in Muslim societies as victims of gender bias,
tradition and religious belief.
The researcher chose Indonesia as a research area
because the country has the world’s largest population
of Muslims and is a multicultural society. The
researcher interviewed and held group discussions with
female journalists on their personal experiences as
Muslim women working in public spheres in Jakarta,
Yogyakarta, Makassar and Aceh. Topics for the
discussions included the women’s family backgrounds,
their role models, their impressions of Muslim women
leaders, and their views on the roles and current
situation of Muslim women in general.
The paper also explores the roles and images of Muslim
women in public spheres as presented in the Indonesia
media. It explores the media images of two Muslim
women leaders – the country’s first female president
Megawati Sukarnoputri and the former finance
minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati. The paper also
investigated the depictions of women in the
controversial film Perempuan Berkalung Sorban
(Woman with Turban). The film tells the story of
Anissa, the daughter of a traditionalist leader of a
conservative pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in
East Java in 1985. The researcher used a DVD copy of
Perempuan Berkalung Sorban as a tool for discussion.
For the discussion about Muslim women in Pattani,
southern Thailand, the author consulted academic
papers, news reports and articles, including the
researcher’s previous work published in the Thai
 ญิงมุสลิม: เรื่องเลานอกกระแสขาวจาก
media, including ผูห
ชายแดนใต (Muslim women: unpublished stories from
the southern border).
The researcher has used a journalistic story-telling style
in this paper to provide insights into different actors.
In particular, the views of female journalists from the
Aceh Feature news service are highlighted in order to
reflect on the situation faced by Muslim women in the
special region where shari’ah law is applied.
A brief glance at Indonesia and Muslim women
Indonesia has the world’s largest Muslim population,
with adherents of the faith making up about 87
percent of the total population of 240 million (2010
estimate). The country is an archipelago of about
17,000 large and small islands. There are about 313
ethnic groups and cultures with approximately 250
spoken languages. Indonesia was colonized by the
Dutch for almost 350 years and was occupied by Japan
from 1942-1945. On August 17, 1945, Indonesia
proclaimed its independence and became the Republic
of Indonesia. Indonesia at present consists of 33
provinces.
The country is well known for its moderate brand of
Islam, and Indonesia’s media has welcomed the tide of
modernity.
Women in Indonesia are a heterogeneous group who
differ widely in ethnicity, level of education,
socioeconomic status, and political and religious
orientation. Today, issues relating to the roles and
rights of women are discussed in many arenas, in
particular in the media and within the country’s
feminist movement.
In the 21st century, Indonesia elected Megawati
Sukarnoputri as the country’s first female president.
Megawati had in fact earlier won the largest number of
votes (34 percent) in the first democratic election held
in Indonesia on 7 June 1999, but the fact that she was a
woman led all the Muslim parties to prevent her from
becoming president and she had to first settle for the
position of vice president. Sri Mulyani Indrawati is
another Muslim woman who entered the public
spotlight as finance minister. Her role in rescuing the
country from the Asian economic crisis in 1997 won
the hearts of the Indonesian people.
News media and cinema in Indonesia reflect the
situation of women from different perspectives. While
mainstream media are often criticized for their
ignorance of the female perspective, independent films
and grass-roots communities find their own ways to
express different voices, often through short films and
documentaries. The film Perempuan Berkalung Sorban
is one such example. The film, featuring a Muslim
woman’s struggle for rights, won awards at the
Bangdung Film Festival in 2009 and stirred up debates
about the situation of Muslim women in Indonesia.
About Aceh
Aceh is located on the northern tip of the island of
Sumatra. It is governed not as a province but as a
special territory, an administrative designation
intended to give the area increased autonomy from the
central government in Jakarta. Administratively, Aceh
is subdivided into 18 regencies and five cities. The
capital and largest city is Banda Aceh. Aceh has the
highest proportion of Muslims in the country and is
the only territory in which shari’ah law is applied.
Aceh adopted partial shari’ah law in 2001 as part of an
autonomy agreement aimed at quelling separatist
sentiment.
The veil in Aceh
A regulation on women’s dress codes has been
enforced in Aceh since 1999. The regulation led to
“veil raids” conducted by various groups. Any woman
not wearing a veil or those wearing tight clothing could
be humiliated with foul language. The raids flourished
after the Asian tsunami hit Aceh at the end of 2004.
Many in society thought that the disaster was
punishment for the attitudes and behavior of
Acehnese women who did not uphold religious
teachings.
The issue of the implementation of shari’ah law has
perhaps diverted public attention from the handling of
cases of human rights violations. For instance, while
the Komnas Perempuan (National Commission on
Violence Against Women) criticized that the
obligation to wear a veil was another form of violence
against women in Aceh, a group of women who
supported the law argued that incidents of violence
against women were justified by the popular attitude
that women who don’t obey the rules imposed by men
“get what they deserve”.
215
Life of a female journalist in the years before and
after Indonesia’s independence: The experience of
Siti Latifah Herawati Diah
Herawati Diah was born into an upper-class family in
1917. She was the first Indonesian woman to obtain a
degree from an American university. This later aroused
the ire and the suspicion of the Dutch East Indies
colonial authorities and she was imprisoned in 1941
on her return to Indonesia. With the arrival of the
Japanese Imperial Forces in 1942, Herawati was
released.
Herawati began her career as a journalist in Yogyakarta
in 1945 when there weren’t many women journalists.
“But at the time, as a woman, I also did not feel so free
that I could just go anywhere looking for news. At the
very least, a woman could not leave her femininity
behind in carrying out her assignment. I didn’t have to
be masculine in my attitude when it came to my
profession,” she wrote in her book titled An Endless
Journey: Reflections of an Indonesian Journalist.
Herawati confessed that at the time she only looked
for limited news during certain hours because she was
still taking care of her small children.
“Unfortunately, as long as the community regards it as
normal for a man to neglect his family, and abnormal
for a woman to do the same, this field will be
dominated by men,” she wrote.
However, as one of only a handful of women
journalists in the years following Indonesia’s
independence, she established her reputation as a
leading reporter. Her husband, Burhanuddin
Mohammad Diah, founded Merdeka newspaper in
1945 and the republic’s first English-language daily,
The Indonesian Observer, in 1955. Herawati worked
with him on both papers.
Herawati credits her mother for all her success as
female journalist. She said her mother, Siti Alimah,
was educated at a pesantren.
“Despite her traditional education, my mother had an
intense desire to improve herself,” wrote Herawati in
the book. “This didn’t mean she threw out all the
customs that she acquired during her childhood. She
was firm about religious matters. I can still hear her
reading the Qur’an”.
216 Panel 5
Life of a female journalist in Aceh: The story of
Linda Christanty: Chief Editor of Aceh Feature, an
online news service.
Linda Christanty is a journalist and author of many
works of fiction and non-fiction. Her essay Militerisme
dan Kekerasan di Timor Leste (Militarism and
Violence in Timor Leste) won a Best Essay on Human
Rights (Indonesia) award in 1998. Her collection of
short stories, Kuda Terbang Maria Pinto (Maria
Pinto’s Flying Horse), won the Khatulistiwa Literary
Award in 2004. Her novel Tongkat Sultan (Sultan’s
Stick) addressed the 30-year conflict in Aceh, and the
socio-political status of the post-tsunami Aceh peace
process that followed. Her recent non-fiction books,
Dari Jawa Menuju Atjeh (From Java to Aceh), and
Jangan Tulis Kami Teroris (Don’t Write Us Down as
Terrorists), discuss shari’ah, political conflict, ethnic
nationalism and homosexuality.
Linda – a daughter and a wife
“…one day you will have a family, you can’t be above the
man”. (Linda’s mother)
Linda Christanty, aged 41 in 2011, was born in a
village in Bangka island in southern Sumatra. She
enjoyed significant freedom during her childhood as
her parents treated their daughters and sons equally.
Her father was a civil servant and her mother worked
in a private company. Her mother told Linda that she
worked outside the home because she wanted to help
Linda’s father to earn more income for the family.
Linda considered her mother a modern woman at that
time.
“I have old pictures of my family, from the 1980s. One
shows my mom wearing shorts and no scarf,” she
recalled. Linda also saw that her mother enjoyed equal
rights with her father and that they respected each
other at home. But she wondered why her mother kept
telling her “you’re a modern woman but one day you
will have a family, you can’t be above the man”.
Linda holds a bachelor’s degree in literature from the
University of Indonesia. At university she was very
active in the student and labor movements and did not
feel she was any different from male activists. In 1995
she helped mobilize thousands of female workers to
rally at parliament, demanding increased wages and
opposing military power.
“They [protested] the first time in the Suharto era.
[Female] factory workers – about 5,000 –
demonstrated at parliament, which shocked the
military faction in parliament a bit,” she recalled.
According to the Komisi Nasional Anti Kekerasan
Perempuan (National Commission on Violence
Against Women), working in factories was not
regarded as women’s primary duty, especially when
they were married and had children. They were paid
lower wages than their male colleagues because they
were not perceived as the main breadwinners.
But Linda did not take the case only as a gender issue;
she said it was also a class issue. “The owner of the
factory was a woman. I think it’s not about [being] a
woman or not. We don’t talk about women anymore.
We don’t care about their biological sex. It’s a class
issue,” she said.
After graduation, Linda worked with a nongovernmental organization and joined the People’s
Democratic Party (PRD). In 1999 she ran in the
general election. She later quit the party and around
2000 began her career as a journalist.
In 2003 Linda worked for Bandeau magazine. She met
and married a local journalist. Linda believed that she
was a more modern woman than her mother. She
wanted to marry a modern man to open her world.
Unfortunately her married life lasted only one year.
Soon after the wedding, Linda found that she couldn’t
stay with the man.
“Because I was a journalist, sometimes I got home late.
Suddenly, he told me, Linda I need you to cook for me,
like our neighbors. I know you have to work but I want
to taste your cooking”.
He also pressured her to have a baby but she said it was
impossible because at the time he had lost his job and
her pay alone wasn’t enough to raise baby. Then he set
a condition that she should stay at home and he would
go and find a job.
When Linda asked him for a divorce, he did not agree.
She knew well that it was not easy for Muslim women
to divorce. Linda went to an Islamic court, asking the
judge to allow her a divorce. She filed complaints
against her husband in the court that “he didn’t work
and took no responsibility and I had to work, to cook
for him, and this was unfair for me”. Linda told the
judge she did not want anything from him other than
her freedom.
Linda was shocked when the man accused her of
adultery. He gave the name of one editor and the judge
told her to answer only “true” or “not true”. Linda
resisted, telling the judge she wanted to say more than
“yes” or “no”.
Finally the judge granted her a divorce. The judge’s
reason for providing the divorce was that the couple
were not compatible.
Linda recalled telling her mother, “Mother, I got my
freedom. I don’t have a husband any more. I feel good”.
Linda – the editor
Linda moved to Aceh in 2005, when shari’ah law was
partially enforced and religious police began patrolling
the streets. Under the law, Muslim women in Aceh
have to wear the hijab (headscarf) and face arrest if
seen in the street or public places without it.
Linda is Muslim and she goes everywhere without a
headscarf.
“They [the religious police] think I’m a Chinese or
Korean woman, a foreigner, so it’s safe for me,” Linda
said.
217
But Donna continues with her routines and travels
without a hijab. She believes that her dress is her own
choice. Her colleagues believe the same. Novia Liza,
Mellyan, Khiththat, and Rizki Mauiida choose to wear
traditional dress and a veil to do their jobs, including
interviewing sources. When asked about Donna, they
said her dress was an individual decision. “It’s up to
her, her right. Our dress is something personal. It’s
between you and your god,” said one of them. They
also criticized the law as a political tool and a strategy
of the central government in Jakarta to keep the
Acehnese busy while other issues, especially human
rights violations, are given little attention.
The team enjoys working together and admires Linda
the editor.
“She has a critical mind. I learn a lot from her. And I
want to be like her. But I think everybody has their
own ideas,” says Donna.
Aceh Feature has many male and female contributing
journalists. Most are Muslims. While most women in
the editorial team take Linda as their role model in
journalism, Linda confesses that she doesn’t know
what her male contributors think about her role and as
a Muslim woman who doesn’t wear a scarf.
“Again and again I think they see me as their boss; they
don’t think of me as a woman but as their boss”.
But Linda has paid a price for her resistance. She has
had to hide her identity as Muslim. Linda doesn’t use
her Indonesian ID card to do anything in Aceh as this
identifies her religion. Instead she uses her passport as
it doesn’t show that she is a Muslim.
Linda learned about certain male perspectives towards
Muslim women working in the public sphere when she
was interviewed once on a phone-in radio program. A
man called in, asking Linda whether she had asked
permission from her husband to work. What did her
husband say when she went far away from home to
work?
“Sometime I feel uncomfortable because I look like a
sort of undercover intelligence officer. [I mean,] I
cannot tell people what my real identity is,” she
confessed.
“I told him I don’t have a husband. I was a bit shocked
to get this question from a man in Aceh in the 21st
century”.
Most of her female colleagues at Aceh Feature are
Muslim and they wear the hijab, except for Donna
Lestari who comes to the office every day without a
veil. Donna was arrested twice and the religious police
warned her that there would be no third time “for her
naked face” and she would be placed in detention
where she would be taught to be a “good Muslim
woman”.
Linda encountered similar perspectives from two male
ex-members of the Aceh Free Movement during a field
trip to villages in the Banda Aceh area. When
discussing women’s issues, the men suggested that a
“good woman” should get married and she had to be a
“good wife”. When Linda argued that a woman
shouldn’t get married if she didn’t want to, they said
that they understood “well” that an educated woman
like Linda didn’t want to get married.
218 Panel 5
Veils, coffee shops and “bad women” in Aceh?
When Linda arrived in Aceh in 2005, she used a
traditional coffee shop as her mobile office base, and
she often found herself to be the only woman there. At
the time the coffee shop was a meeting place for men
and it was uncommon for women to frequent it. Five
years later, Linda and her staff on Aceh Feature were
seeing more and more women visiting and gathering
for discussions in coffee shops, some of them even
wearing shorts, chatting and smoking.
However, women visiting coffee shops are still a
serious point of concern for some local Muslim male
scholars. One wrote an opinion piece for Aceh Feature,
criticizing the habit for destroying the traditions and
values of “good” Muslim women.
The definition of a “bad woman” is a serious obstacle
faced by female journalists in Aceh as their duties often
keep them working at the office until late at night.
“Sometimes we go home late – and our neighbors view
us as not good women. They gossip. So my mom said
‘don’t come home late because people say bad things,
like ‘your daughter isn’t a good girl,” said journalist
Khiththat.
In fieldwork too, female journalists become targets of
criticism as they have to work closely and sometimes
share mobile tents provided for reporters with their
male colleagues.
Novia Liza has more bitter experiences to share. Novia
Liza lost her parents and siblings in the tsunami; only
she and her elder brother survived the tragic wave.
They moved in with their uncle’s family. At the time
Liza worked for a non-governmental organization and
sometimes she had to go home late. Five months later,
her brother told her to stop working. He gave no
reason, only “I’m your brother; if you want to live with
me, just do what I say”.
Three months later when the brother and sister
returned to their home, Liza learned the reason for his
comments. Her uncle had wanted her to stay home as
he had heard neighbors asking what kind of job kept
the girl coming home late.
“In Aceh, when we go home at night, neighbors gossip.
I don’t know if it is perhaps because of [political]
conflict over the past 30 years, we [women] always
stayed at home. We’re used to that custom,” Liza said.
Though Novia Liza loves her life as journalist, she
confessed that as a female journalist she has often
worked under pressure. Every day it is very hard for her
to finish her news pieces before nightfall.
Female journalists in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and
Makassar
“Every woman can explore their ability and no one can
take away the freedom of a woman just because she is a
Muslim”. Fitria Martaniah.
Fitria Martaniah and Vivi Zabkie work at Kantor
Berita Radio 68H (68H Radio News Agency) in
Jakarta. Indah Arifah Febriany works for Makassar TV
and Sri Wahyuni for The Jakarta Post in Yogyakarta.
The four journalists shared their views on the current
situation of Muslim women in Indonesia in general,
and on female journalists in particular.
Unlike their female counterparts in Aceh, Fitria, Vivi,
Indah and Sri Wahyuni do not face either rules or
rumors in their area of work or among their families
and communities.
“This is a modern arena. Every woman can explore
their ability and no one can take away the freedom of a
woman just because she is a Muslim,” says Fitria, who
hosts a radio program called Women and Tolerance.
Vivi added that Muslims are very open but in some
areas when men ruled, they tried to find some way to
strengthen their position, so they tried to repress
women to ensure their dominance. Vivi, now 35, has
worked with the radio station since it was launched in
1999. Vivi and Fitria have supervised male reporters
working at the station’s regional offices all over the
country.
Vivi said she was born and brought up in a democratic
family that allowed her to decide her future. A mother
of twins, she still enjoys the right to freedom of work.
“I feel sad for women not allowed to work outside the
home and I think I’m lucky,” she said.
Arifah Febriany, 26, of Makassar TV, said that many
women in the provincial capital of Sulawesi still
preferred to stay home, including her mother and her
elder sister who holds a degree in electrical engineering.
“But it isn’t me to stay at home. Any man who wants
to marry me, must understand my job, my future,” said
the young reporter.
Febriany has been working for Makassar TV for three
years. She said she had never experienced gender
discrimination working in the public sphere. In her
family as well, her parents have encouraged her and
supported her to go to university.
“If you talk about gender, women and men are equal
here,” she said firmly.
Fabriany added that her editor, also the mother of two
children, performed well in leading the editorial team.
Meanwhile Sri Wahyuni of The Jakarta Post has no
doubt that women enjoy rights to freedom in the arena
in which she lives and works. Wahyuni said that she
often visited rural villages in Yogyakarta, and had
interviewed and written many stories about women
who are active in their communities. She had
witnessed no discrimination against Muslim women in
public spheres, including in rural villages.
“Many Muslim women work as journalists here. They
wear a scarf and they can get along with their male
colleagues, there is no discrimination,” she insisted.
Muslim women as Portrayed in Mass Media: A story
of Anissa: Fact or fiction?
Perempuan Berkalung Sorban (Woman with Turban)
is a controversial film based on the novel of the same
title by the woman writer Abidah el Khalieqy. The
novel was first published in Yogyakarta in 2001. The
story features the life of Anissa, the daughter of a
religious leader who owned a conservative pesantren
(Islamic boarding school) in East Java in 1985.
Anissa was a rebel since she was a young girl. She
wondered why she was treated unfairly compared to
her two elder brothers. She wanted to go to university
in a big city or even to Cairo like her male relatives.
Anissa tried to go her own way by enrolling at a school
in Yogyakarta but her father raged that an unmarried
woman could not go off on her own. Letting her out of
town on her own would be unsafe and would cause
negative rumors. Instead, her father arranged a
marriage to the son of his friend, the owner of another
pesantren. Years went by and Anissa found herself
trapped in a miserable marriage. She was condemned
for committing adultery and divorced. She then went
on to receive a higher education in Yogyakarta. She
219
became a well-known writer and role model for the
young girls in pesantren. She remarried and returned to
fight against the traditional trap in the pesantren.
The oppression of women in Islamic societies as
presented in the film has resulted in controversy. For
example, Ali Mustafa Yaqub, the head imam at
Jakarta’s Istiqlal Grand Mosque, urged that the film be
taken out of cinemas to “correct the negative
depiction” of his religion. But female government
minister Meutia Hatta argued that the film was an
important tool to correct centuries of tradition and the
creeping influence of religious hardliners drawing
inspiration from the Middle East.
Meanwhile the female journalists in Aceh said they
liked the way the film asks the audience to be more
open-minded about girls in boarding schools.
Sri Wahyuni of The Jakarta Post criticised the many
negative stereotypes in the film. “This is not what every
woman in Indonesia has experienced. I think we live
independent lives and we can decide for ourselves. It’s
not like in that movie,” she said.
Telling her own story, Sri Wahyuni, 46, said she was
the first girl from her community to go to university.
Back then, her neighbors asked why she did not stop
her education after high school. That should have been
enough, and then she could afford to have a family.
“But at that time [it was not] because of [being] a
women or Muslim. They didn’t understand the
importance of education. My father was a civil servant,
he knew its importance,” she explained. Wahyuni has
become a role model for girls in her hometown. Today,
more and more families send their girls to attend
university.
A young teacher, Rhamadinna Fatimah, shared similar
views about the film.
“This film is only one point of view. It’s okay because it
represents a lot of Muslim women in rural areas. But I
am in an urban area,” she said, adding she had no
similar experiences herself.
Fatimah said that she wished people to know that not
all women in Indonesia faced such a predicament.
“We’re just all right”. Fatimah was planning to
continue her studies at San Francisco City College.
220 Panel 5
Muslim women leaders
In 2001, Megawati Sukarnoputri turned a new page of
political history as the first woman to rule the most
populous Muslim country when she was elected fifth
president of Indonesia.
Megawati Sukarnoputri is the daughter of the
country’s first president, Sukarno. She entered politics
in 1987 as a candidate of the Indonesian Democratic
Party (PDI). After serving as vice-president under
Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati became president
when Wahid was removed from office in 2001. As
president, Megawati faced a number of problems,
including a failing economy, a separatist movement in
the province of Aceh, and terrorist attacks. She
subsequently failed to win re-election at the polls,
losing to former general Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
in 2004.
At the end of her first term in office, many Indonesians
were left feeling that not much had changed. Megawati
faced much criticism of her role as leader, especially
from Indonesian feminists.
Meanwhile younger female journalists interviewed for
this paper were impressed by the performance of Sri
Mulyani Indrawati.
Mulyani was the country’s finance minister from
2005-2010. Her performance won the hearts of the
Indonesian people. The Indonesia media displayed
headlines such as “Sri Mulyani: Indonesian wonder
woman,” and “Sri Mulyani Indrawati: Woman of the
century”. In 2006 Mulyani was named Finance
Minister of the Year by Euromoney magazine, and in
2008 she was ranked by Forbes Magazine as the 23rd
most powerful woman in the world and the most
powerful woman in Indonesia. In 2010 she was
appointed as managing director of the World Bank
Group.
Many observers have seen Mulyani as a reform icon
and person of integrity with the potential to be one of
Indonesia’s strongest presidential candidates.
According to The Jakarta Post, several surveys have put
Sri Mulyani among the top ten most popular
presidential candidates for 2014.
Some basic findings
“…with or without a woman president, Indonesian
women still face many challenges and need to work
hard to eliminate women’s subordination and
oppression …” a feminist scholar noted in the book
Indonesian Women in a Changing Society.
• Most women I interviewed shared the view that
they enjoyed equal opportunity to men in both
education and the workplace.
Most women interviewed for this paper were also
unimpressed by Megawati’s performance. The
criticisms were generally concerned with her capacity
rather than her gender. The journalists and feminists
shared a common view that Megawati’s rise to power
was connected to the merits of her late father – the
first president revered by all Indonesians.
• They agreed that the situation faced by women
as portrayed in the controversial film Perempuan
Berkalung Sorban may still exist in some remote
areas in the country. However, they felt that this
was not the case for women in the large cities.
Only Herawati Diah had a different perspective.
“Megawati has not had an easy life. In following her
struggle to reach the ultimate of anyone’s political
dream, I find this young woman courageous. I also pity
her. She is not an ambitious person and has become a
tool of her own political party. At one time, the PDI-P
even used her as a symbol of women oppressed by the
Soeharto regime,” Herawati wrote in the book An
Endless Journey: Reflections of an Indonesian Journalist.
• They felt that Indonesia is a more open society
for Muslim women than neighboring countries.
• Though most interviewees believed that women
could play a leading role in Muslim society, they
did not admire the role of Megawati
Sukarnoputri as president of Indonesia.
• They did not know much about accounts of
Muslim woman leaders in history.
• When asked about Muslim women role models,
many interviewees referred to Khadijah, a
wealthy businesswoman who was the first wife of
Muhammad (the Prophet). They admired the
role of Khadijah as a good wife and smart
businesswoman.
Conclusion:
Looking at gender relations through the eyes of
educated middle-class Muslim journalists in
Indonesia
This researcher is well aware that it is not an easy task
to provide a picture of the lives and situation of
Muslim women in general, especially given that most
women interviewed in this paper are journalists from
middle-class backgrounds who generally enjoy freedom
in their work, unlike their sisters in rural areas from
poorer and less educated backgrounds. The
interviewees had their own personal ways of
negotiating gender constraints within their socioeconomic environments. Many felt uncomfortable
about, and unwilling to concede, the possibility of
more constrained gender relations faced by less
advantaged women.
The interviewee’s views on Perempuan Berkalung
Sorban reflects their disagreements with the
stereotypical image of Muslim women as victims of
traditional beliefs. Though they conceded that such
situations might exist in some remote areas, they
believed it rarely happened today.
221
empowering women, or in opening up spaces to
encourage their participation at all levels.
Muslim women [in the southern provinces] have faced
persecution and have been discredited when they came
out to defend their rights which are compromised by
the conservative interpretation of religious codes.
Thus, they have been made to appear as “sinful
women” or “vicious women” for having their ordeals
exposed in public, she wrote.
Finally, it is as though the women in Indonesia and in
Thailand’s deep south inhabit two different worlds. It
is unclear, however, if less-educated and less well-to-do
Muslim women in Indonesia and Thailand are more
constrained by the brand of Islam today than the
brand that has been recorded in historical accounts
from past centuries.
NOTE
i
ANDAYA, Barbara Watson. 2006. Women as Rulers. In
The Flaming Womb: repositioning women in early modern
Southeast Asia. 167. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.
LIST OF INTERVIEWEES
However the experiences of female journalists in Aceh
indicate that it is not always easy for women in public
spheres. Linda Christanty and Donna Lestari
represent the voice of rebellious Muslim women who
feel constrained by religious laws. Meanwhile other
female journalists who resist “traditional beliefs” by
visiting coffee shops while wearing the hijab, see no
point in shari’ah enforcing others to do the same.
These women must compromise with “traditional
beliefs” in their communities, by, for example, trying
not to appear as “bad women” who go home late.
Meanwhile the situation of Muslim women in
Thailand’s southern border province as seen by
Muslim woman activist Angkhana Neelapaijit presents
a different story. Angkhana has been working in
support of Muslim women in Thailand’s deep south
for half a decade and is chairwoman of the Justice for
Peace Foundation. In her paper “Roles and Challenges
for Muslim Women in the Restive Southern Border
Provinces of Thailand,” Angkhana found that Malay
Muslim women in the Southern border provinces had
received insufficient support from either the general
public or the government in relation to educating and
1. Miss Sima Gunawan, The Jakarta Post. Gunawan passed away
in February 2012. She had been with The Jakarta Post for over
20 years.
2. Miss Wita Ningsih, Research & Development, Programming
Division, Trans TV. Before joining Trans TV, Ningsih used to
work for the defunct PLAYBOY Magazine, Indonesian version.
3. Mrs. Vivi Zabkie, Cooperation Supervisor, Kantor Berita
Radio 68H (68H Radio News Agency).
4. Mrs. Fitria Martaniah, Program Manager Kerjasama, Kantor
Berita Radio 68H (68H Radio News Agency). Martaniah is also
the host of a program called “Agama dan Toleransi” [Religion
and Tolerance].
5. Miss Linda Christanty, Chief Editor, Aceh Feature.
6. Miss Indah February, reporter, Makassar TV.
7. Mrs. Sri Wahyuni, staff writer with The Jakarta Post in
Yogyakarta.
8. Mrs. Febriana Sinta Sari, reporter, Kedaulatan Rakyat Radio, a
local radio station in Yogyakarta.
9. Mrs. Siti Aminah, lecturer at Fakultas Ilmu Budaya UGM,
Magister of Middle East Studies, UGM.
222 Panel 5
10. Miss Rhamadinna Fatimah, English Teacher at Indonesia
College.
11. Miss Novia Liza, reporter, Aceh Feature.
12. Miss Mellyan, reporter, Aceh Feature.
13. Miss Rizki Maulida, reporter, Aceh Feature.
14. Miss Donna Lestari, reporter, Aceh Feature.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ANDAYA, Barbara Watson. 2006. The Flaming Womb:
repositioning women in early modern Southeast Asia. Honolulu:
University of Hawai’i Press.
POERWANDARI, Kristi, ed. 2005. Indonesian Women in a
Changing Society. Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press.
ANDAYA, Barbara Watson, ed. 2000. Other Pasts: Women,
Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia. Honolulu:
Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Hawai’i at
Mãnoa.
DIAH, Herawati.2005. An Endless Journey: Reflection of an
Indonesian Journalist. Jakarta: PT Equinox Publishing
Indonesia.
NEELAPAIJIT, Angkhana. 2010. Roles and Challenges for
Muslim Women in the Restive Southern Border Provinces of
Thailand. Bangkok: Justice for Peace Foundation.
SELECTED NEWSPAPER ARTICLES
Sabarini, Prodita. 2010. Nani Zulminarni: Dare to be a woman.
The Jakarta Post, September 13, People Section.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/09/13/nanizulminarni-dare-be-a-woman.html
Azis Tunny, M. 2010. Siti Musdah Mulia: A courageous
woman. The Jakarta Post, August 13, People Section.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/08/13/sitimusdah-mulia-a-courageous-woman.html
Helmi, Kunang. 2010. Christine Hakim: The importance
of education. The Jakarta Post, October 22, People Section.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/10/22/christinehakim-the-importance-education.html
Kuswandini, Dian. 2010. Peggy Melati Sukma: In transition.
The Jakarta Post, August 20, People Section.
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/08/20/peggymelati-sukma-in-transition.html
Veda, Titania. 2009. Pioneer Journalist Reflects. Jakarta Globe,
February 04, Life & Times Section.
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/lifeandtimes/pioneerjournalist-reflects/306630
Belford, Aubrey. 2009. Film Spurs Debate Over Women’s
Role. Jakarta Globe, March 01, News.
http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/news/film-spurs-debate-overwomens-role/308867
Simanjuntak, Hotli. 2010. Aceh, sharia & coffee shops. The
Jakarta Post, July 13, Feature. http://www.thejakartapost.com/
news/2010/07/13/aceh-sharia-amp-coffee-shops.html
WEBSITE:
http://www.islamswomen.com/articles/women_in_islam.php
223
Political Participation of Women in Asia from a Feminist Perspective:
A Documentary Film Project
Loh Yin San
INTRODUCTION
Background
The research project was designed to produce a
documentary film on the political participation of
women in Japan and the Philippines. At the start of
this study in July 2010, it was reported that no Asian
country had achieved the 30-percent quota for women
in decision-making positions recommended by the
1975 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the
2000 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).1
Although both the Philippines and Japan had ratified
the CEDAW in 1981 and 1985 respectively, in July
2011, at the end of the research period, women only
made up of 22.1% and 11.3% of the lower house,
respectively.2
This project was also motivated by a curiosity about
the journey Asian women have taken in politics.
According to Andrea Fleschenberg (2008):
“Given the structural circumstances through
which Asian women leaders face a rather
disadvantageous
socio-political
context–
including a predominantly misogynist gender
ideology in terms of political agency–we
consequently need to analyze the individual
traits of Asian female political leaders, especially
regarding any shared, common factors in their
political biographies”.
Often, when women politicians become public figures
in media, little is known about their individual
journeys toward becoming politicians. By focusing on
a selective sample of women politicians, this project
aims to unfold their entries or routes into politics,
including the obstacles they faced, the strategies they
explored to maintain or advance their political careers
and their keys to success. The project likewise seeks to
identify any disabling or stumbling factors, which
confronted them as they immersed themselves in
politics.
Research Methods
From recommendations by the host organization and
the key contact, a list of possible interviewees was
drawn and the list expanded throughout the research
period, as the snowballing effect persisted.
Concurrently, data was gathered through Internet
searches via news sites, government websites, political
parties’ websites, organizational websites, and blogs.
Combining all the available names, a matrix was drawn
to help identify key candidates to study.
This research only covers a small sample size of women
politicians, and is limited to the accessibility of the
interviewees. Nevertheless, attempts were made to
ensure diversity and the inclusiveness of the sample to
cover members of the ruling and opposition parties,
representatives of interest groups, as well as
independent candidates, and those currently or
formerly holding an elective position. I also
interviewed some former politicians, cabinet members,
and voters, women activists and their supporters and
support staff.
The rapport I built with my main informants and
some of the participants in this research project went
beyond merely an interview session. In this sense, I
agree with Bloom (1998) who wrote, “Feminist
interviews are dialogic in that both the researcher and
respondent reveal themselves and reflect on these
disclosures”. My interaction with the participants
varied from merely being an observer or participant in
a public forum or political campaign, to having indepth interviews that lasted from 30 minutes to three
hours in their personal premises. I also received
permission to shadow a few women politicians upclose for a day or more, during their official, social, and
even private functions.
The final product of this research project, the
documentary film, was produced out of our mutual
interactions, conversations, and, at times, our sharing
of life experiences together.
224 Panel 5
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
In Japan, the women’s suffrage movement started in
the late 19th century. Nonetheless, it was only in 1946
when the Japanese women stood for election and voted
for the first time, namely, in the election of members of
the House of Representatives. The positive result of
the election whereby 39 of the 79 women who ran for
public office were elected, enhanced momentum the
following year, when Japan’s new constitution was
enacted. Debate over the equality of the sexes came to
the forefront.
While the Japanese women’s movement evolved from
the fight for suffrage for women in the 1920s to the
establishment of a radical feminist movement in the
1970s, contemporary women’s movements are rather
diversified and woven into other civil movements
including those focused on issues like labor, the
environment, poverty, and anti-nuclear activism. The
discourse on gender mainstreaming became significant
in the 1990s, while the fourth United Nations World
Conference on Women was convened in Beijing,
China in 1995. As for women institutions in Japan,
the Women’s Suffrage Center was put up in 1946 (it
was called the Women’s Center back then), the
National Women’s Education Center (NWEC) in
1977, and the Japanese Association of International
Women’s Rights in 1987, after Japan had already
ratified the CEDAW.
Meanwhile, the women in the Philippines acquired
their right to vote in 1937; and the women’s
movement continues to have a strong presence in
Philippine society. The political landscape of the
Philippines was shaped largely during the Marcos
administration (1965-1986), part of which period saw
the Philippines under martial law (between 1972 and
1981). Unfortunately, while the collapse of martial law
was attributed to the success of People Power in 1986,
the participation of the women’s movement in the
larger anti-Marcos movement was basically sidelined
after the people’s uprising.
It is interesting to note that despite the country are
having had two women presidents, their victories were
hardly the result of feminist politics. For example, back
in 1986, Corazon Aquino became an icon of the
opposition after her husband, Benigno Aquino Jr, was
assassinated. With the support of the military, the
church groups, her political party, and most
importantly, the people during the People Power
Revolution, she became the first woman president
after the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator
accused of being behind the assassination of her
husband.
The second woman president, Gloria MacapagalArroyo (GMA), the 14th president of the Philippines
and daughter of the 9th Philippine president,
Diosdado Macapagal (1961-1965), secured her initial
presidential term (2001-2004) through another
people’s revolution (People Power II) and military
intervention, rather than through election.
SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEXT
Within the current social setting in Japan as it is,
gender remains an important organizing principle in
terms of cultural expectations on the part of society
and in the assignment of social roles. Division of labor
according to gender is apparent in both private and
public spheres; and the clear distinction between
gender roles is taught to Japanese children from a
young age. It is still widely believed that caregiving (i.e.,
childcare and the care of the elderly) is the Japanese
women’s primary role in the family, community, and
society. Women are expected to manage the household
and ensure the wellbeing of each member of the family
through the preparation of nutritional food, and the
maintenance of a healthy and comfortable living
environment. In contrast, Japanese men are expected
to have a job and to be the “salary men”. Consequently,
Japanese men are more likely to find full-time
employment and to seek promotion. Gender is also a
major factor in attracting targeted consumers,
especially in terms of media consumption.
Gender divisions are less visible in the Philippines. The
level of political awareness is generally higher among
Filipinos. Specifically, the strong presence of the
women’s movement in it has played an important role
in raising the political consciousness of Filipino
women such that their political participation is
defined in a broader sense to include academe, NGOs,
the civil movement. In addition, Filipino women are
also involved in efforts to effect social change through
formal and informal channels. However, Filipino
women also still face multiple burdens at work and in
the household, taking up as they do, the responsibility
of childcare and the performance of household chores.
Due to serious economic pressures in the country,
many Filipino women have been looking for jobs
outside the Philippines and therefore constitute a good
portion of the large pool of Overseas Filipino Workers
(OFW).
The Political Participation of Women in Japan
My research period in Japan ran from July 2010 to
January 2011. I arrived in Japan on 1 July 2010, in the
midst of the campaign period for the 22nd Upper
House election on 11 July 2010. On 31 August 2009,
the then opposition party, the Democratic Party of
Japan (DPJ), experienced a groundbreaking victory
over the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the Lower
House election. Therefore, by the time I was there, the
Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) was the incumbent
ruling party.3
The Pacific Asia Resource Centre (PARC), my host
organization, and Otsuka Teruyo, the political
secretary of the DPJ, were my focal points in Tokyo.
Through their recommendations and references, I
gained access to a significant number of prominent
women politicians and a wide network of feminist
scholars, women’s rights activists, non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), and non-profit organizations
(NPOs) in Japan.
Brief Profile of Selected Women Politicians in Japan
Japan has a bicameral system, which consists of the
Upper House (Sangiin) and the Lower House
(Shugin). The local levels are known as Metropolitan,
City, Prefecture, and Ward.
Upper House Members (44 women out of 242 seats)
• Fukushima Mizuho has been the chair of SDP
(Social Democratic Party) since 2003. She was a
lawyer prior to her first candidacy with SDP in
1998. She was the Minister of State for
Consumer Affairs and Food Safety, Social
Affairs, and Gender Equality when SDP was part
of the ruling coalition with DPJ. In 2010, SDP
stood firm in opposing the military base in
Okinawa, and left the ruling coalition.
Lower House Members (54 women out of 480 seats)
• Tsujimoto Kiyomi of Osaka’s 10th district was
an SDP member starting 1996, but turned
independent in July 2010. Shehad later aligned
herself with the LDP alliance of Independent
Candidates Club and appointed as Deputy
Transport Minister. A student activist
previously, she started the peace boat movement.
• Miho Takai of DPJ entered politics by
answering an advertisement of DPJ in 2000
225
upon her return from overseas studies. She was
then in her late 20s. She was first elected at the
age of 32.
• Koike Yuriko is the Chairperson of the General
Council in LDP. She was the first female
appointed as Defense Minister (2007). Prior to
entering politics, she was a journalist specializing
in Arabic.
• Kyono Kimiko of Akita started as an
independent candidate in Akita Province in
1999 but lost. She was elected in 2003, and in
2005, she re-signed to run for a seat in the Lower
House. Although she lost the election, her
political career was revived by way of
proportional representation, thereby paving the
way for her ascent to national politics.
LOCAL POLITICIANS
City Councilor (four-year terms)
Kamikawa Aya of Setagaya ward made news by being
the first open transsexual to stand and win in elections
(2003) at the age of 35.
Otsuka Emiko of Higashi Murayama is from Seikatsu
Sha Network. She was a housewife prior to her
involvement in politics. After she lost her husband, she
realized that she had to be financially independent.
Thereafter, she started to work for the sustenance of
the family. She finally landed in Seikatsu Sha Network.
Inomata Mie of Kawasaki City is a veteran in politics,
having been on the field since 1991. Formerly from
Seikatsu Network, she is currently an independent
candidate.
Former politicians interviewed include former
ministers Akametsu Ryoko and Noono Chieko;
former assemblywoman of Tokyo Metropolitan,
Mitsui Mariko; and former local councilor of Sapporo
City, Yamaguchi Taka.
Routes to Politics
Most women politicians interviewed claimed that they
had had no plans or ambitions to take part in politics
during their childhood. The opportunity to be in
politics came later in their lives. Among the routes they
identified were the following:
226 Panel 5
1. Working in Government
Some initially worked in the government department
closely linked to policy making. For example,
Akametsu Ryoko of LDP worked her way up to be
Head of the Department of Labor before her
appointment as Minister of Education.
2. Personal Fame or Celebrity
Quite a number were celebrities or media personalities
or even Olympic medalists before they were recruited
by a political party.
3. Participation in the Civil Movement
A significant number of women politicians were active
in the civil movement before they became politicians.
Most notably, the housewives movement in the 1970s
and 1980s provided a platform for the Japanese
women’s political awakening.
4. Political Recruitment
Political parties have a recruitment process. For
example, Miho Takai, the Lower House
Representative of DPJ, said she actually responded to
an advertisement while exploring her options upon
returning from studies abroad.
The Catalyst Effects
Factors observed to have encouraged women’s
involvement in politics were as follows:
1. Japan and the Cold War Politics
Most of the women experienced their political
awakening during their student days when some
specific political event or issue catalyzed their
participation in politics. For example, Koike Yuriko
and Tsuijmoto Kiyomi mentioned the impact of the
Cold War on their decision to follow their political
calling. Tsujimoto Kiyomi founded the peaceboat4
movement as a student and it was her activism that led
her to politics during the “Madonna boom”.
2. Feminist Consciousness and the “Madonna Effect”
When Doi Takako became the first woman president
of the Japan Socialist Party (JSP),5 she started to
recruit women politicians to be part of the 1989
Upper House election. This sudden boom in women’s
participation in politics was widely known as the
“Madonna Effect”. Doi not only recruited and
nurtured a good number of women politicians from
community-based social work and the civil movement,
and from among feminist academics, but also became
known for her impressive and inspiring “nonfeminine” leadership and mannerisms. Her legacy
continues to be acknowledged by contemporary
women politicians, including lawyer Fukushima
Mizuho, the current president of SDP, Tsujimoto
Kiyomi, and feminist activist, Mitsui Mariko.
Subsequently, a decline in women’s participation in
politics was noted. Then the number picked up once
more when male politicians recruited women to run in
the elections. For example Ozawa, a veteran politician
from DPJ, was known to have supported the “Ozawa
girls”. Similarly, there were women recruited by
Koizumi in LDP: “Koizumi’s children”.
3. Local Politics and the Citizen and Consumers
Movement
Apart from some women being recruited by
mainstream political parties, what was unique in Japan
was the existence of local political parties like the
Citizen Network and the Seikatsusha Net Club
(SNC).
SNC was set up as a local political party in the 1980s,
with Seikatsu Club as its base. Seikatsu Club is a
cooperative movement, which started in the 1970s. At
the time, it campaigned for safe food to be available at
reasonable prices and opposed the consumer tax. Most
importantly, SNC provided a mechanism for
recruiting women to join the local elections. In 1985,
Tokyo-based SNC won its first citizen’s seat and by
2010, there were about 50 women elected in various
parts of Tokyo. These women politicians were part of
the local cooperative network and kept very close
contact with the residents in this area. SNC has since
imposed a term limit whereby each female candidate
has a maximum term limit of three terms, equivalent to
12 years. Thereafter, the SNC would support a new
candidate. This mechanism is implemented to
encourage more women to participate in local politics.
On the other hand, some women politicians opt out
from the party after their term limit has expired and
decide to join the contest on their own as
independents, instead.
4. Gender Mainstreaming and Gender Quotas
At the national level, the Association of Feminist
Renmei (AFER) was founded in 1992 to promote the
political participation of women in government and in
recognition of the need to provide support for women
politicians. Since then, AFER has been active in
pushing for 40 percent women’s participation, apart
from voicing out issues pertaining to women. In the
effort to ensure women’s representation in all
constituencies, AFER also launched a campaign to
eliminate the Zero-Women Representatives Assembly
by tracking and lobbying in the constituencies without
any woman representative. Mitsui Mariko, one of the
founders of AFER, is a former Tokyo Metropolitan
City Councilor. When she was in that position, she
campaigned for the enactment of the Sexual
Harassment Act in the Metropolitan Tokyo
government. The act has since been expanded to other
parts of Japan.
The Political Participation of Women in the
Philippines
My research period in the Philippines lasted three
months, from February to May 2011. I arrived early
February 2011, and upon the recommendation of Prof
Mike Luz of the Asian Institute of Management
(AIM) and contacts from women NGOs, I took an
interest in the heated debate on the Reproductive
Health (RH) Bill, then being discussed in Congress.
The bill aims to provide women with family planning
facilities and services, to empower them and reduce the
alarming maternity mortality rate. The RH Bill is
strongly supported by the women’s movements and
NGOs; but the Catholic Church is against it.
Unlike Japan, which is showing a trend toward a twoparty system, the number of parties in the Philippines
is fluid, with parties being formed, merged, and
dissolved so frequently that party loyalty is hardly
practiced. Even though the number of women
politicians in the Philippines is higher than in Japan,
most women politicians are usually from a political
dynasty that enjoys a high societal or elite status but
may not necessarily represent women’s rights.
In the Philippines, the national elections are for the
President, the Senate and the House of
Representatives (Congress). At the local level, there are
elections for the provincial, city, municipal, and
barangay levels.
Brief Profile of Selected Women Politicians in the
Philippines
227
• Leticia Shahani, former Senator (1987-1998). In
1975, as a member of the Commission of the
Status of Women, Leticia R. Shahani prepared
the working draft of the CEDAW based on the
UN Declaration. She was Secretary-General of
the World Conference on the UN Decade of
Women in Nairobi, Kenya in 1985.
• Nieves Confessor, former Secretary of Labor and
Employment, the first female to hold the
position. She was also the first Asian woman to
serve as Chairperson of the International Labor
Organization Governing Body (ILO).
• Risa Hontiveros, former congress representative
and one of the founders of Akbayan (see point 3
in “Routes to Politics” below). She is a strong
advocate of the RH Bill and Lesbians, Gays,
Bisexuals, and Transsexuals (LGBT) rights. She
ran for Senator in 2010 as a guest candidate of
the Liberal Party, the party of President Benigno
Aquino III, but lost.
• Raida Bansil, who was appointed as
commissioner of the National Congress of
Muslim Filipino (NCMF) after completing
three terms as mayor of Kapatagan. She rebuilt
Kapatagan from ashes and was succeeded by her
husband as mayor in 2010.
• Janette Garin, Congress Representative of the 1st
district of Iloilo. After succeeding her husband,
who is from a political family, she has since won
three consecutive terms. She is an advocate of
the RH Bill.
• Perla Zulueta, city councilor of Iloilo city. She is
the only female in the council.
Routes to Politics
1. Political Clan or Kinship Politics
In the Philippines, one’s political clan and family name
play an important role in politics. According to
CEDAW Watch Philippines 2009, a study conducted
by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism
(PCIJ) showed that most of the women in the House
of Representative in 2001 were from political clans
(UNIFEM 2009). The national politics of the
Philippines is deeply entrenched in kinship politics.
Filipino feminist scholar, Mina Roces (1998, 2)
pointed out that “While men held official power,
women held power unofficially as wives, sisters,
mothers, daughters, and even mistresses of male
politicians”.
228 Panel 5
My observations are in line with Mina Roces’ (1998)
argument that women power in the Philippines is
defined by the dynamics of kinship. According to her,
power is not concentrated on and confined to the
individual politician, but held by her kinship group.
On many occasions, the term limit set for various
positions indirectly created more opportunities for
women to participate in politics. For example, many
women mayors were elected after their husbands
reached the maximum three-term limit. This
phenomenon further illustrates “kinship politics”,
where close relatives running for election are endorsed
by the outgoing candidate. This could happen to either
gender as illustrated in the case of Raida Bansil
Maglangit, whose husband succeeded her as mayor of
Kapatagan.
2. The Politics of Gender Equality and the Women’s
Movement
In the Philippines, many laws and acts have been put in
place to ensure gender equality. For example, the
General Appropriations Act of 1995 set aside 5
percent of the budget for gender and development
projects. Republic Act 6949, on the other hand,
declared March 8 as a special working holiday in honor
of International Women’s Day. On top of that, March
is also celebrated as Women’s Month.
Apparently, the strong presence of the women’s
movement has brought a significant number of women
activists into decision-making positions in
government. For example, Remy Rikken who is the
Chair of the Philippine Commission of Women
(PCW) was a veteran feminist, while Dinky Soliman,
the Secretary of Department of Social Welfare and
Development, had a solid background in community
organizing prior to her appointment in the
government.
3. The Party List System Act and the Women’s Party
With regard to women’s participation in politics, the
most effective piece of legislature relating to it is the
Party List System Act of 1995 which dictates that 20
percent of the seats in the House of Representatives be
reserved for party representatives from marginalized
sectors such as peasant communities, the urban poor,
farmers, fishers, and women (Munez 2004). Under the
Party List system, Gabriela Women’s Party, which was
an offshoot of the biggest alliance of women’s
organizations, won two seats.
However, an individual political party may set its own
gender quotas. For example, the Akbayan Citizen’s
Action Party, a multi-sectoral party with a feminist
agenda, implements a gender quota within its party. It
designates that 30 percent of all leadership positions at
every level of the Philippine political structure be
reserved for women. Prior to the success of Gabriela
Women’s Party and the Akbayan Citizen’s Action
Party, another women’s party, Albanse! Pinay
(Advance! Philipinas) emerged. It was the first allwomen’s party to win a seat in 1998. However, it later
failed to retain any seat in the subsequent elections.
Dominant Beliefs And Success Factors In Politics
A. San-ban and the three Gs.
In Japan, it is generally believed that politicians need to
have the “sanban” or three foundations. In the maledominated politics of Japan, a politician needs to
consider acquiring “chiban” or family support,
“kanban” or organized group support, and also
“kaban” or financial support.
Intriguingly, in a rather different context, some
women politicians in Japan indeed possessed rather
scant resources when they started. However, they were
highly educated and politicized, and decided to join
politics after having already developed their own
political influence and network in a social movement
or through their professional credentials. Those who
fall under the aforementioned category include the
following: lawyer Fukushima Mizuho, activist
Tsujimoto Kiyomi, feminist Mistui Mariko, housewife
Yamaguchi Takai, and transwoman Kamikawa Aya.
In contrast, Munez (2004) contends that women in
politics are “not a widely held concern in the
Philippines”. Instead, it is widely believed that the
three Gs are the determinant factors for a politician to
win an election. Munez (2004) expressed, “In the
popular mind, politics is for men and often,
particularly come election time, is synonymous with
guns, goons and gold”.
It is likewise widely perceived that those with social
capital and economic power have the means to be in
politics.
B. Network and Number
Politics is about numbers and networks, regardless of
the background of the politicians. Their successes lie in
whether they get strong support from the voters or
from the ones who have the authority to put them in a
position. Therefore, it is important for women
politicians to have a platform for maneuvering such
political support from the public, be this through a
political party which will provide network support,
machinery, and financial sources; or through
community activism— the NGOs, civil society, or
issue-based groups.
For example, Noono Chieko, former Minister of
Justice who enacted the reproductive health act in
Japan recounted that “It might not be too exaggerated
if I say that there was not any women’s issue in the
Diet”.6 She found her network of support after making
huge efforts to do so, “I found those who could share
the same opinion and discussed with the people who
really needed the new act”.
Despite political support from a political party and
social activism in the form of a citizen’s network
(SNC), or a minority rights movement (Kamikawa
Aya and sexual minorities), women politicians need to
maintain their public image and reach out to their
constituency in order to sustain the voters’ support.
This explains why politicians are often seen to be
constantly building their network of support, using
every opportunity, for example, to organize events, give
interviews to media, attend public forums as speakers,
etc.
C. Characteristics and Personalities
What characteristics do these women politicians
possess? They are mostly confident, determined, and
passionate about their choices, even if these may be
uncharted paths. They do not give up easily—many of
them have actually experienced failure and rejection,
but persevered. While they acknowledge that they are
outnumbered, they do not think of themselves as
inferior to their male counterparts. In fact, some have
to deliberately remind their counterparts of their
differences by wearing skirts, or pinning a big rose on
their suit, so recounted Nieves Confesor. Women
politicians are also good communicators and good
listeners, and are present to the people they are
speaking, despite their busy schedules. For example, in
229
Japan, Yuriko Koike had this refreshing outlook: she
discarded the notion that as a woman, she faced gender
discrimination from her male counterparts. To her,
gender difference is not a concern because all
politicians, including men, face obstacles; so, she sees
every obstacle as a challenge, which she will tackle
along the way.
All candidates interviewed were enthusiastic and
motivated in their political career. They experienced a
strong sense of fulfillment from their achievement, as
they believed they were in a position to effect positive
changes in society. All of them recognized the
importance of making a difference as a woman, even
though they may not be active in the women’s
movement, or may not have identified themselves as
feminists. A significant number of women politicians
were first elected only in their 40s or 50s, except for a
few who started in their 30s. Almost all of them have a
university degree, except for a few who were in
university but did not graduate because of their
commitment to start a family.
The Challenges Women Politicians Face in Politics
A. General Perceptions about Politics
Most women have not been “attuned” to politics, and
most have never thought of politics as a viable career
option. There is also a continuum of definitions for
politics. For most, politics means joining a political
party, campaigning, or running for elections. For many
feminists, politics is defined in a broader sense,
including being active in a women’s movement, or
joining a rally. According to them, it is more effective
to work from outside the system, either in NGOs,
academe or civil society. Many perceive that by being
part of the political system, one will be corrupted, not
just in the monetary sense, but also in terms of
principles, just so to stay in power. Most importantly,
they do not believe in the effectiveness of the current
political system. Even some of those interested in
politics felt that they may not be qualified as they have
little access and exposure to political networks. Even
though this perception applies to both genders, this
affects women more as there is a lack of representation
in decision-making positions. As a result, many
“women leaders” probably end up as leaders in the civil
movement, with little interest to run for election.
230 Panel 5
B. Socio-Cultural Expectations for Women
In the Philippines, the perception of a woman’s role as
a mother overpowers that of her role as politician.
Many women politicians are often asked, “What about
your kids?” “Where is your husband?”. As highlighted
by Carolyn Sobritchea, “Marriage is still viewed as the
destiny of women regardless of educational
attainments. The definition of woman is still
interchangeable with her role as wife and mother, and
her major concern is still the management of
household affairs or family’s needs and the
organization of the family’s economic, spiritual, and
physical life”. While some women politicians receive
support from their spouse or family, in my interviews
with the children of women politicians, a number
showed their resentment toward their mothers
because of the absence of the “latter” from their daily
lives.
Aya Kamikawa, who lived her early adult life as a man
and later as a woman, comments that the public has
different expectations of women and men. While
manliness is highly perceived as signifying
“competence” in man, women who have their own
opinions would be regarded as “too strong”, “selfish” or
“aggressive”. When I interviewed a male voter about
his preference for women politicians, he said he prefers
them to manifest feminine style leadership, adding
that he perceived those with an aggressive style as being
masculine.
Masculine perception of a woman’s physical
appearance also affects the choice of attires and
physical outlook of women politicians. There have
been occasions when a statement like “She is like a
man” or “She behaves like a man” would be directed at
women politicians as a neutral statement, a negative
remark, or a positive affirmation. In fact, physical
appearance and the manner of dressing contribute to
image building for women politicians. In Japan, even
though androgynous, feminine, or professional attires
are acceptable for women politicians, these have
implications on their public image. For example, when
Yuriko Koike became the first minister of the ministry
of defense, she was caught in a dilemma on the
appropriate attire to use while carrying out her duty
during a military inspection. In contrast, Nieves
Confesor deliberately wore accessories or a huge flower
on her suit to remind her colleagues that she is a
woman. In general, feminine outfits and traditional
costumes are preferable for women politicians in the
Philippines, and it is, in fact, compulsory for them to
be in traditional costumes during official ceremonies.
C. Religious Influences on Women’s Participation
in Politics
In the Philippines, religions play a determinant role in
politics. The Philippines is a predominantly Catholic
country with about 80 percent of the population being
Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholic Church is, in
fact, very much involved in state politics. While the
Church groups are not against Christian women’s
participation in politics, the hierarchy within the
Church is still male-leadership oriented. Obviously,
the Church may not support issues that are deemed to
be in conflict with Church positions, for example, the
RH Bill, which seemingly implies that women have the
right to undergo abortion. On the other hand, the
influence of Islam/Muslim in the Mindanao area,
which is also referred to as the Autonomous Region of
Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), appears strong. A
Muslim religious leader who sits in the Commission of
Election in the Philippines commented that when
someone has to choose between two candidates of
equal strength, that person should choose the male as
leader—this stands despite the fact that there are many
Muslim women leaders in Mindanao, and the
Philippines itself has already had two women
presidents.
D. Male Domination within the Political World
In general, male domination of political parties
remains notorious, so women merely assume
supportive roles rather than high decision-making
positions. When women are appointed to the cabinet,
they are usually confined to portfolios, which are
related to family, education, or social welfare.
In both countries, the experiences of women in politics
at the national and local levels were vastly different. In
Japan, for example, most women politicians
commented that male-oriented norms and maledominated structures within a political party could be
demoralizing for them.
In the Philippines, on the other hand, some decisions
were made during golf sessions or social functions so
that women politicians were expected to accommodate
out-of-office hour’s activities or to socialize with their
male counterparts. For instance, Nieves Confessor
claimed that she was made to “run with the boys”, until
she got to a point where she demanded “No, let us do
this during work, Monday morning, and let me, as a
woman, attend to my personal things on weekend”.
E. The Negative Implications of the Electoral
System
This research found out that the single seat system
whereby only one candidate is selected for a particular
constituency has a determinant impact on women
candidates in an election. The system operates like an
invisible filter that favors male candidates over female
ones because of the public perception that men are the
“natural leaders”. Feminist researchers generally agreed
that “A Proportional Representation (PR) electoral
system is more favorable to the representation of
women than the single-member constituency system”.
(Dahleup 2010).
231
actresses, or even Olympic gold medalists. This
tendency is closely linked to the “celebrity-centric”
media, which play on the fame of these personalities
more than their political ideology or contribution.
While this “celebrity” factor is not limited to females,
the capability of women as politicians is doubted more
often than that of their male counterparts. Therefore,
women politicians need to be able to utilize media to
their advantage.
In Japan, many of the women politicians are authors of
books and maintain blogs to share their opinions,
schedule and activities.
Both Japan and the Philippines have incorporated the
proportional representative system, but most of the
constituencies in Japan still use the single seat system.
Even though the party list system in the Philippines is
supposed to protect the interest of minority groups
including women, in recent years this system has been
used by a few well-established male politicians such as
Mikey Arroyo, Gloria Arroyo’s son, to gain seats for
himself and some party mates. Mikey Arroyo indeed
used the party list system to avoid having to run against
his mother, and to still gain a seat for himself with his
new NGO or party.
CONCLUSIONS
Certainly, the high election deposit fees were also cited
as a challenge to some women politicians, especially as
this cost may not be recovered after election, unless the
woman candidate will have managed to receive a
certain percentage of votes. The fees pose a barrier to
entry, especially to those who lack the financial means
to mount a campaign.
Despite social changes that enable women access to
public spheres in education, employment, technology,
and science, the perception that women are confined
to either their household or gendered social circles still
holds true. According to Rashidah Ramli (2005),
“Power tends to be associated with the public sphere of
existence.… Thus, in order to maintain power,
especially in a male dominated system, the power
structures can choose to make women invisible”. In the
face of the “big boys club” in politics, women could
either “cross over” to the boys’ network, or start their
own network until it is substantial enough to demand
inclusivity in politics.
F. Media Strategies: What Gets to the News?
Media plays an important role in politics, as it is the
source of information for the public to decide whom
to vote. However, media portrayals of women are
always of the stereotype variety. Within this context,
media coverage of women politicians is also skewed
towards certain other stereotypes, e.g., women
politicians tend to get coverage based on personal news
rather than their personal views on policy matters.
Still, media exposure and personal fame are influential
factors in women’s entry into politics. Many women
politicians are invited by the male-oriented political
parties to join them because of these women’s high
celebrity status. It has been widely recognized that
some women politicians are former TV celebrities,
Politics Is Gendered
Politics in itself is “gendered”. Each gendered person is
situated within his or her specific living environment,
socio-cultural context, and a variety of social networks.
Gender determines one’s level of access to
information, resources, and opportunity for power.
For example, girls who lack role models in politics will
be less likely to aspire to be a political leader compared
to boys.
While women politicians are often being asked about
how they manage between being mothers and wives,
male politicians are hardly ever asked about their roles
as fathers and husbands. We are also tricked by our
biases if we tend to question the credibility of women
politicians who have made it due to kinship politics, or
their celebrity status, but fail to apply the same
question to discredit male politicians. In fact, male
politicians who use the same routes are praised for
being resourceful and influential in exercising their
power. For our part, we should start educating the
232 Panel 5
younger generations that both leadership and politics
are as well the rights of women, rather than merely
reinforcing these gender stereotypes.
Is Affirmative Action a Solution?
The question on how to increase women’s
participation in politics has been debated on at the
international level in the UN World Conferences on
Women since three decades back. While affirmative
action has been introduced as a workable solution to
increase women’s participation in politics, arguments
that substantive representation is not guaranteed by
affirmative action have been raised, because women
can be integrated into the male-dominated political
system as a form of “tokenism”.
However, it is important to recognize that affirmative
action has been put forward to address the symptom of
gender imbalance in leadership positions by trying to
ensure the presence of 30 percent or more women in
all levels of decision-making. It is hoped that this
minimum 30 percent will form a critical mass that will
effect change in the existing power structure, and in
the male-dominated political culture, thus allowing
greater opportunity for gender equality to be
established. The gender quota should be implemented
as an integrative strategy, together with gender equality
policies and the existence of a supportive network, in
order for women candidates to contest and win
elections.
Democratization and Feminist Political Networks
If we treat politics as a powerhouse, we need to
democratize the current power structure or the
existing political system to enable the distribution of
power to women. Despite the current political
milestone that has been achieved by women politicians
in Japan, in the 2009 JAC (Japan Accountability
Caucus) NGO Joint Report, the government of Japan
was condemned for failing to enact effective public
policies to increase women’s substantive participation
in politics.
Instead of waiting and hoping for the current political
system to align itself, it is crucial to have feminist
political networks that will lobby the government to
bring about greater political participation of women,
and representation for feminist politics at the estate
level, while at the same time providing effective
support to women politicians to contest and win
elections. Here, I apply the broader definition of the
term “feminist” as referring simply to “someone who is
aware of the subordinate social position of women in
his/her society and attempts to do something to
reduce gender inequity”. The cases of SNC and AFER
in Japan and Akbayan in the Philippines are clear
examples of efforts initiated from the bottom up.
Instead of seeing the current situation of gender
imbalance as “disempowering”, we could view this
situation as an important yet strategic historical
juncture for forming a feminist political representative
network. This network would facilitate, recruit, or
provide support to women’s entry in national politics,
and push for greater electoral reform. It would likewise
push for the inclusion of a gender sensitization strategy
in voters’ education.
Towards implementing these changes, it is not enough
to merely increase the quantity of women taking part
in politics; just as essential is improving the quality of
such political participation. Therefore, it is important
for the younger generation of women to be inspired to
take part in national politics for social change. With
these in mind, the documentary film was made to
capture the journeys of various women politicians and
the forces behind their success, as case studies for
future generations.
Acknowledgement
I would like to acknowledge and express my gratitude
to everyone who has helped me in this project, right
from the application for the fellowship, up until the
submission of this report. Apart from getting
assistance from the host organizations, I also received
personal support from many others. Allow me,
therefore, to express my sincere thanks to those who
helped me in the process of researching and
interviewing for the documentary, and, ultimately, in
its production.
NOTES
1
http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm, accessed on 31 July
2011.
2
http://www.cedaw2010.org/index.php/about-cedaw/
ratification-scorecard/40, accessed on 31 July 2011.
3
http://www.shugiin.go.jp/index.nsf/html/
index_e_strength.htm, accessed on 3 September 2010.
4
233
Peace boat started as an NGO with the aim to promote world
peace, whereby a boat was chartered to bring students abroad
for visits, for them to interact, exchange views and knowledge
with the locals of each country. It has evolved into a business
operation offering round-the-world trips.
Freidanvall, Drude Dahleaup and Lenita. 2010. Judging gender
quotas: predictions and results. The Policy Press. ISSN
03055736, 407.
5
Changed later to Social Democratic Party (SDP).
6
Diet: The Parliament of Japan
JAC, Japan Accountability Caucus for the Beijing Conference.
2009. NGO Joint Report of Japan. Compilation of principal
areas of concern and recommendations regarding women’s
status and rights in Japan, 2009.
APPENDIX
Number of women in Parliament (http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/
arc/classif310711.htm)
IPU. 2011.
Kinjo, Kiyoko. 1995. Japanese Women, ed. Kumiko FujimuraFanselow and Atsuko Kameda. The Feminist Press.
Munez, Marlea P. 2004. Can Reforms Withstand Guns and
Gold Politics? In Southeast Asian Women in Politics and
Decision-Making, Ten Years After Beijing, Gaining Ground? ed.
Augustus
Cerdena,
Joanne
Barriga,
Sara
Franz,
SEAWWATCH Beate Martin, 129-196. Manila: Friedrich
Ebert Stiftung.
Ramli, Rashila. 2005. Elections and Democracy Malaysia. In
Expanding Women’s Participation: Examining the Options, ed.
Mavis Puthucheary and Norani Othman. Malaysia: Universiti
Kebangsaan Malaysia.
Santos, Endrinal Parreno and Aida F. Women in Politics in the
Philippines, An Overview. Women’s Education, Development,
Productivity & Research Organization (WEDPRO), Inc.
* Figures correspond to the number of seats currently filled in
Parliament
Takao, Sasuo. Japanese Women in Grassroots Politics: Building
a Gender-Equal Society from the bottom up. Curtin University
of Technology.
* The rankings do not reflect the actual world rankings because
there could actually be more than one country sharing one
particular rank within this list.
Ting, H. Khadijah Sidek and Fatimah Hashim. Two Contrasting
Models of (Malay) Feminist Struggle
BIBLIOGRAPHY
UNIFEM. 2009. Making the Philippine MDG Report GenderResponsive.
Bloom, Leslie Rebecca. 1998. Under the Sign of Hope, Feminist
Methodology and Narrative Interpretation. Albany: State
University of New York.
Carolyn I. Sobritchea, PhD. 2009. Integrating CEDAW and
other Human Rights Conventions in School Programs: The
Philippine Experience. Imperial Tara Hotel, Sukhumvit Soi,
Bangkok, Thailand: Asian Center University of the Philippines,
Diliman, 9-13 February.
Dahleup, Drude and Lenita Freidanvall. 2010. Judging gender
quotas: Predictions and results. The Policy Press. ISSN
03055736 (The Policy Press): 407.
Fleschenberg, Andrea. 2008. Women’s Political Participation
and Representation in Asia: Obstacles and Challenges. In
Women and Politics in Asia, ed. Kazuki Iwanaga, 24-54.
Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS).
234 Panel 5
China’s Confucius Institute and Its Civilizing Mission in the Mekong Region1
Nguyen Van Chinh
Introduction
The rise of China and its impact on the world in
general and its neighbors in particular have drawn
great attention from academia and policy-makers.
Most work on China’s role in the Mekong basin tends
to concentrate on investment, trade, economic aid and
immigration flows. Yet together with its increasing
economic influence, China has also sought to spread
its culture, in the service of its national interests.
In the view of Koh (2011:202), China is attempting to
obtain a “seat at the top table” and “to be respected by
the world”. To realize this goal, the Communist Party
of China (CPC) believes that it needs not only “hard
power” (economic and military strength) but also “soft
power” (diplomacy, aid and culture). Academic work
by Chinese scholars highlights the importance of soft
power “for the sake of its {China’s} diplomatic
strategy” (Yu Xintian 2007; He Qinglian 2009). In the
view of He Qinglian, Chinese language schools,
overseas Chinese associations, and Chinese language
media have long been the “three precious treasures of
the overseas united front” for the Chinese
government. He has emphasized the importance of
Confucius Institutes (CI) as an instrument to bring
Chinese communist cultural values to the world.
“Foreign aid and comprehensive, mutuallypenetrating economic relations are the core of
China’s “soft power” resources—this, unlike the
“soft power” recognized by the international
community, is actually the “hard power” of
economic strength being peddled by China as
“soft power”; and it is, under the promise of
“incentives,” Chinese Communist cultural
values and ideas cloaked in “Confucius
Institutes,” aimed at getting the world to accept
a “Chinese culture” whose flavor has long ago
gone bad” (He Qinglian, 2009).
Joseph Nye, an American scholar who fathered the
theory of soft power, has agreed, up to a point, that CI
play a significant role in China’s soft power projection.
He has stated that “although China is far from equal in
America’s soft power, it would be foolish to ignore the
gains it is making” (Nye, 2005). The role of CI has
engendered considerable debate. Some support the
idea that CI are “an important part of China’s overseas
propaganda” (Economist, Oct 22nd 2009; Chey 2008).
Others consider CI “both as an arm of Chinese “soft
power” abroad and as a potential vehicle for
intelligence gathering” (McDownwel, 2010). Other
researchers believe that the establishment of CI
globally does not necessarily strengthen Chinese soft
power because China still struggles to cope with more
fundamental issues such domestic poverty and social
disorder. Furthermore, “the popular culture of China
is feeble to influence the world” (Ren Zhe 2010).
Taking these debates into account, this paper explores
the establishment of CI in the Mekong basin countries
in general and in Thailand in particular.
The establishment of Confucius Institutes in the
Mekong region
In around 2005, China began to negotiate with
countries of the Mekong basin to set up CI. On 11
January 2006, the China Office of Education for
Teaching Chinese as a Foreign Language (Hanban) in
Beijing signed an agreement with the Ministry of
Education (MoE) of Thailand establishing a
framework of cooperation for Chinese language
teaching, and permitting the establishment of CI and
Confucius Classrooms in universities, secondary
schools and primary schools in Thailand. Under the
agreement, the CI would receive funding, programs,
curricula and volunteer teachers from China, in order
to conduct teaching and to organize cultural exchange
activities (MoE 2006). The rationale for the agreement
has been stated in Thailand as being the result of
China’s rapid economic expansion in the country, and
as supporting the improvement of Thai-Chinese
relations and mutual understanding since “Thailand
needs specialist human resources on China,
particularly in the Chinese language and Chinese
Studies” (Kriengsak 2008).
The connection between the strategy of Chinese
cultural expansion and the demand for human
resources in Thailand led to the swift establishment of
CI in Thailand, and to Chinese as a foreign language
being permitted to be taught at all levels of the
education system. A five-year strategic plan (20062010) for promoting the study of Chinese was
approved by the Thai cabinet in May 2006.
While Thai governments have welcomed the CI,
efforts to establish this educational institution in other
countries of the Mekong region have not been as
favorable. Most CI in other Mekong countries were
opened during 2009 – 2010, later than in Thailand.
The other Mekong countries have only one small-scale
CI or Classroom, and the activities of these are
relatively quiet compared to the CI in Thailand. The
reasons for this are not entirely clear. Possibilities
include that CI may not have been welcomed by the
local hosts, or that the countries were not seen as
important enough to have more CI.
Available information appears to indicate that
attempts to establish CI in Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos
and Vietnam encountered difficulties. After initial
negotiations, the Hanban reached an agreement in
February 2008 with the Myanmar government on
building a CI in Yangon within a small high school,
the Fuxing Language and Computer School. The
school was established in September 2002. It is an
affiliated school under the Fujian Overseas Chinese
Association. In 2009 it had more than 700 students
and 20 teachers (Hanban, 2009).
In Cambodia, a CI was established at the Royal
Academy of Cambodia in Phnom Penh in 2009. The
opening ceremony on 22 December 2009 was
organized jointly with China’s Jiujiang University in
Jiangxi province. As reported by Chinese media, the
first class had 50 students, most of them from various
ministries of the Cambodian government (Xinhuanet,
2010).
On 23 March 2010 the National University of Laos
held an official opening ceremony for an affiliated CI,
established through joint efforts with Guangxi
University of Nationalities. Hanban reported that
about 200 local trainees attended the first class and
instruction was carried out by six volunteer teachers
sent from Guangxi (China CI, 2011).
Vietnam is the only country that has not welcomed the
introduction of CI within its national education
system. In 2009, the Prime Minister of Vietnam
announced official permission for establishing a pilot
CI.2 However, this announcement appeared to be a
diplomatic declaration rather than a firm decision, as
235
the location and timeframe for the establishment of
the CI were not mentioned. Prior to the 2009
announcement, on 4 April 2008, the University of
Guangxi and the University of Hanoi signed a
Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on the
establishment of a CI at the University of Hanoi. This
was to be a component of the Guangxi – Vietnam
Economic Education Package worth USD 780 million
(Hanu 2008). However, the CI component of the
agreement has yet to be implemented. That is why in a
visit to Vietnam in December 2011, China’s Vice
President Xi Jinping continued to hope that the two
sides would further enhance cooperation in education
and culture, and “quickly facilitate the establishment
of Confucius Institute branches in Vietnam”
(Xinhuanet, 21 Dec. 2011).
Regarding the non-existence of CI in Vietnam, a
Chinese scholar and a member of government
delegations who had visited Hanoi several times, in
part to discuss the setting up of CI, said he was not
surprised. He believed it was a reflection of Vietnam’s
foreign policy and stated:
“If Vietnam does not require us to come, what
do we come for? The presence of CI brings the
Vietnamese great advantages because the
Chinese government provides them with
textbooks, teachers, scholarships, and many
other useful cultural exchange programs without
any charge. Otherwise, you have to learn
Chinese without any support like that”.3
In opposition to the above point of view, a senior
Vietnamese educationalist explained his thinking as
follows:
“It is not the government’s policy but the
people’s perception. China just insists to work
with the Vietnamese government while ignoring
feedback from the grass-root levels. In the
current situation, if a Confucius Institute were
built, Vietnamese citizens would blame their
government for being dependent on China. In
the view of Vietnamese people, Confucius
Institutes are nothing but a political organ or
have a close association with politics [...]. This
makes people allergic to the Confucius Institute,
feel bad about it, and therefore causes
detrimental effects to the authorities. It is
thought that when a Confucius Institute is
established in Vietnam, it is synonymous with
the Vietnamese government’s confirmation of
subordination to China”. (Ha Giang, 2009).
236 Panel 5
There is a popular conception in Vietnam that
teaching Chinese is not simply providing language
skills. It is believed that the language conveys Chinese
history, culture and ways of thinking to Vietnamese
society. To a certain extent, the promotion of teaching
and learning Chinese is considered a sensitive political
issue due to the historic relations between the two
countries.. We may recall that in 1979 during the
border war between Vietnam and China, Chinese
language teaching was abandoned at all levels of
Vietnam’s educational system. Since the relationship
between the two countries was formally normalized in
1991, Chinese was again introduced to students as a
Country
Cambodia
Number of
CI
01
Laos
01
Myanmar
01
Thailand
23
Vietnam
01
Location & Year of
establishment
Royal Academy of Cambodia;
December 22nd, 2009
National University of Laos;
March 23rd 2010
Fuxing Language and
Computer Middle School,
Rangoon, February 2008
Whole country, set up from
2006 to 2008
In the making but not yet
open
foreign language option at high schools and
universities. However, most Vietnamese students
nowadays prefer to study Western languages rather
than Chinese.4 Regardless, it is widely known that
Vietnam is the only country in the Mekong region
which is completely affected by Confucian culture, and
Sino-Nom script was used widely in the country for
centuries before the Latin system was introduced. This
makes Vietnam very different to other Mekong
countries, where Buddhism is considered the national
religion.
Chinese Partner
Jiujiang University in Jiangxi
Province
Guangxi University of
Nationalities
n/a
Universities in China
None
Address
Russian Federation Blvd.,
Phnom Penh 3, Cambodia
Dongdok Campus, Muang
Saythani, Vientiane, Laos
No.110, Sin Oh Dan Street,
Latha Township, Yangon,
Myanmar
Distributed in the whole
country
Planned to place in Hanoi
Table 1: Distribution of Confucius Institutes and Classrooms in the Mekong basin countries
Confucius Institutes in Thailand
1. From a historical perspective, the teaching and
learning of Chinese in Thailand has experienced many
ups and downs within the fluctuating politicaleconomic relationship between the two countries. In
fact, Chinese was not permitted to be taught as a
foreign language in the public education system of
Thailand before the 1970s. This was chiefly due to
fears over the penetration of Chinese communism into
Thailand. From the early 1920s, overseas ThaiChinese communities were considered a potential
channel for spreading Communist and Maoist
ideology. According to Pierre Rousset (2009), the
Communist movement began to have a presence in
Thai society between 1920 and 1930, originating in
Thai-Chinese communities and among Chinese
traders and workers. The precursors of the
Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) included the
Communist Youth of Siam (CYS, established in 1927)
and the Thai branch of the Chinese Communist Party
or the Chinese Communist Party of Thailand
(CCPT). Throughout its existence the CPT was
supported by the Communist Party of China (CPC).
The CPT entered a crisis point in the 1980s when
Chinese diplomacy shifted to the West.
On July 1, 1975, Thailand and China formally
established diplomatic relations. This opened the door
for Chinese to be taught as a foreign language in the
Thai national education system.
From Chinese policy-makers’ point of view, the
promotion of Chinese language teaching is motivated
by the following objectives: (1) To maintain and
strengthen the relationship between Chinese
communities overseas and in the fatherland, (2) To
spread Chinese culture to the world, in order to open
new markets for China’s products and promote
economic cooperation with foreign countries, (3) To
serve China’s foreign policy strategy which aims to
project a good image and promote better
understanding of China abroad, and (4) To expand
the Chinese education network globally, which is
creating jobs for a large number of Chinese-language
teachers. The cooperation with Thailand on the
diffusion of Chinese language and culture is part of
these strategic objectives.5
In 1992, the Thai government officially sanctioned the
teaching of Chinese as a foreign language at all levels of
the education system. This resolution helped elevate
the status of the Chinese language to a similar level as
that of English, French, German and Japanese. Ten
years later, in 2002, out of a total of more than 40,000
public and private schools in Thailand, 728 offered
courses in Chinese. A total of 79,195 students were
participating at the primary level and 126,939 students
were participating at the secondary level. The total
number of instructors of Chinese was 1,270.
In the academic year 2004 — 2005, 73 vocational or
higher education institutions offered Chinese subjects
as major, minor and selective courses, with the
participation of 16,221 undergraduate and 23
graduate students (Patchanee & Suree 2010). Chinese
as a foreign language is now taught at every level and in
every region of the country, taking a second position to
English.
One explanation for the rapid success of Chinese
language teaching and learning was the enthusiastic
response of overseas Chinese communities in
Thailand. The ethnic Chinese community in Thailand
is among the largest overseas Chinese population in
Southeast Asia, equivalent to that of Indonesia. Data
provided by the Overseas Compatriot Affairs
Commission (OCAC) in 2005 indicated that the total
population of ethnic Chinese in Thailand was
7,053,240, making up 15 percent of Thailand’s
population. The concept of “being Chinese” in
Thailand however needs to be clarified carefully. Most
people of Chinese descent who live in Thailand
nowadays adopt Thai values, language and culture.
They grow up under the Thai education system. Many
are the result of intermarriages between Chinese and
Thais. They are no longer citizens of China and Thai
can be considered their secondary ethnic identity
(Chan KB & CK Tong, 1993). The assimilation and
integration process of the Chinese community into
Thai society over many generations has meant that a
portion of Chinese descendants are not able to speak
their ancestral language and may perceive their
Chinese origins as of less importance. This may also
however perhaps account for why many Thai-Chinese
people are keen to learn their ancestors’ language, in
order to help them find their roots. Here is the voice of
a young Thai-Chinese:
“I am a Chinese descendent born and bred in
Thailand. When I was little, I really could not
tell whether where I was a Thai or a Chinese.
237
Thai is my mother tongue and I have always
communicated with others in the Thai language.
But in the point of my inmost heart I always feel
a faint suspicion: Am I a Chinese or a Thai? My
grandpa and grandma keep on telling me my
ancestors were Chinese. I am determined to look
for my roots. So I want to learn Chinese because
Chinese is a very important tool to help me find
my roots and fulfill my dreams”. (People’s Daily
Online, 2004)
2. In 2005, Hanban signed an agreement with the
MoE providing for the establishment of CI within the
education system of Thailand. From 2005 to 2008,
China founded 12 CI and 12 Confucius Classrooms at
some of the most prestigious universities and schools
of Thailand. Based on information gathered through
interviews with leaders, faculty staff and students in
various CI in Thailand, I provide below a brief
description of CI activities in Thailand. An initial
assessment on the role of CI in Thailand will be
discussed.
All CI in Thailand were established between 2006 and
2009. Most are affiliated to public universities and
high schools. (The CI located in Betong municipality,
southern Thailand is unique in that it is situated
within a Thai municipal administration which has an
academic collaboration with a Chinese university). It is
interesting to note that virtually all of Thailand’s most
significant universities have a CI. These include
Chulalongkorn University, Chiang Mai University,
Mae Fah Luang University, Kasetsart University,
Khon Kaen University, Mahasarakham University,
Prince of Songkla University, Prince of Songkla
University in Phuket, Burapha University and
Mahasarakham University. Thammasat University
does not have a CI but the Department of Chinese
Studies at the Faculty of Liberal Arts and The Pridi
Banomyong International College of this university
are said to be among the leading Chinese teaching
institutions of Thailand.6 Suan Dusit Rajchabhat
University at Suphanburi and Bansomdejchaopraya
Rajchabhat University each have a CI.7
As a common rule, each CI in Thailand is assigned to
partner with a Chinese university. The Thai
universities are the local hosts while the Chinese
universities are under the direct administration of
Hanban in Beijing. Partners in China include leading
universities such as Peking University, Shanghai
University, Xiamen University, Tianjin University,
Guangxi University, and Yunnan University.
238 Panel 5
Under the direct guidance of Hanban, the
organizational structure of all CI is similar. Each CI
has a joint committee comprising five to seven
members. The committee has two directors, one Thai
and one Chinese, who are appointed by their
universities. The committee assembles once a year and
generally includes the president or vice-president of
each university, who act as chairperson or deputychairperson.
Chinese directors and employees are appointed,
administered and paid by Hanban. The duration of a
director’s term is two years, and can be extended. The
number of Chinese volunteer teachers working at each
CI depends on context, and the volunteers are
appointed by Hanban and work under the director’s
authority. After their mission term of one year
teaching in Thailand, the volunteers return to their
home universities.
The Thai and Chinese universities are jointly
responsible for CI operations. The host universities in
Thailand provide working space, including offices,
libraries, classrooms and meeting rooms. The hosts
also provide the salaries of Thai staff and provide
Chinese volunteer teachers with direct financial inputs
such as assistance with water and electricity bills,
sanitation and security services, lodging and lunch fees.
In Mae Fah Luang University in northern Thailand,
Chinese volunteer teachers are given a sub-income
paid directly by the university.8
In term of financing, the Confucius Institute is
supported by both China and Thailand. Through the
Hanban in Beijing, the Chinese government provides
each institute with an initial amount of USD 100,000.
Hanban is also responsible for providing textbooks,
teaching materials and monthly salaries for the
Chinese volunteer teachers. The case of the CI at Mae
Fah Luang University is an exception. In this case, the
Chinese government provided 60 million baht, or
USD 2 million to build a Chinese language and
cultural center for CI activities.9 This CI has the
largest number of undergraduate students, with 800
Thai students attending its training courses who are
expected to receive a BA in Chinese Studies in
conjunction with the Faculty of Liberal Arts.10
Confucius Classrooms are set up in primary and
secondary schools and are placed under the
management of Hanban in Beijing and the Embassy of
the People’s Republic of China in the Kingdom of
Thailand. Generally these classrooms do not have
partner institutions in China. The Confucius
Classroom in Bangkok’s Traimit Wittayalai High
School is an exception in that it is organized in the
form of an institute. This was the first CI/Classroom
to be established in Thailand. It was established in
2006 and was supported with USD 380,000 for
facilities and equipment by local Thai-Chinese
communities in Bangkok. The CI/Confucius
Classroom in Traimit High School is considered a
special success in Chinese language teaching and
learning at the secondary level.
Though all CI are under the direct guidance of
Hanban in Beijing, each has the freedom to design its
own programs which must be approved before
implementation. Common activities include:
• Organizing short-term Chinese language
training courses (from three to six months
duration) for different groups, including public
servants, teachers in universities and schools, and
others who want to learn. The curriculum may
include basic Chinese courses and courses for
special purposes;
• Organizing lectures, academic seminars,
exhibitions, competitions, performances and
activities to promote Chinese art and culture.
These include activities such as Chinese
knowledge contests, tea ceremonies, classical
music events, karaoke contests, films/movies,
gardening, Chinese ikebana, traditional
costumes, Chinese cuisine, painting and
calligraphy, Kung-fu, and Chinese folk dancing;
• Organizing Chinese Language Proficiency tests
(HSK) for citizens of Thailand;
• Providing library services;
• Providing consulting services about study in
China or in Thailand and organizing short-term
study tours in China;
• Providing Chinese textbooks and collaborating
with Chinese university counterparts to develop
teaching curricula and reading materials.
Hanban places a strong emphasis on the importance of
textbooks originating in China. Dr. Xu Lin, DirectorGeneral of Hanban and Chief Executive of Confucius
Institute Headquarters has stated:
“In the next three years, we should focus on
teaching textbooks and teachers. No matter
whether it is for local teachers or teachers
dispatched by Hanban, a universal training
standard is indispensable. We should also exert
efforts in expanding coverage of Chinese
textbooks in the foreign market. We have more
than 40 million Chinese learners around the
world, but less than 20 percent of them read our
books. I think we have not done our best; the
textbook coverage should reach 80 percent. This
task is a difficult but glorious one”. (Xu Lin,
2010)
Available information provided by the CI at
Chulalongkorn University indicates that volunteer
teachers working in Thailand are directly recruited by
Hanban in Beijing from universities in China. During
the early years of CI in Thailand, only 310 volunteer
teachers were sent to Thailand. By 2010 the number
had increased to 1,214 (Confucius Institute Volunteer
Center, 2010-07-14). This figure does not include staff
working at the offices and libraries. As reported by
Hanban, the number is not adequate for the increasing
demand. One solution to cope with the shortage of
Chinese teachers is to train local Thai teachers. Each
year the CI Headquarters in Beijing selects about 50
Thai teachers from Thai universities to train as
Hanban teachers. Some 200 Thai teachers have
participated in three training courses organized by
Hanban in recent years. Of these, about 70 candidates
were selected to be given additional training in
Chinese language skills and culture in order to be
qualified to teach Chinese in their homeland. They are
expected to serve not only as language teachers but also
as organizers of cultural activities. They thus must
learn about Chinese lifestyles, cuisine, culture, movies,
etc. As claimed by Hanban, the Thai teachers will
apply Chinese ways of thinking, virtues and behaviors
in their work.
3. Based on information gathered from various CI, key
characteristics of the institutions include:
First, CI and Classrooms are affiliated with either a
public university or a high school. CI activities are not
necessarily related to the training tasks and research of
the educational institution. My discussions with
professors and students at relevant universities
suggested that many had only a vague knowledge of the
CI at their institution. Hanban news bulletins
regularly state that CI in Thailand have close
collaboration with the university they are attached to.
Yet my observations suggest that this relationship may
not go very deep. Most CI conduct short-term training
courses that are designed for society at large, not only
239
students. Their major task is perhaps providing Thai
citizens with Chinese Language Proficiency tests
(HSK) and organizing cultural exhibitions, book fairs
and other activities in and outside of the university.
Nonetheless, the presence of CI at large public
universities of Thailand is a noteworthy achievement.
This is because:
3.1 The existence of CI within public universities
provides an important signal of the friendship
between Thailand and China, helps make
Thai people feel closer to China, and satisfies
the desires of those who want to learn more
about China. CI are thus ambassadors for
Chinese culture in Thailand.
3.2 Being situated inside universities of repute, the
image and perception of CI and their teaching
quality is boosted. The affiliation with local
host universities saves expense and time as
they are provided with facilities, offices,
classrooms and reputation.
3.3 CI activities receive greater attention from not
only the public but also the elite, including
government officials and members of the
extended Thai royal family. This elevates the
image of CI in the public perception.
Secondly, although most CI in Thailand are based in
public universities, they are not properly managed by
the Thai educational system. CI operate
independently regardless of the fact that they are
formally joint institutions, and that local host
universities are responsible to appoint board
representatives and to contribute funding. CI boards
have limited power as they are placed directly under
the administration of CI Headquarters in Beijing.
Hanban supplies volunteer teachers, teaching
materials and approves activity programs. CI must
submit proposals for programs and activities to
Hanban for approval. My informants tend to explain
that process is to avoid any misunderstandings about
the role of CI or any activities which could be
interpreted as “an act of aggression in culture”.
Thirdly, as pointed out earlier, most CI are located in
large public universities and in locations with a high
density of Thai-Chinese people. This is highly effective
for spreading Chinese language and culture among the
elite of society, with support from local Chinese
communities.
240 Panel 5
Thailand is a Buddhist country with cultural values
that are in many ways quite different from those of
China’s Confucian based-culture. Even though ThaiChinese communities have integrated deeply into
Thai society and the Thai language is a compulsory
subject in all schools, the enduring presence of Chinese
communities in Thailand has familiarized the society
with Confucian values. Aspects of Confucian culture
have gradually penetrated into local Thai communities
over centuries. Acculturation between Thai and
Chinese communities has taken place in which “the
descendants of Chinese immigrants have been
assimilating into Thai society since the beginnings of
Chinese settlement in Siam […] and practically all
grandchildren of Chinese immigrants achieved
complete assimilation to Thai society”. (Skinner,
1957). Skinner’s argument may have generated some
controversy on the ethnic Chinese and their
integration into Thai society (Chan & Tong 1993),
but no one can deny that Thailand is home to probably
the most integrated overseas Chinese community in
Asia, and that Chinese culture has become part of
modern Thai society.
With a population of more than 7 million people who
claim to be ethnic Chinese (OCAC 2005), overseas
Chinese in Thailand play a very important role in the
Kingdom. This helps explain why CI have been
warmly welcomed in Thailand and why the most
successful CI are located within areas where the local
Thai-Chinese communities dominates such as around
Traimit High School in the heart of Bangkok’s
Chinatown, Mae Fah Luang University in Chiang Rai
and Khon Kaen University in Khon Kaen province.
Thanks to strong support from Thai-Chinese
communities who dominate commercial activities in
Khon Kaen city, the CI at Khon Kaen University has
become widely known. In 2007 it was recognized as
one of the top twenty excellent CI in the world, and in
2010 its leader was awarded a prize for the Confucius
Institute Individual Performance Excellence (Khon
Kaen University 2010).
The CI in Betong municipality is not affiliated with a
public university but an administrative unit. This
exception was endorsed by Hanban because 45 percent
of the city residents are overseas Chinese (Confucius
Institute 2010). In return, CI and Classrooms have
received great support by the local Chinese
community. Cultural activities organized by CI such as
the Chinese New Year festival 2011 drew great
attention from the media and visitors.
In Bangkok’s Chinatown, Chinese associations
provided USD 380,000 for the construction and
development of a CI at Bangkok Traimit High School.
These joint efforts have received a great deal of
recognition and respect in Thailand and in China.
(Traimit High School News 2010).
Chinese Associations in Thailand such as the Teochew
Association, the Hakka Association, the Thai Hainan
Trade Association and the Fujian Association have
contributed significantly towards the activities of CI.
These affluent organizations play an important role in
connecting business networks between Thai-Chinese
communities and the China mainland (Zhuang &
Wang 2010).
It should be added that private language centers in
Thailand also began to offer Chinese language training
courses many years ago. Many have collaborative links
with institutions or organizations in China. The
Oriental Culture Academy (OCA) for instance, has
offered Chinese training courses since 1993 and has
cooperated with Hanban in holding Chinese
proficiency tests (HSK) and in providing scholarships
to send students to further their study in China. In the
academic year 2008, this private institution attracted
more than 21,000 students to its classes (Thawee
Theerawongseri, 2009).
Nowadays, the increasing flow of people who leave
China for work, study or business abroad can also shed
light on relations between Beijing and the overseas
Chinese community, which has a long history. In a
discussion of the “invisible bond”, Shao Dan
(2009:33) argued: “In defining Chinese nationality,
the ancestral aura and power legitimizing bloodline is
still influencing how the Chinese understand their
nationality membership and political allegiance
today”. It is deemed that the establishment of CI at the
heart of overseas Chinese communities helps not only
the Chinese immigrants recollect their origins but
promotes the bonds between them and China.
Concluding remarks
CI in Thailand account for 25 percent of the total
number of CI in Asia. The boom of CI and
Classrooms in Thailand is closely related to the rise of
China and its strategic policy of exporting its culture
to the world. While Thailand is open to the Chinese
language and sees the ties with China as an
opportunity for development, other countries in the
Mekong basin region seem to be more cautious about
this generous gift from their giant neighbor. Thailand
has 23 CI and Classrooms, compared to just one in
each of the rest of Mekong region countries (the
proposed CI in Vietnam has yet to be set up). In
contrast to other foreign cultural institutions, such as
the British Council or Centre Culturel Francais
L’Espace_ the CI chose to affiliate with public
universities and high schools. Every year, Hanban
sends about 1,500 volunteer staff to Thailand and
other countries in the Mekong region with the mission
of bringing the Chinese language and culture to the
Thai and Mekong people.
Local response to this new development is relatively
diverse. My conversations with local people in
Thailand and Vietnam indicate a variety of views on
CI activities. Most Vietnamese people expressed
history-based opinions that reflected concerns about
the establishment of CI in the country. They were
concerned over risks of dependency on China. By
contrast, Thai people see positive as well as negative
impacts. They give at least four reasons for why they or
their children should study Chinese culture and
language: 1) Learning and speaking the Chinese
language distinguishes them “from the crowd” as
English is nowadays too popular; 2) Mastering
Chinese is a heartfelt aspiration of Thai-Chinese who
are deeply integrated into Thai society and no longer
speak their ancestral tongue. Studying Chinese is a
good way to return to their origins and respect their
ancestors; 3) The increasing presence of China in
Thailand and other Mekong basin countries brings
more employment opportunities for local people who
are able to speak Chinese; 4) Princess Maha Chakri
Sirindhorn is often mentioned as an example of a great
learner who has spent many years studying Chinese
and gaining a background in Chinese culture.
The question can be raised as to why China invests
such large effort into supporting many CI in Thailand,
and why Thailand has shifted from previous policies of
Thai-ization of Chinese immigrants to warmly
welcoming Chinese language and culture. The initial
findings of this study suggest that Thailand perhaps
occupies an important position within China’s
diplomacy in the Mekong region and in the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
generally. While this hypothesis needs further
empirical data to prove, it is certain that China’s
cultural expansion is built upon its global strategy to
conduct a “charm offensive”.
241
NOTES
1
This paper is the result of an API fellowship award by the
Nippon Foundation for 2010-2011. I would like to thank
Prof. Sunait Chutintaranond, IAS Director at
Chulalongkorn University; Prof. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti,
RCSD Director at Chiang Mai University; Prof. Shimizu
Hiromu, CSEAS Director at Kyoto University for their
warm hospitality and support during my affiliation with their
institutions. My deep gratitude goes to Prof. Fu Zengyou,
Director of the Confucius Institute at Chulalongkorn
University; Prof. Cen Rong Lin, Co-Director of the
Confucius Institute at Mae Fah Luang University; Dr. Yu
Qinwei, Director of the Confucius Institute at Chiang Mai
University; and many more faculty staff working at various
CI in Thailand. They spent hours meeting me and sharing
with me their common interests. I am also very grateful to the
National Research Council of Thailand (NRCT) for
supporting my research in Thailand; Dr. Thanya Sripana
(Chulalongkorn University) and Dr. Thanet Aphornsuvan
(Thammasat University) for their kind assistance and for
sharing with me their wisdom. I do believe that without their
assistance, this small piece of study could not have been
realized, though I do understand that the study needs more
work to meet the requirements of all readers, and I am alone
responsible for that.
2
On April 6th 2009, the Vietnam Government Office
officially issued document No. 1992/VPCP-QHQT to
announce that Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung had agreed
to permit a pilot project of the Confucius Institute to be built
in Vietnam. The document however did not mention in
detail how, when and where the institute was to be
inaugurated. Source: http://vanban.chinhphu.vn/portal/
page/portal/chinhphu/hethongvanban (Accessed 1 July
2012)
3
Interviews with Dr. Yu Quinwei, Director of the Confucius
Institute at Chiang Mai University, Thailand on 1 December
2010.
4
A survey conducted by the Newspaper Nguoi Lao Dong
[Labor] reported that Departments of Chinese Studies at
various universities in the country found it difficult to find
students to register for Chinese language as students could
not find jobs after graduation. See: Nganh Ngoai Ngu Teo
Dan [Foreign language studies narrows down] in: Nguoi Lao
Dong, 17 May 2011.
5
For further information on the global mission of China’s
Confucius Institutes, see the long interview in Guangming
Net with Dr. Xu Lin, Director General of Hanban, posted at
the following site: http://english.hanban.org/article/201008/16/content_167061_7.htm (Accessed 1 July 2012)
6
As informed by this institution at its website (http://
www.pbic.tu.ac.th/main/node/968),? The Chinese Studies
International Program at Pridi Banomyong International
242 Panel 5
College is unique because it has a close relationship with the
School of International Studies at Peking University in
China; students in the program are required to spend at least
one semester abroad at Peking University; and the courses
offered by the Chinese Studies International Program at
Thammasat are equivalent to courses offered at Peking
University,
7
Most of the so-called Rajabhat Universities in Thailand were
developed from the former Rajabhat Institutes, which
belonged to the provincial teacher college system.
8
Interviews with Prof. Cen Rong Lin, Co-Director of the
Confucius Institute at the Mae Fah Luang University,
August 15, 2011.
9
10
Information carved on the stone stele unveiled as part of the
opening ceremony of the Confucius Center in Mae Fah
Luang University informs that the 60 million-baht center
was a gift from the Government of the People’s Republic of
China, constructed by engineers and craftsmen from Yunnan
province, based on plans by a Sichuanese architect.
According to Prof. Cen Rong Lin, CI Director at Mae Fah
Luang University, the Chinese language training program at
the CI of Mae Fah Luang University is of four years duration.
Students who graduate from this program are awarded a
Bachelor’s degree. This is different from the training program
offered by other CI, which aim to provide short courses of
three to six months only (interviews with Prof. Cen Rong
Lin, August 15, 2011).
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244
Public Forum
“Alternatives for Development: The Construction and De-construction of
Asia with the Trans-border Context”
November 24, 2011
Convention Room, Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University
A Summary Report
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The first API public forum took place in 2008. Since then, the event has become an annual platform for API
fellows and others working on similar issues to share research findings and experiences. The forum invites
intellects from various backgrounds including students, academics, professionals, government officials,
universities, INGOs, NGOs and civil society. It considers issues such as; since World War II, most Asian societies
have been influenced by dominant Western models of industrialization and development. How did the
industrialized nations of North America and Europe come to be seen as the appropriate models for post-World
War II societies, not only in Asia, but also in Africa and Latin America? How did the postwar discourse on
development create the so-called Third World? What will happen if or when mainstream Western development
ideology and its discursive practices collapse? While some Asian nations have experienced sustained economic
growth, others have been disappointed over unfavorable impacts on local people and environments. To explore
these questions, the API public forum events aim to enhance mutual learning in the search for development
alternatives in Asian communities. The forum is intended to generate critical discussion on how development
policies became mechanisms of control, reflecting power relations as pervasive and effective as their colonial
counterparts.
The Fourth Public Forum was entitled “Alternatives for Development”: “The Construction and De-construction of
Asia with the Trans-border Context”. The panel of speakers included two API fellows and four other speakers who
presented their perspectives on the experiences of local peoples. Presentations by Ms. Pianporn Deetes and Mr.
Niwat Roykeaw touched upon dam construction and civil society movements. Dr. Nguyen Van Chinh looked at
the rising Chinese interest in the Mekong region. Mr. Frankie Abreu presented independent research on the
planned mega-project by a Thai company in Dawei, Burma. Ms. Duen Wongsa shared her experience working
with the Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit Northern Thailand (TRAFCORD). Ms. Resmi Setia Milawati
investigated young Filipinos workers in call centers in Metro Manila, the Philippines. The forum concluded with
a discussion of alternative visions for a post-development era of Asian communities in a trans-border context.
INTRODUCTION AND WELCOME SPEECH
Professor Surichai Wun’Gaeo,
Director, Center for Peace and Conflict Studies at Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand
The forum began with a welcome speech by Prof. Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Director of the Center for Peace and
Conflict Studies at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok. Prof. Surichai noted that the API Fellowships
Program supports public intellectuals from the region who think beyond the nation-state and who take a regional
view when looking into the human and public face of development. Fellows look at human livelihoods, crossborder matters, and global human concerns with a rights-based approach. Through their work, API would like to
link neighboring countries in the context of globalization and to look more critically at regional development.
245
OPENING REMARKS AND OVERVIEW
Dr. Ratana Tosakul, 10th API Workshop Director
Dr. Ratana elaborated on the need to be critical about development in the Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS).
Referring to the title of the forum, she referred to development as contentious and comprising many varying
motives. She brought to attention the growing vulnerable populations and the shifting definitions of
development in the context of trans-border development projects. She encouraged participants to construct and
deconstruct the region and to see how the production of knowledge is contested, especially by civil society. She
noted that with today’s economics-driven development, the stage has been set in which negotiations take place
not just with the state but also with the private sector who are development investors.
PRESENTATION SESSION
Trans-border Issues within the Context of Alternative Modernity
Moderators: Dr. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti and Dr. Ratana Tosakul
Dr. Chayan said the objective of the session was to explore regional perspectives in the context of emerging social,
economic, and political trends over the last two decades, especially after the creation of the GMS. While states
tend to regard social and environmental problems from a national perspective, the regionalization of development
is growing, largely initially due to efforts by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the creation of the GMS,
which introduced ideas around the 3Cs – Connectivity, Competitiveness and Co-operation. Connectivity is now
being promoted through the building of roads, dams, bridges and navigation channels. These are also raising many
concerns. The question is – what happens to the local people? To understand the new complexities, analysis and
sharing of experiences was vital.
PANEL 1: ENVIRONMENT-RELATED ISSUES
Transboundary Environmental Standards in the Mekong
Ms. Pianporn Deetes, Southeast Asia River Network
Ms. Pianporn stated that the dominant development model for the Mekong region had created major problems
on the Mekong River. Numerous studies have indicated major issues for both the upper and lower Mekong. The
most pressing issue was dam projects. Dam construction has long been controversial. Dam projects are still seen as
lucrative and as an important means of trade. Extensive plans for hydropower in the Mekong region are still
pushed to cater to national power demand and for transboundary trade. Ms. Pianporn explained that the NGO
International Rivers has been monitoring the situation in the Mekong for 17 years. She cited examples of some
existing hydropower dams that have exacerbated rather than reduced poverty for local people, contrary to
government commitments, including Theun Hinboun in Lao PDR, the Pak Moon Dam in Thailand, and the
Yali Falls in Vietnam.
Laos has been expanding the construction of dam projects, but most of the electricity produced is exported to its
neighbors. Ms. Pianporn noted that the Theun Hinboun dam exports 95 per cent of the power generated to
Thailand. The project was completed in 1998 and has affected 29,000 local people. The Xayaburi dam in Laos is
the first in a series of dams planned for the Mekong and its tributaries in that country. If approved by the Mekong
River Commission (MRC), this dam is expected to produce 1,280 megawatts of electricity and is slated to be
completed by 2019. This dam would export 95 per cent of the power generated to Thailand, with the remainder
going to Laos. From the local level perspective, despite the commitment of the Laos government to do a one-year
assessment of the project, in 2011 there were reports of preparatory construction at the proposed site.
Ms. Pianporn also discussed a series of dams on the Mekong in China which have affected the river and
livelihoods downstream. The Man Wan Dam in China was completed in 1993 and was the first in a series of dams
that China plans to complete on the Mekong in Yunnan by 2018. After construction, a number of abnormal
events occurred. For instance, the river dried up in 1995 after the first dam was completed. Next, the second dam
246
affected river tides and the livelihoods of fisher folks. After the construction of the third dam, Nuozhadu, and the
fourth dam, Jinghong, there was flooding in 2008. Research by the Finnish Environmental Institute also showed
that the amount of sediment in the water at Chiang Saen, northern Thailand, has been cut by one-half. There are
growing concerns over plans to construct more dams which will affect fish migration and spawning. Fish are the
main source of protein for local people.
Dams in the Mekong
Mr. Niwat Roykeaw (Khruu Tee), Rak Chiang Khong Group
Mr. Niwat emphasized the need to engage in the growing transformation of the Mekong River and the affect on
people’s lives. He stated that there are trans-border standards to regulate accelerating development in the GMS,
which was paved by big financial institutions like the ADB and has placed particular emphasis on dams, industrial
complexes and other mega-projects. The negative impacts of large dam projects have been widely recorded and
caused many conflicts. Though the projects generally take place in national space, the impacts are felt in
neighboring countries, especially downstream countries. People, with the support of NGOs, have raised the issue
of accountability and there have been many debates on the issues within the governments of Thailand, China and
others. However, there has been no concrete mechanism put in place for the assessment of the trans-border
environment and the impacts of the mega-projects, let alone mechanisms redress in relation to local lives and the
environment.
In the Mekong region the mega-projects are now being supported by commercial banks and private institutions.
For the Xayaburi dam, both Laos and Thai governments are facilitating the process. In Thailand, the Electricity
Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) and the Ministry of Finance are involved in paving the way for Ch.
Karnchang to obtain a loan from KrungThai bank. In Burma, and in different river basins in the Mekong region,
the areas in question are occupied by minority and indigenous groups. Many of them have been living near the
rivers and depending on them for generations and have not given consent for projects in their areas. As ASEAN is
becoming more unified, Niwat stressed the need for cooperation and development within the GMS to focus not
only on economic benefits but also on local peoples.
PANEL 2: INVESTMENT BY CHINA AND TAVOY, BURMA
China and Civilizing Mission in the Mekong Region
Dr. Nguyen Van Chinh, Vietnam National University, API Fellow from Vietnam
The 21st century is seeing increasing involvement by China in the Mekong region. After its reforms of 1978,
China has risen to become a global superpower. A total of 63 percent of investment pouring into Asia is from
China. China is changing from being a Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) recipient to an FDI provider. The
Mekong region is flooded with cheap goods “made in China.” The trade gap between China and the Mekong
River Basin Countries (MRBC) is substantial. A total of 80 percent of imported goods in Myanmar/Burma are
from China and it is similar in the case of Laos and Thailand. The trade has largely been one-way rather than twoways. China has become the second largest “Economic Aid” provider to the CLMV countries (Cambodia, Laos,
Myanmar, Vietnam). Much of the investment has been on infrastructure projects to link China to Southeast Asia.
Dr. Chinh pointed out the necessity to be critical of these Chinese investments in the MRBC. Investment from
China has changed a lot recently. During the 1990s Chinese investments targeted light industry in economic
centers and agriculture, and were not so interested in the frontier areas. In recent years the focus of these
investments changed to three main sectors - infrastructure, dams and agriculture, in particular land concessions.
In Laos and Cambodia, land is being leased to Chinese companies for 99 years. Between 2004 - 2008, China’s FDI
to Asia reached US$16.6 billion. Its FDI in land in CLMV countries has also been increasing. (>10% total
country area in Laos and Cambodia, 1% in Vietnam).
247
There is also a massive movement of Chinese workers. In Burma alone there has been an estimated 1.5 to 3
million Chinese migrants to the country since the 1990s. Migrations have also occurred to Laos, Cambodia and
Vietnam. There is also an increasing push by China to export Chinese culture to the world. In the Mekong region,
Confucius Institutes (CI) have mushroomed in the last decade. Since 2005, every country has at least one. In
Thailand alone, 24 institutes were set up between 2006 and 2008.
Dawei (Tavoy) Special Economic Zone: Its Prospects and Challenges
Mr.Frankie Abreu, Coordinator, Another Development for Burma (ADB)
Mr. Frankie Abreu showed a documentary made by Another Development for Burma and filmed by the local
people of Dawei (Tavoy) in Burma, covering the proposed Dawei deep-sea port project. He stated that a legacy of
longtime dictatorship in Burma means that there is still a lack of transparency in sharing information.
Information and access to the Dawei area is restricted due to controversies and conflict around the project. The
Dawei project was agreed and signed on between Thailand and Burma in 2008. It is a multi-billion dollar project
being developed by the Ital-Thai Industrial Company Limited. The project’s 10-year plan envisions transforming
the region into a Special Economic Zone and includes development of a large 250-square-kilometer industrial
zone for heavy industry and petro-chemical plants. The envisioned project is eight times larger than the Map Ta
Phut Industrial Zone in Rayong, Thailand, which is run by the same company.
Four key concerns around the Dawei Special Economic Zone (DSEZ) are land ownership rights, land
confiscations, compensation and relocation. Displacement is a huge concern, together with environmental
concerns as there is no proper law for the protection of the environment in Burma. It is expected that 19 villages
with about 10,000 people will be relocated. Construction of a highway is already underway and heavy machinery
is bulldozing local vegetation upon the communities depend. In Dawei, the government presented the project as
an opportunity for jobs for local communities, but after the villagers got access to more information and got to
know about the scope of the project they did not wish to partake. Initially the people were also unaware of their
rights, but now they are aware of their rights to land and are networking and engaging in advocacy and
negotiations with the company. There was some talk about compensation by the company for land already taken
by October 2011, but when inquiries were made villagers denied getting any compensation. The Burmese
government has also deployed troops to be stationed along several locations between the port and the Thai border
where work is underway to build a multi-lane highway.
Discussant - Dr. Chayan Vaddhanaphuti
In the Mekong region, investments for mega-projects are being backed by private companies, but the State still
plays a vital role as a facilitator. The Dawei project is backed by the States of Thailand and China who have
provided strong support, giving the project more legitimacy despite environmental and people’s concerns. The
Italthai Group is also responsible for the construction of Map Ta Phut Industrial Zone in Rayong in Thailand
which is experiencing many health and environment concerns. Air pollution has caused health problems for
children and the government hospital at Map Ta Phut had to be relocated due to deposits of toxic waste near the
hospital area. It is possible that concerns over this industrial zone led the Thai government to support moving
new similar industries to Dawei in Burma.
The DSEZ will also be a site for the construction ships. The port is expected to accommodate 25 large-size vessels
with a ship-building and maintaining yard, a power plant, steel, fertilizers and oil and natural gases and a refinery
plant. The port when finished would be the largest deep-sea port in the region. Though the official resettlement
program estimates only about 10,000 people to be relocated, many more non-registered people will also be
affected. The situation is further complicated due to the fact that the zone is a highly volatile area with clashes still
occurring between the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the
Burmese army. Dr. Chayan cautioned that increased investment in the area could fuel further clashes and increase
existing conflicts.
248
PANEL 3: SAFE MIGRATION AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING
The Incorporation of Young Filipino Workers into the Offshore Call Center Industry
Ms. Resmi Seti Milawait, API Fellow from Indonesia
Ms. Resmi presented her API Fellowship research conducted in Metro Manila in the Philippines which is the site
of a growing number of Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) companies. The research puts in context the
practice of offshoring (offshore outsourcing) in the global services industry. The motivation for offshore
outsourcing is to minimize production costs and maximize profits by finding cheaper labor (labor arbitrage) and
putting time zone differences to profitable use (time arbitrage), (Nadeem 2011). Key BPO components include:
call/contact centers, medical transcription, computer animation, software development, engineering and others.
Among these, call centers are considered to be more labor intensive but require fewer skills than other BPO subsectors.
There has been a rapid succession of BPOs in the Philippines and within a span of 10 years employment has
increased from 2000 in 2001 to over half a million in 2010. Some 70 percent of this was contributed by call
centers. In 2010, the Philippines call centers took over the position as the number one call center provider in the
world from India. Many youths are lured into the call centers due to the attractive salary package, which can range
from US$300 to US$1000 per month, which is higher than the minimum wage in the Philippines. Ms. Resmi
explained that the typical official call center working arrangement is that workers work five days a week and an
average nine hours of work per day. Some 70 percent of the call centers operate night shifts from 9 pm in the
evening until 8 am the next morning. The majority cater to American customers. Call center employees work on a
different time schedule and may become alienated from other sections of society. Trainers teach the workers to
smile while taking calls. This can be draining as a worker may take up to 100 calls during peak hours. They also
have to bear the brunt of clients who can be abusive. Workers are often away from their families and this increases
risky behaviors such as frequent changes of sex partners and pre-marital relationships. Masking one’s nationality
and name makes some workers uncomfortable, though some prefer it.
Situation of Cross Border Human Trafficking
Ms. Duen Wongsa, Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit Northern Thailand (TRAFCORD)
Ms. Duen Wongsa expressed concern over the social issues being faced across borders. Large-scale development
projects cause migration. Some of those migrating become victims of human trafficking. The work on antitrafficking in the north of Thailand is predominantly about the sexual exploitation of girls, especially Shan girls.
Girls from Laos, Vietnam and Thailand also become victims of human sexual trafficking. Other cases relate to
labor exploitation which takes the form of forced labor in mainly factories, sweat shops, and the agriculture sector.
In Thailand there is a growing instance of forced labor in the fishing sector, mostly involving victims from
Cambodia. This has caught the attention of the international community. In the past the fishing industry had
domestic laborers, but now a lot of migrant workers are exploited. Thailand has been put on the US watch list as,
given its strategic location in the region, it is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women and
children that are trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor.
Thailand promulgated the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act in 2008. The Royal Thai Government and NGOs
have been seeking collaboration with other countries in the region. Cooperation with just the Mekong countries
is not enough as one of the receiving countries is Malaysia. Previously many Thais have been taken to Malaysia for
sex work, and some women are also trafficked from Burma, the Philippines and southern China. Thailand has
been trying to sign an MoU with Malaysia, but it has been a challenge pushing this issue, particularly within
ASEAN.
The challenge is the need to bring about change in the policy of Thailand and other countries to address
trafficking in persons. One reason contributing to migration and trafficking are political conflicts that give rise to
human rights violations and act as a push factor for people seeking jobs and better livelihoods. Labor policies also
249
need to be looked at, as globalization changes the nature of labor. Many labor policies and laws are not consistent
with reality. There is still a push by governments to deport migrant workers as they do not have legal status or
work permits. As a result, many migrants have to go underground where they become victims of corrupt officials
and are exploited. Tourism is another sector that needs to be addressed. In the case of Thailand, there are many
sex tourists traveling to the country, which opens space for sexual exploitation. In this globalized world, mobility
will take place and it will increase in the coming decades. The question is how to make this migration safe and how
people can access their rights, care and safety not just at home but also in the host country.
PLENARY DISCUSSION OVERVIEW AND CLOSING REMARKS
Plenary discussion began with questioning around the concept of development itself. What does it mean? Whose
development is it? Development for who? It was said that development needs to take into account the reactions of
local peoples. A point was made that discussions needed to take place in a sustainable and productive manner,
instead of just contesting top-down approaches. Prof. Surichai emphasized the importance of creating platforms
for sharing information and experiences, and the importance of pushing for public responsibility and an agenda
promoting human dignity. Dr. Chayan pointed out that projects like Dawei and Map Tha Put are not only
backed by Thailand but have received investment from Japan and Singapore. So these issues are not only for
ASEAN but rather ASEAN+.
Some recommendations presented by the public concerned networking with local people’s organizations and
trying to encourage local schools and NGOs to be more involved. It was suggested that research be conducted
jointly and analyzed collectively with very strong local participation. There was a recommendation to encourage
“alternate” development that would be more community-based. Another suggestion was to use more visual tools
for sharing information on education and campaigns. This would be very helpful in advocacy work. Media can
play a vital role in getting factual images to the masses.
In his concluding remarks Prof. Surichai said sharing information has the power to build solidarity among people
with similar concerns and to change the minds of the public and the state. He stated that ethical development
should mean human values as well as economic aspects. He hoped that the API forum would stimulate discussion
and open more space for innovative engagement with ASEAN and ASEAN+ in developing human development
standards with a rights-based approach and accountability.
ABBREVIATIONS and ACRONYMS
ADB
-
Asian Development Bank
API
-
Asia Public Intellectuals
ASEAN -
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations
BPO
-
Business Process Outsourcing
CI
-
Confucius Institute
CMU
-
Chiang Mai University
CLMV -
Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam
CRC
-
Convention on the Rights of the Child
DSEZ
-
Dawei Special Economic Zone
EGAT
-
Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand
FDI
-
Foreign Direct Investment
GMS
-
Greater Mekong Sub-region
250
KNLA
-
Karen National Liberation Army
MoU
-
Memorandum of Understanding
MRBC -
Mekong River Basin Countries
NGOs
-
Non-governmental Organizations
RCSD
-
Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development
SEA
-
Southeast Asia
TRAFCORD - Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit northern Thailand
REFERENCES
1
Offshoring is defined here as the delegation of some part of a business from one company to another company. The second
company relocates production processes to other countries, usually on a different continent.
251
Appendix I
Workshop Schedule
The Tenth Workshop of the API Fellowships Program
November 19 – 23, 2011, Chiang Mai, Thailand
Day 1, Saturday, November 19, 2011
16:30 - 18:00
Registration for Opening Ceremony and Photo Session
18:00 - 18:20
Welcome Address:
Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Program Director of API Coordinating Institution
18:20 - 18:40
Welcome Speech:
Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director of The Nippon Foundation
18:40 - 18:45
Introduction of the Keynote Speaker:
Surichai Wun’Gaeo
18:45 - 19:15
Keynote Address:
Sombath Somphone, Director of Participatory Development Training Center, Vientiane, Laos;
The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay awardee for the Community Leadership
19:15 -
Dinner Toast:
Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, Director of Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable
Development, Chiang Mai University
Day 2, Sunday, November 20, 2011
8:30 - 10:10
Workshop Introduction and Introduction of Participants
Chairs: Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director of The Nippon Foundation and
Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Program Director of API Coordinating Institution
Workshop Overview:
Ratana Tosakul, Workshop Director
Self-introduction of Workshop Participants
10:25 - 11.50
Panel 1: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in Asian Context
Chair: Koji Tanaka, Program Manager (Project-Specific Professor), The Young Researcher
Development Center (The Hakubi Center), Kyoto University
11.50 - 12.10
Discussion
Discussants: Supa Yaimuang, Director, Sustainable Agriculture Foundation and
Penchom Saetang, Director, Ecological Alert and Recovery - Thailand (Earth)
12:10 - 13:10
Open Forum
13:10 - 14:15
Lunch
14:15 - 16.00
Panel 2: Potential of Local Knowledge and Practices: A Possibility for Sustainable
Development?
Chair: Yoko Hayami, Professor, Center for Southeast Asian Studies,
Kyoto University
16:00 - 16:15
Coffee Break
252
16:15 - 16:35
Discussion
Discussant: Mary Racelis, Department of Anthropology, University of the Philippines,
Diliman
16:35 - 17:35
Open Forum
19:00 -
Dinner
Day 3, Monday, November 21, 2011
8:30 - 10:15
Panel 3: Multiple Identities via the Globalization of Art, Media and Performance
Chair : Azyumardi Azra, Director, School of Graduate Studies, Syarif Hidayatullah State
Islamic University, Jakarta
10:15 -10:30
Coffee Break
10:30 - 10:50
Discussion
Discussant: Sunait Chutintaranond, Director, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn
University
10:50 - 11:50
Open Forum
12:00 - 18:00
Field Trip
19:00 -
Dinner
Day 4, Tuesday, November 22, 2011
08:30 - 10:15
Panel 4: Multiple Identities via Spirituality, Histories and Cultural Re-Presentations
Chair: Jose M. Cruz, S. J., Vice President for University and Global Relations, Ateneo de
Manila University
10:15 - 10:30
Coffee Break
10:30 - 10:50
Discussion
Discussant: Chayan Vaddhanaphuti
10:50 - 11:50
Open Forum
11:50 - 14:35
Panel 5: Flux and Flows of People, Power and Practices: Issues Relating to Social Justice
Chair: Taufik Abdullah, Chair of Social Science Commission, Indonesian Academy of
Science; Research Professor of Indonesian Institute of Science
14:35 - 14:50
Coffee Break
14:50 - 15:10
Discussion
Discussant: Wattana Sugunnasil, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of
Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University
15:10 - 16:10
Open Forum
19:00 -
Dinner
Day 5, Wednesday, November 23, 201
8:30 - 10:30
Roundtable: From API Fellow to Asian Public Intellectuals
Chair: Ratana Tosakul, Mary Racelis and Surichai Wun’Gaeo
10:30 - 10:45
Coffee Break
10:45 - 12:00
Discussion Continued
12:00 - 13:00
Lunch
253
13:00 - 15:00
Concluding Panel
Chairs: Ratana Tosakul, Tatsuya Tanami and Surichai Wun’Gaeo
15:00 - 19:00
Break
19:00 - 22:00
Closing Dinner and Cultural Night
Day 6, Thursday, November 24, 2011
Public Forum
Co-organized by API Fellowships Program and Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development,
Chiang Mai University
Venue: Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University
08:45:09:10
Welcome and introduction:
Chayan Vaddhanaphuti
Opening remarks and overview:
Ratana Tosakul and Sirichai Wun’Gaeo
09:10-10:40
Trans-border Issues within the Context of Alternative Modernity
Moderators: Chayan Vaddhanaphuti and Ratana Tosakul
- Environment Related Issues
Pianporn Deetes, Southeast Asia River Network
Niwat Roykeaw, Rak Chiang Khong Group
- Investment in China and Tavoy, Myanmar
Nguyen Van Chinh, API Senior Fellow from Vietnam
Frankie Abreu, Another Development for Burma
- Safe Migration and Human Trafficking
Resmi Setia Milawati, API Fellow from Indonesia
Duen Wongsa, Anti-Trafficking Coordination Unit Northern Thailand (TRAFCORD)
10:40-11:00
Coffee Break
11:00-12:10
Discussion with additional focus on contract farming, water/natural resources management,
global warming
12:10-12:30
Wrap up and concluding remarks
254
Appendix II
Workshop Participants
The tenth Regional Workshop of the API Fellowships Program
November 20-24, 2011, Chiang Mai, Thailand
(Information at the time of participation)
FELLOWS
INDONESIA
Hikmat Darmawan, Freelance Writer; Editor, Rumahfilm.org
M. Ichsan Harja Nugraha, Architect and Graphic Designer
Resmi Setia Milawati, Independent Researcher
Sri Wahyuni, Director, Aceh Cultural Institute (ACI) and PATIMADORA
JAPAN
Kenta Kishi, Architect; Director, “CDN – Crisis Design Network” and “LWL – Lab for the WonderLandscape”
Rika Terano, Ph.D. Candidate, Tokyo University of Agriculture
Yasuhiro Morinaga, Sound Designer; Ph.D. Student, Tokyo University of the Arts
Yu Terashima, Steering Committee Member, Fukuoka NGO Forum on the ADB; International Section,
Supporting Community Section of Citizens for Saving the River Kawabegawa
MALAYSIA
Loh Yin San, Coordinator, Women’s Candidacy Initiative (WCI); Filmmaker
PHILIPPINES
Aliyana Sybilla L. Fabros, Research Associate and Editor, Focus on the Global South
Ambeth R. Ocampo, Chairman, National Historical Institute; Chair, Department of History, Ateneo de Manila
University; Professorial Lecturer, University of the Philippines, Diliman; Columinst, Philippines
Daily Inquirer
Benigno C. Balgos, Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation Specialist
Claire B. Lacdao, Paralegal; Community Coordinator, Legal Assistance Center for Indigenous Filipinos
(PANLIPI)
Dante G. Simbulman, Jr., Full Professor, College of Medicine; Head, Mind-Body Studies Section, Center for
Complementary and Integrative Medicine, De La Salle Health Sciences Institute (DLSHSI)
Maria Joselina Anna G. Cruz, Independent Curator; Lecturer, College of Fine Arts, University of the
Philippines, Diliman
255
THAILAND
Aroon Puritat, Artist and Architect
Khosit Elvezio Kasikam, Thai Traditional Doctor
Kritsana Kaewplang, Former Director, Bird Conservation Society of Thailand (BCST)
Pattaraporn Apichit, Writer; Editor, Monrak Meaklong Magazine
Ronnarong Khampha, Performing Artist
CLV
Nguyen Van Chinh, Associate Professor and Deputy Director, Center for Asia- Pacific Studies, Vietnam
National University
Pham Quang Minh, Dean, Faculty of International Studies, University of Social Sciences and Humanities,
Vietnam National University
KEYNOTE SPEAKER
Sombath Somphone, Director of Participatory Development Training Center (PADECT), Vientiane, Laos;
The 2005 Ramon Magsaysay Awardee for the Community Leadership
WORKSHOP DIRECTOR
Ratana Tosakul, Director, Graduate School Program, Faculty of Sociology and Anthropology, Thammasat
University
CHIANG MAI UNIVERSTIY
Sidthinat Prabudhanitisarn, Dean, Faculty of Social Science, Chiang Mai University
Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, Director, Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development (RCSD)
Kanchana Kulpisithicharoen, RCSD Coordinator
SESSION CONTRIBUTORS
Azyumardi Azra, Director, Graduate School, State Islamic University, Jakarta (Member of API International
Selection Committee)
Chaipant Prabhasavat, Director, Institute for Community Right; Thailand API Senior Fellows 2007 - 2008
Jose M. Cruz, S. J., Vice President for University and Global Relations, Ateneo de Manila University (Member of
API International Selection Committee)
Koji Tanaka, Program Manager (Project- Specific Professor), Young Researcher Development Center (The
Hakubi Centre), Kyoto University
(Member of API International Selection Committee)
K. S. Nathan, Director, Institute of Malaysian and International Studies (IKMAS), Universiti Kebangsaan
Malaysia (UKM) (Member of API International Selection Committee)
Mary Racelis, Professorial Lecturer, Department of Anthropology, Graduate School, University of the
Philippines, Diliman (Member of API International Selection Committee)
Olarn Ongla, Coordinator, Local Governance Institute; Thailand API Fellow Year 2007 - 2008
Penchom Saetang, Director, Ecological Alert and Recovery – Thailand (Earth); Thailand API Fellow
Year 2005 - 2006)
256
Sunait Chutintaranond, Director, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University
Supa Yaimuang, Director, Sustainable Agriculture Foundation; Thailand API Senior Fellow Year 2006 - 2007
Surichai Wun’Gaeo, Director, Center for Peace and Conflict Studies, Chulalongkorn University (Member of
API International Selection Committee)
Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director, The Nippon Foundation (Member of API International Selection
Committee)
Taufik Abdullah, Chair, Social Science Commission, Indonesian Academy of Science (Member of API
International Selection Committee)
Wattana Sugunnasil, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai
University
Yoko Hayami, Prefessor, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University
(Member of API International Selection Committee)
SPECIAL PARTICIPANT
Lawrance Surendra, Chair Professor, Planning Commission of India; Chair, Department of Economics and
Cooperation, University of Mysore; Facilitator of the API Strategic Planning Team
API REGIONAL COMMITTEE REPRESENTATIVE
Herry Yogaswara, Researcher, The Indonesian Institute of Sciences Research Center for Population; Indonesia
API Fellow Year 2001-2002
THE NIPPON FOUNDATION
Tatsuya Tanami, Executive Director (Member of International Selection Committee)
Yuji Mori, Director, International Program Department
David Karashima, Manager, International Network Team, International Program Department
Shota Nakayasu, Project Coordinator, International Network Team, International Program Department
PROGRAM COORDINATORS
Dorothy Fernandez-Robert, Institute of Malaysian and International Studies, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia,
Malaysia Partner Institution (PI)
Isabel Consuelo A. Nazareno, School of Social Sciences, Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines PI
John Haba, Research Center for Regional Resources, The Indonesian Institute of Sciences, Indonesia PI
Michiko Yoshida, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University (also for Coordinating Institution - Cl)
Naoko Maeno, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Japan PI
PROGRAM ASSISTANTS/STAFF
Ratana Poopitakchartkaew, Operation Manager, CI
Shanya Attasillekha, Acting Program Coordinator, Thailand PI
Chadapan Malipan, Communications and Publications Officer, CI
Rungsinee Chaiyakoon, Project Support Officer, CI
Thamonpat Cooperider, Deputy Program Coordinator, Thailand PI
257
RAPPORTEURS
Garry Morrison
Marian D. Chua
Mrinalini Rai
258
Appendix III
Abstracts of Papers
Panel 1: Multiple Modernities: Globalization in the Asian Context
Economic Boom from the Oil Crisis: Development and Contradictions in the Agro-fuel
Industries in Three Southeast Asian Countries
Dianto Bachriadi
Biofuels are becoming important alternatives to fossil fuels in the world. Pro and con arguments have thus
emerged, with those in favor of biofuels claiming that biofuel industries will contribute to rural development,
increase the national budget for food, increase job opportunities, and decrease global warming. But are these
claims accurate? For one, the expansion of agro-fuels, which is one kind of biofuel industry, will increase the
number of land conversion

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