500 years of migration flows between the Dominican Republic and

Transcription

EMBASSY OF THE KINGDOM OF THE
NETHERLANDS FOR THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC AND HAITI
1516 – 2016
500 years of migration
flows between the
Dominican Republic and
the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the
Netherlands
A case study of intra- Caribbean
migration
Elsemieke de Boer
March 2016
Summary
Migration is a key theme in Caribbean history and remains of fundamental importance until today.
This report identifies some of the most considerable migration flows between the Dominican
Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Curaçao, Aruba, Sint Maarten,
Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba1) over a period of 500 years: from 1516, when the first direct
migration flow started, until today, 2016. The historical approach taken in this report has provided
new research opportunities in terms of large-scale analysis. The first considerable migration flows
emerged in the 19th century (and peaked around 1900) and the most frequent determinants
throughout history for migration between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands have been economic circumstances Other key factors have been
identity and political instability. Regarding consequences, migration often led to a considerable
degree of assimilation and chain migration. Migration used to be oriented more towards the
Dominican Republic, whereas nowadays it is more orientated towards the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands. Currently, the most considerable migration flows occur between the
Dominican Republic and Curaçao and Sint Maarten, and to Aruba to a lesser extent. Whereas
movement of people between the Dominican Republic and Curaçao has always been significant, the
migration flow from and towards Sint Maarten is a more recent phenomenon.
Figure 1. The Dominican Republic, Curaçao, Aruba, Sint Maarten, Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba in the Caribbean
basin
The Kingdom of the Netherlands consists of four autonomous countries: The Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao
and Sint Maarten. The latter three are located in the Caribbean. Aruba is independent since 1986 and Curaçao
and Sint Maarten since 2010. Three other Dutch islands in the Caribbean, Bonaire, Saba and Saint Eustatius
are Dutch municipalities since 2010. In this report, the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands refers to
Curacao, Aruba, Saint Martin, Bonaire, Saba and Saint Eustatius (Ministry of Foreign Affairs).
1
Key words: migration flows, intra-Caribbean migration, macro-scale historical analysis,
periodization, neoclassical economic theory, Lee’s push and pull factors, network theory,
determinants and consequences of migration, types of migration
Preface
Regional integration in the Caribbean has been at the centre of attention of regional politicians and
intellectuals during the past decades. Integration is of interest in particular because it is expected to
promote economic growth and increase political relevance in an international context. The embassy
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for the Dominican Republic and Haiti in Santo Domingo has a
key geographical position in the region and seeks to strengthen the ties between the Dominican
Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. A memorandum of
understanding is expected to be signed between the Dominican Republic and the Kingdom of the
Netherlands in the near future.
Migration flows tie countries more closely together and play a key role in regional integration.
Although migration is a key theme, little research has been done on intra-Caribbean migration. This
fact led to the creation of this research project: a macro-scale historical perspective on migration
flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
This investigation goes all the way back to 1516, when the “first” direct migration flow between the
present Dominican Republic and Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire took place. Since this first contact the
islands have intensified their ties, in which migration has always played a key role.
Special thanks to the Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for the Dominican Republic
and Haiti, Marijke van Drunen Littel, for her ideas, support and enthusiasm. I would like to thank
Reinier Davina and Priscilla Verhoef, some of the best colleagues I could wish. Pilar Awad Baez
shared so much knowledge and enthusiasm with me, and has been of great help in conducting the
interviews. I would also like to thank all the people I was able to consult for expertise, in particular,
Christel Monsanto, Rose Mary Allen, Josette Goldish, Jessica Roitman, Wim Klooster, Jan Piña,
Erna Ethard, Carlos Abaunza, Willem Brouwer, Jan Adriaanse, Theo van den Elsen, Gerla Wijnbelt,
Carles Roersch, Luis Brocker and last but not least, Peter Croes. The latter person lent me a
wonderful book about the history of the oldest families of the Netherlands Antilles. Finally, special
thanks to my amazing supervisor from Leiden University, Simanique Moody.
Table of contents
Summary
Preface
Table of contents
Acronyms
Introduction

Introduction and research objectives

Literature review

Theoretical framework and research methods

Report structure
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Part 1. History of global and Caribbean migration
1.a.
Migration
1.b.
History of Global Migration
1.c.
History of Caribbean migration
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Part 2. 1516-2016: Migration flows from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands (Curaçao, Aruba and Sint Maarten and Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba) to
the Dominican Republic
2.1.
1516: Forced labour migration from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to the Dominican
Republic – The rise of the sugar industry on Hispaniola
2.2.
1800 – 1900: Labour migration of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican
Republic – Economic opportunities and political and religious freedom
2.2. a. 1600 - 1800: Maritime connections - Willemstad and Santo Domingo
2.3.
1870 – 1980: Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands to the Dominican Republic – The sugar boom
2.4.
1863: Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
to the Dominican Republic – The abolition of slavery
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Part 3. 1516-2016: Migration flows from the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands (Curaçao, Aruba and Sint Maarten and Bonaire, Saint
Eustatius and Saba)
3.1.
1918 – 1985: Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Aruba
– The oil boom
3.2.
1940 – 1970: Political migration from the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands – The consequences of Trujillo’s rule for
migration
3.3.
1950 – present: Family migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba –
Economic and social opportunities for Dominican women
3.4.
1950 – present: Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and
Sint Maarten – An increase in sex tourism in the Caribbean
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Part 4. Present: Migration flows between the Dominican Republic and The Caribbean part
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Curaçao, Aruba and Sint Maarten and Bonaire, Saint
Eustatius and Saba)
4.1.
Migration from the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands
4.1. a. From the Dominican Republic to Curaçao
4.1. b. From the Dominican Republic to Sint Maarten
4.1. c. From the Dominican Republic to Aruba
4.1. d. From the Dominican Republic to Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba
4.2.
Migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the
Dominican Republic
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Discussion
Conclusion
Bibliography
Appendix
Acronyms
ACP
African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States
ADGH
Academia de Genealogía y Heráldica
AEP
Adult Entertainment Policy
AGN
Archivo General de la Nación
CARICOM
The Caribbean Community and Common Market
CARIFORUM
The Forum of the Caribbean Group of African, Caribbean and Pacific
(ACP) States
CBG
Centraal Bureau voor Genealogie
CBS
Centraal Bureau voor Statistiek
COIN
Centro de Orientación e Investigación Integral
CSME
Caribbean Single Market and Economy
CTC
Curaçao Trading Company
DGM
Dirección General de Migración
ECLAC
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
ENI
Encuesta Nacional de Inmigrantes
FLACSO
Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales
FUNGLODE
Fundación Global Democracia y Desarrollo
IOM
International Organisation of Migration
KB
Koninklijke Bibliotheek
KIT
Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen
KITLV
Koninklijk Instituut van Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde
MoU
Memorandum of Understanding
NA
Nationaal Archief
NAAM
National Archaeological Anthropological Memory Management
NGO
Non-gouvernmental orgazation
OBMICA
Centro para Observación Migratoria y el Desarrollo Social en el Caribe
OECD
Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
OECS
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States
ONE
Oficina Nacional de Estadística
PUCCM
Pontificia Universidad Católica Madre y Maestra
UASD
Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo
UN
United Nations
UNAPEC
Universidad Acción Pro-Educación y Cultura
UNDESA
United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs
UNIBE
Universidad Iberoamericana
UNPHU
Universidad Nacional Pedro Henríquez Ureña
UTESA
Universidad Tecnológica de Santiago
WB
World Bank
WIC
West Indische Compagnie
Introduction
……………………………………………………………………………………….
Processes of globalization and integration have positioned migration at the centre of global
discussions during the past decades. Migration flows have intensified at a rapid pace and tied
countries more closely together. The new scale of migration has posed new challenges (Valdez et al.
XV; ECLAC 7). Figure 2 illustrates the intensification of migration flows between 1990 and 2010. In
2013, the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA) estimated the
global migration stock2 at 247 million people. This was 3.4% of the world population and had an
annual growth rate of 1.9% (Riveros 22). Although the Caribbean’s contribution to the global
migration stock is small in absolute terms in comparison to other continents, it has one of the
highest migration rates.
Figure 2. The global flow of people. Left: 1990-1995. Right: 2005 – 2010. Yellow: Latin America, Red: North
America, Orange: Africa, Light Green Europe, Purple: Former Soviet Union, Pink: West Asia, Blue: South
Asia, Blue-green: East Asia, Green: South-East Asia (The Global flow of people)
2
The global migration stock: the number of people born in a country other than that in which they live
The Caribbean is a region that has been eminently characterized by intra-continental and intraregional migration throughout history and currently it has among the highest migration rates in the
world. Intra-regional migration is of significant importance for many islands. Yet, too little is known
about intra-Caribbean migration.
This report aims to contribute to a better understanding of intra-Caribbean migration by studying
the history of migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands until present from a macro-scale historical perspective. The purpose of
the report is three-fold. First, the most significant migration flows over the past 500 years will be
identified. Consequently, the report will introduce each identified migration flow and elaborate on
the main characteristics, in particular on the determinants (push and pull factors) and consequences.
Thirdly, an insight into current migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean
part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands will be provided and the present will be put into a historical
and regional perspective. Consequently, it will be argued that labour opportunities have been the
main driving force behind the migration flows between the Dominican Republic and that migration
often led to a considerable degree of assimilation and chain migration. Moreover, migration used to
be oriented more towards the Dominican Republic, whereas nowadays it is more orientated towards
the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Currently, Curaçao and Sint Maarten, and
Aruba to a lesser extent are the most popular destinations for migrants within the Caribbean part of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The following part will put the theme of this report into an
academic context.
Theoretical framework
Intra-Caribbean migration has received little attention in academic literature (Van Beek 21; Riveros
32-33; Hoetink 6). A comprehensive understanding of this theme struggles with considerable
shortcomings in terms of coverage, completeness and reliability. As to the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands, it has either been studied in isolation or has received too little
attention in overarching studies. Curaçao has been studied most extensively by scholars, both in
isolation as relating to the Dominican Republic (Dinmohamed; Van der Sloot). Especially the
arrivals of the Sephardic Jews to Curaçao (Monsanto; Goldish; Arbell; Sanchez Guerra) and the oil
boom (Goede; Green) have been covered well. Also, the sex tourism industry in Curaçao and Sint
Martin has received a fair amount of attention (Kempadoo; Kuiper). The majority of the academic
literature about Dominican migration focuses on the United States and Haiti (Fergusson). The best
examples of studies that have addressed the linkages between the Dominican Republic and the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands are those by Hoetink and Koetze. They have
managed to provide valuable insights into migration and the multiple other historical linkages
between the two.
As was shown in the part above, coverage of intra-Caribbean migration in literature appears limited.
Especially information on ties between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands is limited or non-existent. Therefore, this report will provide a new
approach by taking a macro-scale historical perspective. Such an approach will give new insights into
larger migration patterns, provide an overview and link the past with the present.
A historical perspective is characterized by “an emphasis on time, timing and temporality” (Brettell
and Hollifeld 5). Consequently, such a perspective focuses on “the determinants and consequences
of population movements: who moves, when, why, and where, and how have patterns of movement
changed over time?” (Brettell and Hollifield 5). The following part will illustrate this envisioned
historical perspective by further elaborating on a) periodization, and complementary theories like b)
the neoclassical economic theory, c) Lee’s push and pull factors and d) the network theory. These
four theories look at migration at different scales: macro-, meso- and micro-scales (Hagen-Zanker
5). Macro-scale theories look at “aggregate migration trends”, meso-scale level theories look at the
household or community level and micro-scale theories look at individual decisions of migrants
(Hagen- Zanker 5).
Macro-scale theories
a. Periodization
A frequently used theory by historians is periodization, a method to categorize data and to facilitate
research by simplifying analysis (Grinin 76). Periodization “focuses attention on both short- and
long-term temporal scales and cycles” (Brettell and Holifeld 4-5).
b. Neoclassical economic theory
The neoclassical economic theory is “probably the oldest and best-known theory of international
migration” (Massey et al. 433). It is a macro-scale theory that assumes that international migration is
“caused by geographic differences in the supply and demand of labour” (Massey et al. 433). This
results in a flow of labourers from a low wage to a high wage country and into an equilibrium as
wages rise in the first low wage country where labour is now more scarce, and wages decrease in the
first high wage country where labour is now abundant (Massey et al. 433).
Micro-scale theories
c. Lee’s push and pull factors
Push and pull factors largely determine migration. Push factors are the reasons people have for
leaving a certain place, whereas pull factors are the reasons people have for moving to a certain place
(Bretell and Hollifeld 5). Push factors are often undesirable circumstances and pull factors concern
(more) desirable circumstances in the country of destination. The factors are mostly of economic,
environmental, political, social or cultural character.
Lee’s push and pull factors are closely related to the following types3 of migration:

Labour migration: migration due to economic incentives. A type of labour migration is
seasonal or circulatory labour migration. Labour migration can often be explained by the
neoclassical economic theory

Political migration: migration due to political circumstances

Family migration: migration due to family ties. Family migration can often be explained by
the network theory

Refugee migration: migration due to a state of emergency, like war or environmental
disasters
3
Other types of migration are: internal (within the borders of a country) or external or international
(crossing borders) migration, voluntary and non-voluntary migration and legal or illegal migration
(see part 1).
Identity: Another determinant that largely characterizes migration is identity. Migration that is
largely determined by migration will be referred to as “identity migration”
Meso-scale theories
d. Network theory
The Network theory looks at the social ties migrants have in the country of destination. Massey et al.
explain as follows, “migrant networks are sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former
migrants and non-migrants in origin and destination areas through ties of kinship, friendship and
shared community origin. […] Thus the likelihood of an additional trip should increase with each
trip taken” (Massey et al. 448, 460).
Data collection
In addition to the theories that have been mentioned in the previous part, the following research
methods have been used. The information provided in this report is based on both qualitative and
quantitative data: literature, government data, data (NGO’s), archive information, genealogical
information and oral histories (interviews, consultations with experts).
1. Literature: Part of the literature was found online, but the majority of the key literature was
found in the following libraries in Santo Domingo: the Biblioteca Nacional de Pedro
Henríquez Ureña, the library of the UNPHU university, the Fidel Mendez Nuñez of the
APEC university library, the Juan Pablo Duarte library of the Banco Central, the library of
the ADH, the library Pedro Mir of the UASD university, the Biblioteca Juan Bosch of
FUNGLODE and the library of UNIBE university.
2. Government data: this data was derived from the statistics office ONE in the Dominican
Republic and the CBS of the Kingdom of The Netherlands.
3. Data: the majority of this data came from intergovernmental organizations like the UN, WB,
IOM and OBMICA.
4. Archive information: the main archives that were visited were the Archivo Nacional in
Santo Domingo and the Nationaal Archief in The Hague.
5. Genealogical information: this data was found in books (Krafft; Monsanto; 9 volumes of
Families of the Dominican Republic; Guerra Sanchez) and in online databases like Family
Search and Wie was wie.
6. Oral histories: The oral histories can be divided into the following parts: eight interviews
were conducted with people from the Netherlands who migrated to the Dominican Republic
and their views on, among others, migration, four interviews with people who migrated
either from the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands, or the other way around. Other oral histories include conversations with
experts (Roitman; Monsanto; Goldish)
Report structure
………………………………………………………………………........
The structure of the report will be as follows. The report is separated into four parts.

The first part will introduce the topic of migration and provide background information on
the history of global and Caribbean migration. It emphasizes that migration is an all-time
phenomenon. The part starts with the assumed movement of people out of Africa,
elaborates on the first movement of people into the Caribbean and ends with Columbus
arrival to the Caribbean, which led to an encounter of cultures between the colonizers and
the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas.

The second part will address the major migration flows from the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic. It takes off where the previous
part had ended, with the arrival of the Spanish colonizers to Hispaniola. In 1516 the first
direct migration flow occurred from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to Hispaniola. Although
the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
strengthened their ties in the decades that followed, for example through maritime
connections, it was not until the 19th century that the next significant migration flow took
place. Between 1800 and 1900 a large number of Sephardic Jews migrated from Curaçao to
the Dominican Republic. The next flow analysed is the migration to the Dominican
Republic due to the flourishing sugar industry between 1870 and 1980. Lastly, migration
towards the Dominican Republic because of the abolition of slavery in the Kingdom of the
Netherlands is discussed.

The third part will address migration flows the other way around: from the Dominican
Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The first significant flow
occurred from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Aruba between 1920 and 1985 due
establishment of oil refineries on the islands. Another migration pattern that is discussed is
migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba, starting around 1950 and continuing until
the present day. A third flow concerns migration of the Dominican Republic during and
after Trujillo’s regime. Finally, since the 50s, and especially in the 1980s, female migration
has been taking place from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Sint Maarten, and
Aruba to a lesser extent, due to the prostitution sector.

The fourth part will elaborate on the present migration flows between the Dominican
Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The focus will be on
the most significant migration flows that occur from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao
and Sint Maarten, and Aruba to a lesser extent. But also Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba
are mentioned, as well as the flows the other way around.
After a discussion, the conclusion will mention the identified flows, the main characteristics,
determinants and consequences, and will provide an overview by linking the past and the present
and putting the report in a regional context.
Part 1.
History of global and Caribbean migration
……………………………………………………………………………………….
1.1.
Migration
This first part will introduce the concept of migration and the several types of migration that are
frequently referred to in literature. Consequently, first human migration and the first movement of
people into the Caribbean will be shortly introduced. This part ends in 1492 when Columbus arrived
to the Americas.
One can speak of migration when people move temporarily or permanently from one geographic
location to another in search for better living circumstances (Hagen-Zanker 4; Allen 79; ECLAC 8).
People emigrate from their country of origin, and immigrate into their country of destination.
Migration flows often have clear characteristics. A migration flow involves migration of a certain
population group, over a certain period of time, for certain reasons from A to B. Two more specific
forms of migration are international and intra-regional migration. International migration is the
movement of populations across borders (Heery and Noon) and intra-regional migration is a form
of international migration but within a certain region. This report specifically looks at intraCaribbean migration flows.
Other distinctions with regard to migration are the following. In the case of voluntary migration,
people base their decision to migrate themselves on circumstances in the place of origin and
destination. The other case involves involuntary migration. In this case, people are not able to make
the decision to migrate themselves (Hope 122; Riveros 74-75). Also, migration can be legal or illegal.
Illegal migration is often not registered and creates difficulties for reliable research into migration.
Someone is a migrant when he or she intends to migrate for a period longer than one year, but this
boundary remains a point for discussion. Also, seasonal migration should be addressed. This
involves short-term migration cycles that respond to seasonal labour demand in places (De
Nederlandse Migratiekaart 16). Finally, as was mentioned earlier in this report, the different
motivations for migration result in different types of migration: labour migration, political migration,
family migration and migration because of identity issues.
Although the new scale of migration today has put the theme at the centre of discussions, it has
been an all-time phenomenon. The following part shortly addresses the history of global migration
flows and the first movement of people into the Caribbean.
1.2.
History of global migration
Migration has been an all-time phenomenon and is an on-going process. Bade points out that
“migration has always been a constitutive element of the condition humana, as homo sapiens spread
over the world as homo migrants” (Bade 446). Figure 3 illustrates the assumptive path of how
people moved out of the continent of Africa into other parts of the world.
Figure 3. Narrative map of human dispersals (The Royal Society Publishing)
The assumptive route of the first people into the Caribbean basin will be discussed in the following
part.
1.3.
History of Caribbean migration
There is archaeological evidence that the Caribbean was already inhabited by 5000BC (Lalueza 138;
Hofman 590). The assumptive route they took is the following: from the Orinoco valley, the
Guianas or Trinidad and Tobago, ‘island hopping’ to the Lesser Antilles and later the Greater
Antilles.
Figure 4. Migratory routes of the Caribs and Arawaks into the Caribbean Islands (The Logistic Hub of Knowlegde)
Hofman explains the following, “Caribbean scholars have advanced various hypotheses to explain
the impetuses and mechanisms underlying these migrations. These include: 1) push and pull factors,
including warfare and population pressure; 2) the economic appeal of emerging territories as
possible stimuli for movement into the islands; 3) opportunism and flexibility whereby people were
capable of moving into the Antilles by adapting to the available resources; and 4) a diaspora of
Arawakan-speaking peoples from the interior of South America to the coasts and the islands”
(Hofman 594)
Before Columbus’ arrival to the Americas, there is evidence of movement of people within the
Caribbean. Hofman refers to the Caribbean as an “aquatic waterway” in this period. “Ever since the
initial populating […] the islanders and mainlanders had the technological knowledge of seafaring
that permitted them to move directly across the Caribbean Sea from South and Central America as
well as between island passages” (Hofman 594).
When Columbus arrived to the Caribbean in 1492, four population groups inhabited the region: the
Taínos, the Caribs, the Arawaks and the Guanajuatabeys. They inhabited the following parts of the
Caribbean:

The Taínos: la Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, the east of Cuba, and probably Jamaica, the
Bahamas, and the Turks and Caicos Islands

The Caribs: the Windward Islands and Guadeloupe

The Arawaks: Trinidad and the Guianas

The Guanajuatabeys: West Cuba (Lalueza et al. 138; Deahl 11; Moya Pons 1)
Santo Domingo on the island Hispaniola4 became the first settlement in the New World. Columbus’
arrival had significant consequences for the local population of Hispaniola. The number of
indigenous inhabitants of Hispaniola decreased rapidly after the arrival of the Spaniards due to
diseases, like smallpox, and the “harsh treatment of the Spaniards […]: they were extinguished in
just one or two generations after this first contact” (Lalueza et al. 137-138). The arrival of Columbus
also resulted in intensified contact between the numerous islands in the Caribbean. In 1516, for
example, the Spanish colonizers brought people from Aruba, Bonaire and Curaçao to the island of
Hispaniola, which will be discussed in the next part. On a global scale, movement of people from
Europe and Africa to the Caribbean started. They soon outnumbered the indigenous populations.
Until the present day, the Caribbean is one of the regions in the world that is most characterized by
migration. The high degree of migration has resulted in a largely diverse Caribbean society (Hofman
590). As stated in a report by ECLAC, “while the absolute migrant stock is comparatively small in
the Caribbean, the migrant stock as percentage of the population is considerably high” (ECLAC 8).
The following parts of this report will take it from Columbus arrival to the Caribbean and give an
insight into how the Caribbean has been characterized by migration by looking specifically at the
migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands.
4
The present territories of the Dominican Republic and Haiti
Figure 5. An old map of the island Hispaniola, present Dominican Republic and Haiti (Nationaal
Archief)
Part 2.
1516-2016: Migration flows from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands to the Dominican Republic
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
The following migration flows have been the most significant between 1516 and 2016 from the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic:
2.1.
Republic – The rise of the sugar industry on Hispaniola
2.2.
1800 – 1900: Labour migration of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican
Republic – Economic opportunities and political and religious freedom
2.2. a. 1600 - 1800: Maritime connections - Willemstad and Santo Domingo
2.3.
1870 – 1980: Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
2.4.
1863: Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
to the Dominican Republic – The abolition of slavery
The next part will discuss each flow in further detail.
Part 2.1.
Republic
The rise of the sugar industry on Hispaniola
……………...........................................................................................................................................................
Figure 3. Migration flow from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to the Dominican Republic
Santo Domingo was the first settlement in the New World and it did not take long until the first
contact after Columbus’s arrival between Santo Domingo and Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire: a
migration flow in 1516. This part will elaborate on this first migration flow from Curaçao, Aruba
and Bonaire to the Dominican Republic in this new era. The main characteristics, determinants and
consequences will be addressed. Finally, a short conclusion will be drawn.
The islands of Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire were discovered in 1499: not by Columbus, but by
Alonso de Ojeda (Goede 344; Van Beek 9.) De Ojeda had heard of Columbus discovery and
decided to sail out in the same direction. When de Ojeda arrived at Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire, the
indigenous caquetíos people, related to the Arawak people, were living on the islands (Krafft 15;
Green 11). They are regarded as the first inhabitants of the islands. Annex 1 shows the first
description of the three islands by poet Cardot. The poet elaborates on the geographical location
and features of the islands, as well on his impressions of the indigenous peoples. The peoples were
extremely tall, and therefore the islands were also called “islas de los gigantes 5 ”. The Spanish
colonizers also called the three islands “islas inútiles6”. The islands were useless because there was
no gold to be found (Sánchez 41; Van Beek 9). After 1499, Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire were
governed from la Real Audiencia de Santo Domingo on Hispaniola (Archivo General de las Indias
1565). For a period of time Alonso de Ojeda governed the three islands.
Around 1516, the Spanish colonizers started to notice how much the population had declined on
Hispaniola since their arrival (Sanchez 41). The indigenous population had declined rapidly due to
the newly brought diseases by the Spanish. In 1517 there were only 11.000 indigenous people left
(Moya Pons 29). Between 1518 and 1519 the population declined even more due to an epidemic:
now there were only 3,000 indigenous people left (Moya Pons 29). Also, many of the Spanish
colonizers had left for other parts of the Americas in search of gold (Sánchez 41).
At the same time, the sugar and copper industries began to flourish. The sugar industry had already
emerged in 1506 (Moya Pons 31). Columbus had brought sugar cane on one of his first journeys and
the climate and soil at appeared to be favourable for the growth of sugar cane (Moya Pons 29;
Sánchez 41). The sugar industry concentrated around Santo Domingo, San Cristóbal, Azua and
Puerto Plata (Moya Pons 342; Sánchez 41-42).
In order to fight the labour shortage on Hispaniola, almost the entire indigenous population of
Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire, estimated at 2,000 people, was brought to Hispaniola to work in the
sugar industry and copper mines (Green 13; Moya Pons 28). This was a form of involuntary
migration. This migration flow could be regarded as the first direct contact between Hispaniola and
these three islands of the present Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in the era after
Columbus’ arrival to the Americas.
5
6
Islands of the giants
Useless islands
Juan Martín de Ampués, a Spanish governor, regarded the indigenous population from Curaçao,
Aruba and Bonaire in Hispaniola as friends of the Spaniards. He conceived the idea to return them
to their islands of origin and Christianise them (Van Beek 22). He proposed this in a letter addressed
to the King to the Real Hacienda de Santo Domingo. In 1526, de Ampués sent the first boat with
200 indigenous people to Aruba, Curaçao and Bonaire to Hispaniola (Green 13; Kraft 15). He also
sent cattle, of which the indigenous people later took care. In the Gedenkboek Nederland-Curaçao
the following is mentioned, “in 1634, the majority of the population of Bonaire consisted of Indians
who had returned form Santo Domingo” (Gedenkboek Nederland-Curaçao 144). This illustrates
again
the
significant
consequences
of
this
migration
flow
for
history.
Although the labourers from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire had returned, the sugar industry only
expanded in the decades that followed. The demand from Europe kept increasing and prices rose
due to the large amount of metals that were brought from the Americas (Sanchez 42). Slaves were
brought from other parts of the Caribbean, but the majority came from Africa. In 1521 the first
sugar was exported to Seville in Spain, which remained the major destination for the sugar from
Hispaniola during the 16th century (Sánchez 43). In 1527 there were already more than 20 sugar mills
on Hispaniola. Some of these mills were driven by water force, others by animals (Moya Pons 32;
Sanchez 42). In 1568, the number of slaves working at Hispaniola was estimated at 20,000 (Baud
131). The sugar industry kept expanding during this century, despite some periods of crisis.
The first sign of the Dutch at Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire dates back to 1621. The Dutch were
interested in the Caribbean because of increasing wood and salt demand. The Dutch conquered
Curaçao in 1634 and Bonaire and Aruba in 16367. The expedition was organized the West Indian
Company and led by Johannes van Walbeeck. The arrival of the Dutch to Curaçao, Aruba and
Bonaire made the entire Spanish and indigenous population flee the islands.
In conclusion, the migration flow discussed in this part in 1516 could be considered of historical
significance because it connected the Dominican Republic and Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire in a
historically new way: the migration route was direct, planned and crossed in very little time. It was a
non-voluntary migration flow, which meant that the migrants themselves did not decide to migrate.
It were the Spanish colonizers that were motivated by incentives. They had chosen to move the
7
See timeline for information on the other Dutch islands
people because an economic non-equilibrium: there were no economic opportunities and a labour
surplus on Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire, while there were many economic opportunities and a
labour shortage on the island of Hispaniola. The migration flow did not repeat or involve chain
migration because the migrants appeared to be unsuitable for the harsh labour on Hispaniola. Many
did not survive or were returned by Juan de Ampués in 1526. Long-term historical consequences of
this migration flow have therefore been little. The above part is also summarized in the table below.
Table 1. Overview of the forced labour migration flow from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to the Dominican Republic
Type
Duration
Course
Explanation
Non-voluntary labour migration
1516
From Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to the Dominican Republic
The inhabitants of the three islands were brought by the Spanish colonizers to
Hispaniola to work in the sugar and copper industries
Part of a larger Yes, later other people from the Caribbean and Africa were brought to
pattern?
Hispaniola by the Spanish to work in the sugar industry
Volume
2000
Class
Gender
Characteristics The inhabitants of Aruba, Curaçao and Bonaire were the caquetíos, related to the
Arawak Indians
Push factors
Labour abundance and no economic opportunities
Pull factors
Labour shortage and economic opportunities
Consequences Little known, but only short-term
Return
Yes, in 1926, 200 people were returned by Juan de Ampués
migration?
Chain
No
migration?
Government
The decision to move people from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire was made by the
policies
Spanish colonizers
Part 2.2.
1800-1900: Labour migration of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic
Economic opportunities and religious freedom
……………………………………………………………………………………………………
Figure 7. Labour migration of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic
This part will elaborate on the history of Sephardic Jews in the Caribbean. Their movement into the
Caribbean and then within the Caribbean will be elaborated on by focussing on the migration flow
from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic that started around 1800. The main characteristics,
determinants and consequences will be mentioned. Finally, a short conclusion will be drawn.
Goldish states the following, “At the end of the 18 th century […] Curaçao had the largest Sephardic8
Jewish community in the New World.” (Goldish 2). They had, however, travelled a long way to
Curaçao.
8
The majority of the Sephardic Jews in Curacao were Sephardic Jews (Guerra Sanchez 1). The Sepahrdic
Jews originate from the Iberian Peninsula.
In 1492 the Sephardic Jews from Spain got expelled because of their religion. For years they had
experienced “religious persecution, forced conversions and hidden observance” (Goldish 3). At first,
many fled to Portugal. But soon they were forced to leave again. From Portugal many went to other
cities in Europe, in particular to Amsterdam. This was one of the few cities that welcomed the
Sephardic Jews. Around 1600 there were about 1000 (of the total of 1200) living in Amsterdam
(Goldish 5). “By the mid-seventeenth century, the Dutch city of Amsterdam had become an
important centre for these Sephardic Jews, and by the year 1700 the Jewish community in that city
had become the largest in Western Europe, numbering about a thousand Jewish souls.” (Goldish 3).
Amsterdam saw the arrival of the Sephardic Jews as an opportunity for the city. “However, to a
certain extent, the Sephardic Jews in Amsterdam still experienced restrictions in terms of trade and
commerce. For example, “they were forbidden from becoming storekeepers or practicing crafts”
(Goldish 3; Goldish 5).
The West East India Company (WIC) plays an important role in the movement of the Sephardic
Jews to the Caribbean. The West East India Company “offered incentives to those who wished to
settle in the new colonies” (Goldish 5). “Making use of their network of connections and their
linguistic abilities, the Dutch Sephardic Jews soon became active traders […] marking the beginning
of Jewish life in the New World. With the wealth accumulated through these endeavours, a number
of these Jews invested heavily in the East and West India Companies (Huisman 1986, p. 66), thereby
obtaining some influence in the subsequent colonization of the Caribbean” (Goldish 4).
In 1634, Curaçao became a Dutch territory. The Spanish colonizers, who had been on the island
since its discovery by de Ojeda in 1499, had been using the island to hold cattle. The Dutch changed
strategy and “quickly proceeded to take advantage of the island’s geographical location and natural
harbour” (Goldish 6). Curaçao became an important trading post in the Caribbean, under the
control of the West East Indian Company.
It is said that Samuel Cohen was the first Jewish man to arrive in Curaçao in 1634. He arrived with
one of Johan van Walbeeck’s expeditions, who had led the expedition to conquer Curaçao. Two
decades later, in 1651, fifty Sephardic Jews (12 families) arrived in Curaçao with the Portugese
captain João d'Ylan. In 1695, a second group of Jewish migrants arrived (Deahl 32; Guerra Sánchez
4). Curaçao was one of the few places that welcomed the Sephardic Jews because, like had been the
case in Amsterdam, their arrival was perceived as an opportunity for the island. The West Indian
Company, in particular, granted the Sephardic Jews land to develop agriculture in Curaçao.
Moreover, they were allowed to freely practice their religion. They were also free to trade and
received protection from the government (Goldish 2-4; Goldish 6; Roberts 165).
At first, the Sephardic Jews got largely involved in agriculture in Curaçao. However, this proved to
be not very successful and they became more interested in trading and shipping (Goldish 4). They
traded most with Amsterdam and New Amsterdam, but with other islands in the region as well
(Goldish 6). As a consequence, the Jewish population at Curaçao grew rapidly. In 1785, 40% of the
population on Curaçao was Jewish. This corresponded to 1,200 Sephardic Jews on Curaçao.
Figure 8. Port of Willemstad, 1786 (Royal Naval College Greenwich)
A number of events in Curaçao and in the region provoked change at the end of the 18th century.
The island became more vulnerable because of the attacks by the English. Military expenses in South
America for the wars of independence also weakened the economy of Curaçao. A slave revolt
happened in 1795. Moreover, Curaçao also found itself in a social and religious crisis (Goldish 3-5).
As a result of this, many Curaçaoan men started to look for opportunities in other islands in the
region. Popular destinations were the Dominican Republic9 and Saint Thomas. The migration was
largely male, and the majority of the women were left behind because they did not have the same
level of social mobility. In 1816, the Jewish population of Curaçao had declined by 15% since 1785.
In 1826, there were just 937 Sephardic Jews living on the island.
The influx of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao increased even more after 1822, when the Haitians
occupied the Dominican Republic. Under Haitian rule, the Sephardic Jews experienced more
religious tolerance (Arbell 317).
The number increased even more after 1844. In this year the Dominican Republic, like many other
Spanish territories during this period, gained independence (Arbell 316-317; Clío 182). Other
territories the Sephardic Jews from Curaçao migrated to were Coro in Venezuela, Saint Thomas and
Barranquilla in Colombia (Goldish v-vi). “To Curaçaoan Jews, who often spoke Spanish among
themselves and had been trading with the mainland for more than a century, life in these new
republics appealed even more than the opportunities on other small islands of the Caribbean. The
Sephardim of Curaçao were eager for new challenges and larger markets, and the newly independent
countries were generally open to people with the networks and reputation of business acumen that
the migrating Curaçaoans possessed.” (Goldish 6). The Sephardic Jews also played a role in
supporting independence, which has positive effects for their assimilation.
However, again, these new opportunities were difficult to access by the female Jewish population in
Curaçao: they were left behind. Arriving alone, many Jewish men married women in the new
destinations. So it came that the change of return migration got smaller and chances for integration
of Jewish men in the new destinations increased.
Arbell states the following; “An estimate puts the number of Jews in the capital of Santo Domingo
in 1846 at about 100. No precise information exists on the figures for Jews in the smaller cities. Not
counted were those Jews who had rapidly assimilated into the local population, nor those who were
9
It is mentioned that Sephardic Jews had arrived earlier to the Dominican Republic. In 1654 a small number
of Sephardic Jews arrived from Brazil to work in the French plantations. In 1685, they were expelled
(Villalobos).
registered as foreigners, i.e. Netherlands citizens from Curaçao, Danish citizens from St. Thomas,
and British subjects (Abell 318). “The Jews were dispersed in various areas of Santo Domingo,
including the capital, Puerto Plata, Monte Cristi, La Vega, St. Pedro Macorís, and others. The Jews
dealt mainly with export of tobacco and timber from the Dominican Republic and imported general
merchandise from St. Thomas and Curaçao. They most often used their own ships and had
maritime companies” (Arbell 317)
The Sephardic Jews experienced a setback in 1861, when the Spanish regained their rule (Arbell 318319). As a result, “we find many Jews joining the Dominican resistance against the Spanish, in what
is known the War of Restoration. Ambassador and composer Enrique de Marchena found a
document written by the restored Dominican government in 1865 thanking his great-grandfather
Rafael de Mordecai de Marchena and other Dutch subjects for their help and supply of ammunition.
With the restoration of the Dominican Republic began a period of sympathy for the Jewish
population.” (Arbell 318-319).
Guerra Sánchez explains that the Dominican Republic was more attractive because there was no
discrimination; there were great opportunities in terms of import and export. Moreover, the Jewish
families from Curaçao in the Dominican Republic were part of the highest social class and often
married into prestigious Dominican families (Guerra Sánchez 2009).
Various authors (Arbell; Monsanto; Clío; Goldish; Guerra Sanchez) elaborate on the fact that the
Jewish population managed to integrate very well in the Dominican Republic. The reasons for this
are the following:

The Sephardic Jews never organized themselves into a community and so intermixed with the Dominican population (Arbell 318-319)

As many Jewish men arrived solo, many married Dominican women and so intercultural mixture took place

Sephardic Jews were received well because of their role during independence and
their positive economic contribution (Arbell 318-320; Guerra Sánchez 4).

“Most of the prominent Jewish families of the 19 th century converted to
Christianity”, but remained proud of their descend (Arbell 320)

Voluntary fusion (Arbell 318-319)
The high degree of assimilation and acceptance of Sephardic Jews is also illustrated in a letter by
president Santana in response to an anti-Jewish petition from the city of La Vega:
“Instead of listening to the voice of the passions, listen to the voice of justice and gratitude. Those four Jews who are
persecuted there and others residing there, were the first to prepare funds for expenses of the war, in moments when
some Dominicans have done nothing, and weakened the morale of the patriots who defended the Liberty of the
Republic. The Jews do not teach each other’s their beliefs, and do not conquer others for their religion. In the capital,
there are more Jews than in any other place on the island, and by far have not experienced any difficulty, they come to
our ceremonies and maintain our cult with their donations” (Abell 318)
The Jewish immigration has had significant effects for the Dominican Republic. For example, “The
Dominican Republic was the only country to express willingness to receive Jews during the
Holocaust” (Arbell 320). Also, many Sephardic Jews reached the highest strata of Dominican society
and have been “presidents, ministers, governors, party leaders” and “poets, writers, founders of
cultural societies, and as composers” (Arbell 333)
2.2.2. Case studies
The following part will further illustrate the history of the Sephardic Jews that migrated from
Curaçao to the Dominican Republic by elaborating on several family case studies. The information
of the case studies is composed of the following sources. First of all, research done by Antonio
Guerra Sanchez, a member of the Academia de Genealogia y Heraldica, is taken into account.
Secondly, literature written by Arbell, Goldish and Monsanto is used. Also, some information from
genealogic databases has been looked into, like from Family Search, Ancestry and the websites about
the Samaná families and the Marugg family. Lastly, two books about the oldest families from the
Dutch Antilles by Krafft and about the families from the Dominican Republic Blanco have provided
additional information.
…………………………………………………………………………………………
a. Family Bazil-Trabous
Isidoro Bazil-Trabous was born in Santo Domingo in 1836, both his parents, however, were born in
Curaçao (Guerra Sánchez 141-142). He was owner of ‘El Elefante’ in Santo Domingo and imported
canvas.
Figure 8. Family Bazil Trabous (Blanco, TOMO 8, 2530)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
b. Family López-Penha (Jewish)
The first López-Penha to settle in the Dominican Republic was Moisés Benjamín López-Penha
Levy. He was born in Curaçao in 1849. He married in Azua de Compostela in 1878 with Adelaida de
Marchena Peláez. She was the daughter of Gerardo de Marchena Wisque from Curaçao and Ana
Joaquina Peláez Díaz from Santo Domingo (Guerra Sánchez 8).
According to Arbell, they converted into Christians in the Dominican Republic. Haim Horacio
Lopez Penha was a famous Dominican writer (Arbell 320).
Figure 10. Descendants of the family Lopez-Penha (Guerra Sánchez 9)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
c. Family Da Costa Gómez (Jewish)
In 1706 the first family members of the Da Costa Gomez family arrived to Curaçao (Guerra
Sánchez 12).
The first of the Da Costa Gomez family who settled in Santo Domingo was Welmo Da Costa
Gomez. He was born in Curaçao in 1808. He married in Aruba in 1832 with María Inés Pardo from
Aruba. Together they settled in the Dominican Republic in Azua. Their children married in the
Dominican Republic for the Catholic Church (Guerra Sánchez 12).
Figure 11. Family Da Costa Gomez (Blanco)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
d. Family Jesurum (Jesurun) (Jewish)
Several Jesurum families had left Amsterdam for the Dutch territories in the Americas, and to
Curaçao in particular. Several Jesurum family members from Curaçao settled in the Dominican
Republic. For example, Pedro de Jesurum was born in 1858 in Curaçao and passed away in Samaná
in 1903 (Guerra Sánchez 2009; Jan van Doorn). Daniel Jesurum was born in Curaçao in 1828 and
passed away in 1864 in Santo Domingo because of a smallpox epidemic. He lived in Santo Domingo
en la Calle Separación (El Conde), number 102 (Guerra Sanchez 15).
The Jesurum family was specialized in finance and banking. The Curaçaoan J.A. Jesurum Company
was very important in the Dominican Republic in 1857, worth 100,000 dollars. Something else
noteworthy is the following. In 1869, Hartmont borrowed 420,000 pounds sterling, negotiated by
the Curaçaoan Abraham de Jesurum and a group of European banks, for the president
Buenaventura Báez. This loan has had considerable negative consequences for the Dominican
Republic for many years (Guerra Sánchez 14).
Figure 12. Family Jesurum (Blanco)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
e. Family Capriles (Jewish)
The first Capriles arrived to Curaçao in 1759. From here they have migrated to Venezuela and Santo
Domingo.
Theodor Capriles was born in 1811 in Curaçao. In Santo Domingo he married the Dominican Ana
Latour Bertil. Moisés Elías Capriles was also born in Curaçao and married Rosa Montero. Their son
got married in Baní. (Guerra Sánchez 15)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
f. Family Vidaal (Jewish)
The family name Vidaal comes from Vidal, which originates in Cataluña and the Balaeres islands.
When they moved from Valencia to Amsterdam, the name changed into ‘Vidaal’.
The first of the family Vidaal to migrate to the Dominican Republic from Curaçao was Haim Vidaal
Naar. He married Antonia Martínez Pimentel. Their son Jaime Vidal Martínez married in Baní. He
was colonel of the ‘Estado Mayor’ under General Pedro Santana, hero of the Dominican
independence, mayor of Baní and San José de Ocoa and a freedom judge (Guerra Sánchez 2009).
Figure 12. Family Vidaal (Blanco TOMO 9 85)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
g. Family Curiel (Jewish)
The Curiel family arrived at Curaçao around 1800. Many of them migrated to the Dominican
Republic. For example, Samuel Curiel, born in 1837 in Curaçao was a merchant. He left Curaçao to
migrate to Santo Domingo around 1870. Samuel established a ‘ferretería’ in the “Calle de Comercio”
in Santo Domingo. (Guerra Sánchez 2009)
Figure 13. Family Curiel (Blanco, TOMO 2, 267-268)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
h. Family Chapman
Family Search provides the following information about the Chapman family. Carolina Chapman
was born in 1847 in Curaçao. She married in 1887 in Santa Maria de la Encarnación in Santo
Domingo with Gabriel Mendez (Family Search).
Figure 14. Family Chapman (Blanco)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
i. Family De Windt
Jan Willem de Windt was the first of the de Windt family to arrive at Curaçao. He married in
Curaçao and started a plantation that was called ‘Koningsplein’. Later he bought another plantation
that was called ‘Land en Zeezicht’. (De Windt)
The de Windt’s surname was a common surname in the Caribbean during the 18th century, for
example in Saint Thomas, Saint John, St. Croix, Haiti, Santo Domingo and Tortola (Verhaal familie
Palm van Curaçao 9).
Data from the website of Jan van Doorn provides the following information about the De Windt
family. German Henrique de Windt de Windt, born in Curaçao in 1860, and his younger brother
Eduardo Oratio de Windt de Windt, born in Curaçao in 1870, both passed away in the Dominican
Republic, German in 1950 in San Pedro de Macorís and Eduardo in 1947 in Samaná. Enrique
arrived in Santo Domingo September 1st 1882; the day president Merino gave the power to President
Ulises Heureaux. Enrique arrived at the Sánchez harbour and worked as a bookkeeper for a
Curaçaoan maritime company. Two years later, his mother also sent his brother Eduardo to the
Dominican Republic. Eduardo had received a scholarship in Holland, but first went to the
Dominican Republic for holidays.
Figure 15. Family de Windt (de Windt)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
j. Family De Marchena (Jewish)
Isaac de Abraham de Marchena was the first of the Marchena family to arrive to Curaçao (De
Marchena). During the Haitian rule in the Dominican Republic, some of the Marchena family
moved from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic: Gerardo de Marchena Wisque and Abraham de
Marchena Penso (Guerra Sánchez 2009).
Figure 16. Family de Marchena (Blanco)
Eugenio de Marchena was a merchant, banker and military. He was son of the Curaçaoan Gerardo
de Marchena Wisque. He married in Azua de Compostela in 1863 with Braulia Amiama Urdaneta
who was of Colombian descent (Guerra Sánchez 142).
Figure 17. Eugenio Generose de Marchena (Guerra Sánchez 7)
Figure 17. Family de Marchena (Blanco)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
k. Henríques (Henríquez) (Jewish)
Noel Henriques Athias was born in 1813 in Curaçao and passed away in 1904. He lived a while in
Saint Thomas and studied commerce in London. He arrived in Santo Domingo in 1836 in search of
new markets. During this period, the Dominican Republic was occupied by the Haitians (Abaunza
2015; Read 2010). He married Clotilde Carvajal Fernández in 1839 in Santo Domingo (Guerra
Sánchez 11).
Figure 18. Noel Henriquez (Blanco, TOMO 4, 12)
Figure 19. Francisco Henriquez y Carvajal (Guerra Sánchez 11)
Francisco Henriquez y Carvajal was president of the Dominican Republic from 1916. He was of
Jewish descend and proud of it. His sons were Max Henriquez Ureña, Dominican ambassador to the
United Nations, and Pedro Henriquez Ureña, “one of the major linguists of the Spanish language”
(Arbell 320).
Figure 20. Post stamps (Arbell 320)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
l. Croes
The Croes family is one of the oldest families of the Dutch Antilles. The first arrival of the Croes
family to Curçao is estimated around 1670. Several Croes family members have moved to the
Dominican Republic, where the family is still present today.
Figure 21. Family emblem of the Croes family (Krafft)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
n. Maduro (Jewish)
Many Maduro family members went to live in Coro (Venezuela), and at the former Danish islands
(St. Thomas and St. Croix). Some also went to Aruba, St. Eustatius, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Haiti,
Santo Domingo and Surinam. Some Maduro family members were sailors, they traded in the
Caribbean region; they sold products or traded them for indigenous products. In St. Eustatius there
was an important Jewish association. (Krafft 107)
Figure 22. Family emblem of the Maduro
family (Krafft)
Figure 23. Solomon Abraham Levy Maduro (Monsanto)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
o. Baez y Mendez
Tadeo Vidal was born in Mahón, Menorca, in 1820. He went to Curaçao as a merchant. In Curaçao
he married Irene Báez y Méndez, who was born in Azua, Dominican Republic, in 1831. She
descended from a wealthy family in the Dominican Republic. Irene’s brother was Buenaventura
Báez y Méndez, who was born in 1812 and passed away in 1884. He was the president of the
Dominican Republic (Marugg 2014).
Anna Cornelia Hoevertsz, born in Curaçao, married Gerard Etse Kruythoff, who was born in
Hoorn. They migrated from Curaçao to Puerto Rico, where they were known as Geraldo Creitof en
Ana Huferse. They had one daughter, who was named Juana Creithof. In 1825 Juana married
Roberto Confresi y Ramirez de Arellano. His nickname was ‘El Pirata’ because he mastered ships in
the Caribbean, both Spanish and other. In 1825 he was captured and executed. He became a historic
legend. The city Confresí in the Dominican Republic is named after him (Verhaal familie Palm van
Curaçao 5).
…………………………………………………………………………………………
p. Palm
Frederik Wilhelm Palm was born in 1872, son of Cornelis Palm en Clara Catharina Haayen. He was
a merchant. In 1893 he married Maria Josefa Helena Conquet, born in Santo Domingo and daughter
of Hendrik Zenon Conquet and Jozefeta Cecilia Millomar.
Luis Constan Palm married Maria Francisca Hendrika Conquet, Maria Josefa Helena’s sister.
Hendrik Conquet was an editor for ‘De Onafhankelijke’. When he chose Willem Sassen’s side in a
case, an attorney general of Curaçao, he was accused. Just before the trial he fled to Santo Domingo
in 1873. He stayed there for 10 years until he received grace.
Manuel Antonio Santiago Palm was a business leader for a Tropical Bakery of E&G (Ernest and
Guillermo) Martijn. The company did a lot of business in the Caribbean. For example, E&G Martijn
imported coffee beans from Honduras, Haiti and the Dominican Republic (Verhaal familie Palm
van Curaçao 28).
…………………………………………………………………………………………
q. Conquet
Gerald Burger Conquet arrived from Curaçao to Santiago in the 19th century.
Figure 24. (Blanco 201, TOMO 2)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
r. Hoepelman
Aarón Meyer Hoepelman arrived from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic in 1882. He originally
came from Amsterdam (Abuanza)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
s. Lambertus
Delanoy Lambertus arrived from Curaçao to Azua, the Dominican Republic, around 1865
(Abuanza)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
t. Weber
Juan Weber was born in Curaçao and arrived in the Dominican Republic halfway the 19th century
(Abuanza)
Figure 25. Family Weber (Blanco, TOMO 9, 119) (Blanco TOMO 1, 305)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
u. Evertsz (Evertz)
The text below refers to Carel de Haseth Evertsz, who was born in Curaçao 20th of October 1825.
He was a merchant first in Santo Domingo and later in Curaçao. In Santo Domingo he married
Maria del Carmen Travieso at the 10th of May 1848. Some of their children were born in Santo
Domingo, others in Curaçao (Krafft).
Figure 26. Family Evertsz (Blanco)
Other families
A number of other known family that have moved from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic are the
following: Naar (Jewish), Senior (Jewish), Namías de Castro, Joubert, Morón (Jewish), Salas (Jewish),
Coen (Cohen) (Jewish), Léon (Jewish) and Sasso.
The Senior family had arrived at Curaçao during the 18th century. They were the first to produce
orange liquor in Curaçao. The first Senior family members to arrive in the Dominican Republic were
sons of the Senior Jesurum family. This was a merchant family (Guerra Sanchez 14).
Figure 27. Family Senior (Blanco TOMO 8, 117)
Figure 28. Family Joubert (Blanco 130 TOMO 4)
The Naar family was a Jewish family that was largely involved in trade. Some family members had
moved from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic (Guerra Sánchez 135).
Figure 28. Family Naar (Blanco TOMO 5, 321)
…………………………………………………………………………………………
Conclusions
In conclusion, the migration flow of Spehardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic
between 1800 and 1900 has been of significant importance for the Dominican Republic. The main
determinants for migration were a labour shortage and poor economic circumstances in Curaçao
and better economic circumstances and liberties (religious tolerance) in the Dominican Republic.
Common places to settle in the Dominican Republic were Azua de Compostela, Samana, Sanchez,
Santo Domingo, Santiago, Baní, San Pedro de Macorís, Samaná and José de Ocoa. The majority of
these migrants were Jewish, although not all of them. Also, the majority of the migrants was male,
and many married Dominican women. In terms of consequences, the Sephardic Jews assimilated
very well. There was a high degree of intermixture and they soon became a part of society. Many of
them entered the highest social strata in the Dominican Republic and some have become historical
Dominican figures, like Buenaventura Baéz and the family Henriques Ureña. Until today, the Jewish
families are still very much visible in the Dominican society.
Additional literature by Goldish, “Once Jews”, and by Monsanto, “Roots Karibense” is
recommended.
Table 2. Overview of the labour migration flow of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic
Type
Duration
Labour migration
+100 years. 1800 (end 18th century) – 1900 (+)
Peak: after 1800, 1822 and 1844 (independence from Haiti)
Course
From Curaçao to the Dominican Republic (Azua, Samaná, Santo Domingo,
Baní)
Explanation
Especially Jewish men left Curaçao in search for better economic circumstances
on other islands, like the Dominican Republic
Part of a larger Yes, they also went to Barranquilla and Cartagena (Colombia), Santa Ana de
pattern?
Coro (Venezuela), Cuba, Panamá, Jamaica and the Virgen islands.
Volume
Class
Upper class, they reached the highest social strata in the Dominican Republic
Gender
The majority were men because women did not have the same degree of social
mobility
Characteristics A large number was of Jewish descending
Push factors
Labour shortage, poor economic circumstances
Pull factors
Labour abundance, economic opportunities, plantations, political changes like
independence from the Spanish and Haitian rule (1822-1844), high social class,
kinship ties, trading and shipping, religious tolerance
Consequences A high degree of assimilation, long term consequences for the Dominican
Republic
Return
Uncommon, many integrated well. Often Jewish men married women in the new
migration?
destination.
Chain
Yes, sometimes several family members left Curaçao for the Dominican
migration?
Republic
Government
The Dominican Republic granted certain liberties (religious tolerance) to the
policies
Sephardic Jews
Part 2.2.a.
1600 - 1800: Maritime connections - Willemstad and Santo Domingo
……………………………………………………………………………………….
Between 1600 and 1800, there are no specific migration patterns of significant importance or
volume between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands. According to Roitman, the most significant migration flows did not emerge until the
beginning of the 19th century. However, the maritime connections between Willemstad and Santo
Domingo were considerable between 1600 and 1800, have intensified the contact between the two
islands and are therefore interesting to mention. Also maritime trade in other Dutch islands, like
Saint Eustatius, will be mentioned shortly in this part.
Curaçao experienced two significant periods of growth. The first during the end of the 17th century
until the beginning of the 18th century and the second during the American Revolutionary war from
1775 to 1783 (Deahl 31; Goede 344). In 1675, the Dutch West Indian Company (WIC) declared
Willemstad as a free port. This transformed the island of Curaçao from a sleepy and sparsely
inhabited island into a bustling commercial regional hub. The port became known for its wide array
of European products and it became one of the main centres for slave trade in the Caribbean. Large
numbers of sloops and schooners left Willemstad on a regularly basis for Cuba, Puerto Rico, the
French West Indies and Santo Domingo (Oostindie and Roitman 26). Curaçao also formed a
connection between the Dominican Republic and the cities in the Netherlands. For example, via
Curaçao, tobacco was transported from Santo Domingo to the Netherlands (Oostindie and Roitman
28). Other popular Caribbean products that were transported from the Caribbean to Europe were
cacao, coffee, logwood, hides and indigo (Oostindie and Roitman 28-41).
As can be seen in table 3, during the mid-18th century Willemstad was the seventh most important
port in the Caribbean, only smaller than Havana, Kingston, Cap Français, Santiago de Cuba, and
Bridgetown, larger than Santo Domingo, Port-au-Prince, and San Juan, and much larger than
Oranjestad” (Oostindie and Roitman 44).
1. Views on St. Christoffel, St. Eustatius en Saba. 2. Views on Santo Domingo. 3. Views on Santo Domingo, 1802. 4.
Views on St. Eustatius. (Nationaal Archief).
Table 3. Top ten Port City Populations of the insular Caribbean, ca. 1790 (Klooster 46)
Also Saint Eustatius was an important port during the period of the West Indian Company.
Although the island lacked significant natural resources, its geographical location appeared to be
advantageous. The West Indian Company also had turned Saint Eustatius into a free port. The
island experienced a period of growth, which can be seen in its population growth. The number of
inhabitants grew from around 1,200 in 1715 to around 8,000 in 1780 (Annex 2). Like in Willemstad,
a number of Sephardic Jews settled on the island to trade (Goede 344). Other islands were also used
as maritime key points by the West Indian Company, but to a lesser extent than Curaçao and Saint
Eustatius. Bonaire, for example, was used by the West Indian Company for salt winning, dyewood
and production of sorghum” (Van Beek 9).
In conclusion, role of the Dutch in Caribbean maritime trade was significant between 1600 and
1800. This was an important determinants for economic circumstances on the several islands and
thus also for migration. It was for example important for the migration of Sephardic Jews in the
Caribbean. As was shown by the contact between the ports of Willemstad and Santo Domingo, it
also resulted in more intense contact between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean Part of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Part 2.3.
1870-198010: Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
The sugar boom11
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
This part will elaborate on the role of the sugar industry for migration flows towards the Dominican
Republic. The main determinants and consequences will be discussed, and a conclusion will follow.
Industrialization in the Dominican Republic started around 1870 (Koetze 12) and the Dominican
economy became more export orientated (Bryan 275). The sugar industry played a key role in this
process. The industry underwent a transition due to an increase in Cuban and American
investments, which transformed the sugar industry into a “modern, monocultural, technology
oriented and highly capitalized mode of production” (Bryan 275). Protests by Cuban workers led to
a shift in the sugar production from Cuba to the Dominican Republic. Factory owners left Cuba and
invested their capital in the Dominican Republic. As a result, economic growth expanded rapidly in
the Dominican Republic. The prosperous situation also attracted a number of American companies.
They made large investments in the Dominican Republic (Fergusson 6) and started to build to first
railroads.
The majority of the sugar industry centralized around Santo Domingo, Puerto Plata and San Pedro
de Macorís. The expanding sugar industry offered labour opportunities for Dominicans, but also for
people from other islands in the region. The sugar industry also created another type of labour
demand. The expansion of the ports and the construction of the railroad network needed labourers
too. According to Fergusson, the majority came from the eastern part of the Caribbean (Fergusson
6). Regarding the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the majority of the migrants
came from Sint Maarten, Saint Eustatius and Saba (Roitman 2015).
Johnson mentions the following:
10
11
(Hoetink 210)
Sugar booms: 1918 – 1920, 1940-1945, 1970 (Hoetink 213)
“In 1898 when the male population of St. Maarten including boys was 1546, no less than 420 men of
that island went to the Dominican republic to work. In 1901 of the 1239 males there were 761 who
were working in the Dominican Republic, which was nearly the entire productive working force. For
Saba in 1912 out of a male population of 774 (excluding boys) there were 530 working off-island
(mostly as sailors and captains)” (Johnson 4)
Dominican sugar plantation owners offered relatively good salaries, up to 1 dollar a day (Johnson 2).
Many migrants moved to the Dominican Republic temporally and returned frequently after
(Roitman 2015). This phenomenon is called seasonal or circulatory migration. Especially people
from the lower strata worked in the sugar industry (Hoetink 212). As mentioned by several authors
(Koetze; Gowricharn) the flourishing sugar industry attracted many former slaves, including the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (See part 2.4.)
The migration to the Dominican Republic had significant effects in the region. “From 1885 to 1895
the population of the three Dutch Windward Islands declined by 14% (from 8623 to 7402). And
since it was nearly all men who left, in 1895 there were 45% more women in the three islands than
men.” (Johnson 4; Martinez Moya 168). Johnson estimates that in 1890 around 3000 labourers came
from the Leeward Islands to the Dominican Republic. The majority of the migration concentrated
around 1900. In 1906 the demand for labour increased again as the population was growing rapidly
(Johnson 2). The consequences were also noticeable in Curaçao. In 1919, the island experienced
difficulties because of a labour shortage. This was a result of the large migration flow to Santo
Domingo due to the flourishing sugar industry (Gedenkboek Nederland-Curaçao 179).
Between 1914 and 1939 the Dominican Republic received many seasonal migrants. This migration
was mainly male migration; the wives and children were left behind on the islands. Because of this,
many migrants finally returned to their country of origin. Others however settled around San Pedro
de Macorís, Puerto Plata or La Romana. (Johnson 2).
In particular, migration expanded and the patterns changed during the period of occupation by the
United States between 1916 and 1924 and after 1929. By now, the majority of the sugar companies
were in American hands. But, Haitians replaced “the so-called ‘cocolos’, migrant cane-cutters from
the Caribbean, as early as the 1920s when the depression slashed world sugar prices and wages.”
(Fergusson 10). The Dominicans in general refused to cut cane and were employed in better paidjobs (Fergusson 10). Haitians had much less problem it seemed with cutting cane. Fergusson
explains this by the fact that Haiti’s colonial period had been much less widespread than that of the
Dominican Republic (Fegusson 10).
Also the economic crisis of 1929 had consequences for the migration flows between the Dominican
Republic and the Dutch Antilles. Because of a fall in export prices, American companies started to
look for cheaper labour. This resulted in a flow of migrants from Haiti into the Dominican
Republic. In response, Dominican labourers were forced to look for new labour opportunities.
Many of them migrated to the Dutch Antilles to work in the oil industry (Koetze 15). Another
reason that made Dominicans move to the Dutch Antilles was the desire to obtain the Dutch
nationality, and so move to the Netherlands and after that perhaps even to other parts of Europe
(Koetze 17).
In the 1980s the sugar industry declined because of two reasons: there was a lot of controversy
about the Haitians and the sugar industry had become largely inefficient under Trujillo (Fergusson
12). “Trujillo’s dictatorship was both brutally anti-Haitian and dependent upon continuing supplies
of Haitian labour. […]. Yet later, as Trujillo’s state took over much of the industry from US and
domestic owners, he saw Haitian labour as a necessity rather than a threat.” (Fegusson 10).
In conclusion, the flourishing sugar industry has brought people to the Dominican Republic from all
over the Caribbean, of which the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands constituted a
significant part. Many settled for good in the Dominican Republic and stayed after the decline of the
sugar industry and the shift in labour demand, but a small part also returned to their islands of
origin. The next part will provide additional information to this part by elaborating on the
consequences of the abolition of slavery for migration in the Caribbean.
Table 4. Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic
Type
Duration
Course
Labour migration
90 years, 1870 - 1980
The Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, especially from Sint
Maarten, Saint Eustatius and Saba, to the Dominican Republic, in particular to
San Pedro de Macorís, la Romana and Puerto Plata
Explanation
The working class of the islands went to the Dominican Republic to work in the
sugar industry. The Dominicans called these migrants ‘cocolos’.
Part of a larger Yes 12 , migrants also came from the Leeward islands, Turks and Caicos, the
pattern?
Virgin islands, Jamaica. Migrants also went to work in sugar industries in Cuba
and Puerto Rico and Berbice and Demarara
Volume
See text, depending per island
Class
Working class (former slaves)
Gender
The majority were men because women did not have the same degree of
mobility. Women, children and elderly people were left behind
Characteristics Seasonal migration (start of season in January)
Push factors
Natural disasters, emancipation, labour shortage, regional factors: difficulties in
the sugar industry in Cuba
Pull factors
Better wages, (transport provided by the Dominican sugar industries),
Consequences Labour shortage in Curaçao in 1919
Return
Some returned when they had saved enough, others settled in San Pedro de
migration?
Macoris, la Romana or Puerto Plata. Return migration was probably more likely
because of the seasonal migration flows. Also, return migration occurred when
the petroleum industry flourished.
Chain
Yes, chances increased because of seasonal migration
migration?
Government
American politics and Trujillo’s rule had significant consequences for the sugar
policies
industry
Part 2.4.
1863: Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
The abolition of slavery
……………………………………………………………………………………………
On the first of July 1863 the Kingdom of the Netherlands abolished slavery: Curaçao had had the
largest number of slaves, and in 1863 “67 government enslaved persons and 6,958 privately enslaved
persons […] gained their freedom” (Allen 2; Goede 346). Former slaves were now granted legal and
civil rights “as well as responsibilities of which they had previously been deprived” (Allen 1).
However, “formal abolition of slavery in Curaçao […] did not mean immediate equality for the
newly freed population in terms of social and power relations” (Allen 6): the process was far more
complex and went gradually.
The abolition of slavery had significant consequences for migration flows in the Caribbean.
Gowricharn, Allen and Monsanto have written much about Curaçao. Allen speaks about
“Curaçaoan post-emancipation patterns”. Before emancipation slaves went to work in, for example,
Saint Thomas, Venezuela and Puerto Rico, and after emancipation the now freed slaves went to the
Dominican Republic, Panama, Costa Rica and Cuba (Allen 13). The freed slaves had limited access
to land and education in Curaçao, and after emancipation they were able to “join the ranks of
voluntary migrant’s for economic opportunity”. Many went to work in post-plantation economies,
like the Dominican Republic, where seasonal agricultural labourers were needed. The sugar industry
in particular attracted many labourers. Others went to Costa Rica to construct railways or to Panama
to build the canal (Gowricharn 79-82; Allen 82; Monsanto 2). The majority of the migrants were
male, but women also left their islands to work as nannies or cooks (Allen 82). Monsanto also
stresses the number of people that left Sint Maarten and Saint Eustatius for the same reason as the
freed slaves from Curaçao, but does not elaborate on this in detail (Monsanto 2).
Gowricharn and Allen relate migration after the abolition of slavery to a large extent with identity.
Migration allowed people to “challenge the prevailing construction of Afro-European identity and to
transcend national boundaries of cultures and languages” (Gowricharn 93). This had consequences
for identity construction both on the individual islands as across the Caribbean.
In conclusion, the abolition of slavery resulted in an increase in migration from the Caribbean part
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic. This migration was part of a larger
regional pattern; many former slaves went to work in post-plantation countries where labour was
needed. The majority went to work in the sugar industry. In addition, migration after the abolition of
slavery was a form to challenge traditional forms of identity construction.
Table 5. Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic
Type
Duration
Course
Labour migration. Other factors: identity
After 1863
The Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, especially from Curaçao,
to the Dominican Republic
Part of a larger Yes, it was a regional phenomenon
pattern?
Explanation
Many freed slaves left their island to search for work in the region, in particular in
post-plantation countries
Volume
Class
Lower class
Gender
Men and women
Characteristics Freed slaves, unemployed, no landownership
Push factors
Unemployment, historical roots in race and inequality, discrimination
Pull factors
New life, labour opportunities
Remigration? Not common
Chain
migration?
Government
The abolition of slavery in 1863
policies
Part 3. 1516 – 2016: Migration flows from the Dominican Republic to the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
……………………………………………………………………………………….
This third part is similar to the second part, but it looks as if the migration flows exactly the other
way around. The following migration flows have been identified between 1516 and 2016 from the
Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands:
3.1.
1918 – 1985: Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Aruba and Curaçao
– The oil boom
3.2.
1940 – 1970: Political migration from the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part
of the Kingdom of the Netherlands – The consequences of Trujillo’s rule for
migration
3.3.
1950 – present: Family migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba –
3.4.
1950 – present: Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and
Sint Maarten – An increase in sex tourism in the Caribbean
The four flows mentioned above will be discussed in further detail.
Part 3.1.
1918 – 1985: Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and
Aruba
The oil boom
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Figure 29. Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Aruba
The oil boom has had significant effects for migration in the entire Caribbean region. The oil
refineries that were established in Curaçao and Aruba attracted many labourers from all over the
region. First the determinants and consequences in the case of Curaçao will be discussed, and then
in the case of Aruba. Finally, a short conclusion will follow.
Figure 29. Ethnic groups present in Aruba in 1967 (Green 34)
3.1. a. Curaçao
The Royal Dutch Petroleum Industry arrived in Curaçao in 1918 (Goede 346). The oil boom that
followed transformed Curaçao from a “commerce focused and agricultural society into a more
complex, modern and industrial society” (Dinmohamed 3). Also, its population grew rapidly, from
37,000 in 1924 to 114,000 in 1954 (Goede 346; Fergusson 6). People not only came to the island to
work in the oil industry, but also for labour that was created by the large amount of migrants that
had come to work at the refineries. Curaçaoans who had left the island before the oil boom to work
elsewhere, now moved back to Curaçao. The island was no longer an island of emigration, but of
immigration (Koetze 15).
The labour demand decreased after the 50s when “the refinery started automating its processes”
(Goede 346). The economic circumstances in Curaçao started to become less favourable (Allen 79).
In this period, many migrants who had come to Curaçao to work in the oil industry now returned to
their islands.
This process only increased after 1985, when the refinery closed its doors (Goede 347). The closure
of the oil refineries in Curaçao and Aruba in 1985 and the “status aparte” of Aruba in 1986 resulted
in an outflow of migrants. According to de Goede, “In that period, there was an exodus of
inhabitants of Curaçao, there was an influx of illegal immigrants from mainly poor people of the
region, making it impossible to have a reliable assessment of the number of inhabitants of the
island” (Goede 347-348).
3.1. b. Aruba
As mentioned by Green, “Aruba was considered useless during the early part of its history” (Green
18). This can mainly be explained by the fact that the island was very dry. Agriculture, thus, was not
very successful. The island experienced periods of exploitation of wood, gold, phosphate, also horse
breeding, cochineal and cattle raising, divi divi tree, aloe, and other crops but none of them appeared
to be successful in the long term (Green 18-19).
The economy experienced a boom period when the two oil refineries were established on the island
during the late 1920s. The first one was called the Eagle Petroleum Company Incorporated, a
subsidiary of Royal Shell, and the other one was Lago Oil and Transport Company, which was later
named Standard Oil (Green 23). The island offered “easy access to the Venezuelan oil which could
be refined and shipped to world markets” (Green 23).
Like in the case of Curaçao, the oil refineries also attracted other types of labourers. Because of the
petroleum industry, in addition to the migration flow due to the oil boom, two other types of
migration flows emerged: female migration because of the prostitution sectors 13 (Green 56) and
migration to offer extra services to the growing labour population that worked in the petroleum
industry. “The presence of both companies, and especially the Lago Oil and Transport Company,
necessitated the building of quarters, improving of harbours, and employment of varied types of
staff. In addition, auxiliary services sprang up to meet the need of employees. (Green 24).
Almost every island in the Caribbean experienced a process of depopulation due to the labour
migration flow to Curaçao and Aruba (Moya Pons 109; Van der Sloot 9). For example, the
population of Saint Eustatius declined from 1315 inhabitants in 1920, to 921 in 1948 (Hartog 134).
In conclusion, the oil boom in Curaçao and Aruba led to a considerable increase of the island’s
migrant population and, as was mentioned before, turned the islands into a ‘receiving’ islands.
Moreover, the societies became increasingly multicultural (Gowricharn 90).
Table 6. Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Aruba
Type
Duration
Course
Explanation
Part of a larger
pattern?
Volume
Class
Gender
Characteristics
Push factors
Pull factors
Consequences
Return
migration?
Chain
migration?
Government
policies
Labour migration
1920 - 1980
From the Dominican Republic to Aruba and Curaçao
Dominicans went to Aruba and Curaçao to work in the oil industry
Yes, people came from all across the region to the islands, for example from Sint
Maarten, Saint Eustatius and Saba
Lower class, working class
Male, but also women who found jobs as prostitutes or cooks because of the
increase in migrants
Unemployment
Better wages
Yes, in 1950 when the oil industry declined, and also after 1985 when the oil
refineries closed
-
Part 3.2.
1940 - 1970: Political migration from the Dominican Republic to the
The consequences of Trujillo’s rule for migration
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
This part will elaborate on the consequences of Trujillo’s rule for Dominican migration. Rafael
Leónidas Trujillo ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until his assassination in 1961. Trujillo’s
rule has had significant consequences for Dominican migration. The circumstances under his regime
were harsh. For example, during Trujillo’s regime socio-economic inequality, abuse and disrespect of
women and institutionalized racial discrimination increased. All these factors contributed “to an
image of women as sexual objects, domestic violence and femicide (Kuiper 5-6)”. The longer
Trujillo was in office, the more people started to look for ways to leave the Dominican Republic, but
at the same time Trujillo started to constrain migration (Koetze 18). Trujillo did not want people to
leave the country to settle somewhere else, because he needed them to build a strong economy
(Dinmohamed 2; Hoetink 210).
However, some managed to escape his regime. In archives a lot of correspondence about migration
flows from the Dominican Republic during Trujillo’s regime can be found. There was a lot of
correspondence between the Dutch consulate in Santo Domingo, the immigration office in
Oranjestad and the Court of Justice in Willemstad (Koetze 18). Many fake marriages and birth
certificates were reported as many Dominicans desired to obtain Dutch nationality through these
means. In order to regulate this increase in migrants, a fixed number of female passengers was
agreed on with KLM. Moreover, in 1940 the Dutch consul suggested to oblige a visa for all
passengers to the Dutch Antilles. This proposal was rejected, however, because of financial reasons.
Three years later, the visa became obligatory. A letter from the Dutch consul in San Pedro de
Macorís tells us that the demand of these visas was extremely high (Koetze 18).
After Trujillo’s assassination, the outflow of migrants increased exponentially: migration was the
only way out (Koetze 21; Dinmohamed 2). The group of migrants became more diversified in the
later years after Trujillo’s assassination. In the 1970s and 1980s a large number of people left the
Dominican Republic because of the labour surplus created by Trujillo and the poor economic
circumstances (Dinmohamed 2). A significant part of these migrants went to work in the
prostitution sector in Curaçao, and later on Sint Maarten.
In conclusion, Trujillo’s rule led to an increased outflow of migrants from the Dominican Republic.
This outflow increased significantly after his assassination. People left the Dominican Republic to
look for better social, economic and political circumstances. Circumstances were especially difficult
for Dominican women.
Table 7. Political migration from the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
Type
Duration
Political migration
Between 1930 and 1961, and exponentially just after 1961 and the decade that
followed
Course
The Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
Explanation
People left the Dominican Republic as soon as they could after Trujillo’s
assassination
Part of a larger Yes, people also migrated to other countries, like the United States
pattern?
Volume
Class
All classes
Gender
Supposing more women
Characteristics Push factors
Harsh political circumstances
Pull factors
More political and social liberties on the islands, better economic circumstances
Consequences Return
migration?
Chain
migration?
Government
Trujillo’s rule, and for example the negative consequences of his rule for the
policies
sugar industry
Part 3.3.
1950 – Present: Family migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba
……………………………………………………………………………………………………....
Figure 30. Family migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba
This part will provide an insight into migration patterns from the Dominican Republic to Saba.
Literature by Sullivan will be used to demonstrate the various determinants and consequences.
Finally, a short conclusion will be drawn.
Although information on migration flows from and towards Saba is limited; Amy Elizabeth Sullivan
has carried out an extensive study on this topic. Unlike many other islands in the Caribbean, Saba’s
geographical characteristics have made it difficult for a plantation economy to evolve. The island is
small and the mountain is steep. “Saba has virtually no economic importance. A little agriculture is
practiced in the crater and on the steep, boulder strewn exterior slopes. The men are expert sailors
and they built a few boats for sale.” (Roberts 169). The island, however, was influenced by
circumstances of the surrounding islands and slavery was common. This led to “racial hierarchies
and the socioeconomic repression of non-European peoples”, which still can be experienced until
present day according to Sullivan.
The small shape of the island and the difficulty to establish an independent economy has made the
island dependent and being influenced by the greater economies of the surrounding islands.
Moreover, many Saban people spent the majority of their lives outside of Saba. This fact, together
with a growing tourism sector and the presence of the American Saba University School of
Medicine, has made Saban people conscious of the outside world (Sullivan 7).
The migration scene of Saba in the 20th century has been characterized by depopulation. The Saban
people who left the island frequently worked in Caribbean and North American shipping, the oil
industry and service oriented labour markets. After the mid twentieth century, when the majority of
Saba’s inhabitants was of European descend, African descended people became the majority on
Saba. The people of European descend could be described as white and belonging to the elite,
whereas the people of African descend could be described as black and belonging to the lower or
middle class. This was a result of increasing fertility and migration rates. However, as Saba is a small
island and community life is therefore dominating, Sullivan stresses that the people of European and
African descend peacefully lived together (Sullivan 6-7).
According to Sullivan, “For those who remained, Saba, at this time, was truly for the Sabans as rates
of in-migration, and thus ethnic, racial, and cultural diversity, remained low. […] Almost all of the
elite white families vacated the island during seafaring times and left behind a small aging group of
whites who lived comfortably off their connections to the shipping industries and remittances sent
home by family members living in The States, a large group of poor agriculturally-oriented whites
and a few blacks who continued to draw the bulk of their living from the land, a large group of black
and white families who came to depend heavily on remittance monies generated through
employment on the oil-producing islands of Aruba and Curaçao, and a small but substantial group
of very poor white and black families who had no land to cultivate and only their on-island labour to
trade for subsistence.” (Sullivan 7-8) As a consequence, the wealth gap between the European and
African descend populations diminished. However, this being challenged, some “began to forcefully
assert their social superiority on the basis of race alone”. (Sullivan 8)
She continues, “When economic opportunities associated with shipping and the oil industries
declined in the 1950s, migration became associated with government sponsored off-island secondary
and post-secondary educational opportunities designed to enhance the skill-set and marketability of
Saban youth both on- and off-island.” However, when they came back to Saba they were often not
able to find appropriate jobs. “Because of this, many educated Sabans continued to find life on Saba
untenable and eventually made the decision to leave the island either temporarily or permanently.
Migration in pursuit of employment and education continues to be a defining characteristic of Saban
life to this day and the population of native-Sabans remains small due, in part, to this continuing
exodus.” (Sullivan 8-9).
Between 1964 and 2004, Saba’s population increased from 1000 to 1400 inhabitants. The native
population, however, diminished from 978 to 832. This can be explained by the following.
“Employment and entrepreneurial opportunities in the burgeoning local tourist industries, especially
those involving ecotourism, large-scale construction projects including a long-term project to
upgrade Fort Bay pier in the hopes of attracting larger tourist and trade ships, and the foundation
and expansion of the Saba University School of Medicine are responsible for producing the bulk of
this influx of non-local people.” (Sullivan 9). This influx of non-local people has led to increased
diversification of Saba’s population. The American Saba University School of Medicine increased
the number of Americans and Canadians living on the island. Other migrants came as labourers
from “the Dominican Republic, Dominica, Haiti, St. Vincent, Colombia, and other Caribbean
locales.” (Sullivan 9). It should be noted though that, “for the first time, required Sabans to negotiate
the differences of culture and economic power between themselves and their non-Saban neighbors.
[…]. Instead of going into the world, many Sabans now experience having the world come to them.”
(Sullivan 377).
Two of the largest groups of immigrants consist of Dominicans and Colombians. Ethnicity plays an
important role in this. Intermarriage “between Sabans and, in particular, Spanish speaking people,
mostly women, from the Dominican Republic and Colombia” is common. (Sullivan 494). Sullivan
refers to a general perception of Dominican women in the Caribbean. She explains that Dominican
women “are valued for their light skin complexion that contrasts with the darker skin tones of most
local women” (Sullivan 82; Kempadoo).
The Dominicans on Saba are especially concentrated in St. Johns (22% Dominican) and The Bottom
(20% Dominican). Other villages are Windward side and Hells Gate. According to Sullivan, the
majority of the Dominican immigrants are women “and many of the Dominican women marry
and/or have children with the local population of Saban men” (Sullivan 427).
For women from Santo Domingo, marriage into the local black population became an attractive
alternative to life back home and many women from the Dominican Republic came to Saba, set up
their lives, and encouraged other family members to follow. However, this pattern of migration was
never as formal as the importation of Colombian brides even though many local women insist that
some Santo Dominguans came to the island with the specific intent of snagging a Saban man and
that they were given information about available partners or about relationships that they might be
able to disrupt by “stealing” someone else’s boyfriend or husband.” (Sullivan 698-699). “The Santo
Dominguans on the island are also intermarried but they are mostly black. And the way it looks to
me, Colombians mostly marry whites and Dominicanos mostly marry blacks.” (Sullivan 615)
The influx of people, according to Sullivan, scares Saban people for three reasons. First, they are
worried about job competition. Second, the immigrants compete with them for marriage partners.
And third, the increase of immigrants “is beginning to give many Sabans the uneasy feeling of
becoming strangers on their own island” (Sullivan 427).
The Dominican immigrants have changed social life on Saba in several ways according to Sullivan.
“The general influence of these Spanish-speaking groups can be seen in the grocery stores that now
sell foods like empanadas, the clubs that regularly have Spanish nights, and the schools that now
struggle with increasing demands for bilingual education for adults and children.” (Sullivan 462-463)
In conclusion, this part has shown that Saba during the mid-twentieth century turned from a
migrant sending island into a migrant receiving island. The growth of Saba’s tourism sector and the
establishment of the American medicine school largely caused this change. A large part, assumed at
one fifth, of these new migrants came from the Dominican Republic. One of the main
characteristics of this migration flow from the Dominican Republic is that the majority is female.
Table 8. Family migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba
Type
Duration
Course
Explanation
Labour migration. Other factors: identity and family
1950 - present
The Dominican Republic to Saba, The Bottom and Saint Johns
Dominican women were popular among men from Saba because of their exotic
features
Part of a larger Yes, Dominican women in general seem to have an exotic identity in the
pattern?
Caribbean
Volume
Estimated at 20% of Saba’s population
Class
Lower class
Gender
Female
Characteristics Dark skinned, exotic Dominican women
Push factors
Poor economic circumstances and limited social mobility
Pull factors
Good economic prospects because of expected marriage with Saban men
Consequences Assimilation because of intermarriages
Return
Uncommon because the women settled and had families
migration?
Chain
migration?
Government
policies
Part 3.3.
1950 - Present: Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao
and Sint Maarten
An increase in sex tourism in the Caribbean
………………………………………………………………………………………………….........
Figure 31. Migration flow from the Dominican Republic to Curacao and Sint Maarten
This part will shortly introduce the influence the expanding sex industry in Curaçao and Sint
Maarten has had for migration between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands. The important factors will be discussed, and a conclusion will be
drawn.
The oil industry and the expanding tourism sector, among others, led to the opening of Campo
Alegre, a brothel, in 1949. Since, the sex industry on Curaçao has only expanded and has had
significant consequences for intra-Caribbean migration flows. Sex work in Campo Alegre was only
allowed by foreigners. Dominican women were granted a work allowance for 3 months and did not
have any visa obligations (Kuiper 23). The 3-month allowance was thought of to prevent women
from getting into relationships (Dinmohamed 5).
Around the 1980s the sex tourism industry also expanded in Sint Maarten. In addition, the poor
economic circumstances in the Dominican Republic only contributed to the amount of Dominican
women who went to work in the sex industry in Curaçao and Sint Maarten (Dinmohamed 5).
Kuiper also mentions that Trujillo had a largely negative effect on the identity construction of
Dominican women. In the beginning of the 80s more than 50% of the prostitutes in Curacao were
of Dominican descend (Kuiper 7). The people interviewed also indicated that this migration flow
peaked around the 80s.
Kempadoo largely explains the relatively large amount of Dominican women in the sex industries on
the islands, besides poor economic circumstances in the home country, by stereotypes of exoticism.
As was already partly explained in the part about Saba, Dominican women seem to have a exocitc
stereotype within the Caribbean (Kempadoo 26).
In 2001, the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands received over 11.000 visa application, of
which 80% had destination Curaçao and Sint Maarten, and Aruba to a lesser extent (Kuiper 7-8). A
large part of these applications could be related to the sex industry in Curaçao and Sint Maarten.
Today there is still a flow of Dominican female migratns to Curaçao and Sint Maarten. A small
amount of Dominican sex workers also goes to Aruba and Saint Eustatius. Many of these women
come from the poorest parts of the Dominican Republic, “La Romana, San Cristóbal, San Juan, […]
Juan de Herrera” (Kuiper 23-24).
In conclusion, since 1950 a significant amount of Dominican women has migrated to Curaçao and
Sint Maarten. Many went to work for 3 months on a regular bases, and some have stayed. This
migration flow only involves Dominican women, who posses an exotic image in the Caribbean. The
flow peaked around the 80s but still continues until present day.
Table 9. Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Sint Maarten
Type
Duration
Course
Explanation
Labour migration
1950 - present
The Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Sint Maarten
Dominican women have formed a large part of the sex workers in Curaçao and
Sint Maarten
Part of a larger Yes, Dominican women in general seem to have an exotic identity in the
pattern?
Caribbean
Volume
Class
Lower class
Gender
Female
Characteristics Dark skinned, exotic Dominican women. Repeated migration of 3 months each
time, which sometimes leads to permanent stay
Push factors
Poor economic circumstances and limited social mobility, negative effects of
Trujillo’s rule
Pull factors
Better wages, possible marriage partners, possibility to get the Dutch nationality
Consequences Sometimes intermarriages
Return
migration?
Chain
Yes, when experiences are shared back in the Dominican Republic
migration?
Government
Visa restrictions, visa for 3 months
policies
Part 4.
Present: migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean
part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
……………………………………………………………………………………….
Whereas the previous parts have looked into migration between the Dominican Republic and the
Kingdom of the Netherlands in the past, this part will provide an overview of the present situation.
This fourth part will elaborate on the main migration flows in the present situation, and elaborate on
some of the main determinants and consequences. The structure will be as follows:
4.1. From the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
a. From the Dominican Republic to Curaçao
b. From the Dominican Republic to Sint Maarten
c. From the Dominican Republic to Aruba
d. From the Dominican Republic to Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba
4.2. From the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican
Republic
Finally, a conclusion will be drawn.
……………………………………………………………………………………….
4.1. From the Dominican Republic to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
In the past migration flows have been largely orientated towards the Dominican Republic. Today the
migration flows take rather place the other way around. During the past decades, the Dominican
Republic has become characterized by emigration (Riveros 61). The major migration flows between
the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, in terms of
size, take place to Curaçao and Sint Maarten, and to Aruba to a lesser extent. Migration flows to
Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba have been investigated little because of their relatively small size.
Figure 32 shows an overview of the Dominicans in the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands.
Table 9. Dominicans in the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (OBMICA)
4.1.a. From the Dominican Republic to Curaçao
As was shown in the previous parts, movement of people between the Dominican Republic and
Curaçao has been significant throughout history. Also in the case of Curaçao, migration in the 19 th
century was largely orientated towards the Dominican Republic, whereas in the 20th century this
turned around. Currently, this turn in migration towards Curaçao is still dominating the migration
flows between the two.
Data
The majority of the people asked for information for this report indicated that the migration flows
between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands are
the most significant from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao (Ethard 2016; Adriaanse 2015;
Brouwer 2015; Wijnbelt 2015; Van der Sloot 70)(Table 10). The data provided by OBMICA
(Riveros) assumes that there are 5,999 Dominicans living in Curaçao, which is 4.2% of Curaçao’s
total population (Table 9). Data provided by the government of Curaçao assumes a similar number:
5,405 (2011), 3.6% of the population. It also shows that the majority of the Dominican migrants in
Curaçao is female: 4,137 of the total number is female (77%) and 1,268 male (23%) (Ministerie van
Sociale Ontwikkeling, Arbeid & Welzijn Curaçao 34). A part of the 5,405 total immigrants is so
called “second generation”: 3,311 people of which 1,585 male and 1,726 female. A part of the 5,405
total has the Dutch nationality (2,342), and another part has the Dominican nationality (2,906). In
addition, one third of the immigrants originate from Santo Domingo (Ministerie van Sociale
Ontwikkeling, Arbeid & Welzijn Curaçao 65).
Table 10. Yearly immigration by country of departure and sex (2011-2013) – Source: Population Registry and CBS Curaçao
Immigration by country of departure and sex (2011-2013) – Source: Population Registry and CBS Curaçao
2011
2012
2013
2014
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Male
Female
Total
Male
female
Total
1652
1813
3465
1601
1691
3292
1619
1765
3384
1659
1921
3580
63
119
182
66
121
187
95
162
257
101
185
286
120
107
227
74
75
149
55
65
120
66
72
138
Aruba
52
49
101
39
43
82
49
51
100
60
68
128
Saint Maarten
59
69
128
28
35
63
43
48
91
40
44
84
2523
2773
5296
2390
2488
4878
2594
2799
5393
2670
3012
5682
The
Netherlands
Dominican
Republic
Bonaire
Total
Some of the main characteristics of Dominican migrants in Curaçao are the following:

Poorly educated

Young

The majority of the Dominican immigrants work in the hospitality sector, garden
maintenance, cleaning, retail, beauty industry and the entertainment industry (Ministerie van
Sociale Ontwikkeling, Arbeid & Welzijn Curaçao 44).
The determinants for migration are diverse, but in interviews the economic circumstances were put
forward most. The list below summarized the main determinants (push and pull factors).

Economic incentives: the average income in Curaçao is twice as much as in the Dominican
Republic (Van der Sloot 9).
o Tourism: in the 1990s the tourism industry started to grow in Curaçao and created
labour opportunities. Tourism had also experienced a period of growth in the 1950s
and 1960s (Dinmohamed 3; Goede 347)
o Sex industry: Curaçao is one of the main destinations for sex workers from the
Dominican Republic (Moya Pons 2015; Brouwer 2015; Croes 2015; Adriaanse 2016;
Roersch 2015; Wijnbelt 2015)

Other circumstances: several other circumstances are better in de Curaçao than in the
Dominican Republic: life expectancy, child mortality, education, employment rate and
healthcare. (Ministerie van Sociale Ontwikkeling, Arbeid & Welzijn Curaçao 33).

Similar language, culture and climate: it is relatively easy for Dominicans to integrate
because Spanish is one of the major languages spoken in Curaçao. Also factors like similar
climate and cultures play a role (Ministerie van Sociale Ontwikkeling, Arbeid & Welzijn
Curaçao 43; Dinmohamed 3).

Curaçao as a part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands: migration opportunities to the
Netherlands have contributed to the pull factors. Namely, on the one hand this created a
labour gap as many people moved way, on the other hand, the future possibility to migrate
to the Netherlands serves for many Dominican migrants as a pull factor the move to
Curaçao (Dinmohamed 3; Van der Sloot 9; Buitenlandse Zaken 275).

Family: the long history of migration and the significant volume of the migration flows has
resulted in numerous the family ties between Dominicans and Curaçaoans.
As was already mentioned in the previous part, assimilation is relatively easy for Dominicans in
Curaçao because of the fact that Spanish is spoken in Curaçao and that cultures and climate are
similar. The Dominicans have grouped themselves in several neighborhoods in Curaçao. Many
Dominicans have settled in Souax, Santa Helena, Wishi, Marchena, Fleur de Marie and Veeris
(Ministerie van Sociale Ontwikkeling, Arbeid & Welzijn Curaçao 43). They also have established
Dominican associations.
1.b. From the Dominican Republic to Sint Maarten
Literature on this migration flow is little, but data and interviews demonstrate that the migration
flow from the Dominican Republic to Sint Maarten is almost as significant as that to Curaçao.
Construction and shared island (half Dutch, half French) (Fergusson 24). The data provided
OBMICA (Riveros) assumes that there are 3.510 Dominicans living in Sint Maarten, which is 4,5%
of its total population.
Sint Maarten was frequently mentioned during the interviews. Anna Hamilton is a Peace Corps
volunteer since October 2015. She is living in El Seibo for two years. When Sint Maarten was
mentioned, she said: “Oh, Sint Maarten is Dutch?! That is the island everyone is talking about!” She
mentions that in El Seibo people speak about ‘aquí’ and ‘allá’. Aquí referring to their town, and allá
referring to the place far away where life is supposed to be better. Allá refers either to New York,
Spain, Miami or Sint Maarten; it is all the same to them. According to Anna, the top destinations
they speak about are Sint Maarten, Curaçao and Saint Thomas. They are convinced that life is better
in these places, they go there for jobs and often they already have friends or family members there.
Other explanations given for the migration flow towards Sint Maarten are the tourism industry, a
demand for construction workers, the sex industry and the border on the island with France
(Fergusson 24; Ethard 2016).
1.c. From the Dominican Republic to Aruba
Aruba could be considered as the third most popular destination for migrants from the Dominican
Republic. The data provided OBMICA (Riveros) assumes that there are 4,317 Dominicans living in
Aruba, which is 3.7% of its total population. Other data by CBS, see tables 1 and 2 below, also
indicate the large number of Dominicans in Aruba. The main motivations for migration to Aruba
are economic incentives and a better quality of life (Gullien; Gabriel). Finally, it seems that many
Dominican women marry with Aruban men. According to CBS Aruba, of all foreign nationalities,
most Dominican women are married to Aruban men (CBS 19).
1. Country of birth – Source: CBS Aruba 2010
Country of birth
Counts
%
Aruba
52,944
52.6
Dominican Republic
3,966
3.9
Other
(Venezuela, 43,756
43.5
Colombia, U.S.)
Total
100,716
Not Applicable
394
Missing
375
100
2. Nationality – Source: CBS Aruba 2010
Nationality
Counts
Dutch
15,918
Dominican
1,402
Other
54,478
Total
71,798
Not applicable
17,495
Missing
12,191
1.d. From the Dominican Republic to Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba
It is somewhat difficult to get an idea about the migration from the Dominican Republic to Bonaire,
Saint Eustatius and Saba because of different data measurements. Before 2010, the three islands
were part of the Dutch Antilles. Today, they are part of the Netherlands. Therefore, individual data
on the islands is largely absent. The data by OBMICA (Riveros) takes the Dominican immigrants of
Saba, Saint Eustatius and Saint Martin all together. This number is estimated at 1.320 Dominicans.
Although this is a small number in comparison to Curacao, Aruba and Saint Martin, the small
populations of the three islands should be considered. The 1.320 Dominicans at the islands form
5.6% of the total population of the three islands.
2. From the Curaçao, Aruba and Sint Maarten to the Dominican Republic
The inflow of migrants from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the
Dominican Republic is rather small in comparison to the inflow of Dominicans to the Caribbean
part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Moreover, the Dutch people from the islands are difficult
to locate in the Dominican Republic and do not group together. Many seem to be in the Dominican
Republic because of family ties. Also return migration should be taken into account. It seems that
many of them are second, or more, generation. In economic terms, the Dominican Republic is not
particularly attractive. But, education, for example, does attract some students from the Caribbean
part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic.
The Oficina Nacional de Estadísticas (ONE) provides the following numbers of migrants from the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in the Dominican Republic.
1. People from the Kingdom of the Netherlands living in the Dominican Republic (Censo
2002, ONE)
Country of birth
Both sexes
Male
Female
Aruba
109
53
55
The Dutch Antilles
18
14
4
Total
127
68
59
2. People from the Kingdom of the Netherlands living in the Dominican Republic (Censo
2010, ONE)
Country of birth
Both sexes
Male
Female
Aruba
153
93
59
Curaçao
313
193
120
Sint Maarten
469
232
236
Although interpretation is difficult because of the change in structure of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands, Table 1 and 2 show a clear increase of migrants from the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands between 2002 and 2010. The number of migrants from Aruba has not
increased much, but the number of migrants from Curaçao and Sint Maarten has. Especially the
number of migrants from Sint Maarten is rather high. Figure 32 shows another interesting fact about
the migrants from Sint Maarten: the majority is aged between 10 and 30 years old, which is
remarkably young in comparison to the migrants from Curaçao and Aruba.
Figure. 32. People from the Kingdom of the Netherlands residing in the Dominican Republic according to age (based on
information by ONE)
According to ONE, the majority of the migrants from Curaçao, Aruba and Sint Maarten is residing
in Santo Domingo, in el Distrito Nacional or San Pedro de Macorís. Also La Romana and Santiago
are frequently chosen cities to settle. The ranking is shown below.
From Curaçao14:
1. Santo Domingo
2. Distrito Nacional
3. Santiago
4. San Pedro de Macorís
5. La Romana
6. San Cristóbal/Barahona/Puerto Plata
From Aruba15:
1. Santo Domingo
4. Santiago
5. La Altagracia
6. San Cristóbal
From Sint Maarten16:
1. La Romana
2. Santo Domingo
4. La Altagracia
6. San Cristóbal
7. Monte Plata
8. Hayo Mayor
9. Santiago
(ONE 2010)
(ONE 2010)
16 (ONE 2010)
14
15
In conclusion, the previous parts have shown that migration flows in the past have been largely
orientated towards the Dominican Republic; this part has shown that today it appears to be rather
the other way around (Roitman 2015). The largest flows between the Dominican Republic and the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands occur from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao
and Sint Maarten, and to Aruba to a lesser extent (Ethard; Adriaanse; Kuiper; Ministerie van
Ontwikkeling en Welzijn). Curaçao has a long migration history with the Dominican Republic and
has a relatively large economy. Sint Maarten is a rather new emerging migration destination and is of
interest to migrants because of the border with France and the growing tourism sector. Both
Curaçao and Sint Maarten are also destinations for sex workers. Aruba offers economic incentives in
particular and also a better quality of life to migrants. Migration to Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba
is relatively small. The first two would need further research. Part 3 demonstrated that Saba is an
interesting destination for migration for Dominican women. They are popular marriage partners
among Saban men, and so are motivated by better economic circumstances and a better quality of
life.
Migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the Dominican Republic
is relatively little. The number of people from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands in the Dominican Republic does not exceed the number of 500 per island, according to
the government data provided in this report.
Discussion
……………………………………………………………………………
First, it should be emphasised that this report has aimed to provide an overview of migration flows
between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands over a
time period of 500 years. The macro scale perspective taken has created possibilities for historical
contextualization, which is essential to understanding the present, but it can also be shortcoming in
terms of details. For example, critiques to periodization have been that it is reductive and
generalizing. Also, it has been argued that history is fluid and durational and that periodization is
thus not an appropriate method.
Secondly, regarding research methods, information and data was limited, difficult to locate and
access, incomplete or unreliable or not up to date. Quality of data also varied. Academic literature on
migration between the Dominican Republic between Bonaire appeared to be almost non-existent.
Also Saint Eustatius and Saba have received little attention.
Therefore, this study forms a good starting point for future studies. These could analyse one of the
migration flows addressed in this report in further detail. In particular, it would be interesting to
look into Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba as information on these islands is most limited. Other
future studies could look better into the aspects of gender, identity or remittances, for example.
Conclusion
……………………………………………………………………………
This report has aimed to contribute to a better understanding of intra-Caribbean migration by
elaborating on a case study of migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean
part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Because an overview of migration flows between them was
non-existent, regarding the past as well as the present, a macro-scale historical approach was chosen.
This approach provided opportunities to create an overview of the migration flows, analyse patterns,
put the theme into a regional perspective and link the past with the present. The theories used for
this approach have been periodization, the neoclassical economic theory, the network theory and
Lee’s push and pull factors.
The aim of the report has been threefold. The first aim of this report was to identify the most
significant migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands between Columbus’ arrival and the present day. The first migration
flow identified happened to be exactly 500 years ago: in 1516 the Spaniards brought inhabitants
from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to Hispaniola because of a labour shortage in the latter. The year
1516 could be considered as the year of the first direct migration flow in terms of planning and time
between the current territories of the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom
of the Netherlands since Columbus’ arrival. Movement of people between them has only increased
since then. Below the most significant migration flows since 1516 are listed, for which the theory of
periodization was used.
1516:
Forced labour migration from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to the
Dominican Republic – The rise of the sugar industry on Hispaniola
1600 - 1800:
Maritime connections - Willemstad and Santo Domingo
1800 – 1900:
Labour migration of Sephardic Jews from Curaçao to the Dominican
Republic – Economic opportunities and political and religious
freedom
1863:
Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands to the Dominican Republic – The abolition of slavery
1870 – 1980:
Labour migration from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
1918 – 1985:
Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and
Aruba – The oil boom
1940 – 1970:
Political migration from the Dominican Republic to the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands – The
consequences of Trujillo’s rule for migration
1950 – present:
Family migration from the Dominican Republic to Saba –
1950 – present:
Labour migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Sint
Maarten – An increase in sex tourism in the Caribbean
Present:
Migration from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Sint
Maarten, and Aruba to a lesser extent
Although there were many maritime connections between 1600 and 1800, movement of people did
only really take place from the 19th century onwards. This fact has also been emphasized by Roitman
(2015) and members of the ADGH (2016). Another pattern that can be observed is the following.
First, the Dominican Republic was largely the receiving country, and the Caribbean part of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands the sending part. Especially when the oil industry expanded, and still
today due to relative better economic circumstances, the pattern has been reversed: the Dominican
Republic has become the sending country and the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands the receiving part. Thirdly, Curaçao has had the most intensified ties with the
Dominican Republic, especially regarding migration.
The second aim was to introduce each identified migration flow and elaborate on the main
characteristics, in particular on the determinants and consequences. The determinants have been
largely explained by Lee’s push and pull factors theory and the neoclassical economic theory, for the
consequences more specifically was looked into assimilation and chain migration that could aprtly be
explained by the network theory. Below an overview of the main determinants and consequences
over the years is shown:
Determinants
Push factors:

Economic difficulties, labour shortages

Political circumstances

Religious constraints

Natural disasters

Identity issues

Limited social mobility
Pull factors:

Economic incentives, labour demand

Family ties (example: Sephardic Jews), maritime ties, political ties

Religious tolerance

Possible marriage partners

Geographical proximity

More social status
Consequences
 High assimilation in many cases because of intermarriages, similar cultures and family
networks (for example, the Jewish families)

Chain migration and return migration

Effects on other migration flows in the region
In addition, the seven islands discussed in this report all have different geographical features
especially in terms of size and soil. To summarize, the Dominican Republic is big in size and has
offered many opportunities to develop the agricultural sector. The islands of the Caribbean part of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands were more interesting because of their strategic geographical
location than in terms size or soil (Oostindië and Roitman 26). They are all rather small in size, have
limited natural resources and many experience dry weather conditions. Curaçao is the largest island
of the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (Goede 345). It offers some opportunities
for development of the agricultural sector; its proximity to the northern coast of South America
made it ideal for trade, and the petroleum industry was developed. Aruba has similar characteristics
to Curaçao. Sint Maarten, Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba are the smallest in size. Saba, moreover,
is characterized by a steep volcano and so makes agriculture difficult.
These different characteristics have largely determined the industries that developed on the islands.
The industries and their labour opportunities have been one of the, if not the main force for people
to move to the islands. The Dominican Republic was the first to develop and has always had the
largest population. Curaçao was the first from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands to develop. Saint Eustatius followed, but development declined at the end of the 18 th
century. Aruba followed, and then Sint Maarten, Bonaire and Saba. The size of the economy and the
population has largely determined the migration flows and the present number of immigrant on the
islands. The largest islands have the strongest economies and receive the largest number of migrants.
In relative terms, however, the smallest islands have the largest percentage in- and outflow.
The third aim was to provide an overview of the present situation and elaborate on how this links to
the past and can be put into a larger context of intra-Caribbean migration. Currently, migration
especially takes place from the Dominican Republic to Curaçao and Sint Maarten, and Aruba to a
lesser extent. Especially Sint Maarten proves to be an emerging destination for intra-Caribbean
migration.
The main motivation of Dominican migrants moving to Curaçao, Sint Maarten and Aruba is of
economic naryre. The growing tourism sector (Riveros 33) and the sex industry are some of the
main labour sources, especially for Curaçao and Sint Maarten. Other factors mentioned are of the
common Spanish language, similar cultures and climate. Also other circumstances like better
education, healthcare and quality of life are pull factors. The factors are summarized below:
Determinants
Push factors:

Poverty

No social mobility

Unemployment

Gender inequality

Aquí vs. allá (here vs. there)

Geographic proximity
Pull factors:

Economic incentives, labour opportunities

Tourism and prostitution sector

Language

Similar culture and climate

Family ties

Flexible migration laws

Possibility to obtain the Dutch Nationality in the future

Marriage possibilities
Consequences

Partial assimilation, relatively easy because of language and similar cultures and climate

Chain and return migration
Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba receive a substantially smaller amount of migrants than Curaçao,
Sint Maarten and Aruba. Saba is known for having relatively better economic circumstances than the
Dominican Republic, as was elaborated on in part 3.3. There is too little information about the
present situation in Bonaire and Saint Eustatius to draw conclusions.
A macro-scale perspective creates the opportunity to link the past and the present. The following
patterns can be observed. As was mentioned before, Curaçao has the longest migration history with
the Dominican Republic and the volume of migration has been the largest on average. Also, the
migration flows were first more orientated towards the Dominican Republic, and today towards the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Another remarkable observation is the
following. Migration flows were often clearly characterized by gender, class and race. Especially in
terms of gender, this has been large unbalanced in most cases. In the past many migration flows
were largely male, whereas today some are dominantly female.
Finally, it appeared that migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean part of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands were closely interrelated with other intra-Caribbean migration
flows. Changes in economic, social and political circumstances rapidly resulted in changes in
migration flows and these in turn, were of influence to other intra-Caribbean migration flows. For
example, when migration from Haiti to the Dominican Republic increased because of the sugar
industry, many migrants from the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands returned to
their home country. Migration flows have also resulted into intermixture. For example, the
Domincans and the Colombian form the largest migrant groups in Curaçao and Saba. It is therefore
again very important to look at the theme of this report from a Caribbean perspective.
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3. Other
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
Statistical data

CBS – www.cbs.nl

WB - Bilateral Estimates of Migrant Stocks in 2013

UN - United Nations, Population Division. Department of Economic and Social Affairs.
Trends in International Migrant Stock, migrants by destination and origin. (United Nations
database, POP/DB/MIG/Stock/Rev.2013)

ONE - Censo de población y vivienda: 2002 and 2010
Archive data

National Archief (NA) in The Hague
Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken, het Nederlandse consulaat in de Dominicaanse Republiek (Santo
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 62.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 52.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 50.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 86.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 70.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 90.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 30.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 129.
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 58
Domingo) 1932-1959, Inv. Nr. 126.
Staatsalmanakken, Blauwe Gidsen, Oranjeboekje oude dossiers van BZ bij het Nationaal Archief.

Archivo Nacional de la Nación (AGN)
Fondo: Secretaria de Estado de Agricultura. Institución de procedencia: Secretaria de estado de
Agricultura. Fechas: 1930-1933. No. Caja/legajo/libro: 29.
Online archive data

Nationaal Archief in The Hague – www.gahetna.nl

Archivo Nacional de la Nación (AGN) (Archivo Nacional de las Indias) www.agn.gov.do/
Websites

Curaçao Trading company - http://Curaçaotrading.blogspot.nl/2009/12/Curaçaoschehandel-maatschappij-ceteco.html

Lago Colony - www.lago-colony.com and http://www.lagocolony.com/SAN_NICHOLAS_TOWN/SAN_NICHOLAS_IN_EARLY_YEARS.htm

Genlias - www.genlias.nl

The Global flow of people - http://www.global-migration.info/
Private websites

Wie was wie (Zoek voorouders) – wiewaswie.nl

Ancestry – www.ancestry.com

Family search – www.familysearch.org

Jan van Doorn (De genealogie van de families van Samaná, Sabana de la Mar en
Sanchez) – www.samana.tribalpages.com

Marugg (Caribische genealogie) - www.caribischegenealogie.org/marugg-2/

Henk Beers (De familie Palm op Curaçao) – www.henkbeers.nl
Appendix
……………………………………………………………………………
1. Key concepts
2. Notes on report
3. Annex I: population growth
4. Timeline
5. Contact list
6. Interviews
1. Key concepts
……………………………………………………………………………………….
Migration: “the movement of a person or a group of persons, either across an international border,
or within a State. It is a population movement, encompassing any kind of movement of people,
whatever its length, composition and causes; it includes migration of refugees, displaced persons,
economic migrants, and persons moving for other purposes, including family reunification.” (IOM)
Migration is subdivided into sending areas, routes of migration and receiving areas (BICC 117).
International migration: is the movement of populations across borders. (Heery and Noon)
International migrant stock: “the number of people born in a country other than that in which
they live. It also includes refugees.” (World Bank February 2016)
Migration flow: “a group migration from a particular country, region, or city to a certain
destination.” (National Geographic 2)
Emigration: “the act of departing or exiting from one State with a view to settling in another”
(IOM)
Immigration: “A process by which non-nationals move into a country for the purpose of
settlement.” (IOM)
Receiving country: destination country
Sending country: home country
Push factors: are those life situations that give one reason to be dissatisfied with one’s present
locale (Dorigo and Tobler 1)
Pull factors: are those attributes of distant places that make them appear appealing (Dorigo and
Tobler 1)
Labour migration: “movement of persons from one State to another, or within their own country
of residence, for the purpose of employment. Most States address labour migration in their
migration laws. In addition, some States take an active role in regulating outward labour migration
and seeking opportunities for their nationals abroad.” (IOM)
Seasonal migration: “the process of moving for a period of time in response to labour or climate
conditions (e.g., farm workers following crop harvests or working in cities off-season; "snowbirds"
moving to the southern and south-western United States during winter).” (National Geographic 2)
Long and short term migration: “the United Nations (1998) has recommended the definition of a
long-term migrant as a person who moves to a country other than his origin or residence for a
duration of more than 12 months’, whereas a short-term migrant is a person who migrates for
between three and 12 months.” (ECLAC 7)
Return migration: “the voluntary movements of immigrants back to their place of origin.
This is also known as circular migration.” (National Geographic 2)
Chain migration: “a series of migrations within a family or defined group of people. A chain
migration often begins with one family member who sends money to bring other family members to
the new location. Chain migration results in migration fields—the clustering of people from a
specific region into certain neighbourhoods or small towns.” (National Geographic 1) Th
demonstration effect can lead to chain migration.
Assimilation: “Adaptation of one ethnic or social group – usually a minority – to another.
Assimilation involves the subsuming of language, traditions, values, mores and behavior or even
fundamental vital interests. Although the traditional cultural practices of the group are unlikely to be
completely abandoned, on the whole assimilation will lead one group to be socially indistinguishable
from other members of the society. Assimilation is the most extreme form of acculturation.” (IOM)
Gender: “refers to the behaviours and qualities associated with being either male or female that are
the norm in a particular society or culture.” (Heery and Noon)
Exoticism: “the romanticization of the racial, ethnic or cultural Other, yet the simultaneous
oppression and exploitation that occurs with it - has been discussed as part of the practice and
ideology of earlier colonial and imperialist projects” (Kempadoo1)
The Dutch Leeward Islands: Aruba, Curaçao and Bonaire
The Dutch Windward Islands: Sint Maarten, Saint Eustatius and Saba
2. Notes on the report
……………………………………………………………………………………….

The Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands refers to Curaçao, Aruba, Sint
Maarten, Bonaire, Saba and Saint Eustatius

The Caribbean refers to the Insular Caribbean

The aim of the report is to provide an overview and provided opportunities for more
detailed research into the case studies

MLA reference style is used

The consequences discussed address the consequences in the receiving and to a lesser extent
of the sending country

The report has a focus on migration flows between the Dominican Republic and the
Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, meaning that other flows, like between
the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands will not receive particular attention.

The report does not elaborate extensively on history apart from what is important for the
discussed migration flows.

In earlier times to the Dominican Republic was often referred to as Hispaniola or Santo
Domingo. The report uses as much the one term Dominican Republic; however, sometimes
in records the other two can be shown.

The structure of the Kingdom of the Netherlands as of how it is today has only been like
this since 2010. This report refers to the current structure, however, it should be noted that
the structure used to be different before. The discussion elaborates on possible data
shortages because of this new structure.

Migration from Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba to the Dominican Republic today was so
limited and difficult to measure, that these migration flows have not been addressed in
particular

The maps at the beginning of each chapter were only provided for the migration flows with
the most clear origin and destination boundaries
3. Annexes
……………………………………………………………………………………….
Annex I: First description of Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire
De Curazao y Aruba, que frontero17
Por consiguiente son ellos y ellas,
Desde costa son islas situadas,
De nobles y apacibles condiciones;
Al Joan de Ampíes18, factor o tesorero,
Tienen para la guerra gentil brío,
En perpetuo gobierno fueron dadas,
Y su lenguaje es el de caquetío”
Las cuales por aqueste caballero,
Primeramente fueron conquistadas,
“En el agua se mueven diestramente,
Y pues son tan cercanas desta gente,
Soltísimos en tierra y alentados,
Quiero trataron dellas brevemente”
Puntería de tiros excelente
En aves, en conejos, en pescados;
“De la costa del mar que represento,
Hánse lavado todos en la fuente
Hasta tres leguas estarán distantes,
Que quita las mancillas y pescados;
Las gentes que las tienen por asiento,
Tienen pueblos formados, tienen templos,
Son mucho más que otras elegantes,
Y sus amos les dan buenos ejemplos.
Y tanto que por otro nombramiento
Les llamas las islas de los Gigantes,
“Ningunos pueden ser más excelentes
Por ser en general de su cosecha
De flecheros que el obre nuevo cría,
Porque desde muchachos balbucientes
Gente de grandes miembros y bien hecha.
Se hacen diestros en la puntería:
“No tienen para qué formar querellas
Júntase muchos niños pretendientes
De natura por malas proporciones
De llevar cada cual la mejoría,
Son las mujeres por extremo bellas,
Puestos en los extremos de una plaza
Gentiles hombres todos los varones;
Con bola verde como calabaza.
17
The oldest description of Aruba and Curacao
(1539) (Cardot 44-46)
18
The names Ampiés and Ampués are both used
in literature
“Estando todos ellos esperando
Arrónjala con brazo vigoroso,
Que yendo con el paso presuroso
Y aquel que no le da yendo rodando,
Nunca yerran conejo ni hutía
Queda de cierto premio perdidoso:
Ni saben arrojar flecha baldía”
Vanse por tiempo tanto despertando,
Annex II: population growth (table)
……………………………………………………………………………
Curaçao
Year
Total
1513*
1648*
1789
1816
1863
1900
1955
2004
2013
2015
500
5.000
14.094
Slaves
6.765
6.958
White
people
Indians
3.564
2.780
Slave
owners
790
30.000
120.000
130.347
158.760
156.971
Sint Maarten
Year
Total
Slaves
1715
1790
1863
1915
1960
2004
2013
605
5.571
244
4.266
2.254
3.282
2.728
34.405
45.233
White
people
361
Indians
Slave
owners
105
Aruba
Year
1715
1800*
1806
1816
1863
1915
1947
2004
2013
(OBMICA)
2016
Total
Slaves
Indians
Slave owners
393
1.000
1.546
1.732
9.284
47.932
99.109
102.911
White
people
217
818
564
493
83
Bonaire
Year
Total
Slaves
1816
1828
1863
945
1.476
364
547
161 (+604 slaves of
the government)
1867
1926
1956
2004
2013
3.833
7.521
5.500
10.018
17.400
White
people
72
90
Indians
Slave
owners
284
35
Saint Eustatius
Year
Total
Slaves
1715
1790
1816*
1863
1884*
1915
1916*
1948*
1960
2004
2013
1.274
7.830
2.668
750
4.944
1.138
White
people
524
Indians
Slave
owners
65
1.600
1.431
1.431
921
1.014
2.525
3.900
Saba
Year
Total
Slaves
1715
1790
1863
1915
1960
2004
2016
512
1.301
176
564
730
White
people
336
Indians
Slave
owners
117
2.488
980
1.424
2.000
Dominican Republic
Year
Total
1800
1850
1900
1950
2000
2014
125.000
350.000
600.000
3.231.000
8.562.623
10.405.943
Slaves
White
people
Indians
Slave
owners
The Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands: Monsanto (Annex 3)
Curaçao* (Goede 348; CBS)
Saint Eustatius*(Hartog 127)
Aruba* (Green 22)
Dominican Republic: Estevez and Pascual n.p.; WB; Vinograv
Annex III. Population growth (graph)
…………………………………………………………………………....
Annex IV. Population growth
…………………………………………………………………………....
4. Timeline
………………………………………………………………………........
The Kingdom of the Netherlands
1506-1555:
1568-1584:
Until 1795:
1798-1806:
1806-1810:
1815:
1830:
1890:
1949:
1954:
1975:
1986:
2010:
Rule of Karel V
Rule of Willem van Oranje
De Republiek der Zeven Verenigde Nederlanden
De Bataafse Republiek
The Kingdom Holland
The southern part of the Netherlands separated
Luxembourg independent
Indonesia independent
Statute
Surinam independent
Aruba an autonomous country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Curaçao and Sint Maarten autonomous countries within the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
(koninklijkhuis.nl; Rijksmuseum.nl)
The Dominican Republic
1492 – 1821:
1821:
1822 – 1844:
1844:
1861 - 1885:
1916–1924:
Colony of Spain
Independence from Spain
Occupation by Haiti
Independence from Haiti
Colony of Spain
Occupation by the United States
(Moya Pons)
The events that are indicated in orange are migration flows
600:
1300:
1492:
1492:
1493 - 1496:
1499:
1516:
1526:
1568 – 1648:
1580:
First inhabitants, Taínos, on Hispaniola
The Carib Indians moved to the Caribbean
The Jewish Sephardic people were expelled from Spain
First voyage of Columbus, discovery of the island Hispaniola
Second voyage of Columbus, discovery of Saint Eustatius, Sint Maarten and
Saba
Voyage Alsonso de Ojeda, discovery of Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire
First migration flow from Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire to the
Dominican Republic
Return migration flow under Juan de Ampúes
80 year was between the Dutch and the Spanish
Depopulation of Northern Hispaniola
1580:
1588 – 1702:
1593:
1600:
1613:
1600 – 1800:
1600 – 1800:
1616 – 1814:
1621- 1674:
1624 – 1674:
1625:
1627 – 1796:
1675:
1630:
1632:
1633:
1634:
1636:
1644:
1648:
1651:
1695:
1674 – 1791:
1745 – 1815:
1800 – 1900:
1813 - 1815:
1842:
1844:
1844:
1857:
1859:
1861 – 1863:
1870:
1870 – 1930:
1863:
1863:
1866:
1870:
1874-1985:
1882:
1891:
1880 – 1920:
The first Dutch in the Caribbean and around the island Hispaniola
Golden Age
Hans van der Vucht was an inhabitant of Santo Domingo and moved back
to Amsterdam in 1593
Increase in Dutch (illegal) trade at the north of Hispaniola
The voyage of Juan Rodriguez from Hispaniola to New Amsterdam aboard
of a Dutch ship
Flourishing shipbuilding industry in the Zaanstreek region in the Netherlands
Dutch piracy in the Caribbean
Essequibo was a Dutch colony
The first West Indian Company
New Amsterdam was a Dutch settlement
The Dutch in Tortuga
Berbice was a Dutch colony
Maps of the island Hispaniola made in Amsterdam
Dutch establishment in Tortuga
Sint Maarten occupied by the Dutch
The Dutch lost Sint Maarten to the British
Curaçao and Aruba occupied by the Dutch
Saba and Saint Eustatius occupied by the Dutch
Sint Maarten again occupied by the Dutch, together with the French
Peace of Münster and Treaty of Westphalia
The first Sephardic Jews from Amsterdam arrived to Curaçao
A second group of Sephardic Jews from Amsterdam arrived to Curaçao
The Second West Indian Company
Demerary was a Dutch colony
Migration flow from Curaçao to the Dominican Republic (Sephardic
Jews)
Juan Pablo Duarte in exile in Curaçao
Dominican Independence from Haiti
The first Dominican diplomat in The Hague
Treaty between the Dominican Republic and The Kingdom of the
Netherlands
First Dutch consulate in Santo Domingo
The Dominican Republic again under Spanish rule
Industrial era in the Dominican Republic
Tobacco boom
Abolition of slavery
Migration flow after the abolition of slavery
Buenaventura Baez in Curaçao
Industrialization
Dutch Vice-consulate in Puerto Plata
Establishment Koninklijke West-Indische Maildienst (KWIM)
Treaty of consulates
Sugar boom in the Dominican Republic
1880 – 1920:
1890:
1890:
1891:
1893-1980:
1900:
1910-1949:
1913 – 1966:
1914:
1914:
1914:
1916 – 1924:
1916 – 1985:
1920:
1929:
1930 – 1961:
1934:
1938:
1961:
1940:
1944:
1949:
1949 – Present:
1950 - Present:
1954:
1960:
1960 – 1962:
1962:
1963:
1966 – 1978:
1968:
1968-1973:
1980:
1985:
1985:
1986:
1986 – 1996:
1990:
1992:
1998:
2000:
Migration flow to the Dominican Republic in order to work in the
sugar industry
Establishment of the .V. Handel- en Industrie-Maatschappij ‘Curaçao
Establishment of the Curaçao Trading Company
later: Curaçao Trading Company
First diplomatic representation of the Dominican Republic in Curaçao
Dutch Vice-Consulate in San Pedro de Macoris
Establishment of S.E.L. Maduro & Sons
Dutch Vice-Consulate in Sanchez
First diplomatic representation of the Dominican Republic in Bonaire
First diplomatic representation of the Dominican Republic in Aruba
Royal Dutch Shell found oil in Venezuela
Opening Panama canal
Occupation of the Dominican Republic by the Americans
Oil-boom in Aruba and Curaçao
Resource crisis
The Great Depression
Regime Trujillo
Dutch colony
First diplomatic representation of the Dominican Republic in Saint
Martin
Migration flow from the Dominican Republic after Trujillo’s rule
Visa for all passengers to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
Visit of Princess Juliana to the Dominican Republic and the region
Opening op Campo Alegre in Curaçao
Migration flow to Curaçao and Sint Maarten in order to work in
the sex industry
Migration flow from the Dominican Republic to Saba
The Netherlands Antilles were granted internal autonomy within the
Kingdom of the Netherlands
Opening of Seaman’s club Sint Maarten
Presidency of Joaquín Balaguer
Visit of the Dominican ambassador (…) to The Hague
Juan Bosch visited The Hague
First presidential term of Joaquín Balaguer
Dutch embassy in Santo Domingo
Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Santo Domingo
Economic crisis in the Dominican Republic
Establishment of the Dutch chamber of commerce
Return migration flow when the petroleum industry decays
Aruba gained a “status aparte”
Second presidential term of Joaquín Balaguer
Visa for Dominicans to Curaçao, Aruba and Bonaire
Treaty economy and technology
Air Service Treaty
2000:
2005:
2008:
2010:
2016:
The COTONOU agreement
Embassy of the Dominican Republic in The Hague
CARIFORUM - EU
New constitutional structure, the Netherlands Antilles ceased to exist:
Curaçao and Sint Maarten became autonomous countries alongside The
Netherlands and Aruba and Bonaire, Saint Eustatius and Saba became Dutch
municipalities
500 years of migration between the Dominican Republic and the
(Goede 344 – 361; Kingston 229; Oostindie and Roitman 1-439; Rijksmuseum; Koninkrijkszaken;
Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Koetze 1-26; Kuiper 7; Frank Moya Pons; Hernandez 21-22; Kraft)
5. Contact list
………………………………………………………………………………………………………

Jessica Roitman - KITLV researcher on Caribbean History (e-mail, October)
(Roitman@KITLV.NL)

Michiel Baud - Director of CEDLA and Professor in Latin American Studies at the
University of Amsterdam (e-mail, September) (J.M.Baud@cedla.nl)

Gert Jan Oostindie – Director KITLV, Dutch colonial and postcolonial history and
Caribbean studies (e-mail September) (Oostindie@KITLV.NL)

Pilar Awad – Counselor Minister at the Dominican consulate in Curaçao, writer of the book
(meeting, e-mail, October – February) (awadpilar@gmail.com)

Jan Piña – Member of the Academia de Heráldica y Genealogía (meeting, NovemberFebruary) (janpina@gmail.com)

Bridget Wooding – Director of OBMICA (meeting, January)
(bridget.wooding@gmail.com)

Lieske de Krijger – Policy Officer at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Latin America and the
Caribbean (e-mail, skype, September-October) (lieske-de.Krijger@minbuza.nl)

Esmee Heijstek – Intern at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Latin America and the
Caribbean (e-mail, October) (esheijstek@gmail.com)

Guido Rojer – Lecturer at the University of Curaçao (meeting, October)
(guidorojer@gmail.com)

Ana Laura Guzman Ibarra – Counselor Minister at the Dominican Embassy in The
Hague, The Netherlands (E-mail, phone, October – February)
(embajadadominicananl@gmail.com)

Monique Koetze – Former intern at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, writer of the report
“Nederlandse posten in de Dominicaanse Republiek” (email, October – January)
(monique@redweb.nl)

Bert van der Zwan – Coordinator of the History department at the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs (e-mail, October – February) (bert-vander.zwan@minbuza.nl)

Elise Rimbault – Alianza Francesa (email, October – January) (elise.rimbault@gmail.com)

Frank Moya Pons – Dominican historian (meeting, October)

Wim Klooster – Professor Caribbean History at Clark University of (e-mail, December)
(WKlooster@clarku.edu)

Corinne Hofman - Dean, Professor of Caribbean archaeology at Leiden University with
expertise in: Caribbean, Settlement archaeology, Mobility (e-mail, October – January)
(c.l.hofman@arch.leidenuniv.nl)

Ruben Gowricharn – Professor Social Cohesion and Transnational Issues at Tilburg
University (e-mail, January) (R.Gowricharn@uvt.nl)

Rose Mary Allen – Curaçaoan anthropologist (e-mail, January) (r.allen@uoc.cw)

Antonio Guerra Sanchez – Member of the Academia de Heráldica y Genealogía (e-mail
january)

Eduardo Hued - Member of the Academia de Heráldica y Genealogía (e-mail, january)

Christel Monsanto – Writer of the book ‘Roots Karibense’ (e-mail, January)
(christelmonsanto@gmail.com)

Josette Capriles Goldish– Writer of the book ‘Once Jews’ (e-mail, January, February)
(jgoldish@brandeis.edu)

Julie Marthe Cohen – ‘Curator exhibition Joden in de Cariben’ (e-mail, February)

Max Scriwanek – Director of the Nationaal Archief Curaçao (e-mail January)(
(max.scriwanek@gmail.com)

Nolda Romer-Kempe – Former staff Nationaal Archief Curaçao (e-mail december,
January)( noldaromer@gmail.com)

Sandra de Marchena – srm948@gmail.com

Peter Croes

Edwin Abath – Director Department of Foreign Affairs Aruba (edwin.abath@minbuza.nl)
Embassies: The embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for the Dominican Republic and
Haiti in Santo Domingo, the Dominican Republic and the embassy of the Dominican Republic in
The Hague
Other: OBMICA, FLACSO, COIN, IOM, CBS, WB, UN, KITLV, CEDLA, NAAM, RCMC,
ACN, APEC, UASD, UNPHU, PUCCM, UNIBE, FUNGLODE, ACP, Banco Central, Biblioteca
Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Centro Cultural de la Embajada de España, ONE, ONH, UTESA,
Ministerio de Migración, Joods Museum, Nationaal Archief, Scheepvaart museum, Museo de Sosúa,
Wie is wie, Family Search, KB, International Migration Institute Oxford, DGM, Academia
Dominicana de Genealogía y Heráldica, WIC Archief, Universiteit van de Nederlandse Antillen,
Archivo Nacional Aruba, Biblioteca Nacional Aruba.
6. Interviews, questionnaires and oral histories
……………………………………………………………………………
Interviews/questionnaires (2015-2016)

Johannes Adriaanse (The Netherlands to the Dominican Republic)

Peter Croes (Curaçao/Aruba to the Dominican Republic)

Rosa Marte Gullien (Dominican Republic to Aruba)

Yakari Gabriel (Dominican Republic to Aruba)

Juana Victoria Castillo (Dominican Republic to Curaçao)

F.M. Frett Ramírez (Dominican Republic to Curaçao)

Gerla Wijnbelt (The Netherlands to the Dominican Republic)

Willem Brouwer (The Netherlands to the Dominican Republic)

Theo van den Elsen (The Netherlands to the Dominican Republic)
Oral histories (2015-2016)

Jose da Costa Gomez Member of AGH

Kisoris Sanchez
Demographic Statistics Analyst at ONE

Bridget Wooding
Director OBMICA

Christel Monsanto
Writer of the book ‘Roots Karibense’

Josette Goldish
Writer of the book ‘Once Jews’

Sandra de Marchena Research into Jewish in the Caribbean, website ‘Our Ancestors, Our
Life’

Pilar Awad Báez
Consejera at the Dominican consulate in Curaçao

Frank Moya Pons
Writer of key historical Dominican literature, special member of
ADGH

Wim Klooster
Associate professor at Clark University

Anna Hamilton
Peace Corps volunteer in El Seibo

Erna Ethard
Interviews/questionnaires19
19
For some, only the relevant parts of the interviews or questionnaires are shown
…………………………………………………………………………....
Name: Johannes Adriaanse
Place of birth: the Netherlands
Current place of residence: Santo Domingo, the Dominican Republic
Years in the Dominican Republic:
Occupation: former director of the Curaçao Trading Company and consul in the Dominican
Republic for the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Mr. Adriaanse came for the first time to the Dominican Republic in 1957. He knew very little about
the Dominican Republic or Ciudad Trujillo. During his first stay he was General Manager of the
Curaçao Trading Company (CTC) and was Consul General. He travelled on a regular basis from the
Dominican Republic to Curaçao. According to mr. Adriaanse visa’s for Dominicans for the
Netherlands became compulsory for the first time in 1980.
Mr. Adriaanse lived with his family in Bogotá, Colombia, between 1961 and 1972. After that period
they moved to Caracas, Venezuela. In both cities he worked for the CTC. When he had to move
again, this time for the last time, he told his boss he preferred to go to the Dominican Republic.
Again, he was General Manager of the CTC. He was also Consul General until the end of 1999.
The CTC in the Dominican Republic mainly focused on the sale of coffee, cocoa, tobacco and
beeswax. These products were produced locally.
Migration to the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
According to mr. Adriaanse, the majority of the Dominicans who left for Curaçao, were going there
to work as prostitutes. Others went for business or holidays and some went to work as masons and
carpenters.
Mr. Adriaanse tells stories about the visa applications. Sometimes people were not interested in
where to go, they just wanted to leave the Dominican Republic.
Dutch Association
The Dutch Association was established in 1980. At a certain moment it had more than 100 members.
The association organized rallies and sport events. There was also a monthly bulletin. According to
mr. Adriaanse herring and pea soup was served when the association was established.
Export, products and companies

According to mr. Adriaanse the Netherlands is the most important export country for the
Dominican Republic. It is in particular important because of the port of Rotterdam.

The most important export products are cigars, fruits and coconuts.

The following Dominican products are popular in the Caribbean part of the Kingdom of
the Netherlands: the beer Presidente, the original ‘jabon’ and rum.

At the end of the 70s, Heineken established in the Dominican Republic (50% shareholder).
Already before, beer was produced with Heineken techniques.
Air connections
There were air connections between the Dominican Republic and the Netherlands via Curaçao with
ALM and KLM. The other common connection was via Madrid. In 1979 Martin Air started to fly at
Puerto Plata. Mr. Adriaanse was at the welcome ceremony of the first flight. This air connection led
to an increase in the number of tourists.
Dutch Chamber of Commerce
The Dutch Chamber of Commerce was established in the 1980s. During this period also other
European countries established their chambers of commerce. The chamber of commerce was
important for people who needed information.
…………………………..
Name: Peter Croes
Place of birth: Curaçao
Current place of residence: Santo Domingo, the Dominican Republic
Years in the Dominican Republic: When, how and why you came to the Dominican Republic?
Mr. Croes was born in Curaçao. He has a Dominican mother and a Dutch father. His father was
born in Venezuela. He grew up in the Dominican Republic and was educated in Nijmegen. Before
he came to the Dominican Republic, he studied in Boston.
In 1950 he came to the Dominican Republic for the first time. He flew with KLM to Santo
Domingo. During his childhood he came occasionally in Curaçao and Aruba because he had family
there.
Mr. Croes says his family belongs to one of the oldest families of the Netherlands Antilles and is in
possession of a 'nobility crest’.
He also talks about the likely change of his surname, Kroes to Croes, influenced by the Spanish
“Cruz".
Did / do you have contact with the Dutch diplomatic missions? Why?
Mr. Croes explains that the Dutch trade and diplomatic missions were always strongly interrelated.
Previously, the West India Company represented the Netherlands in the 20th century. The consulate
in Santo Domingo was for a long time closely connected to La Curaçao. Mr. Croes says that the
arrival of the embassy in 2001 has contributed to a positive image of the Dutch representation.
What was / is the relationship between the Dominican Republic and the Kingdom of the
Netherlands? Where did / do most Dutch come from? Netherlands, Netherlands Antilles?
There are strong links between the Dominican Republic and the Netherlands Antilles. According to
Mr. Croes a large number of Dominicans live in Aruba and Curaçao. He says that Curaçao was often
described as “Pearl of the Caribbean" (1910-1930). The schools are good and Curaçao manufactures
good furniture. Between 1920 and 1950, many Dominican girls were sent to good schools (Curaçao
and St. Maarten). We also talk about Campo Alegre. He says that many Dominican and Colombian
women worked there as a prostitute.
He also says that there is a large number of Antilleans lives in the Dominican Republic. According
to Mr. Croes the majority of the Dutch in the Dominican Republic comes from the islands. Some
live here for generations. Examples of common surnames are: Evertsz, Maduro (Sephardic Jews),
Schotborgh.
Many Sephardic Jews from the Netherlands have also come to the Dominican Republic.
He also says that there are many politicians in the Dominican Republic that have a Dutch family
name.
And another example of a Dutch name he mentions is Louis Heriberto Pieter, an oncologist after
whom now also a city hospital and street are named.
Mr. Croes also talks about the Dutch project " Island Networks: modeling inter- community social
relationships in the Lesser Antilles across the historical divide (AD 1000-1800) ", which researches
the Taíno history on the island.
Another Dutch project that was very successful in the Dominican Republic was the PUM
(Netherlands Senior Experts).
He also mentions the Antilles House.
Did the Dutch focus on/ concentrate in certain cities or regions? If so, why?
Yes, the Dutch concentrated for example in Santo Domingo and in Santiago for Shell and because
of the tobacco.
Was there a Dutch association? What kinds of activities were organized?
Yes, Sinterklaas was always celebrated.
What was / is your profession, and / or what were / are your activities in the Dominican
Republic?
Mr. Croes is an academician and has been working in the advertising industry. He has established a
company, called "El Taller Creativo “. He has accomplished many honorary tasks, for example for
the UNAPEC university.
Which Dutch / Dutch Caribbean companies that operated/operate in the Dominican
Republic do you know?
The tobacco industry was concentrated in Santiago, where many Dutch stayed for that reason. Mr.
Croes applauded Mr. Kelner. He calls him the ' father of Dutch prosperity'. Also, Mr. Kelner made a
card that gave a lot of information about where the best tobacco could be grown.
We talk about La Curaçao. Mr. Croes says they sold all kinds of products. Airfare tickets for
Antillean and Royal Dutch Airlines (ALM and KLM). Coffee, furniture, tobacco and cacao. He also
says that the Curaçao Trading Company was closely linked to the Dutch Consulate. Mr. Adriaanse
was longtime manager of the Company and simultaneously Dutch consul.
We continue talking about the Dutch influence in the Dominican ports. The Dutch have helped
several times with the construction and expansion of ports. Likewise, the Dutch perform almost all
dredging activities.
Finally, we talk a bit about the foundation, together with Mr. Brouwer, from the Dutch Chamber of
Commerce in the 80’s; the Dutch Chamber of Commerce has always been active in promoting trade
between the two countries.
…………………………..
Name: Gerla Wijnbelt
Current place of residence: Puerto Plata, the Dominican Republic
Occupation: honorary consul
Volgens mevr. Wijnbelt was de migratiestroom van Dominicanen naar het buitenland het
grootst in de jaren 80. Bijvoorbeeld, een groot aantal dames vertrok toen naar Venezuela om
daar tafelkleden te verkopen. In de jaren daarna vertrokken veel dames naar Curaçao.
Vrouwen hebben in de Dominicaanse Republiek een moeilijke positie, vooral economisch
gezien.
…………………………..
Name: Juana Victoria Castillo20
Age: 89
20
Interview by Pilar Awad Báez
Place of birth: Villa Gonzales, Santiago,
Dominican Republic
Current place of residence: Curaçao
Years in Curaçao: 58 (13/10/1958)
One day she was at a wedding and a lady
asked her: “would you like to marry?”.
She answered: “If I meet a good man,
yes I will marry. And so she heard via the
husband of her cousin that he knew a
man in Curaçao who was a very good
man and wanted to get married. He had
heard about Juana, that she was a very
good woman and that she also earned
good money because she was a
seamstress. She was 32 at that time. The
Curaçaoan man started to organize the
paper work.
She remembers the day they met, she was
participating in an activity of the town
she was leaving and all girls had to dress
and walk in such a way, that they would simulate the Dominican flag. She was dressed in red. Then
they called her to introduce her to the man. At first she was hiding and very shy, but finally she
agreed to see him.
They met on a Saturday. Her fiancée was introduced to the whole family. The day after, on a Sunday,
they got married in a church. The civil ceremony was celebrated in Curaçao.
She knew little about the islands. A Dominican had told her that she had to be careful because the
people were not good. She was also told that in Curaçao she would only eat ‘funchi’ because people
didn’t eat rice. But she responded that she was not afraid.
She had no expectations whatsoever. She thought: I married and accepted moving, now I have to try
my best.
She lived a very quiet life. Her family in law thought she was beautiful and nice. They were very
happy she had become part of the family. Especially her mother in law was very fond of her, to the
point that even her sisters in law got jealous about their relationship.
Her husband worked for Shell in Curaçao.
Many things have changed in Curaçao: some for the better, other for the worse.
At her arrival she had contact with her family and the lady that introduced her to her husband. She
felt very welcome in Curaçao. She married August 24 and came to Curaçao in October of the same
year.
At first a friend helped her with communicating in Papiamento. Later, she learned to speak
Papiamento. She soon felt fully integrated and she took care of her mother in law all her life. She
kept in contact with family and friends in the Dominican Republic and felt very sad that her
husband died at the age of 61. She said he was a wonderful man.
She was born in Villa Gonzalez. Her family never came to stay, only to visit.
She had contact with all consuls and with people without family in Curaçao. She remembers consuls
Mr. Rovira (1958), consul Mr. Alvaro Caamaño and his wife Amparo Caamaño (1968), Benoit (early
70s), Víctor Hernández and his wife Carmen Luisa (1978) and Ernesto Fabré. From the eighties she
especially remembers Ms. Olga Bencosme and later María Contreras. She was friend of all Consuls
and before leaving the island all of them would introduce her to the next one. They used to come
to her home to eat and for socializing.
The name of her husband was Gregorio Victoria, but everybody knew him as Arturo. They had four
children.
…………………………..
Name: Dr. F.M. Frett-Ramírez21
Place of birth: Dominican Republic
Current place of residence: Curaçao
Years in Curaçao: 37 (1979)
Occupation: doctor and sexologist
When, why and how did you arrive at Curaçao?
Dr. F.M. Frett-Ramírez had a friend in Curaçao and was offered a job as a doctor because of a
shortage of doctors.
What did you know about the island?
21
Interview by Pilar Awad Baez
She had learnt something about Curaçao at school and she had heard about high levels of
prostitution in Curaçao. She had also heard that many people bought goods (e.g. jewelry) in Curaçao
to sell in the Dominican Republic.
Did you have any expectations?
Before she moved to Curaçao she was working in a hospital in the Dominican Republic. She thought
the hospital would be similar, but it turned out to be very different. She could choose to work with
children (regular checks, vaccinations, etc.) or people with high sexual transmission risk in Campo
Alegre. She chose the latter. She worked at the “Tolerance for Prostitution” department.
How was the political, economic and social situation in the Dominican Republic when you
left? And how was this in Curaçao?
The circumstances in Curaçao were favorable. In general there was a lot of respect and the island
was very safe. The Dominican Republic just had a new government of the Partido Revolucionario
Dominicano (PRM) with Dr. Antonio Guzmán as president.
Dr. F.M. Frett-Ramírez regrets the large number of Dominican women that come to Curaçao to
work in the prostitution sector. Back in the days they came for a period of three months and the
majority worked for the “Hotel restaurant Campo Alegre”. According to Dr. F.M. Frett-Ramírez, the
majority of the Dominican women knew they were going to work as prostitutes in Curaçao.
What have been some of the biggest changes since you arrived?
Curaçao has changed a lot. It has grown a lot, the cities in particular.
With whom did you have contact when you arrived to Curaçao?
In the beginning she didn’t have much contact with other Dominicans. She did, however, arrive
together with another Dominican doctor, Neyda Martínez. Later she met other DominicanCuraçaoan families.
How did you communicate? Did you speak the language?
She spoke Spanish with almost everybody. Almost all the prostitutes in Campo Alegre came from
the Dominican Republic. There were also some from Colombia, one or two from Brazil and one or
two from Haiti.
Do you feel fully integrated now? Was this difficult?
She never had any problems to integrate. At work everything always went very well. She had good
contact with the Public Health Director, Dr. Todman. He was born in La Romana in the Dominican
Republic. His parents were British and he grew up in Curaçao.
How did/do you keep in touch with family and friends in the Dominican Republic?
Yes, always.
Are there other family members who migrated to Aruba or other islands of the Dutch
Antilles?
No, she lives with her husband and daughter in Curaçao.
Did/do many come from Santo Domingo or from other parts in the Dominican Republic?
Many come from San Pedro de Macorís.
Did you have any contact with the Dutch or Dominican embassies/consulates?
No, sometimes she had contact with ex-consul Olga Bencosme in the 80s. She appreciated her work
very much, also that of Ramiro Bautista, who was a consul between 2003 and 2004.
Are there any cultural influences?
Music, bachata and ‘moro rice’
Do you know any Dominican companies in Curaçao?
Not really.
What Dominican products are being sold in Curaçao?
Café Santo Domingo, Productos Rica, Salami, Presidente Beer Brugal Rum, Barceló Rum,
agricultural products (víberes).
What are some of the main obstacles for doing business?
Obstacles for doing business are bureaucracy and no maritime connection.
Business declined when Dominicans suddenly needed a visa. People then went to Panamá to buy
goods instead of to Curaçao. Before, there was a lot more movement of people. There used to be
three flights per day: Dominicana de Aviación, Viaza and ALM.
Do you maybe have a special anecdote?
When she went to Curaçao for the first time, she was with her friend Dr. Martínez. They had to take
a taxi when they arrived because their pick-up had left because of their flight delay. They told the
taxi driver that they wanted to go to a 5-star hotel. But the taxi driver took them to a terrible hotel in
Scharloo: apparently he thought they were prostitutes. The hotel was called “Venezuela” and smelled
like fish and there were cockroaches. They called a friend and soon went to another hotel.
…………………………..
Name: Rosa Marte Guillen
Place of birth: República Dominicana
Current place of residence: Aruba
Years in Aruba: 24
When, why and how did you arrive at Aruba/Curaçao?
In 1991 my older sister was living in Aruba and was married to an Aruban.
She offered me to come on vacation and I was young and wanted to explore new countries, so I just
came.
That it was in the Caribbean, easy to find a job; it was really sunny and had beautiful beaches.
No I didn't. I just came on vacation and was planning to go back to the Dominican Republic after
three months.
left? And how was this in Aruba?
1) It was stable. 2) Normal.
I became more independent. I didn't have my mom by my side and my sister was busy with her
children and her husband.
With whom did you have contact when you arrived to Aruba?
My sister, my ex-husband, who I met the same day I arrived and a girl that was living in one of my
sister’s bedrooms.
How were you welcomed as a Dominican?
When I came there was a lot of immigration from different countries, so it was a bit chaotic, but it
wasn't bad.
No, I didn't speak any Papiamento. I communicated in Spanish and then learn Papiamento.
Do you feel fully integrated now?
Yes, of course.
Was this difficult?
No, Aruba is multi-cultural.
Via telephone.
Do/did you have any contact with other Dominicans on the island?
Yes, many of them.
Are there other family members who migrated to Aruba or other islands of the Dutch
Antilles?
Yes, but to France and French Guyana.
Yes, in that time they did and a lot.
Did/do they group together in certain places in Aruba?
Yes.
Was/is there a Dominican association? What kinds of activities were/are organized?
Yes, there is, but i don’t really keep in touch with that.
After immigrating not really. Only after I got married.
How do you see the relationship (political, economic) between the Dominican Republic and
the Kingdom of the Netherlands?
In the Dominican Republic there is still too much corruption in the political sector and we have
every potential to be a rich country, but politics made it impossible. There is no control.
In Aruba there is also corruption and many things that don’t function as they need to and that
makes that the economic situation is also getting really bad in here. That is a reason why many
Arubans like me and my daughter Shanela are thinking about emigrating to other places.
What is your profession in Aruba?
I’m a chef
Do you know any Dominican companies in Aruba?
Not really.
What Dominican products are being sold in Aruba?
‘Señora Muller’, ‘Jugos Rica’ and many others.
…………………………..
Name: Yakari Gabriel
Place of birth: Dominican Republic
Current place of residence: Utrecht, the Netherlands
Years in Aruba: 16
Occupation: student
When, why and how did you arrive at Aruba?
I was 4 years old when I immigrated with my mother
I was small, but my aunt was living there and she arranged the paper work for me and my mother.
I was just a child; I just knew that I was leaving home.
left? And how was this in Aruba?
The Dominican Republic, from what I was told (because I never lived there) would be very violent
and corrupt. When I got older I went on vacation many times and this became obvious to me. I saw
the violence and the poverty with my own eyes. I was too small to grasp the concept of these things.
For the most Aruba was a safe and quiet place and I had quite a normal childhood without the
violence back home.
My understanding of language. I only spoke Spanish when I first got to Aruba. But as a child, I was
a sponge and I caught up quickly. Once I learned all the languages, my life became way easier.
With whom did you have contact when you arrived to Aruba?
My aunt and her four children who lived on the island.
How were you welcomed as a Dominican?
I wasn’t, I was reminded every single day that I wasn’t Aruban.
Eventually I did start to speak the languages. In the beginning I had a rocky start at school.
Do you feel fully integrated now? Was this a problem?
No I am not. I still have very different values and believes than most Aruban people. I just do not
talk about them much.
I barely did. My mom was a single mother; my father would call a few times a month though.
Nowadays I speak to people back home on Facebook and WhatsApp.
Do/did you have any contact with other Dominicans on the island? Are there other family
members who migrated to Aruba or other islands of the Dutch Antilles?
Yes, but I am not too active in the Dominican community on the island. Aruba is multicultural and I
have never hang out with a group that was mostly Dominican.
They come from different parts of Santo Domingo.
Did/do they group together in certain places in Aruba?
Yes, the Dominican community in Aruba is big and they usually organize parties to celebrate their
Dominican heritage. I personally rarely attend those events though.
Was/is there a Dominican association? What kinds of activities were/are organized?
The usual, they celebrate Independence Day, the Flag Day, New Year’s parties, bachata singing
festivals etc.
No I do not.
How do you see the relationship (political, economic) between the Dominican Republic and
the Kingdom of the Netherlands?
I have only been in the Netherlands for three months. I know they are a lot of Dominicans in the
Netherlands, but I have no clue about any ties the Dominican Republic may have with the
Netherlands.
What typical (cultural, political, economic) Dominican influences have been/are of
importance?
Well, Independence Day is very important to Dominican people, I know they celebrate it wherever
they go.
What is your profession in Aruba?
I write for the newspaper there.
Do you know any Dominican companies in Aruba?
Yes, especially fruit shops and hair salons that are all Dominican owned.
What are the biggest obstacles for doing business?
Maybe for a Dominican it could be the language barrier. But most people in Aruba understand
Spanish anyways.
What Dominican products are being sold in Aruba?
You get everything really; tons of Dominican hair products and seasoning are sold on the island.
And coffee, don’t forget Dominican coffee. You can find that everywhere on the island.
How do you see the future of Aruba?
Right now I can’t find something positive to say, Aruba is going through so many changes and the
island just gets more expensive by the day.
…………………………..
Name: Theo van den Elsen
Current place of residence: Moca, the Dominican Republic
Years in the Dominican Republic:
Occupation:
When, how and why did you come to the Dominican Republic?
Since August 1960 Mr. Van den Elsen has lived in Santiago. The came he came to the Dominican
Republic he arrived by airplane. He flew with Pan American to Santo Domingo from New York.
Before coming to the Dominican Republic Mr. Van den Elsen already worked for the tobacco firm
Van Beek. This firm was engaged in international tobacco trade. On behalf of Van Beek he already
had had much contact by mail and telegram with Dominicans in the Dominican Republic. At that
time, the tobacco sector experienced good times. When the firm was looking for people for their
outposts, Mr. Van den Elsen showed interest.
Mr. Van den Elsen was married to a Dutch woman. However, in the beginning she couldn’t come to
the Dominican Republic. This was only allowed if he had proven himself in the Dominican
Republic. Together they had two children. Both children were born in the Netherlands and have
thus obtained the Dutch nationality. At that time it was not possible to have two nationalities. After
the death of his wife, Mr. Van den Elsen married a Dominican woman.
He needed a special visa that he could only obtain if he had a good reason to stay in the Dominican
Republic. This was not a problem because he was an economist and tobacco expert. Mr. Van den
Elsen couldn’t leave the Dominican Republic the first three years because he was working for a
foreign company.
Mr. Van den Elsen tells that he had not expected that he would still live in the Dominican Republic
today. He has made many Dominican friends; he has always been treated well by Dominicans and
liked life here.
What did you know about the Dominican Republic? What expectations did you have?
Because of his work he had been in regular contact with the Dominicans, in advance he knew
probably more about the Dominican Republic than the average Dutchman. He says that for
example, family members had no idea where the Dominican Republic was. He had also heard about
the regime of Trujillo.
How was the situation (political, economic, social) in the Dominican Republic when you
settled here?
In the beginning Trujillo was in power. There was a lot of poverty, but there were economic
prospects. In the 60's the Dominican Republic was interesting because of mining and agriculture.
Especially agricultural products such as sugar, coffee, cocoa, bananas, and tobacco were exported.
The tobacco sector experienced good times.
What are the biggest differences between the Dominican Republic from when you first
came here, and now?
According to Mr. Van den Elsen, especially infrastructure has changed. For example, many roads
were unpaved. There was a road between Santiago and Santo Domingo, but this road passed
through small villages, which made the trip very time consuming. There were railways between
certain cities. However, these disappeared when Trujillo already decided to use these roads for the
sugar industry.
Also, many beaches are now difficult to access because of the many hotels that have been built.
Many people from rural areas moved abroad. Many rural people are now largely dependent on
remittances, and there is little work.
With whom did you touch upon arrival in the Dominican Republic?
Because Mr. Van den Elsen arrived in the Dominican Republic on behalf of his company, he was
initially in touch with colleagues from his firm.
How did the Dominicans welcome you in their country?
Mr. Van den Elsen was very kindly received by the Dominicans.
Did you speak Spanish? How did you communicate?
Mr. Van den Elsen already spoke Spanish when he came to the Dominican Republic.
Do you feel now integrated? Was it a problem to integrate?
Yes, he says he feels completely integrated into Dominican society. According to him it was no
problem to integrate. Today he sees fewer cultural differences between the Netherlands and the
Dominican Republic. Mr. Van den Elsen has always kept aloof from discussions about the
Dominican politics.
How did/do you maintain contact with home?
Mainly by post and telegraph, later on increasingly by telephone and telex. Three years after their
arrival, in 1963, Mr. Van den Elsen returned to the Netherlands for the first time. Because Van Beek
also exported from other areas in Latin America, in the following years Mr. Van den Elsen travelled
a lot. In the beginning he was 2 or 3 times a year in the Netherlands. Even now he still regularly
visits the Netherlands.
Did / do you have contact with other Dutch people in the Dominican Republic?
Because there were several Dutch tobacco companies in Santiago, he had contact with them. The
Dutch had good contact with each other. For example, they played Bridge together, also with
Dominicans. Mr. Van den Elsen does mention that there used to be more contact between the
Dutch. Also through the Dutch Association he had contact with other Dutch people.
Where did/do most Dutch come from? Netherlands, Netherlands Antilles?
According to Mr. van den Elsen the majority came from the Netherlands.
About migration flows between the Dominican Republic and Dutch Kingdom Mr. Van den Elsen
says the following. Many Dominicans emigrated during the in the second half of the 20th century to
Venezuela and New York. Curaçao was also a popular destination because Curaçao was an
important port. This port attracted many Dominican women to work in prostitution. This was
mainly in the 70s and 80s. Also many Dominican women went to the Netherlands and other
European countries. During the time of Trujillo not many Dominicans migrated.
Did the Dutch concentrate in certain cities or regions? Why?
Due to the presence of Shell and the Curaçao Trading Company, a large number of Dutch lived in
Santo Domingo. Also many Dutch lived in La Romana Dutch because of the sugar industry.
Because of the tobacco industry a number of Dutch families lived in Santiago.
There was a Dutch Association? What kinds of activities were organized?
There was a Dutch Association, especially active in the 70s. This association was based in Santo
Domingo. This was slightly inconvenient for Mr. Van den Elsen because he lived Santiago.
Sometimes they came together to drink and eat something. They also celebrated Sinterklaas together.
There were a lot of people from Shell and the Curaçao Trading Company active in the association.
Did/do you have contact with the Dutch diplomatic missions? Why?
Mr. Van den Elsen had relatively little contact with the Dutch diplomatic missions in the Dominican
Republic. He visited the consul, Mr. Adriaanse once in a while to renew his passport. He always
tried to be present at the Queen's party.
Are there any historic events you remember in particular?
Mr. Van den Elsen recalls the death of Trujillo, the many new governments and the civil war, and
subsequent US military intervention.
What was / is your profession, and / or what were / are your activities in the Dominican
Republic?
Mr. Van den Elsen worked as an economist and tobacco expert. He has for many years been
manager of Dutch and American tobacco exporting companies, including the Dutch company Van
Beek.
Mr. Van Den Elsen briefly explains the history of tobacco. Netherlands was quite specialized in
tobacco because of Indonesia. Tobacco was originally smoked by the "indios". When the Spaniards
arrived in America, tobacco smoking was introduced as a new fashion at the Spanish court. The
demand grew rapidly. An attempt was made to grow tobacco in the Netherlands (Utrecht) and
Germany. Then the Dutch discovered that tobacco grew better in Indonesia (Sumatra). However,
when Indonesia became independent, Netherlands looked for other areas where tobacco could be
grown. The Dominican Republic proved to be a very good place to grow tobacco and the
Dominican Republic became a relatively very important country for tobacco. An advantage of the
Dominican tobacco was that it could be mixed easily with other tobacco without changing the taste.
Also, the Dominican tobacco had low tar and nicotine level. In addition, the Dominican tobacco
was relatively cheap.
In the 60s, there were an average production of 400 000 packs of tobacco per year. Van Beek, for
example, produced about 60 000 packs. Since the 60s, the tobacco industry has shrunk a lot because
of the change in preference for light tobacco instead of dark tobacco. The late 80s there were still
about 250 000 packs produced annually of which Van Beek produced about 27 000. Currently, this
figure has probably gone down to 60 to 70 thousand per year. Most tobacco companies have been
monopolized, the Dutch company Agio is still active.
The tobacco went from the Dominican Republic by boat to the Netherlands. Because the
Dominican Republic was the 'last destination' for the trip to Europe went further, the trip went
relatively quick. The journey took about 15 days.
When the tobacco industry shrank, Mr. Van den Elsen got involved in setting up a company in
Moca (FTA) which produced cigar leafs. About 5 million cigars leafs were produced per day and
there were ca. 800 employees.
Which Dutch / Dutch Caribbean companies you know that operate / operate in the
Dominican Republic?
According to Mr. Van den Elsen there were several other Dutch businesses present in Santiago in
the 60 that took part in the tobacco trade. The competition was friendly, but also though.
According to Mr. Van den Elsen, the Dominican Republic is currently the number one country for
'handmade cigars.
Also, there are many small, medium and large Dutch companies that provide products and produce
all kinds of services.
Would you recommend the Dominican Republic as a country to drift along trade / invest
in?
Yes, according to Mr. van den Elsen it is a good country to invest in and trade with.
What are the biggest obstacles to doing business in the Dominican Republic?
He explains that it is important to find reliable attorneys.
He also mentions it is important to understand the Dominican mentality.
Which Dutch / Dutch Caribbean products were / are for sale? What products do you miss?
Today there is much for sale, but imported products are often pricey. The Netherlands is known in
the Dominican Republic as a producer of cheese, butter and milk powder. At Kings Day Dutch
herring and ‘bitterballen’ are served. Also ‘sambal’ for is for sale in the Dominican Republic.
How do you see the future?
The major problems are corruption, crime and the trade in and use of drugs.
The appreciation they had for foreigners living in the Dominican Republic has fallen sharply due to
the many Europeans that have come to the Dominican Republic due to the boom in tourism.
The future is of concern throughout the whole world. Also in the Dominican Republic
unemployment is high among young people and often well-educated employees.
…………………………..
Name: Willem Brouwer
Current place of residence: Dominican Republic, the Dominican Republic
Years in the Dominican Republic: 62
Occupation: founder of the INDUCA Company
Mr. Brouwer was born in 1932 in Nijmegen, The Netherlands. He spent his childhood during the Second World
War. Between 1952 and 1954 he was in military service. Once out of the military service in 1954 he moved to the
Dominican Republic, where he still lives today. He is married to a Dominican, Lic. Sonia Villanueva Sued, together
they have two sons. He is founder of the company INDUCA (Industrial Constructora C. por A., 1959) that has
become the company in the Dominican Republic for aluminum windows and doors. Since 1994, mr. Brouwer is
Consul General of Lithuania. He is also co-founder of the Dutch Chamber of Commerce. He also has fulfilled several
honorary positions and has been awarded honorary citizenship in 2010 by former Dominican President Fernández.
When, how and why you came to the Dominican Republic?
After World War II many Dutch people wanted to leave the Netherlands. The brother of mr.
Brouwer traveled to the Dominican Republic to work for a Dominican business branch in Curaçao,
ENG Martijn. The company was already active at that time in Curaçao, Aruba, Haiti and Canada.
In the Netherlands Mr. Brouwer heard from his brother about white beaches with palm trees. That
image contrasted with his experiences at that time being employed in Germany during an extremely
cold winter. Once out of office, he decided to visit his brother. It was meant as a holiday and he did
not plan to stay longer than one year.
In April 1954 Mr. Brouwer arrived in the Dominican Republic. After a trip on a freighter with a
crew of eight he first arrived at Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. From the capital Caracas, he flew with
the ALM Antillean Airlines (ALM) to Curaçao. Five days later he flew to Aruba; three days later he
arrived in the old Santo Domingo, then temporarily called "Ciudad Trujillo", where his brother was
waiting for him.
Mr. Brouwer felt at home from the beginning; he particularly liked the climate. Soon he wanted to
do something useful and started to help out his brother. It appeared to be a good training to gain
trading experience.
A few years later his brother moved to Iowa in the United States. Mr. Brouwer decided to start his
own company. He bought all kinds of products, such as steel iron, olive oil, dried fish, etc. So it was
that Mr. Brouwer at a certain moment became the nr. 1 retailer in dried fish. Later he got engaged in
the production of aluminum doors and windows, and he found the company INDUCA.
Mr. Brouwer says he never thought he would today still live in the Dominican Republic. In the
beginning he had a residence permit for 60 days. Later he retrieved a legal immigrant status in order
to better work on his business. Until today, Mr. Brouwer does not have the Dominican nationality.
Former President Leonel Fernández, however, has awarded him the honorary Dominican
nationality.
What did you know about the Dominican Republic?
Apart from white beaches Mr. Brouwer had heard about Trujillo. However, he was not sure what to
expect from his regime.
What was the situation (political, economic, social) in the Dominican Republic when you
settled here? What are the biggest differences between the Dominican Republic from when
you first came here, and now?
Trujillo was in power when Mr. Brouwer first arrived in the Dominican Republic. Since 1954, the
political structure has changed. It used to be more “closed”.
Trade was completely free in the 50's. Many Spaniards were active in the business. The center of
town was in the colonial zone.
Socially, the population was fairly poor. Mr. Brouwer also explains that the difference between rich
and poor used to much larger, but there were few rich families.
With whom did you touch upon arrival in the Dominican Republic?
Upon arrival Mr. Brouwer had contact with his brother.
How how did the Dominican people welcome you in their country? Do you feel integrated?
Was it a problem to integrate?
Mr. Brouwer has always had a good relationship with the Dominicans.
Did you speak Spanish? How you communicate?
Mr. Brouwer had already learned Spanish in highschool.
How did you stay in touch with home?
Contact with the Netherlands went primarily via mail, telex and telegram. Calling was difficult in the
beginning. A phone call had to be requested 5 days in advance and was expensive. He estimates the
cost thereof as at 80 guilders.
In 1957 Mr. Brouwer first returned to the Netherlands, with Pan American from New York.
Did / do you have contact with other Dutch in the Dominican Republic?
Yes, Mr. Brouwer has always had close contact with other Dutch people. In Santo Domingo there
were many other Dutch people, especially on behalf of the Curaçao Trading Company and Shell. It
was a very small world.
Where did / do most Dutch people come from? The Netherlands, or the Netherlands
Antilles?
According to Mr. Brouwer there were many Dutch immigrants from the Netherlands Antilles. At a
certain moment there seemed to be even more than from the Netherlands. For instance there were a
lot of Antillean students in the Dominican Republic, especially in the 70s.
Many Dominican women took off for Curaçao in the 80s. Many went to work in prostitution in
Campo Alegre. The great port of the island is often regarded as an explanation for the many
prostitutes in Curaçao.
Did the Dutch people concentrate in certain cities or regions? Why?
Yes, in Santo Domingo (Curaçao Trading Company, Shell), Santiago (tobacco).
Was there a Dutch association? What kinds of activities were organized?
The Dutch association organized various activities in Santo Domingo. Besides Queensday,
Sinterklaas was celebrated. One day, his mother made a Sinterklaas costume. This suit has been used
for years. One Sinterklaas celebration he remembers in particular. Sinterklaas and his helpers sat in a
casual, open car to go to the celebration. People in the street did not understand what was going on,
and certainly not when they threw the ‘pepernoten’. They must have thought that Sinterklaas was a
kind bishop because they began “to make the sign of a cross”. Pepernoten were always imported
from the supermarkets, or renamed sugar gardens in Curaçao.
Did / do you have contact with the Dutch diplomatic missions? Why?
Yes, I always had good contact with the consulate and the embassy for friendly and practical
reasons.
How was / is the relationship between the Dominican Republic and the Kingdom of the
Netherlands?
Mr. Brouwer tells that there is always a kind of admiration for the Netherlands in the Dominican
Republic. People always respond positively when you tell them you are from the Netherlands. He
considers the relations between the two countries as positive.
Mr. Brouwer thinks that the ties between the two countries are particularly strong with regards to
agriculture. Previously, a lot of tobacco, coffee and fruits are exported to Europe via Rotterdam.
The Netherlands is an important gateway to Europe. He also mentions the large flower exhibition in
Aalsmeer. In the Dominican Republic, the Dutch brand Nutricia is well represented. Milk (powder)
is a popular Dutch product. Philips is also a well-known brand in the Dominican Republic.
The trade between Curaçao and Santo Domingo, especially in the past, was quite voluminous. Every
week ships from Curaçao arrived in the port of Santo Domingo with fresh products such as meat,
vegetables, etc.
He also mentions the diplomatic presence of the Netherlands Antilles in the Dominican Republic,
that shopping is cheap for most Dominicans in Curaçao and that most Dominicans who went to the
Netherlands, have married a Dutchman.
Are there any historic events that you remember in particular?
Through friends, Mr. Brouwer, one day got invited to the anniversary of Angelita, the daughter of
Trujillo. It soon turned out that Trujillo would come to the birthday party. It was an impressive
personality, also a man without any training that besides disgust also created a kind of admiration. As
a Dutchman, Mr. Brouwer was noted that evening by Trujillo. After Trujillo greeted Mr. Brouwer he
asked, "Are there no cousins and friends to improve our race?".
Trujillo did not have problems with foreigners. His dictatorship was a national/internal dictatorship.
During the regime of Trujillo, he also one day received a telegram from the chief of the security
service: he had to come to his office. For security reasons he let everyone know where he was going;
sometimes disappeared people. Upon entering, there were pictures on the table from people he
knew. Because they were enemies of Trujillo he was asked: "son amigos suyos?". A loud bang at the
table followed. Mr. Brouwer replied that he knew them vaguely through associations. The chief
eventually let him go. Because the chief lived across the street, Mr. Brouwer passed by the same
evening to thank him.
There has also been a meeting between Mr. Brouwer and Balaguer. At the time they shook hands,
the lights went out. A commander shouted: "Que nadie se mueve ". They continued to hold hands
and Mr. Brouwer knew that it would take eight seconds to start the generator. He counted in his
head: one, two, three... These were the longest eight seconds of his life.
Brouwer remembers well the death of Mr. Trujillo. In one of his texts Mr. Brouwer writes: “Murió
como Vivió: por la fuerza”.
He also talks about the time of Prince Claus in Santo Domingo as a German diplomat.
Which Dutch / Dutch Caribbean companies you know that operated / operate in the
Dominican Republic?
We're talking specifically about the Curaçao Trading Company, which had offices in Santo
Domingo. They were a big company in terms of exports and sold everything; from coffee and cocoa
to refrigerators and furniture to KLM tickets. There used to be about five Dutch families for the
Curaçao Trading Company in Santo Domingo. For Shell there were about three or four Dutch
families in Santo Domingo.
In the 80s Mr. Brouwer was co-founder of the Dutch Chamber of Commerce.
Would you recommend the Dominican Republic as a country to drift along trade / invest
in?
Yes, especially the ties with the agricultural sector are strong.
What are the biggest obstacles to doing business in the Dominican Republic?
Mr. Brouwer has never perceived doing business in the Dominican Republic as particularly difficult.
He says that it is important to be honest and to understand the Dominican culture.
Which Dutch / Dutch Caribbean products were / are for sale?
Milk, cheese.
Do you have a special anecdote?
(See story Sinterklaas)
How do you see the future?
This is a tricky question for Mr. Brouwer. In particular, we spoke about the relationship of the
Dominican Republic with Haiti.

500 years of migration flows between the Dominican Republic and

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