Vodou and the Global Diaspora

I wrote this essay
as a final project
for “Pirates,
Pilgrims,
and Pagans,”
a freshman
introductory
writing course
taught by
Professor Michael Ennis. The
class focused on the “making
of Modernity,” as well as the
progression of culture in the African
Diaspora. For our final project,
Professor Ennis wanted us to pick a
topic that we felt passionate about.
I remember not having a clue as
to what I would write about. He
mentioned how a Vodou Priestess
was coming to give a lecture for the
department of African-American
Studies. The lecture sounded
interesting so I decided to go with
a few of my classmates. What I
attended was not a lecture, but
an intimate question-and-answer
session with Marie Maude Evans,
a Haitian Vodou Priestess who had
recently relocated to Boston to serve
as a Mambo for a small Haitian
population there. The presentation
sparked my interest in the topic.
The Haitian religion she spoke of
was far different from the one I had
known. It was out of my comfort
zone. Vodou was complex; media
prejudice blurred the truth, and
that’s what excited me most. I never
have considered myself a writer or
someone who particularly enjoys
the writing process. I tend to be
impatient and overly meticulous,
two attributes that make any form of
essay-writing painstaking. Yet given
the openness of the assignment
and the free reign Professor Ennis
granted, I really enjoyed writing this
paper. I hope you enjoy the essay!
Vodou and the
Global Diaspora:
Authenticity, Consumerism, and Culture
Connor Gordon
Academic Writing (Fall 2011)
Pirates, Pilgrims, and Pagans
Professor Michael Ennis
“… drawing previously isolated, autarkic, or otherwise independent communities
into the global economy [tends] to lead to an increased diversity within cultures at
the expense of diversity between cultures.”
- Andrew Potter in The Authenticity Hoax
“Vodou is the soul, the memory of Haiti…”
- Marie Maude Evans
O
n January 12, 2011, a disastrous 7.0-magnitude earthquake struck near Portau-Prince, the capital and largest city of Haiti. More than 3.5 million citizens
experienced the quake and 220,000 people lost their lives (“Haiti”). At the time,
Haiti was ranked 145th of 169 countries in the U.N. Human Development Index,
the lowest in the Western Hemisphere, and the country dropped even further to
158th after the disaster (“Indices”). The quake’s effects were astronomical. Haiti’s
dismal public health services and sterile market economy were no match for the
catastrophe that ensued, and Haiti spiraled into an even deeper pit of debt and
poverty. Yet, despite the utter devastation of the natural disaster, American TV
evangelist Pat Robertson declared the quake a “blessing in disguise,” citing the
cataclysm as the direct consequence of the entire Haitian population “[swearing]
a pact to the devil” (Pat). He continued that the Haitians brazenly used the devil’s
malevolent prowess to ensure victory during the Haitian Revolution of 1791,
illuminating his implicit belief that the nation has since descended into a state of
political illegitimacy and disturbed religious fundamentalism.
This antagonistic attitude targeted at the unofficial native religion of Haiti,
Vodou, is not a new or uncommon development. The origins of this outlook
spawned primarily from the eyewitness accounts that meticulously detailed
the events succeeding the declaration of war on August 21, 1791. Vodou played
a key role in mobilizing the plebeians against their French counterparts1 and,
thus, is frequently cited as a catalyst to such a violent, unprecedented response.
1
Scholars argue that the syncretic faith “[sustained] people who [had] endured oppressive governments, grinding poverty and
natural calamities” (Bilefsky).
4
Ultimately, Vodou “helped Haiti win independence in 1804 as the first Black
Republic,” eliminating slavery within its borders (Anderson 90). This rise of Haiti’s
enslaved people to power threatened American security and slavery. In criticizing
and distorting the sacred Haitian faith, Western accounts rebuked the rebellion
as baseless and wicked and denied the nation political recognition on the world
stage (Maude Evans). To this day, Haitian Vodou in the United States has a poor
reputation. If Vodou is not familiar to most Americans, the more phoneticallysounding, Americanized “voodoo” is. Its bizarre spelling alone is alienating and
mysterious. It effectively transcribes the eeriness and enigma that surrounds the
Haitian faith. Many scholars avoid the “orthographic” form altogether, arguing that
the “spelling has come to signify centuries of racist falsities and perversions, not
the least from Hollywood” (Davis 9). Zombies, witchcraft, voodoo dolls, and even
human sacrifice are commonly thought of as quintessential components of Vodou,
viewed as primitive and anachronistic (Bilefsky). These contemporary conventions
are either gross misconceptions or fabricated
fantasies of the mysterious faith.
However, in recent years there has been
a revival of Haitian Vodou in America. Societal
disdain for the religion has been coupled in the
last few decades by the increasing presence of
Vodou communities in American cities such
as Miami, New Orleans, and New York. More
than 300,000 Haitians currently live in New
York City, the largest concentration in the
United States (Bilefsky). Furthermore, more
than 60 million people practice Vodou in the
world, not including the numerous daughter
religions that have formed in South America,
specifically Brazil. To put it into perspective,
there are more than four times as many
adherents of Vodou as there are of Judaism, and
for every 35 Christians, there is approximately
one Vodouisant (Robinson). The gap between
the formerly distant nationalities is narrowing;
coexistence is inevitable. Once vilified as
satanic and excessively superstitious, Vodou
now experiences a political resurgence in American culture due to an increase
in consumer interest. Spellcasting and herbal healing attract progressively larger
amounts of individuals who long for an authentic Vodou experience that can be
found nowhere else.
The term “authenticity” has taken on various sociopolitical designations
throughout history; the acceptance or denial of the consequently blurred delineation
continually create new topics of debate that impassion ethnic groups to search for
new value in their origins. Most commonly, authenticity means “genuineness” or
“realness.” These words, however, do not provide enough insight into what is an
ambiguous term. Vodou authentica line store shelves in businesses adjacent to
large tourist attractions. Spells, dolls, and potions of all flavors, promising to “turn
the tide” of your life in a most auspicious way, bring in a considerable amount
of revenue for “souvenir” businesses. These love spells, Good Health Broom
Dolls, and beyond, however, are not without their price. For $29 a pop, you can
purchase a Voodoo Breakup Spell online for use against a couple you resent, and
for an additional nine dollars, the hex will be cast again two hours later to ensure
complete effectiveness. Throw in a voodoo doll for another $17.95 and you have
yourself a deal! While to many this sum may seem ridiculous for a service that
“will not be successful every time,” it is not at all surprising that some people dish
5
American TV evangelist Pat
Robertson declared the quake
a “blessing in disguise,” citing
the cataclysm as the direct
consequence of the entire Haitian
population “[swearing] a pact to
the devil.”
AP Photo/United Nations, Logan Abassi
out cash with sheer alacrity simply because the product is
marked authentic (“Authentic”).
Authenticity is like an economic supply-demand
curve. Buyers generate certain expectations of authenticity
that must be matched adequately by sellers—or in other
words, the observed culture. Likewise, sellers possess certain
cultural obligations that require them to present their cultural
practices effectively. Where these two expectations meet,
consumerism flourishes. Yet the underlying complexities of
interpreting public opinion and centralizing a multifaceted
culture under a common image often lead to discrepancies
between the curves. While
this
argument
seems
convincing, it can be
countered by the belief that
authenticity remains stagnant
and builds upon cultural
preservation. This essay
evaluates this interpretation
through an exploration of
Haitian Vodou practices and
their manifestations in the
United States. Is authentic
Vodou truly authentic by
society’s view of the notion?
Vodou is the perfect case
study for such a topic due
to its syncretic nature, and
the commercialization and
critical public opinion that
increasingly strains it. In
exploring how societies retain
or change authenticity, we
gain better insight into how
cultures adapt and react in
the countries to which they
migrate, as well as understand
why the quest for authenticity
is so prevalent in our culture
today.
Before beginning an
evaluation of authenticity in Vodou, it is necessary to reflect
upon the current critical consensus on authenticity, which
is in a state of disarray. Scholar Paul Gilroy explores cultural
authenticity and race in his highly influential study The Black
Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Gilroy surveys
race, which is ultimately defined by history as static and colorcoded, using a new reference point of analysis that accentuates
race’s transcontinental fluidity and overt complexities. This
redefined perspective has revolutionized how historians and
literary critics alike view trans-Atlantic migration in regard
to the African diaspora. Gilroy classifies society’s definition
of cultural authenticity as a derivative of geographic locality.
Global manifestations of similar cultural forms “have been
dismissed as inauthentic and therefore lacking in cultural or
aesthetic value precisely because of their distance (supposed
or actual) from a readily identifiable point of origin” (Gilroy
96). By placing authenticity in a spatial context, he seeks to
demonstrate its ambiguity: where is the line demarcating
each territory (authentic vs. inauthentic)? Adam McGee, a
scholar of African studies at Harvard University, tweaks this
methodology slightly in his article, “Constructing Africa:
Authenticity and Gine in Haitian Vodou,” to address Vodou
in particular. When American Marines invaded Haiti in
1915, the peasant class was alienated from their hereditary
homesteads, losing the spirits the family inherited (tied to
their aged estates). Vodou
priesthood was instantiated
to mollify the Vodouisants
and arbitrate severed familyspirit
relations.
Vodou
transformed into an urban,
mobile religion. “Authenticity
shifted from being a matter
primarily of place to a matter
of actions,” McGee concludes
(34-35). In reconstructing
their past in the new Haitian
temples, Vodou retained its
legitimacy. Therefore, society
contextualizes authenticity
not only by space but also by
expression and aestheticism.
Andrew Potter, author
of The Authenticity Hoax,
opts for a different approach
that abandons the idea of
authenticity as a universal
concept and, instead, views
it as a modern cultural
trend. In a world where
“outrageous advertising, lying
politicians, and fraudulent
memoirists” reign and the
“fake, prepackaged, and the
artificial” are unavoidable, a
new movement has developed, in the words of John Zogby,
“to reconnect with the truth of our lives and to disconnect
from the illusions that everyone…tries to make us believe
are real” (Potter 4). To deride our ensuing identity crisis
(harvested from “cheap building blocks of consumer
goods”), Potter argues that we seek authenticity as a means
to self-actualization (Potter 12). Furthering his argument
daringly, he goes on to say that the quest for authenticity is
a form of “status seeking.” In the past, religion “served as the
objective and eternal standard of all that is good and true and
valuable” (Potter 12). Where religion has waned, technology,
secularism, and capitalism have risen and crafted a society
that undervalues nationalism and community and has lost
touch with the meaningful aspects of the human existence.
6
Mass consumerism made available through highly developed market economies
heralding entrepreneurship and democracy has obliterated transnational
barriers of communication like never before. Following Potter’s argument, the
commodification of Vodou authentica in America reflects our need to experience
something that others have not; we have become, in a sense, dilettantes of our own
identity.
Potter’s provocative take on authenticity has sparked considerable critique.
Alex Good, a writer for the Canadian Quill and Quire book review magazine,
described Potter’s work as a “strident defense of free market consumer capitalism…a
take-down of various left wing writers he doesn’t like” (Good). Jonathan Russo,
blogger and co-founder of the Organic Wine Journal, was equally infuriated,
labeling the book as “the latest diatribe from the conservative right” (Russo).
Potter, Russo argues, “[attacks] anyone who doesn’t want to shop in the sterilized
world of malls, vacation at Disneyland, or …eat industrialized junk food” (Russo).
Others, such as Paul Beston of the Wall Street Journal, have called The Authenticity
Hoax “ahistorical” and “utopian” (Beston). Ultimately, Potter concludes that “the
quest for authenticity [as] a socially destructive form of status-seeking… takes
the misguided critique of mass society that has motivated the quest for ‘cool’ for
the past forty years and blows it up into a sweeping and even more wrong-headed
critique of the entire modern world” (Potter 267-8). Needless to say, his project
has been praised and degraded for its provocative message. If one strips the book
of its political bias, there is an inventive and necessary perspective on authenticity
that needs to be heard. Potter places a timestamp on authenticity. Whereas Gilroy
and McGee argue that authenticity is an ideology that long has existed, Potter sees
authenticity as contemporary and fluid, an outcome of a recent cultural trend.
For this idea of authenticity as a supply and demand curve to endure,
there must be a discrepancy in terms of industrialization between the buyer and
seller. The consumers must live in a nation that has a potent market economy
and sovereign political authority. This position of economic and administrative
power will subsequently drive market incentives; the pursuit of a good that is
more traditional, hand-made, personalized, and “real” illustrates a desire that
inflicts only industrialized buyers, who are most exposed to the plethora of cultural
practices exercised around the globe. The closure of the theoretical spatial gap
between the two distant players (traditionalist vs. contemporary, two classifications
only established recently) is solely a development dependent upon transatlantic
trade and consumerism. Economics play as big a role in authenticity as Potter’s
suggested social trends. Thus, we can contextualize authenticity as a purely modern
phenomenon.
Vodou’s transcendence into the heart of American consumerism generates
an apt example of a culture becoming commodified, through which the implications
of authenticity sufficiently can be contested. Vodou is uniquely Haitian, yet
ethnically eclectic and diverse. It is a manifestation of numerous African diasporic
religions—most notably the West African Fon and Ewe—strained by passage
within the Atlantic world. When faced with the laborious task of policing the
religious integrity of Vodou through the establishment of a standardized, national
orthodoxy, Max Beauvoir, founder of the Fédération Nationale des Vodouisants
Haïtiens, “largely excised Catholic elements from his Temple’s liturgy because he
deemed them to be inauthentic to Vodou” (McGee 39). Yet, what tacit statutes
of the syncretic faith disallowed Catholicism’s inclusion? Vodou always has been
“heterogeneous and decidedly uncentralized, relying on neither the teachings of
a founder, nor scripture, nor formal doctrine” (International). Whereas Christian
orthodoxy assures salvation, Vodou delineates Africa as its primary form of
“religious capital” and consequently designs itself “to enfold the worshippers in
an envelope of African space” through herbal healing, conversation with the spirit
world, and animal sacrifice (McGee 32). To Vodouisants, Africa is “heaven” on
7
“Possibly the most
surprising aspect of
Vodou is that many
of its practitioners
consider themselves
Roman Catholic—a
reflection of the
Haitian faith’s
syncretic nature.”
Photo courtesy of The Kobal Collection at Art Resource, NY
Ian Fleming’s Live and Let Die
“… paints Vodou as a cover for a
vicious cartel of thugs interested
only in drug sales.”
Earth and Vodou is a means of remembering.
Possibly the most surprising aspect of Vodou is that many of its practitioners
consider themselves Roman Catholic—a reflection of the Haitian faith’s syncretic
nature.2 Catholicism, dating back to French occupation in Haiti during the early
nineteenth century, has interwoven itself into the core mantras of Vodou. Following
the liberation of 1804, the “Vatican broke with Haiti and did not establish relations
with her again until 1860” (Corbett). However, the French influence never fully left.
When Jean-Jacques Dessalines ascended the throne as emperor of Haiti following
the revolution, he advanced a harsh, regimented attack against all the “French
and their sympathizers” with the aim to “[eliminate] the caste system” that had
besmirched his people through bondage and embittered the nation (Simmonds).
French Catholic priests were among those to go—as they were killed off or exiled
immediately—leaving only the black, native Haitians to fill their shoes as the
religious supreme. Subsequently, cultural mixing between the native religion
and its Catholic regime resulted in a new form of double consciousness still
perceptible today. An example of this dual nature is that virtually all Iwa—
spirits of the Vodou faith—are “associated with Catholic saints”3 (Corbett).
Neither component religion, Catholic and Vodou, is more important than
the other. They coexist. Nonetheless, political recognition of Vodou’s double
consciousness is nearly non-existent. The saturation of devil worship and
witchcraft condemnations in the media has blinded the American public
from realizing Vodou’s twofold nature.
In America, Vodou inhabits an unfriendly cultural contact zone. Political
figures, citizens, and the media frequently victimize the faith. The media
in particular has monopolized public opinion and directed harsh criticism
toward Vodou, which appears most often in the form of news “stories that
tend to shock readers with bizarre and striking accounts” (Kulii 64). Elon Ali
Kulii, a religious scholar, collected a series of these articles in his dissertation,
A Look at Hoodoo in Three Urban Areas of Indiana. Hoodoo, a form of
predominantly African-American folk magic, is not Vodou. But the few
articles Kulii included regarding Vodou tend to treat all Vodou happenings—
repeatedly used as criminal evidence in these stories—as hearsay. The report
on each case is ambiguous and ambivalent. In one story, a woman kills her
husband and two aunts at a wedding reception after being possessed by a voodoo
lizard. The author of the article states that the woman “thinks she was possessed.”
The verb “thinks” belittles the credibility of the defendant’s argument, revealing the
author’s disbelief that the specified spiritual event actually occurred. The news puts
Vodou, and not the responsible individual, continuously on trial for any number of
unlawful disturbances. U.S. culture seemingly mutates the religion into an image
of insanity and derangement; it is a source of blame for all ill happenings, even
matters as random and possibly coincidental as a recent five-alarm fire in Brooklyn
(Bilefsky).4 Papa Shango, a famous WWE wrestler, donned the persona of a skullfaced voodoo practitioner to terrorize his opponents and audience. Draped in a
ragged shadowy vest complimented by a necklace fashioned from human bone,
Shango would enter arenas to complete silence, menacingly rocking a smoking skull
from his gloved hands, as if searching for his next victim.5 He looked murderous
and insane; the inaudible, violent slurs that passed his contorted lips were enough
to evoke fear in even the bravest of men (WWE). Mainstream film is no exception.
Ian Fleming’s Live and Let Die featuring Roger Moore as British agent 007 paints
2
This religious identity contrasts with the political agenda Beauvoir is trying to establish for the Vodou faith.
3
“Dumballah the snake Iwa is St. Patrick; Ezrulie, the earth mother is the Virgin Mary” (Corbett).
In one account, “authorities say [Vodou] played a central role” in an apartment fire, which “was ignited by candles surrounding a bed during a ceremony in the apartment of a voodoo priest
who…was hired by a woman to chase away evil spirits” (Bilefsky).
4
5
One of his common pre-show routines involved placing a curse on his opponent. The opponent, upon being stricken with the spell, would notice a mysterious black fluid trickling from part of
his body (e.g. head/hand). One rare incident involved his opponent’s feet catching fire and a perfect K.O. While these performances were intended to be theatrical, they still make a statement as
to popular culture’s view of the syncretic religion.
8
Vodou as a cover for a vicious cartel of thugs interested only in drug sales. The
media resorts to stereotypes. Criticism tears at the faith’s seams, harshly painting
Vodou as violent, primitive, and fake.
Vodou adherents have responded to this criticism by either playing up the
religion’s peculiarity or disproving the critique altogether. Authenticity is a means
of responding to its world view, according to Gilroy, as it “[projects] a coherent and
stable racial culture as a means to establish…political legitimacy…and the notions
of ethnic particularity on which it has come to rely” (97). In other words, cultural
authenticity is pursued for political recognition on the world stage. Yet, perhaps it
is not so simple. Politics certainly does factor in, but for nations that hold minimal
power on the global scale, such as Haiti, it is difficult to cite that as the primary
reason.
Increasing demand for Vodou performance culture largely has linked
authenticity with performance revenue; this relationship has granted tourists and
scholars alike a certain amount of influence over Vodou principle. Not surprisingly,
“what [is] ‘authentic’…[is] given funding to be performed” as “publications of
scholars [have] the effect of helping certain styles of Vodou to triumph over others
as more authentic” (McGee 36). Not to mention, audiences place enormous pressure
on certain Vodouisants to provide an original, realistic cultural experience. To
appease public consciousness, Vodou culture has made certain internal changes to
adapt. Adam McGee presents a recent documented case of scholarship influencing
Vodou “mythos and pedigree”:
Landmark works by Milo Rigaud and Louis Maximilien sought to “uncover”
the African sources of Haitian Vodou. For Rigaud, this meant linking
Vodou cosmology to ancient Egypt—an imaginative and false history which
nonetheless has had influence upon the learned Vodou priesthood, who read his
work and took to heart his arguments. For example, Rigaud “found” elements
of European magic, cabala, and freemasonry in Vodou—an association which
acknowledged and also encouraged the growing coincidence, especially in
Port-au-Prince, between the Vodou priesthood and Masonic membership.
It also meant the increased use in Vodou of symbols from Masonry and the
western magical tradition—influences that can be seen on the walls of Vodou
temples in Port-au-Prince to this day. (McGee 36-37)
Scholarly writings have aided the transposition of Vodou principles with their
own. These changes, however, are mostly effective on Vodou expression (what
Vodou looks like). Evaluating the malleability of the core values of the Vodou faith
surpasses the scope of this argument.
Tourism has provided Vodou with an outlet for responding to its
stereotypes. Some companies choose to praise it, and play up the mysterious, dark
nature of their practice. Others attempt to make the religion more personable and
friendly. Crafting authenticity is a matter of aesthetics. It is a means to unity. An
iconic ethnic identity is fashioned to celebrate culture or, more specifically for
Vodou and Haiti, nationality (Maude Evans). Michelle Anderson, a journalist from
The Drama Review, studied the effects of tourism on Haitian Vodou. In it, she visits
three towns where an authentic Vodou performance takes place, specifically an act
of spiritual possession which she believes is “the central and inalienable ‘marker’
of any voodoo event” (Anderson 91). Each location is distinguished by a different
degree of tourism. For the sake of length, we will look at Mariani and Nansoucri
only. Mariani features theatrical voodoo and is “advertised in brochures as [the]
‘most authentic and enjoyable’” Vodou. Located on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince,
Mariani draws mainly tourists and elite Haitians to its performances (Anderson
91). It is the more readily accessible and tourist-friendly of the two, includes an
admission fee, and remains in close contact with Max Beauvoir. Nansoucri is
9
“Vodou’s
transcendence into
the heart of American
consumerism
generates an
apt example of a
culture becoming
commodified, through
which the implications
of authenticity
sufficiently can be
contested.”
just the opposite. Nansoucri features ritual voodoo in a remote village “two hours
away by car” from the nearest hotel (Anderson 96). Typically, it is not accessible
to outsiders, but Anderson was granted a unique look into the town’s celebration
of Assumption Day. Whereas Mariani’s performance went from 10 p.m. to 1 a.m.,
Nansoucri’s ritual lasted far longer, from 3 p.m. to 2 a.m. Anderson described the
rhythm of the Nansoucri ritual as “cyclical…based on agriculture concerns: weather
& harvest” (Anderson 101), while Mariani’s performance built to a climax in the
linear way a stage performance would, ending in a bang. Anderson also described
Nansoucri’s ceremony as more of a communal effort than the individualistic,
internalized performance at Mariani.
During the presentation at Mariani, Anderson witnessed the invocation
of loa Ague.6 The performance was a “perpetration of voodoo ‘myth’” (Anderson
102). “The action is tightly choreographed, allowing for the unexpected to occur
(predictably) within a selective dramatic presentation of those aspects of voodoo
which are palatable to the foreign audience,” writes Anderson. “Simultaneously,
it confirms the popular expectation of ‘scary voodoo’ with bloody spectacle7 and
fire-handling, while enforcing a distance from the audience that disallows real
transformation (inadvertent possession), thus affirming the other side of the
outsiders’ voodoo myth: that voodoo is ‘fake.’ The tricks can be seen simultaneously
as evidence of authenticity and as sleight-of-hand charlatanism and entertainment”
(Anderson 93). Mariani more visibly presented the darker aspects of Vodou
than Nansoucri. The blood offering, described above, still took place during the
ceremony of Nansoucri, but it was not visible. Furthermore, Anderson
characterizes the dancer’s involvement at Mariani as “inward-oriented
as opposed to the community-oriented action discernible in… voodoo
performances…not advertised as ‘touristique’” (Anderson 93). Despite
these differences, the two performances’ interpretations of various
elements of Vodou retained some similarities. Performers wore the
traditional black, red, and white costumes and used the same ritual
props—swords, drums, and fire.
The “authentic” merchandise sold by Vodou boutiques further
represents the manifestations of Vodou as a new form of consumerism.
Candles, oils, sprays, incense, books, and other paraphernalia appear in
multitudes. Candles “come in an array of sizes and colors and are covered
with intricate designs and words designed to make even the unintelligent
feel sophisticated when they find those that seem marked for their
desired purpose” (Kulii 70). Each candle attends to a specific individualistic need.
To activate the candle, a psalm must be read. This biblical undertone undermines
any question that Vodou incorporates black magic and instead illuminates the faith’s
piety and good-naturedness. It is common to see Vodou practitioners in the United
States hide behind biblical identifications. American Root Doctors, in particular,
known as conjurers and future-tellers, advertise with a profuse amount of Christian
archetypes and symbols. They aim to make their practice more acceptable by
society’s standards and work to bridge the gap between the resident and distant
cultures.
The perpetual variety and high-level customization of Vodou merchandise
is an American phenomenon. Spells as well as potions capitalize on the uncertainty
of consumers to increase profitability. This mentality—if you buy, you will succeed—
is a huge selling point for Vodou souvenirs. The incorporation of hate and breakup spells also are new creations. It is atypical for a faith, Marie Maude Evans states,
that is built off of “family, community, healing, and blessing” (Maude Evans). These
spells do not belong to the same religion that, as Maude Evans recounts, removed a
cancerous lump from her breast through non-stop prayer to the spirits. In traveling
6
The loa Ague is considered the divine sovereign of the sea who “inhabit[s] an intermediate realm between man and a higher supreme life force” (Anderson 90).
7
A girl is possessed violently, during which a female dancer appears on stage with a white dove. This dove is handed to the possessed one who “plucks feathers from it and then severs its head.
10
from Haiti to America, Vodou spells and potions have changed
to incorporate the fiery diadems of revenge, hatred, and despair.
Even weight loss spells, reflecting a substantial American
cultural trend, find their way into the mix.
This argument also can be extended to the proliferation
of the voodoo doll. Voodoo dolls have become a hit for New
Orleans tourists. The relics are captivating and mysterious.
In procuring one of these figurines, sightseers are given the
chance to investigate for themselves the myths of violence and
haphazardness that revolve around the doll. Yet in actuality, the
“dolls” in Haitian Vodou, which resemble today’s Americanized
dolls, are not weapons of revenge or playful trickery. Rather, they
stand as a representation of the loas8 and typically can be found on a temple altar
(Maude Evans). Many historians believe that the modern Americanized voodoo
doll originates from the “‘poppet,’ used in European witchcraft” (Cunningham
12-13). While this theory does not satisfy all historians, most agree that the doll’s
origins are not Haitian.
What all this shows is that Vodou in America and even parts of Haiti is
inauthentic. Certain sections of its practice have subsequently been manipulated to
increase profitability, and, furthermore, Vodou has responded to the criticisms it has
received by inventing a new image of itself. In other words, its claimed authenticity
has been constructed to satisfy the most recent cultural trends. The constant
change and update have isolated American “voodoo” from its Haitian origins.
Currently, they lie in their own separate spheres of influence. Haitian Vodou has
adapted to the strains of commercialization to trigger a new cultural equilibrium.
It is inauthentic. Historians and literary figures alike can now condemn the religion
for lacking the proper commitment to cultural preservation. Only one question has
yet to be addressed: So what?
Many consider inauthenticity as a sign of cultural depravity and suppression.
Cultural purity falls prey to ethnic breeding and, thus, diminishes the culture’s value
and identity. Yet this perspective is inadvisable and improbable. For a culture to be
genuine, it must exist singularly and have no knowledge of other cultures. Only a
utopian world could house such an instance. As most scholars agree, the migration
of culture is unavoidable (Gilroy). Culture is like a living organism. It must grow
and adapt in the company of others in order to survive. Total independence and
introversion would render it obsolete. What is authentic now was not authentic ten
years ago. Take the theatricality of the Mariani performance. While some scholars
criticize the cultural experience as counterfeit and ostentatious, the performance
should be celebrated for its inventiveness in bringing out the character of Vodou
audience members want to see. Certain aspects of its culture are exaggerated but
the culture as a whole is not lost. There are still grass-roots efforts to maintain
traditionalism, such as Nansoucri. Since when is theatre not a form of cultural
preservation? Culture is not preserved by keeping it static and secluded. It is
maintained through change and reinvention. The memory of the significant/
insignificant culture will forever exist. By society’s definition, authenticity is meant
to be static and anachronistic. However, as demonstrated by this paper, authenticity
is dynamic and fluid. If it were not, culture would become a relic. Thus, authenticity
as a supply and demand curve still exists.
Authenticity is abstract and convoluted. What criteria do you use to measure
it? For a country with as low a gross domestic product as Haiti, when is it acceptable
for a citizen to stage his or her culture for profit, particularly if it means an income,
even survival? When is it shameful? It is a blurred boundary. Rarely is credit granted
to the “home” social situation. We view authenticity as something that is fact and
quantifiable. Yet we lack the necessary intimacy with foreign cultures to believe that
Loas and lwa are two different names for the spirits in Vodou.
8
11
“The term
‘authenticity’ should
rightly be abandoned.”
way. The absence of a universal authenticity “rubric” shows
that authenticity is, in fact, subjective. Subjectivity hardly can
account for the stability and power of a culture.
To revise Andrew Potter’s premise, authenticity is
not a counterculture to consumerism. It is consumerism, an
energetic free market centered on the traditional commodity.
Essentially “authenticity” and modernity, often cited
alongside capitalism, mobility, and rationalism, walk handin-hand. The most “authentic” cultural practices undergo
waves of reworking as time transforms them into melting
pots of influence. Vodou marketed as “authentic” is Vodou
in its most modern form. Anthropologists tend to scorn
consumerism. However, when culture is commodified, as
all culture is to varying degrees, it should not be dismissed.
Authenticity and modernity demand a new perspective,
one that recognizes and applauds the dynamic nature of the
world in which we live. The lively, ever-changing state of the
universe crafted the world that we live in today.
Thus, the term “authenticity” should rightly be
abandoned. Due to the “overlapping diasporas” associated
with transnational migration, a single culture progresses,
from its origins to the present, at too dizzying a pace to allow
the appropriate level of assessment required of evaluating
authenticity (Zeleza 36). Authenticity is manufactured; it is
crafted to appease the public eye so that no truth is present
for evaluation. Yet this should be praised, not criticized. A
new reference point is required. Look not to authenticity,
but instead evaluate cultural adaptability. History allows us
to study the unique responses of various cultures strained
by the perpetual complexities of time and space. It describes
our humanity and our will to survive. The propagation of
Vodou authentica in the United States has allowed the faith
to endure, if not grow. Perhaps the “blessing in disguise”
Pat Robertson described was not the disastrous earthquake
that struck Haiti, but his own words. His statement, though
punitive and discriminating, has given Vodou a superior
purpose to persist.
Acknowledgments
A special thanks goes out to my writing group—
Teresa Rosenberger and Will Giles—for offering some great
ideas for my paper. Their revisions were extremely helpful in
producing this final draft.
Additionally, I would like to wholeheartedly thank
Professor Michael Ennis for the revisions/thoughts he
provided me throughout the course of this paper. He helped
me solidify my argument and additionally was a great person
to bounce ideas off of.
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