ISA 2009, RC21 Sociology of Urban and Regional Development

ISA 2009, RC21 Sociology of Urban and Regional Development
Land Regularization. The case of Nezahualcoyotl, Mexico City.
Ana Lourdes VEGA
Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana – Iztapalapa. Mexico City
The problem of the access to urban soil and housing by the low-income population in
Mexico is herein approached through the Nezahualcoyotl municipality case analysis.
This study includes the conditions that caused the land property regularization and its
effects, as well as the political and social factors involved. The results of the survey
indicating the social and urban changes that enabled the land property regularization are
also presented.
One of the more densely populated irregular settlements in Mexico is the Nezahualcoyotl
municipality. A low-income population group looking for land on which to build their
homes settled there and it became the first large popular settlement back in the seventies,
mainly due to the fact that no workplaces or industrial areas were built there, unlike the
cases of the Naucalpan and Tlalnepantla municipalities. Nezahualcoyotl has mainly
housing, small businesses and workshops. These are usually small maquila workshops
and some of them are family businesses producing various types of merchandise that are
sold across the eastern area itself.
Even though this part of Mexico City’s eastern area started off without public services
and is located on the bed of what used to be Lake Texcoco, a piece of land not fit for
urbanization, it has transformed notably. As a matter of fact, at first it was just a housing
group built with poor materials on unpaved streets. Now, more than thirty years after the
land property regularization process began, there can be found several signs of
improvement as to the residents’ life quality.
In order to study these changes we must ask: What happens to the population that
already lives there when the land is regularized?
Had the State not intervened by
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regularizing the land property, would the occupation process have taken place?
In this study our interest is to understand the historical origin of Ciudad Nezahualcoyotl,
as it was known before, thus identifying the social, political and economical processes
that helped bring about the regularization. This is the starting point to understand the
urban transformation. We were not certain about where exactly we would find the data
needed. The official information available was very scarce because it was a relatively
new area. That is the reason why we planned to obtain the most relevant information
from different sources and thus better understand the behavior, the actors and conditions
that predominated within the real estate promotion organization. We believe that the
formation of these neighborhoods is not only the result of certain economical conditions
but also of political tensions. (Perló, M. 1981:63).
It seems that the appearance and transformation of popular neighborhoods such as this
may not be explained without analyzing the role of authorities, subdividers and residents.
The last two were able to found important social organizations. The authorities had to
intervene at different levels: federal, statal and local.
The first buying operations of unserviced land plots go back to the late fifties. By the late
sixties a rather large population had already settled here. Given that the lack of public
services was rather accentuated and the subdividers were taking advantage of the
residents, a social struggle for the land property regularization took place. This was a
very important struggle because it caused the State’s intervention and it was the
precedent of the regularization process of 1973. In order to show and reflect on the
housing improvement, we analyzed a sample of three hundred cases in three
neighborhoods of the municipality.
In general, the newest homes had better and more expensive finishes, which was
apparently related to the higher income / higher profile employment characteristics of
their inhabitants than those of the original dwellers, hereinafter referred to as “founders”.
2
We deemed appropriate to look for Nezahualcoyotl’s origins in the social-economic
characteristics of its residents, considering their type of employment and income. The
starting point was the fact that the population’s land acquisition capacity was limited thus
opting to buy cheap land plots without property titles nor formally installed public
services.
However, the question that served as our guideline was taken from the
conclusions of a study conducted by the Ministry of Hydraulic Resources (Secretaría de
Recursos Hidráulicos, SRH), in which it was provided that, once the urban services and
the land regularization were introduced, there would be a change in the social-economical
composition of the population. Do founders leave once the land is regularized?
We conducted a search to obtain the relevant information but the official sources were
scarce. On Nezahualcoyotl’s 1970 census the municipality had not yet been founded and
the 1980 census took over 8 years to be published. We decided to conduct a self-funded
survey. We had the opportunity to interview the residents, neighbors and local and statal
authorities. We went over the bibliographical material as well as the studies on the area
and other similar places. We also searched the hemerographical sources that could allow
for the analysis of the political problems of the time, understand the land property
regularization process and assess the social and political consequences regards the
housing matters.
Map No. 1 – Valley of Mexico and lakes 1521
3
Source: Federal District Government
General context
Mexico in the 20th. Century will mainly be remembered for its transformation from a
rural country into an urban one. Mexico City had grown at high population growth rates,
mainly due to an unprecedented migratory process. The depletion of the agrarian reform
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and the imposition of the agrarian modernization that expelled the population, along with
the attraction to the urban/industrial life, caused the growth of the capital city and the
cities nearby. The urban growth and particularly the type of housing that is developed in
the cities have peculiar characteristics that are related to the country’s economic
development level, as well as to its political system and legal structure. These are also
the expression of its historical development.
One of the most basic needs to be satisfied through this quick urbanization process is
housing. To think that the popular housing grows vertically in the cities (intensive soil
use resulting in intensive capital city soil use for housing) is unlikely, partly due to the
low capital profitability and to the extensive growth of cities such as Mexico’s. In
absence of a good economical profitability of the housing investments for low-income
families (up to four minimum wages), which is 65% of the population, the most feasible
solution is to grow extensively by occupying the peri-urban lands. The only alternative
for the low-income population is to buy a piece of land for self-help construction.
In our subject matter, the solution to the housing problem has taken similar characteristics
to those of the Mexican peripheral cities in the recent history.
Nezahualcoyotl’s is
similar to other housing construction processes in peripheral urban areas inasmuch as it
represents an extensive soil use, bestowing upon the buyer full responsibility for the
housing construction and basic services procurement, such as illegally connecting to any
available power lines. This is the reason why the first buyers must have been attracted by
low prices, so they would accept to settle in a place that had poor dwelling conditions.
Once part of the area was inhabited, further real estate operations would be carried out at
higher prices.
How did the neighborhoods on the former Lake Texcoco appear?
The lands that appeared as consequence of Lake Texcoco drying up belonged to several
social agents such as the State, some privates land owners and the “ejidatarios” of the
Chimalhuacan municipality. However, these lands were sold unserviced. This situation
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caused great conflicts among the statal and municipal authorities, the subdividers and the
residents. (Schteingart, M. 1981:48)
Initially, the lands were sold to a subdividers group. Some of them had legal property
titles and had obtained the required permits to subdivide and sell. In other cases the
property was never credited nor was the subdividing permit obtained. As it is usual in
this kind of settlement, there were cases of residents who bought a land plot that had
already been sold once or more. Occasionally, the subdividers would have promised to
introduce only a few public services such as running water and sewage, stating that little
by little the statal and municipal authorities would be in charge of satisfying those basic
needs (De la Rosa, M. 1979:46).
In 1969 the Nezahualcoyotl residents organized themselves in a movement (Ocotitla, P.
2000)1. The identification of the adversary allowed for a better pressure tactic:
witholding payments from the subdividers. The request made to the government was for
the lands to be expropriated from the subdividers and to proceed with the property
regularization of the land plots occupied by the residents. Among other arguments, the
movement leaders claimed that some subdividers refused to present neither the property
titles nor the corresponding official subdividing permits (Iglesias, M. 1978: 56).
The development of the successfully promoted neighborhoods quickly showed the
insufficiency of the few urban infrastructure works carried out by the subdividers
(Bassols, M. y A. Méndez 1981:248). The growing needs were served untimely and
neglectfully by the first municipal authorities. Let us remember that the subdividers, in
alliance with a group of residents and the statal authorities, accomplished to have these
Chimalhuacan municipality neighborhoods separated and regrouped to form the
Nezahualcoyotl municipality in 1963 (De la Rosa, M. 1979:55). Following the individual
complaints against the subdividers that were still promoting and selling land plots, the
first collective mobilizations started off (Guerrero, Ma. T. et al 1976:24). It is important
to mention that the subdividers were very well organized and that, unlike their
1
This author documents the precedents and accomplishments of the resident’s movement.
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counterparts in other municipalities, they grouped in and defended themselves. This
organization can be appreciated in the agreement with the authorities to carry out the
well-ordered urban planning of the 63 hectares of the municipality. For instance, in the
historical recount of these lands occupation, we find the case of the Tamaulipas
neighborhood2, in which there was a re-plotting to order the existing space. Here, with
the authorities support, the residents were relocated in another area to redo the urban
planning of the neighborhood. Therefore a very orderly, squared urban outline was
accomplished. This shows the subdividers’ level of organization and the agreements
among them.
The neighbors and their first representatives fully identified the subdividers as the sole
responsible for the situation they lived in. They had not complied with the buying
agreements whether as to the public services or as to the sale of the land plots, which did
not have any urban infrastructure or the corresponding legal permits for it.
Ocotitla, P. 2000 Movimiento de colonos en Ciudad Nezahualcoyotl: acción colectiva y
política popular 1945 – 1975, Tesis de maestría, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México.
2
7
Map No. 2 – Mexico City’s Metropolitan Area
Prepared by: Program of Universitary Metropolitan Studies, UAM – Xoch.
The social struggle for the land expropriation
The social movement that appeared as a consequence of the aforementioned conflicts
gave life to an organization called Settlers Restoring Movement (Movimiento
Restaurador de Colonos, MRC). Within the organization and its different aspects, the
process against the subdividers was originated.
Nevertheless, the struggle against the subdividers was also extended to the statal and
municipal authorities because of the existing links among them. This confrontation
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caused the residents to organize certain defense mechanisms. The MRC committees
were in charge of their own surveillance in order to prevent, for instance, judicial eviction
promoted by the subdividers against neighbors alleging delayed payments. In view of the
presence of the public forces, the MRC representatives would use megaphones to attract
the neighbors. Once they were all gathered they would resist the judicial mandate and
expel their representatives (Vega, A.L. 2000: 28). On some occasions those resistance
acts were countered by the police with violence.
In order to solve the political conflict and accomplish the regularization, the State created
the Nezahualcoyotl Trust in 1973, in favor of which the land plots of these
neighborhoods were expropriated (De la Rosa, M. 1979:56). The political agreement that
was reached indicated that it was the subdividers’ obligation to provide the “debtors list”
and inform what land plots were still vacant. In turn they would receive 40% of the
Trust’s earnings for debt collecting (Official Gazette 1973). The remaining 60 % would
be used for public works in the community. The “Parque del Pueblo” was among the
works done. The neighbors would also be benefited by getting a 15% debt reduction.
The Chimalhuacan “comuneros”, who were demanding the restitution of their lands,
would receive 60 million pesos that would be invested in employment, such as a clothing
factory.
The Trust administration also gave the Movement leaders a marginal
participation.
The pending public services works began along with the land property regularization
process. That is why 1973 is a breaking point in Nezahualcoyotl’s history. The Trust
solves the political conflict linked to the movement, sets the basis of the land property
regularization and allows for the public services normalization process to begin.
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Map No. 3 City Center and Nezahualcoyotl Municipality
10
Map No. 4 Nezahualcoyotl Municipality
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Specific characteristics of the municipality
Nezahualcoyotl is a rather particular case because of the coincidence of several
characteristics such as land extension, the subdividers organization and the apparition of
a social movement that accomplished some quite amazing social and urban changes that
brought about higher life quality to the municipality.
For starters, the land extension is an important characteristic. The bed of Lake Texcoco
is a very large, plain area, but it also presents a few subsidences. The extension is 63
km2. distributed in approximately 85 neighborhoods, 170,000 land plots and 240,000
homes.
According to official data there were 62,000 inhabitants in 1960. Ten years after the
census indicated there were 580,000 inhabitants and in 1980 this number went up to
1,341,230. However, since 1990 the population has decreased. In 1995 there were
1,233,690 inhabitants, in the 2000 there were 1,224,925 and 1,140,528 in 2005. A
probable explanation is that, since it is a 100% urban municipality, it has already reached
its growth peak and some of the land plots are being destined for other purposes. Also,
some of the founders’ married children are leaving for other farther municipalities such
as Chimalhuacan and Valle de Chalco to build their homes.
There have also been political changes. Since 1997 the Democratic Revolution Party
(PRD) had been ruling the municipality (Vega, A.L. 1999). However, in 2009 the
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) gained back Nezahualcoyotl.
On the other hand, the subdividers’ strategy was to offer long credits on low-priced land
plots as well as a marginal participation in public services such as power, drinking water,
sewage, public markets, churches, schools, parks, public lighting and sidewalks.
Subdividers also sought to have influence on the naming of local authorities, which was
the case of the first municipal president.
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Another important characteristic of this municipality is the organization of a massive
movement that engaged the neighbors in a struggle against the subdividers and that
caused a rather original political solution (the Nezahualcoyotl Trust), which defined the
changes the municipality would go through in the following years.
The social transformation the municipality underwent as a consequence of the land
property regularization and the introduction of public services is remarkable. The changes
the regularization brought about are more outstanding than those in other places where
the authorities also carried out regularization processes (Vega, A.L. 1993).
The analysis of these factors explains the variations found. One of the concepts we use is
the housing system.
Housing system is defined as the way the land is accessed, the way the homes are built
and the type of link among it and its residents, which is the occupancy statute. We match
up these variables among themselves to be able to explain them.
These are:
the
residents’ social-economical characteristics, their income and employment type. Their
evolution and interconnectedness allow for us to know the specificities of the housing
system developed when Nezahualcoyotl was founded, as well as the changes that resulted
from the social movement, the land property regularization and the urban services
normalization.
In order to analyze the aforementioned aspects we conducted a survey in the Benito
Juarez, Pavon and Virgencitas neighborhoods3. This was a time of great urban growth
because, as previously mentioned, the social and political situation favored the arrival of
many new residents. The comparison was made with data from a social-economical
In order to select the neighborhoods, their urban “age” was taken into consideration. The
Pavon neighbordhood is located on the border with the Federal District. The Benito Juarez
neighborhood is in the center of the municipality and the Virgencitas one is located beside
the Xochiaca bank. We applied 300 questionnaires.
3
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study conducted by the Ministry of Hydraulic Resources4 in 1969, given the importance
of knowing the situation of both the housing and the families before the regularization.
The most relevant results of the survey are the following:
As previously indicated, it was important to know whether that intervention enabled the
expulsion of some residents, as many may suppose. Researcher Emilio Duhau, who talks
about popular urbanization, states that it is not proven whether the residents were
expelled from the municipality due to the regularization (Duhau, E. 1998: 225).
However, we do consider that the land property regularization and the urban services
improvement did enhance the real estate market, thus creating a higher land demand,
which was too risky to some buyers before the Trust was established, besides entailing
many inconveniences due to the lack of services.
One of the most relevant urban changes was the way housing was built. In the case of
the founders, the rule was that each family built their own home. The arrival of new
residents brought about contractors that were not related to the end user whatsoever. This
procedure confirms the existence of the new residents’ different social-economical
conditions compared to those of the founder inhabitants. Thus there was a social
transformation which scope we are trying to explain.
We encountered methodological difficulties of several kinds.
The informal sector
employment aspect is very complex and we thought it would allow us to link the type of
housing (finished, in building process or precarious), to a certain type of employment
(contract with benefits, temping or self-employment).
In order to complete the housing typology, we constructed complex variables and we
Ministry of Hydraulic Resources. 1969, Nezahualcoyotl: Study on technical, financial,
economical and social feasibility for sewage installation in the Nezahualcoyotl municipality.
México.
4
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were able to identify three different types: A, B and C. In group A we included the
homes with indoor tiled floor and ceiling plus running water. Group B is formed by
those with at least one of the characteristics of homes in group A. Homes in group C had
none of them.
When these variables were matched up it was considered that employment instability
would have a strong relationship with the residents’ permanence in the municipality.
However, it was noticed that even without that stability they managed to stay. An
example of this would be street vendors, who are considered as self-employed and
dependant on the amount of merchandise sold to obtain a lower or higher income.
As to the average income of the heads of household, the property owners that arrived to
Nezahualcoyotl in the second period received a higher salary. 40 % of the new property
owners were earning 1.4 minimum wages in average, which was similar to the salary of
the founders at 2.2 minimum wages according to our study. This change was related to
the arrival of higher-income new residents and to the fact that the founders increased their
income in the meantime. Even though the average income of the inhabitants is on the
rise, the percentage of owners is decreasing because the situation has changed.
Nowadays the land plots are a lot more expensive because they are regularized.
Regards the heads of household that settled after 1973, 26 % of them had regular
employments, 34 % was blue collar workers and 30 % was self-employed. As to the
employment characteristics, we grouped those with stable jobs, that is, those with a fixed
salary, a contract and a labor union. Another group was formed by those who, even with
a variable income job and a contract, did not belong to a union; and the third group was
formed by workers that did not have a contract nor a fixed salary and did not belong to a
union. The groups were named stable employment, more or less stable employment and
unstable employment. Afterwards we tried to relate the type of employment with the
housing type. It is considered that other cultural variables not taken into consideration
herein also intervene.
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The housing
Regards the changes in the housing system we found the following::
1.- 4 out of 5 founding land owners that bought their land plot before 1973 were still
living in Nezahualcoyotl at the time of the survey. This shows considerable stability
because they were able to develop adaptation mechanisms. As a matter of fact, the land
plot’s soil use densified: in 50 % of the cases that were surveyed we found that the land
plot had been occupied by more than one family, whether by tennants or by gratuitous
occupants – relatives that did not pay rent – or by co-owners, for example, a head of
household that sells to his brother half the land plot so they will both live in it with their
respective families. All these mechanisms allowed for people to cover the expenses
collectively.
One of the most impressive aspects found was the large number of families per land plot.
At plain sight it appears to be just one home. Another unexpected aspect was the
difficulty in ordering the information obtained because the residents consider that, even
where there are several homes, they are all just one family. It is not easy to tell where a
home starts and where another ends because, being relatives, they share common spaces.
It also becomes difficult to determine the number of families or homes because of the
large number of possible combinations.
2.- Regards the occupancy statute, in the SRH study there was 78 % of owners, 10 % of
tennants and 12 % of gratuitous occupants. In our study the percentages differ, with 57%
of owners, 20 % of tennants and 23 % of gratuitous occupants.
The increase of tennants and gratuitous occupants expresses two phenomena. On one
hand there is the consolidation of the market of housing to let with most of the neighbors
in this situation needing a supplementary income. Such income may be obtained by
letting part of the land plot or part of the built areas to young couples with a relatively
low income to whom no other direct buying or mortgage options are available, unlike the
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opportunities the founders had. On the other hand, this densification is explained by the
heads of household’s need to accommodate their newlywed children or relatives going
through financial difficulties. Regards the married children, the general idea is to support
them and accommodate them until they can gather enough money to become
independent. This support may last between 5 and 10 years. The cultural background of
some native social groups should also be considered to this effect. In some groups it is
socially condemned to leave the parents’ home even after marriage as they would be
considered to having alienated themselves from the household.
This form of soil use intensification is linked to the extended family characteristics and it
is relevant to our subject matter. The payment of the services is occasionally covered by
the extended family living in the land plot. This type of contribution is a vital element for
the home preservation and becomes a stability factor to the founders because, with the
financial support of other family members, they can continue paying their land plot and
the municipal taxes.
3.- Regards the access to the urban soil, 83% of the people that bought their land plots
after the Trust’s intervention, did so through a lease. 79 % of the owners who bought
their land plots before the State intervened did so through subdividers. This means that
the housing offer after 1973 involves direct dealing with only just a fraction being
handled by the Trust. At this point the social conflict played a major role because many
leaders sold the land to the residents when the subdividers lost political control right
before the regularization occurred.
4.- As for the housing building system, we found that self-help construction had been the
only dominant building system until 1973.
In the second period there is certain
dynamism through contractor hiring without replacing the self-help construction system.
This phenomenon is linked to the housing building development intended for letting and
to the arrival of families requiring professional building help.
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Final thoughts
With the regularization and introduction of public services, the residents’ living
conditions were improved, as well as the housing system itself. It was also time for a
social transformation because both the land property regularization and the public
services introduction attracted a higher-income population that would buy land plots to
build their homes.
The housing demand from low-income families is still big. For lack of better options, the
alternative is to buy an illegal land plot. The poor are still building the city. It is
important to conduct further studies on these processes because it is urgent to pay more
attention to these issues.
It would be convenient to find the irregularities in the foundation of popular subdivided
lands to find out what is going on and know why that does not happen in other
settlements. It is also important to develop a roadmap or a methodology that allows for
the assessment of the regularization effects on the land property. There have been several
programs designed to achieve that but it is still necessary to make a thorough assessment
to further improve the interventions.
The analysis of the social and urban changes of the Nezahualcoyotl municipality can still
be more specific given that Nezahualcoyotl is regarded as a role model by the neighbors
of the newest municipalities. The current political situation is now different and the
budget for infrastructure works has been reduced. However, the soil and housing needs
for a low-income population are still there.
That is why the private property and “ejido” lands are being occupied.
There are
precarious urban services conditions and irregular land plots buying and subdividing
operations in all the new settlements (La Paz, Chalco, Chicoloapan, Texcoco, Valle de
Chalco, Chimalhuacan and Ixtapaluca). Again, the need to accommodate the poorest
turns into an income source for those who sell illegal plots and to law-unabiding public
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authorities.
The main difference between Nezahualcoyotl and the other neighborhoods is that in
Nezahualcoyotl there was an organized movement with influence capacity which actions
derived in a municipal regularization and consolidation process. Normalization in the
new neighborhoods located in Mexico City’s eastern area is in process but lacks the
characteristics of previous years.
19
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