2010 Conference - University College of the Cayman Islands

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Papers Presented
The First Annual UCCI
International Conference
Theme: Caribbean Literature, Culture and Identify
University College of the Cayman Islands
March 11-12, 2010
Contents
President’s Remarks
III
Conference Chair’s Message
IV
List of Papers Presented at the Conference
V
Papers Thematically Arranged
1
Notes on Presenters
264
Papers edited and formatted for publication by Senior Lecturer Patricia Ebanks, with invaluable
assistance by UCCI’s Kevin Hudson, Senior Applications Instructor.
Printed courtesy of Computer Services, Cayman Islands Government.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise except as may be permitted by authors.
II
From the President
Mr. Roy Bodden
University College of the Cayman Islands
An important part of any academic conference is a compilation of the papers presented. The
conference on Caribbean Literature, Culture and Identity held at the University College of the
Cayman Islands in March 2010 brought together a wide range of academics, artists, authors,
and other interested parties. It was an intellectually uplifting experience with every presentation
having not only relevance to the conference theme but also offering stimulating, divergent and
provocative insights.
While some of the papers presented at the conference will appear in the Journal of the
University College of the Cayman Islands (JUCCI), there was great expectation that the
proceedings of the conference would be compiled and made available for interested persons
now and in the future.
It is therefore my pleasure to welcome readers to this precedent-setting publication of the
proceedings of the UCCI Conference on Caribbean Literature, Culture and Identity. This
publication and, by inference, the conference, has now been etched in significance in the
Caribbean academic landscape, and it is safe to assume that readers from across the spectrum
will be entertained, informed and enlightened by these recordings of the proceedings.
Thanks for your interest and support. Great reading!
III
The Director of Research and Publication
Conference Chair
Dr. Livingston Smith, University College of the Cayman Islands
The vision of this university’s President is for a sustained intellectual environment that
stretches minds and imaginations, and provides unceasing stimulus to honest inquiry as
we engage in that relentless quest for clarity and understanding. Certainly, our goal is
continued, determined striving for an environment in which the Professor has the liberty
to pursue truth in detail and in totality, and to lead students into the same enterprise of
committed scholarship. After all, the Professor, to paraphrase Socrates, even as he is
engaged in his role as skilful intellectual midwife, helping students to give birth to their
ideas, must himself or herself be constantly involved in the climax to intellectual
gestation – that is, the Professor must publish.
It is in this context that the 2010 Conference was planned -- to serve the society through
leading thought and examining important issues. This coming together of minds offers
an opportunity to faculty, staff, students, as well as the wider Cayman, Caribbean and,
indeed, world community to join with us in intellectual inquiry.
The papers in this document are of exceptional merit and reflect a broad range of critical
and analytic approaches to the issue of Caribbean culture and identity.
This publication is the result of teamwork, involving the University administration and
faculty members and the publishing arms of the Cayman Islands Government –
Computer Services and Government Information Services. I invite you to secure a copy
of this publication as well as its sister publication, the Journal of the University College
of the Cayman Islands (JUCCI), available from the University bookshop. In doing so,
you aid in fanning the flames of scholarship and intellectual enterprise here at UCCI.
IV
List of Papers Presented at the Conference
Page No.
Conference Keynote Speaker: Dr. Brian Meeks
The Legacies of Independence in Jamaica:
Towards a Half Century Assessment
2
Plenary Keynote Speaker: Mr. Roy Bodden
Deconstructing Development: Caymanian Society in the 21st Century
9
Concurrent Panels
1. The Creative Process and the Visioning and Creation
of Caribbean Cultural Identity
•
•
Mr. Henry Muttoo: My Mind’s Eye - Visioning a Caymanian Identity the Work of Miss Lassie
18
Dr. Monica Lawrence: The Creative Process: An Analysis of the
Late Prof. Rex Nettleford the Choreographer Philosopher
27
2. Interrogating Caymanian History, Culture and Society
•
•
Pastor Al Ebanks, DD, Cert. Hon.
A Second Eden: The Religious Heritage of the Cayman Islands
Mr. Christopher Williams
Did Slavery Really Matter in Grand Cayman, Cayman Islands?
Confronting Roy Bodden’s Anti-Slavocratic Sentiments
35
42
3. Issues in the Science and Management of the Turtle Farm
• Mr. Geddes Hislop
A New Opportunity and Approach to Conservation Education
in the Cayman Islands
• Mr. Bryan Andryszak
An Overview of Green Sea Turtle and Shark Education
Programmes at Boatswain's Beach/Cayman Turtle Farm, Ltd.
• Mr. Peter Borg
Reintroducing Capture-bred White-crowned Pigeon,
Patagioenes leucocephala, into the Wild via Soft Release
60
64
70
V
4. Issues in the Culture of Change and Change Management
• Mrs. Heather-Ann Cahill
Identifying an Appropriate Human Resource Information System
To Maximize Human Capital Within an Organization
72
5. Changing the Culture of Math, Teaching, and Technology in the Caribbean
• Mr. John Locke
How the Use of Computers Can Change the Culture of Math and
Science Teaching in the Caribbean
• Dr. Art Bukowski
The Culture of Mathematics and How to Teach College Students
with Poor Math Skills
76
85
6. Issue in Caribbean Musical Expressions as Forms of Cultural Identity
• Dr. Donna Hope-Marquis
From Boom-bye-bye to Chi-chi Man - Homophobia in the Dance
Hall Music
• Mr. Glen Inanga
Genre Theory, Western Classical Music and the Caribbean Musical
Arts
• Mr. Louieco Lewis
Calypso and Reggae and the Decline in Literacy and Learning
93
110
120
7. The Culture of Work, Shopping and Real Estate in the Cayman Islands
• Drs. J.D. Mosley-Matchett and Chun-Chen (Liz) Wang
Cosmopolitan and Ethnic Tensions in the Caymanian Shopping
Experience
• Ms. Davina Wilson
Flexible Work Arrangements and Work-life Balance: Are these
Achievable Without Trust? (With special reference to
the Cayman Islands workforce)
• Dr. Ginnie Gardiner
Home-owner Impact of Real Estate Duty in the Cayman Islands
versus Property Taxes in the US -- Issues of Culture?
133
148
161
VI
8. Literature as a Tool of Analysis of the Caribbean Situation
• Dr. Paulette Ramsay
Visual Rhetoric: Racial and Ethnic Difference in Mexico through the Distorted
Lenses of Memin Pinguin
166
• Dr. Paula Anderson-Suarez
Voice and Values: A Unification of Form and Content in
Selected Readings from Caribbean Literature
180
• Mr. Joseph Pereira
Constructs of Cayman in Far Tortuga
187
9. Culture in the Caymanian Classroom
• Dr. Mark Minott, Miss Diane Campbell and Mrs. Vimala Velusamy
To What Extent Does Multicultural Education Occur in Schools
in the Cayman Islands?
192
• Dr. Livingston Smith
Conceptualizing Cayman Culture -- Some Theoretical Hurdles
211
• Mr. Louieco Lewis
The Effect of Culture on the African Diaspora
224
10. Issues in Education
• Dr. Allan Young
Pre-Service Students' Class Standings and their Perceptions of
Distance Education
• Mr. Claude Oakley
Why Undergraduate Students Cheat: A Synoptic Review
• Mr. Martin Keeley
Marvelous Mangroves: A Curriculum–based Teachers’ Guide
238
244
256
11. Health Care in the Cayman Islands
• Mr. Damian Martin
Acupuncture and the Culture of Health Care in the
Cayman Islands
262
VII
Papers Thematically Arranged
1
The Legacies of Independence in Jamaica:
Towards a Half Century Assessment
Brian Meeks, PhD, Professor of Social and Political Change
Director, Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies,
University of the West Indies, Mona
There is an iconic and unforgettable image culled from the archives of early Jamaican
independence, which stands ahead of many other memorabilia of that tumultuous time. It has
come to mind in recent days with his passing: It is the 1962 photograph of Rex Nettleford, in full
dancer’s regalia, his arms stretched backwards, like the wings of a Boeing 707, his feet
appearing not to touch the ground and his proud dark eyes peering into the camera, as if into
some undetermined, yet simultaneously very certain future.
I saw this picture again as a fleeting slide, part of a memorial ceremony for Rex on the Mona
campus of the University of the West Indies a few weeks ago and thought it appropriate, not
only for the sense of moment that it conveys, but for this talk here in Grand Cayman, to which
Rex was invited and for which I am but his modest substitute. For in that image, with his arms
stretched back in almost supersonic gesture, Rex became frozen, metaphoric, as symbolic of all
that independence seemed to offer Jamaica and, by implication as the first Anglophone country
to gain it, the wider Caribbean. It was not only the pose, which as I have implied, was replete
with promise, hope and speedy delivery, but the very body of the man, which, in its ebony
richness, proclaimed the arrival of black Jamaica and the staking of her rightful and democratic
claim to ownership of the land of wood and water.
And there are so many other examples, drawn from the spectrum of cultural expression, that
come to mind. The ebullience of the new hybrid musical form, the ska, which incorporated
rhythm and blues with calypso and Latin beats, woven together with the indefatigable Jamaican
mento and Rastafarian burru drums, heralded a celebration of possibilities. Among others
joining the celebration were Millie Small’s ‘My Boy Lollipop’, which made it to the top of the
British charts, the unifying lyrics of many ballads like ‘Gather together, brothers and sisters its
independence’ and the driving carnivalesque beat of classic big bands like Carlos Malcolm and
the Afro-Jamaican Rhythms, Byron Lee and the Dragonaires and, of course, the Skattalites,
who in many respects, defined the era.
But the celebrations, as some, like many among the Rastafarians always predicted, turned
out to be short lived. The bulldozing of back o’ wall and the displacement of thousands to build
the model community of Tivoli Gardens in West Kingston was, in retrospect, the assertion of the
obverse side of the independence saga. Mervyn Morris, celebrated Jamaican poet captures the
sense of that transition to or perhaps, assertion of, another reality in his typically small poem, ‘I
am the Man’
I am the man that build his house on shit
I am the man that watch you bulldoze it
I am the man of no fixed address
Follow me now…
I am the man that have no name
I am the man that have no home
I am the man that have no hope
Nothing is mine
I am the man that file the knife
I am the man that make the bomb
I am the man that grab the gun
Look at the clock
2
And the clock was always ticking. The Chinese riots of 1965, which suggested deep schisms
between the entrepreneurial Chinese shopkeepers of downtown Kingston and their
dispossessed black neighbours, were another portent. The 1966 “Ghost Town” curfew to curb
violence between the politicized gangs of West Kingston and South St Andrew, with clear
indicators of the future forms that violence would take, was a further omen.
The music lost its pace and the cool and deadly “rock steady” dance, epitomized in the
stance and actions of the ratchet–wielding ‘rude bwoy’, gained ascendancy. Derrick Morgan’s
remarkable early deejay/dancehall chant, ‘Tougher than Tough’ was typical of an entire genre
that recognized the phenomenon of the rude bwoy and praised his pose of resistance in a world
of uncertainty. The rude bwoy in Morgan’s song is before the judge and, faced with a certain
sentence of a very long time for charges of misconduct and violence, his response is
unrepentant:
Your honour, rudies don’t fear…
Rougher than rough, tougher than tough
Strong like lion, we are iron
Rudies don’t fear no boys, rudies don’t fear….
And the clock stopped ticking and the bomb went off in 1968 when, following the
Government’s banning of Guyanese born UWI lecturer Walter Rodney from returning to
Jamaica, students marched in protest, tear gas followed and thousands of urban unemployed
youth – the aforementioned rude bwoys - took to the streets and wreaked havoc in downtown
Kingston.
I suggest that 1968 and the eponymous Rodney riot is as important a date in Jamaican and
Caribbean history as the Nineteen Thirties, when the march to nationhood really began, and the
early Nineteen Sixties, when independence was proclaimed. The events of 1968 decisively
signalled the assertion that a significant part of the population had a problem with the
independence drama and wished to exit, violently, if necessary, from the stage.
There is a well-worn narrative in Jamaica which suggests an explanation for this
phenomenon is to be found almost exclusively in the realm of political economy. It reads to the
effect that the high levels of unemployment, resulting from the failure of the industrialization-byinvitation policies followed before independence, coupled with the ending of easy migration to
the United Kingdom, led to growing unemployment and immisseration in the burgeoning ghettos
of Kingston and St Andrew. The failure to alleviate these conditions and the concomitant social
alienation, led to the growth of violent gangs and, ultimately, when the right spark came, to the
massive outpouring of violence and destruction in the 1968 riots. This, I suggest, is at best only
a partial explanation. Something else was brewing in the hearts of the Jamaican poor, beyond
albeit convincing realities of abject poverty and ‘sufferation’. I suggest that the signals, as
intimated earlier, are to be found in the Rastafarian movement, its philosophy and consistent
dialectical engagement with the intellectual construction of independent Jamaica.
For many unfamiliar with the history of the contemporary Caribbean, Rastafarians were not
always seen as potential rock stars with flashing locks emblazoned across trendy tee shirts and
casual wear. Early Rastafarianism came into conflict with the Jamaican establishment because
of its consistent rejection of the steeply hierarchical and symbolic structuring of the social order.
Thus, the rastas’ radical assertion of blackness, African hair, a creatively modified and often
perverted use of both English and traditional patwa, and ultimately, the deification of a living
black god, was considered anathema and received with shock and opprobrium by the guardians
of what was right and proper. Some Rastafarians approached this opposition to what they
considered as ‘Babylon’ – the world of mainstream Jamaica - with a general retreat from that
reality in deep, obscure rural communities, while others sought to do frontal combat with the
3
‘Beast.’ Ronald Henry’s small contingent of African Americans arrived in Jamaica in 1960 to
overthrow the government and demand repatriation to Africa. Ronald’s influence was
insignificant, but his father Claudius was head of one of the largest, most influential Rastafarian
communities. Ronald’s poorly planned insurgency was defeated and rastas have never again
been associated with this kind of violence in Jamaica, but there is a common thread between
this event in 1960 and the Rodney riots eight years later that requires explanation.
The link is to be found, I propose, in a philosophical conundrum which precedes the
independence era and is located in the eighteenth century’s ‘age of revolution’, including
prominently the American, French and Haitian Revolutions, which all preceded and informed the
emancipation of the British West Indian slaves in 1838. The American Revolution brought with
it the idea of radical severance from colonial domination and the inalienable right to freedom of
movement and the ownership of property. It stumbled, however, on the extension of these rights
to the entire population on the shrill demand of the slave-holding states and concluded in the
perverse clause of the early American constitution that black people could only be counted as
fractions of a man. The French Revolution, just a decade later, started with similar hesitations
on granting the rights of liberty, equality and fraternity to the blacks of the Antilles, but, under the
Jacobins and spurred on by the revolt in St Domingue, moved to full emancipation and the
recognition of blacks as citizens. This, however, was short lived. Napoleon, at the moment of his
ascendancy, sought to effect a reversion of the emancipation declaration and to reestablish
slavery in the formerly highly profitable colonies of the Antilles. He succeeded in the East, but in
the crown jewel and now revolutionary St Domingue, his brother-in-law Le Clerc failed miserably
and Haitian independence was declared by the blacks in 1804.
The victory of Dessalines’ and Petion’s armies brought with it the possibility of a new world;
for of the three revolutions, only in Haiti did liberty in word and practice possess a full and
universal meaning. Here blacks were free, not by foreign proclamation but by their own hand.
The meaning of this for the plantation societies of the New World and beyond them the wider
colonized world of the early nineteenth century was profound, and this was understood perhaps
most acutely by the slave owners and their governments. Haiti was forthwith quarantined to
prevent the virus of its philosophical example from spreading and then blockaded and forced
into debt to forestall the possible emergence of an economic alternative to plantation slavery.
David Rudder, the outstanding Trinidadian calypsonian, is quite right when in his 1980s
ballad dedicated to Haiti he declares, ‘Haiti I‘m sorry we misunderstood you’. Haiti’s poverty
and decrepit politics have always been misunderstood from the Caribbean gaze as deriving
from some severe kink in the DNA of the Haitian people and society and not imposed in the first
instance from outside to achieve the clear end of global isolation.
Haitian marginalization, then, is the background to Anglo-Caribbean emancipation in 1838,
which, inevitably, emerges as a compromise with plantation slavery rather than a radical rupture
with a fatally flawed and oppressive system. It is the former slave owners who are compensated
in 1838 with some twenty million pounds sterling – a princely sum then and a kingly one in
today’s currency -- and not the vast majority of purportedly ‘free’ blacks, who, following the
debilitation of slavery, desperately needed resources to get a head-start in life.
It is this fatal compromise with the plantation – a direct outcome of the strangulation and
failure of the Haitian experiment -- which helps to determine the political economy and ruling
philosophy of Jamaica for the following century and a half. It is a political economy rooted in a
marginalization of the vast majority on the fringes of the plantation and a philosophy defined by
a partial interpretation of liberty accompanied by a denial of full social and cultural citizenship to
the same overwhelming majority of African descent.
This is the motivating tension in the Jamaican dialectic that has been playing out since 1838,
without as yet, any decisive resolution. It is the tension which led to the Morant Bay rebellion of
1865, which found expression in Marcus Garvey and his UNIA in the 1920s, and which
motivated the labour riots of 1938. This tension was the force behind the Rodney riot of 1968.
4
Michael Manley’s ill-fated regime of the 1970s was but a newer, though very important,
phase of this process. The difference in the seventies is that, under Manley, matters which had
before found expression in popular movements took root in the Government itself with profound
consequences. If Manley’s regime is to be judged historically on the basis of its social reforms,
then the period from 1972 until 1980 is but one prolonged legislative process, encouraged at
first by popular assent, to redress matters of rights, justice and citizenship that should have
been concluded a century or more ago. Yet Manley’s regime failed as its policies became
entangled within the web of Cold War power pressures and he and his popular support
dangerously underestimated the power of entrenched authority and traditional interests at
home.
It is the defeat of Manley’s regime in 1980, some thirty years ago, which ironically carries us
to the present moment. The supreme effort of attempting to overcome past injustices, and the
immense conservative resistance that it engendered, led to a stinging electoral defeat in 1980.
The events surrounding that general election are now widely described by supporters of both of
the opposing political sides as the ‘near civil war events of 1980’, with some justification.
Hundreds died in the internecine violence and both parties armed their supporters in the
urban centres of Kingston, Montego Bay, May Pen and elsewhere. Rude Bwoys, or the leaders
among them, by a rapid process of militarization, became what we today describe as Dons.
Communities that had previously been linked by family and tradition became impermeable,
armed garrisons. The hope and possibility for a better life that had been captured in Delroy
Wilson’s song ‘Better must Come’ and used effectively by the People’s National Party in the
1972 election was shattered and dissipated.
The last thirty years is one long interregnum in which the features of this moment of defeat
have been painfully playing themselves out. I have called it elsewhere a moment of hegemonic
dissolution. By this I mean that there has been the gradual erosion of a consensus that had
been forged and successfully operated for four post-war decades, from the time of the
declaration of Universal Adult Suffrage in the Forties until the violence and electoral defeat
surrounding the 1980 events. This effectively was an alliance between Jamaica’s middle and
working classes, significantly, though not exclusively, brown and black in their respective
compositions. This consensus found expression beyond the narrow sphere of politics. It meant
the concession of political dominance to the middle classes in exchange for the granting of
social benefits in education, health, employment, housing, and the like, to the working classes.
This consensus was always fraught, but the fact that it brought real benefits is undeniable.
Tertiary education is but one obvious instance. In the 1930s, only a handful of the very rich or a
tiny cadre of scholarship winners could hope to travel abroad for a university education. Despite
its deeply elitist character, by the twenty-first century tens of thousands of Jamaicans and West
Indians broadly speaking had benefitted from the UWI, formed in 1948 as one of the earliest
manifestations of this social consensus. UWI continues to survive and remains a beacon of
possibility for many, but, elsewhere in the educational system at the primary and secondary
levels, the schools are under severe stress and no longer provide adequate avenues for social
mobility, as was more evident in the past.
More obvious manifestations of social decay are to be seen in the sphere of crime. In a welldocumented process, the political gangs of the seventies travelled to North America and Britain
and became the ruthless ‘Posses’ of the eighties and nineties. These gangs accumulated
wealth far beyond that of their sponsors -- the Jamaican political parties -- and returned home in
an inverse relationship to their original patrons.
This of course is the context of the present unhappy and unsustainable impasse between the
United States and the Jamaican Government over the US request under existing treaty for the
extradition of one of the most notorious ‘dons’ to face trial on a variety of criminal charges. It is
perhaps not appropriate to comment on the details of these still very current events, except to
suggest that it is this impasse that best mirrors the significant erosion in notions of order,
5
authority and of right and wrong that pervades all levels of society and is a very accurate, if sad,
description of the present state of the country.
Equally accurate descriptors are to be found in the sphere of popular culture. The popular
music of the seventies, often described today as ‘classic reggae’, was never a single genre, but
incorporated a variety of styles and lyrical emphases. Thus, the notion that all classical reggae
was a version of Bob Marley and Peter Tosh with their philosophically inclined and often militant
lyrics is as wrong as to suggest that all contemporary dancehall music is associated with socalled slackness or constitutes a paean to crass materialism.
Yet, it would be equally false to propose that nothing has changed. I think it is reasonable to
assert that the dominant trend in nineteen seventies’ reggae was the search for some notion of
collective liberation. This took a variety of forms, including Pan African unity, as in Marley’s
‘Africa Unite’ or repatriation to a better place, as in Dennis Brown’s ‘Promised Land’, both of
which share a common search of a collective endeavour in order to overcome adversity. Rarely
is there to be found the nihilistic surrender to personal and outward manifestations of wealth
that are a stock feature of important trends in contemporary dancehall music. Neither, for that
matter, is the divisive notion that self-definition and survival are to be found within the narrow
confines of a street gang.
Counterpoise, for instance, George Nooks’ excellent mid-seventies’ appeal against emerging
garrisons and political warfare, ‘Tribal War’ (‘Tribal War, we don’t want no more of that…tribal
war a nuh that we a defend….’) with the current ‘Gully-Gaza’ dispute, in which deejays Vybz
Kartel and Mavado foster and create virtual tribes, for public relations purposes, which then, in
an unfortunate instance of life imitating art, feed back into the community, fostering hostilities
far beyond the boundaries of their original geographical spaces.
While listening to a web site with the latest soca from this year’s carnival in Trinidad it was
saddening to hear one artist echoing the refrain of the Gully-Gaza dispute, more than a
thousand miles away from its origins.
Hegemonic dissolution, then, is this prolonged three-decade moment of social decay,
initiated by the frustration of a process rooted in the social consensus that emerged around
Universal Adult Suffrage and which came crashing to the ground after the 1980 election. It is
characterized by the growing inability of the political process to deliver the promised goods of
improved living conditions, by a weakening of the social order through which people no longer
automatically adhere to common notions of law, order and of right and wrong. It is recognised
by a loosening of the social glue that holds families, communities and ultimately the nation
together, through mass migration leading to the breakup of families and the emptying of
formerly settled rural communities. And it is branded by the rapid assertion of nihilism and crass
individualistic materialism over earlier notions of community effort, self help and collective
liberation.
These features, of course, are not entirely peculiar to Jamaica. Trinidad and Tobago has, for
instance, just passed Jamaica in its per capita murder rate. Violence, criminality and corruption
are on the increase in many Caribbean islands. The crude lust for wealth without effort is
evident at the root of the ongoing world recession and in numerous international instances of
financial irresponsibility or outright illegality, as in the financial scandal around the Madoff ponzi
scheme.
Yet, if a way out of the imbroglio is to be charted, then the peculiar history of individual cases
must be excavated in order to search for clues that might help in a possible solution.
I’ve heard many people from within and outside Jamaica, who, in attempting to propose a
way out of the country’s parlous economic state, suggest somewhat straightforward macroeconomic solutions. The answer, some argue, is simply to increase taxation and reduce
budgetary expenditure to acceptable levels. Others argue that to address the unacceptably bad
crime statistics we need to pour more resources into the security forces or to redeploy them in a
more effective manner. However, through the lens of our previously mooted notion of
6
hegemonic dissolution, both of these proposed cures, while containing justifiable arguments, are
severely flawed. A balanced budget in Jamaica’s current context requires not just a determined
minister of finance, but a population willing to abide within the terms of the reduced items of
expenditure or, more pointedly, the increased items of taxation.
This is only feasible with a renewed consensus in which the overwhelming majority accept,
first, the authority of government and, second, the necessity for appropriate austerity measures.
If neither of these conditions prevails -- in other words, in the absence of a social consensus -there can be no realistic budgetary balancing.
Similarly, the notion of pumping more money to the security forces implies that the security
forces are themselves free of the deeply debilitating features that are characteristic of
hegemonic dissolution. Pumping more resources implies that these resources will be put to the
legitimate end of fighting crime. Recent events in Jamaica, in which, as some here may be
aware, a group of policemen was found diverting weapons from the armory for sale to gunmen
for personal gain, suggest not only the extent of the decay, but the degree of irrational
opportunism implicit in the present moment of greed and personal salvation. For it doesn’t take
a genius to recognize that the weapons being sold to the criminals will likely be turned against
the very policemen or their close associates who are momentarily benefitting from the illegal
transaction.
The options, if ever there are simple options to immense and deep-seated social roadblocks,
are limited. The first, if things are allowed to drift, will be a more rapid deterioration in law,
order, governability and the quality of life in Jamaica. The idea that Jamaica is a failed state, as
mooted by some commentators, is definitively not the case today. I, like tens of thousands of
citizens, live a normal life, ferry my children to school, work hard and pay the bills, albeit with a
careful eye on personal security. In a failed state there is no security and the classic Hobbesian
formula of a ‘war of all against all’ prevails. Jamaica still remains a vibrant society with many
spaces for social interaction and the real possibility of social and political renewal. However, that
rekindling will not happen, and the real possibility of descent into failed state territory exists, if
the present path of ‘business as usual’ is followed.
Elsewhere in my book ‘Envisioning Caribbean Futures: Jamaican Perspectives’, I have made
specific proposals of some of the elements that might be necessary if a path of renewal is to be
pursued. Among them:
1. The urgent planning and convening of a Constituent Assembly of the Jamaican People
at Home and Abroad. This would be a series of meetings in the island of Jamaica and its
Diaspora that would initiate a conversation around the terms of a new consensus,
including elements of rights, reform of the existing constitution, and the compromises
necessary for political and economic renewal and new social arrangements for the rest
of the century.
2. A determined process of redressing some of the material imbalances of the past rooted
in the skewed emancipation arrangements. As suggested previously, the lopsided
arrangements around emancipation gave compensatory benefits to the haves and
nothing to the have-nots. There is the real possibility in the wake of the imminent
collapse of the sugar industry and the fact that the majority of sugar lands are owned by
the Government to consider a land reform based on the redistribution of Government’s
sugar lands. This would bring Jamaica in line with the East Asian economies, where in
almost all instances, a land reform, significantly equalizing the differences between the
poorest and the richest, the rural and the urban, served as the necessary prelude to the
rapid development of these economies.
3. A new deeper democracy with enhanced transparency to address the corruption that is
implicit in political funding and the possibility of the state being compromised by wealthy
drug interests. One of the most corrosive factors in Jamaica today is the deep, cynical
distrust of all things political. Only a process of enhancing transparency, so that all
7
transactions become self-evident, and of deepening democracy in order to include the
widest ambit of the people in government can address this reality.
There are too many things to mention here, but at the top of the list might be included
legislation for the recall, through careful procedures, of non-performing members of
parliament, and the establishment of constituency committees, with multi-party and
community membership to oversee the fair distribution of scarce benefits.
4. The rethinking of the ethical foundations on which Jamaican and, by extension,
Caribbean society is built. The question of a resuscitated notion of ethics is at the heart
of the proposals being advanced here, because without a new look at the meaning of
life, what is right and what is wrong, what is the purpose of community and why we
should live together in peace, and ultimately what is the basis on which we should live
together as a nation, then nothing is left but power, atomization and self-fulfillment.
These are only four, somewhat dry proposals and they are not accompanied by a road map
as to how to implement them. There is never a road map. It requires real people on the ground
to see the urgency of the situation, the impossibility of an easy way out and the bankruptcy of
the present path.
But if we were to begin, then I suggest that the conversation must start with representatives
of all the political parties and of non-partisan citizens meeting in their workplace, schools and
communities, with one intention -- how to start a national conversation that will lead in the
direction of a Constituent Assembly of the Jamaican People at Home and Abroad, with
ultimately the power of establishing binding social and political arrangements.
Only then will real people take ideas like these, digest them, discard what they find irrelevant,
and engage in the process of bargaining, negotiating, and trading. And when these processes
are driven by a genuine desire to participate in social life, and in so doing find creative ways to
regenerate family, community and nation, will we re-discover the true and long-lost meaning of
politics.
I end with a quote from my friend the Barbadian poet and historian (though we claim him as
Jamaican and he is, in fact, truly Caribbean) Kamau Brathwaite. I have used it before but it
remains entirely appropriate to capture this notion of human creativity that is required:
I
Must be given words to shape my name
To the syllable of trees
I
Must be given words to refashion futures
Like a healer’s hand
I
Must be given words so that the bees
In my blood’s buzzing brain of memory
Will make flowers, will make flocks of birds
Will make sky, will make heaven
The heaven open to the thunder-stone and the volcano
And the unfolding land.
8
Deconstructing Development: Caymanian Society in the 21st Century
Plenary Keynote Speaker: Mr. Roy Bodden, President
University College of the Cayman Islands
Introduction
The Cayman Islands stumbled into the twenty-first century under the weight of considerable
intractable problems which were inherited from late twentieth century developments (Bodden
2010:306). To begin with, consider that the islands were so far from modernity that John
Maloney, in an article published in the Saturday Evening Post on April 8, 1950, described them
as “The Islands Time Forgot”, it was hardly to be expected that some fifty years on the islands
would be thrust in the midst of the globalization phenomenon which they did not understand.
This is even more challenging to our comprehension when one considers that the Cayman
Islands made this quantum leap in fifty years, whereas other jurisdictions took five hundred.
Up to that time the Cayman Islands were renowned for proficient sailors, the turtle trade and
quaint postage stamps, mastery of sailing ships, an acute knowledge of the waters of the
Northwest Caribbean, including the United States Gulf Ports and Tampa, Florida. This
knowledge gave Caymanian seamen and turtle fishermen an almost legendary reputation.
(Duncan 84:177-190)
Over the course of the intervening years Caymanian seafarers honed their skills to the point
whereby in the 1950’s the islands had become the chief source of skillful, reliable, nonunionized, English speaking crews for major shipping conglomerates operating mainly out of the
United States. These developments led to the skill and reliability of Caymanian seamen
reaching epic proportions, and by the latter half of the twentieth century change was obvious.
One observer of Caymanian society described the jurisdiction during this time as follows:
“For the greater part of the twentieth century, the Cayman Islands, a small British
Colony in the Western Caribbean with a population of some 10,000, were best
known to the outside world for their postage stamps. Most recently, their claim to
fame has come to rest to a great extent with their status as a tax haven and to a
somewhat lesser extent with the attractions they hold for North American tourists.
(Hannerz 1974: 57-58)”
It was the attraction to the sea and the magnet of North America which led Caymanians
away from the Caribbean, thus allowing Caymanians to view their Caribbean neighbours with a
blend of suspicion, resentment and contempt (CO1031/4271). Developed in partial isolation,
from the earliest years, the Cayman Islands formed a frontier society on the periphery of the
British Empire (Kieran 1992; Bodden 2007), especially after the failure of the West Indies
Federation in which the Cayman Islands participation was hardly more than perfunctory.
The earlier isolation from the trade of empire, coupled with economic insignificance and
relative unimportance to the administering power led the British to thrust the responsibility of the
Cayman Islands to Jamaica – through an instrument, the Act of the Imperial Parliament 1865,
after which the Cayman Islands were subjected to a policy of ‘benign neglect’ by the Jamaican
authorities. It was this policy and the freedom from the various social and political upheavals
which plagued much of the British Caribbean during slavery and its aftermath which led
Caymanians further away from considering themselves as part of the Caribbean. Having no
indigenous people, the islands formed a ‘totally imported society.’ Those persons who
descended from early inhabitants and described here as “established” Caymanians display little
empathy towards more recent migrants some of whom, they describe pejoratively as
“expatriates” and “paper Caymanians”.
9
The Cayman Islands can be described as a “total colonial society” (Bodden: 1986.6). It,
therefore, stands to reason that Caymanian society was originally made of whites (most of
whom came voluntarily as settlers, coloureds and blacks, the majority of which were slaves who
came against their will. Importantly too, their descendants (black, white and coloured)
appropriated for themselves certain ancestral privileges such as property vested in their family
going back generations (Bodden 2007 : 66).
What made the Cayman Islands unique was that the small population enabled all elements
to own property. This was starkly different from the situation in other British Caribbean
territories.
The other category of persons, (who came in the twentieth century “expatriates,” can be
described as…
….Caucasians from the first world. People from the Caribbean are usually
referred to by [established] Caymanians according to their nationality, e.g.,
Jamaicans, Trinidadians, Guyanese, Hondurans, etc. The term expatriate is
reserved for citizens of Europe, Canada, the United States and the United
Kingdom (ibid p.33).”
Sometimes however, depending upon the circumstances surrounding the reference,
Caymanians will identify such persons as “Paper Caymanians”. This is a pejorative term,
designed to convey that there can be no equality to, nor acceptance of such persons by
Caymanians.
The rift between “established” Caymanians and expatriates had its genesis in the rapid
economic development which started from the 1960s.
Even in the mid 1970’s when globalization was at its most prodigious in Caymanian society, few
in either the private sector or public sector were sufficiently knowledgeable about the
phenomenon as to raise alarm. Instead, beginning at this time both government and the private
sector became completely flattered by the rising numbers of tourists and the growing offshore
finance. Such a failure on the part of these two entities speaks volumes about the inability of
Caymanian authorities to link Caymanian developments to those of the wider world.
This failure becomes even more critical when one realizes that it was Andrew Morris
Gerrard, who in characteristic prescience during his Budget Speech to the Legislative Assembly
during March 1955 stated:
“The growth on a large scale of the Dependency as a tourist resort, will make
some Caymanians very rich indeed, and it will certainly make all Caymanians a
good deal better off in the material sense, than they are now. I doubt if it will
make anyone any happier. The way to watch one’s step, if I may put it so
inelegantly, is to accept that controlled development is necessary, and to accept
it that there is a crying need for a return to appreciation of true human values – a
recognition, in brief that Vanity Fair is in fact Vanity Fair….if you are not to sell
your birthright for a mess of pottage now is the time to do something about it – to
go for planned development, to strengthen the legislation in regard to immigration
and aliens.
(Hansards: March 16, 1955 pp. 3-4)”
While there is no documentary evidence to explain that Gerrard had any conception of
globalization, his observations were eerily prescient.
There is no convincing evidence to suggest that Caymanian legislators paid even a modicum
of interest to Gerrard’s warning. No commitment was given to planned development and in
10
spite of the lease-hold precedent between Benson Greenall and the Cayman Islands’
government, when land sales gained prominence, political directorates took no steps to protect
Caymanian owners by encouraging them to sell leasehold. Simultaneous, with these
developments were the growing numbers of Caymanian seamen employed to shipping
companies based in the United States where they served as the catalyst for growing
sophistication of Caymanian society.
Remittances from the large number of Caymanian seamen were by this time being
supplemented by revenue from the growing tourist trade. In 1953, Barclay’s Bank established a
branch on Grand Cayman and ten years later Royal Bank of Canada, the first of the major
Canadian banks, opened its doors on Grand Cayman. These establishments superseded the
Government Savings Bank, which had been founded in 1907 to service the public sector
requirements.
Tourist development continued at an accelerated pace, so much so that by 1979 there were
those who expressed alarm at what was taking place in terms of rapid development (Bodden
1978: 1987: 30-32). Land sales and development continued at a frenetic pace and with no heed
given to proper urban planning. The 1970’s decade saw the beginning of a community
consciousness with regard to the increasing immigration in Caymanian society (Hannerz 1974:
126-147).
It is within this context that this brief examination of Caymanian society is situated. This is of
critical importance since it is a contention of this author, that arising out of these 1970 events,
Caymanians once more failed to grasp the implications of globalization as manifested through
increased tourism, land sales, immigration and a reduced dependency by United States
shipping conglomerates on Caymanian seamen.
By 1976 the Caymanian economy developed a distinctiveness based upon the twin pillars of
tourism and banking, the demand for Caymanian merchant seamen having all dried up.
Construction which was closely tied to land sales especially in areas such as Cayman Kai in
North Side and Governor’s Harbour and later Governor’s Sound on the West Bay side was a
distant third, serviced by the increasing numbers of unemployed former seamen. Development
continued a galloping pace through the late 1970s and into the early 1980s necessitating foreign
labour to augment the insufficient local labour force. The island of Grand Cayman took on the
characteristics of a fully fledged frontier settlement with skilled and unskilled labourers,
professionals in both the banking (financial) and tourism sectors. It did not take long for astute
Caymanian observers to realize that these numbers were an indication of the changing face of
Cayman.
Established Caymanian / Expatriates and Others
Disquiet about the growing numbers of newcomers (immigrants) brought a necessity to
modernize the Caymanian Immigration laws and more importantly, to redefine who was
Caymanian. The Immigration Restriction (British Subjects) Law, 1961 used a simple definition
for persons born outside the islands, or who were not domiciled in the islands. This legislation
stipulated that if you lived in the islands for five years you belonged to the islands, but if you left
for five years you did not belong. Such a simplistic definition sufficed until the 1970’s and the
advent of Linden Pindling in the Bahamas.
Arrivals of significant numbers of British citizens who were invited to leave the Bahamas
during the 1970s meant that these persons, in an effort to avoid a repetition of their Bahamian
experience – sought some form of “Caymanian belonger status”. Amidst the flurry of legislative
activity necessitated by the attempts to restrict the numbers of these “belongers” The
Immigration Restriction (British Subjects) Law, The Aliens Law, The Deportation (British
Subjects) Law and the Work Permit Law, 1965, were all considered to be in need of
modernization. As a result of this modernization exercise, these laws were superseded by The
Caymanian Protection Law, 1971.
11
As the numbers and significance of newcomers grew in Caymanian society, the words
“expatriate and Paper Caymanians” entered the Caymanian societal lexicon. It is difficult to
identify precisely when the term “expatriate” became a popular description although, Hannerz
(1974: 112 – 116) in commenting on what he terms the “Beginning of discord”, suggests that
the term “expatriate” could have been first used in the 1970s.
Writing in the Nor’wester of December 1976, another commentator, John Redman, suggested
the following:
…..during the heady years of development a few years ago many expatriates
[newcomers] arrived on the islands to work and those that stayed are now
becoming eligible for Caymanian Status in increasing numbers (p. 23).
It is posited here that it was at this time that the pejorative description of “Paper Caymanians”
who became commonly used as an identification tool. It is interesting to note that in
contradistinction to the term “expatriate” which is limited to the Caucasian element, “Paper
Caymanians” embraces all outsiders including peoples from the regions granted Caymanian
status. Caymanians use this term most frequently on talk shows and in letters to the editor to
voice their disgust of outsiders. Relatively little investigation into these developments has been
undertaken, but Amit (2001) in an investigation into Caymanian society recorded the following
observation:
“As the extent and significance of this [expatriate] segment of the labour force
has grown, the regulatory tendency to limit its members to the status of transient
residents employed on the basis of temporary work permits has become
entrenched. This entrenchment has occurred within a context of general, if
sometimes grudging, social acceptance by Caymanians that for the foreseeable
future, a substantial expatriate presence will be necessary to service the
economy at its present size, let alone assure further growth. Thus social
recognition of the economic indispensability of foreign workers as a category has
been married with an equally pervasive insistence on the requisite expendability
of these expatriates as individuals (p. 575).”
It is suggested here that the Caymanian Protection Law (1971), far from achieving the
objective of ensuring that Caymanians succeeded in the workplace, became an instrument
which was open to circumvention. Indeed, this legislation seems to have been misunderstood
by “established” Caymanians who interpreted it as meaning that their only qualification for
getting jobs in the new economy was to be “Caymanian”. Succeeding political directorates from
1976 to 2000 “played to this gallery” whenever elections were close by insinuating that
“expatriates” had no permanent place in Caymanian society. When elections were over,
however, the matter was rationalized under the pretext that such persons are needed to service
the Caymanian economic miracle. To date succeeding political directorates have failed to apply
satisfactory closure to this situation.
Amit (2001) in continuing commentary informs us as to how this led to the predicament of
“expatriates” in Caymanian society:
“The tenuous juridical status of most expatriates in Cayman is frequently
experienced as oppressive, although the fracture lines of domination are
equivocal. Hierarchies of exclusion, entitlement and dependence can be
ironically inverted and repositioned depending on the regime and status being
involved. British citizens are nationals of an ostensible colonial power, but they
are subject to the same authority of the British Crown, but most British citizens
12
whether permanently or temporarily resident in the Cayman Islands cannot run
for office in this [Caymanian] legislature or vote in elections. The Caymanian
economy is thoroughly dependent on the patronage of Americans whether as
tourists or investors, but Americans in the Cayman Islands are also bound by
restrictions imposed on most foreign workers. Underpinning these alternating
scenarios of exclusion and domination is the apparent willingness, shared at
different junctures and for different reasons by most of the categories of residents
[expatriates] in the Cayman Islands, to accommodate the restriction of formal
citizenship signified by the institutionalization of temporary work permits (ibid.
p.576).”
The “expatriate” phenomenon, brought on by globalization and the Caymanian desire to
excel in tourism and international finance is to date, one of the least understood of those
challenges which the society faces at this juncture in the twenty-first century. Civic and
government leaders failed to realize that development had a down side! Although Commissioner
Gerard had warned of this danger from 1955, successive political leaders stressed growth
without regulation. Increased tourist arrivals and infrastructure carried no environmental or
infrastructural constraints. Increasing financial transactions and growth in law firms, business
houses and accounting empires were not legally required to train and prepare Caymanians
proportionate to their growth and expansion. Currently, a new category “key employee” has
entered the lexicon of immigration terms. This and similar gestures spark public commentary
chillingly reminiscent of societies in upheaval. In the first commentary on the current state of
affairs, The Cayman Net News captions its editorial with the stark headlines “Selling Our
birthright” – (Net News, Issue 2081, Friday 19 – Saturday, 20 February 2010). Historical
research demonstrates that this is nothing new since the same sentiments were expressed by
Caymanian legislators during the late 1960s.
While not wishing to engage in the cut and thrust of what is clearly partisan political debate, it
behooves any serious commentator to question “whether or not the chickens have come home
to roost?” The “established” Caymanian populace was lured away from those very qualities
which enabled them to survive decades of neglect, isolation and hardship. Seduced by the
attractions of exponential growth and unbridled consumerism, no political directorate was
prescient enough to understand that modernity and expansion – indeed, success in a globalized
world carried its own set of problems. This was especially so during the Unity Team years
following the 1976 election and up until 1984.
Writing in 1974, the Swedish anthropologist, Ulf Hannerz posed similar questions:
“….what happens in the long run in a successful tourist economy? When
Caymanian families have sold all that land which is attractive to outsiders, and
when their men have built the houses which the newcomers want on the land,
what will they do next? What jobs will be open to Caymanians in the new
economy in the long run? Will they become a proletariat of beach hustlers,
bartenders and hotel maids with a few entrepreneurs in those crevices of the
local economy left unattended by foreign business? Will the men start going
back to sea, feeling the salt water beating their faces again? Whatever will be
the answers to these questions….(Hannerz 1974: 184).”
Later Bodden (1978 and 1987) echoed these and other concerns when he cautioned that the
Cayman Islands were ‘measuring progress on a faulty report card’. While suggesting that
economic prosperity ensured that the Caymanian population was no longer submissively inured
to the pains and deprivations of a poor society, this author warned that there was a price to pay
for these developments (Bodden: 1978). In a situation where the only resources were the land
13
and its people, Bodden (1987) suggested that it was patently fallacious to encourage freehold
sales of land to foreigners whose sense of private property differed radically from those in a
small close knit community (ibid).
Land, Labour and Expatriacy: Formula for Contention?
Caymanians have never adopted the template for land transactions used by Gerrard to sell the
first major Seven Mile Beach property to developer Benson Greenall in the early 1950s.
Subsequent sales have been freehold and properties which were in Caymanian families for
generations are now owned out-rightly by foreigners. These foreigners (some of whom, possess
Caymanian status) are not limited to the home owners, since in the recent past at least one
such developer seems intent on monopolizing commercial property and established businesses
on Grand Cayman. In this arithmetic of growth and prosperity, the Cayman Islands can never
bring itself to calculate the enormity of this theft from the children and grandchildren of the
future. What seems alarming is that political directorates which seem so encouraging of this
situation have failed to take cognizance of the threat such acquisitions hold for the peace and
good order of the disenfranchised.
What compounds the situation is that in their haste to embrace modernity, few, if any, of the
new rich Caymanians, invested their wealth in education, cultural upliftment or any similar
ventures which could provide protection against a changing economy. Instead, what transpired
was the development of attitudes which led to the ‘revolution of rising expectations’ and a
rampant consumerism.
Today, many average “established” Caymanians are landless,
pressured and under threat of economically disenfranchised.
Economic prosperity from previous years buoyed Caymanian society into thinking that such
phenomenal growth was guaranteed. The society basked in self-congratulation, priding itself on
being a premier tourist destination and taking special pride in boasting of being ‘the fifth largest
financial centre in the world’, neglecting to factor that success brings its own set of challenges.
Most political directorates equated this success with unbridled growth – more banks, more
tourists, more money. No one realized the implications of recruiting foreign workers to service
such growth.
Between 1971 and 1992 the number of work permits had grown to such an extent that the
authorities proposed quotas on work permits from persons in certain jurisdictions. This attempt
to balance nationalities within Caymanian society may have brought temporary relief but it
offered no long-term satisfactory solution. With the inability to comprehend the English
language posing a major problem with replacement of Spanish speaking work permit holders,
and the belief that there were already too many Jamaicans in the society. Caymanian
employers were encouraged to recruit workers from the Philippines. For a brief time it seemed
like this gesture would work until it was realized that should current rates continue, Filipinos
would be as numerous as Jamaicans whom they were intended to replace.
Growth in tourism and international finance had by this time spawned a corollary industry –
construction. This industry further aggravated the untenable work permit situation as it
introduced white skinned, blue collar workers from Canada, U.S.A. and the U.K. This alarming
growth in work permit approvals placed enormous pressure on an immigration system which
had started with a waiting list of sixty persons for a grant of twelve Cayman Statuses per year.
(Nor’wester, December 1976:26).
In its urgency to address this potentially explosive situation, the authorities declared a
moratorium on the grant of Cayman statuses. There was, however, no corresponding
moratorium on applications. What transpired was a situation in which applications continued
and the fees accompanying these applications went directly into the Treasury, thus removing
the ability for timely refunds. The continuing increase of work permit holders in Caymanian
society has resulted in “established” Caymanians’ resentment, rejection and hostility towards
expatriates.
14
Expatriates for their part, continued their exclusionary lifestyles. Commenting on this existing
state of affairs Bodden (2007) suggested:
“Established Caymanians it seems, are too willing to spend time denigrating
expatriates when what is needed is an embrace of modernity. Expatriates with
selfish motives spend their time decrying the ‘lack of education and training
among Caymanian school leavers’ while making no practical effort to alleviate
the situation. Instead of lighting a candle, they curse the darkness (p. xxxiii).”
There is a sense in which “established” Caymanians have never really removed themselves
from an earlier isolation or, they did not understand that growth and globalization are
inextricably linked. In a frontier society in which outsiders had no real place, Caymanians in
commenting on isolation and lack of knowledge of cosmopolitanism in communities like the
Cayman Islands, Kwame Anthony Appiah bemoans the small mindedness of many traditional
communities and states:
“People who complain about the homogeneity produced by globalization often fail
to notice that globalization is, equally, a threat to homogeneity. (p. 112)”
The situation is compounded by one self-appointed guru whose newspaper columns, while
purporting to enlighten, is used to castigate, devalue and malign to “established” Caymanians.
Such “contamination” does little to elevate our understanding of the dilemma.
In suggesting “an ideal of contamination” Appiah (2006: 112), states that Salman Rushdie
has insisted that his novel which occasioned a fatwa against him (Rushdie) “celebrates
hybridity, impurity, intermingling, the transformation that comes of new and unexpected
combinations of human beings, cultures, ideas, politics, movies and songs. It rejoices in
mongrelization and fears the absolution of the pure Mélange, hotchpotch, a bit of this, a bit of
that is how newness enters the world (ibid. 112). Could such an observation hold any hope for
the Cayman Islands?
Given the historic role of migration and diaspora in Caymanian history one would have
thought that there would be some empathy among “established” Caymanians for expatriates.
The lament regarding the “loss of Caymanian culture” among some elements of the society fails
to realize that cultural purity is an oxymoron (Appiah 2006: 113). Uninformed “established”
Caymanians thought that the only way to save the society was through draconian laws and
regulations which controlled the grant of Cayman status [citizenship]. As a consequence of this,
a hard-line element, sometimes connected to elements within organized politics, has always
expressed a stance against expatriates. Amit (2001) can once again be employed to inform our
understanding of the dichotomy between this group and expatriates.
“In relationship to expatriates, status holders or citizens hold more than just an
entitlement to live and work in the Cayman Islands without special licence. By
law, they are also supposed to be given preference in employment over
expatriates not only when new positions become available but at each instance
of contract renewals (p. 584).”
What Amit (2001) failed to stipulate however is that, in its ideal this is the way the law is
supposed to function. In practice however, it does not happen this way and from the
expressions of “established” Caymanians on radio call-in shows and from their letters in the
print media, it is accurate to conclude that these persons claim unfair treatment.
Businesses, special interest groups as well as the Chamber of Commerce have at times
lobbied for relaxation of immigration controls. The only time such tactics failed was in the recent
15
past when these entities failed to convince the Peoples’ Progressive Movement’s political
directorate of 2005-2009 to revoke their so-called “roll over” policy. This policy dictated that
after a fixed term work permit expired, its holder was required to leave the jurisdiction for a
period of time. In other words, there would be no automatic renewals. Dissatisfaction prevails
and the forces pro and con this issue are formidably prepared – for a battle soon to be fought.
Expatriacy remains a critically divisive issue in early twenty-first century Caymanian society
and will continue to remain so for as long as both elements fail to come to some mutually
acceptable position as to each other’s role. Failure to agree on a policy toward assimilation,
acculturation and citizenship will result in an unraveling of the society. This, as the mass status
grant awards of 2003 demonstrated, is a situation which will haunt Caymanian society for years
to come. Indeed, “established” Caymanians must demonstrate a greater willingness toward
understanding the importance of outsiders in their society
This observation is substantiated by the following comment:
“….the Caymanian economic success story is in effect the story of a parachuted
economy in which a foreign labour force has been recruited to serve and assure
the flow of mobile foreign capital, whether in the form of offshore capital or tourist
expenditures. In some senses, therefore, despite the rising standards of living of
most residents, the indigenous [established] population of the Cayman Islands
and event eh locale itself – are ironically extraneous to their own economy (ibid
p. 586).”
The pain of expatriacy, it appears, is now being felt at all levels among “established”
Caymanians. While in earlier years the term ‘expatriate’ was exclusively reserved for
Europeans, North Americans, etc. The trend suggests that frustration is leading some among
the established population to use it as an all embracing term. It remains to be seen however,
how endemic such usage will become in light of the various ethnic enclaves which Caymanians
prefer to identify by the nationality of the perceived majority.
Expatriate Vulnerabilities
The campaign against equality for expatriates is most often accessed through editorials and
commentary in the daily Caymanian newspapers. With politically suggestive headlines and
editorial slants which often take the form of expatriate bashing, such exercises often appear
counterproductive. No effort is expended in explaining how the Cayman Islands are affected by
the phenomenon of globalization and why it is important for Caymanians to view themselves as
part of the “global village”. There is no forum for frank and forthright enlightened discussion,
therefore, confusion persists, and in the opinion of this author, the situation is not helped by the
rantings of a self-styled advocate of equality whose columns in the Net News publication seems
to be predicated upon mongrelizing Caymanians and lamenting the shortcomings of political
directorates. Such tirades are as equally counter-productive as the prejudices expressed by the
other side.
Belabouring what is described as ‘indentured labour” this commentator suggests that the
perceived bias in the treatment of some categories of work permit holders has to do with
Britain’s historical penchant for slavery (Cayman Net News, Issue 2081, Friday 19 – Saturday
20 February 2010). This being the case, it is not difficult to understand that of all the various
categories of work permit holders, domestics are most at risk.
Writing in the Cayman Islands in Transition: The Politics, History and Sociology of a
Changing Society, this author commented upon the obvious contradiction which exists in
Caymanian society regarding attitudes and treatment of some foreign domestic workers from
(Bodden 2007: 223). Foreign domestic worker abuse is also an observation of at least one
16
other commentator on Cayman society. This observer further suggests that foreign domestic
workers in the Cayman Islands mainly came from jurisdictions where they have traditionally
experienced working long hours for low wages (Amit 2001: 586). This is such a critical issue
within Caymanian society that it prompts the suggestion that “established” Caymanians cannot
present themselves with dignity and conviction before the court of nations proclaiming religiosity
and sophistication and yet sanction with a resounding inertia the fate of those whom they have
invited to serve them – most notably, the working poor.”
Conclusion:
One decade into the twenty-first century Caymanian society and economy is only now
experiencing a myriad of intractable problems. After approximately fifty years of unprecedented
economic growth and societal expansion, one could hardly be faulted for thinking that the future
was assured and that any future social and economic turmoil would be assuaged by the social
and economic prosperity of past decades.
This has not turned out to be the case as “established” Caymanians, long known for their
tolerance of outsiders and reticence to inconveniencies suffered are now restive, resentful and
militant. Lamenting the obvious loss of control of their own society, they view outsiders as an
“inconvenient other”. Expatriates for their part, including those whose wealth precludes them
from seeking employment, have reason to be confused, uncertain and to feel encumbered. The
sober minded hope for renewal, while alarmists predict ‘desertion and dereliction’. Crime,
especially armed robberies and gang related violence has taken an alarming commonality with
a colonially administered police force impotent to control, nevertheless, eliminate this scourge,
and a court system bent on ‘criminalizing the society’.
No entity, it seems pause long enough to take stock of what is required of them in a society
where growth is often at a frenetic pace, and more is equated as better. While both
“established” Caymanians and expatriates welcome economic prosperity, no one fully
comprehends globalization as a phenomenon, and what started out as a servant is rapidly
becoming a master. While it is true that every major law firm in the Cayman Islands has
expanded into other jurisdictions (itself a manifestation of globalization) and many principals
whom the frontier society made wealthy, now make themselves available to dispense public
advice – is this not a little too late? One has only to follow the numbers of those ‘called to the
bar’ to realize that in law, as in many other vocations “established” Caymanians are not the
beneficiaries of expansion. Hence, the rhetorical question raised by Bodden (2007: 247). “For
whom are we developing?”
Today many “established” Caymanians have no land. Tourism, which was first thought of as
the panacea, is in crisis. The financial sector is in shambles and the political directorate is
grappling with a burgeoning bureaucracy, overwhelming debt obligations and a quandary as to
a sustainable economy. “The chickens may have come home to roost”, and we shall have to
ask ourselves what level of injustice have we perpetrated upon ourselves as well as upon those
whom we have invited to serve and work amongst us?
All of this suggests a (conundrum) or, is it just a simple paradox of prosperity? Consider
however, that the solution may not be either social, economic or political. Rather, such a
solution may lie in ethics and morality, two qualities which often assume unimportance in the
Caymanian growth equation and the frontier mentality, but which will be necessary to exorcise
Caymanian society of the prejudicial ghosts which exist on the side of both “established”
Caymanians and the expatriate community.
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1. The Creative Process and the Visioning and Creation
of Caribbean Cultural Identity
My Mind’s Eye -- Visioning a Caymanian Identity
By Henry Muttoo
[Preset: Slide # 2 – G.K Bush Photo]
If you drive from the east along South Sound road, you will eventually come to the junction with
Walkers Road. Because you are concentrating on the road ahead, you will most likely miss the
deceptively simple little white coconut-palm framed cottage with blue painted windows,
squatting cathedral-like on a carpet of white sand, matted by a thin carpet of green grass. If, out
of your peripheral vision, you manage to get a quick glimpse of it, you may either find it odd or it
may peak your curiosity enough to demand a return at some point for a closer look.
Slide #3: House as it is now.
If, when Miss Lassie was alive, your curiosity was sufficient to take you back for a closer look
and, perhaps, a visit, you would have seen this glorious, fairy-tale home.
Slide # 4: House as it was in 1993
Somewhere within those walls or in the yard, Miss Lassie would have been busy at one or
more of her daily chores – raking dead leaves on her half-acre lot, and washing, cooking,
cleaning. She was also much taken with feeding her dogs and cats, along with a flock of chingchings darting in and out all day for the meal of seeds and bread crumbs she offered on the little
altar-like table close to her back door. When not occupied thus, she would have been painting
or sitting at her organ playing and singing the hymns she composed. You might even have been
lucky enough to catch her nailing another of her severely worded signs urging miscreants to
keep off her property:
“Whoever you are coming into my yard, stop it! Keep out or I will chop you up like the snake you
are”
If she was inside and you were bold enough to call out to her, she would have soon emerged
from her front door or around the side of the house with a welcoming countenance. She would
have invited you into her home and offered you the best seat she possessed -- a seat you would
have had to share with several paintings and painted cushions and, more than likely than not,
one of her dogs and a cat or two.
If she was cooking -- no matter the state of readiness of the meal or whether she was hungry
or not -- she would have politely asked you to excuse her, telling you to make yourself
comfortable. She would then have exited through her back door, crossed the sand yard to the
kitchen, and turned off her stove. While she was gone you would have looked around in
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amazement and utter disbelief at the volume of stunning paintings hanging on every wall, sitting
on the backs of chairs, tucked away in corners, or tacked close to the white ceiling.
Slide # 5: Interior of house as it was in 1993.
You would have been as emotionally overwhelmed -- by a force you could not explain -- as
was the great Mas’ Artist Peter Minshall was in 1996 when he visited her house to receive a gift
of one of her paintings. You would have noticed that almost every painting had words written on
it, and your eye would dart up, down and across the room, reading the words. In so doing you
would have realised that these paintings, so deceptively simple, represent visual images of the
vicissitudes of life – the journey towards Individuation.
Slide #6:
Slide #7:
Slide #8:
Slide #9:
Slide #10:
Slide #11:
Slide #12:
Slide #13:
Slide #14:
Slide #15:
Slide #16:
Slide #17:
Slide #18:
Slide #19:
Slide #20:
Slide #21:
Slide #22:
THE JOURNEY – “Thorough (Sic) the Valley”
BIRTH – “They Followed The Star”
DELIGHT – “Jesus Is Coming Again”
ANGUISH – “Calvary”
TERROR – “The Tidal Wave”
TEMPTATION – “Get Thee Behind Me, Satan”
TRANSGRESSION – “The Fruit Is Good, Adam”
GRACE – “She Touched the Hem of His Garment”
FEAR – “Save Me Master
PUNISHMENT – “Driven Out”
NEGLECT – “Master Carest Thou Not That We Perish”
SUPPLICATION - “He Knelt on the Ground”
HEALING – “Damsel I Say unto Thee Arise”
MEDITATION – “Peace Be Still” TRANSGRESSSION
FAITH – “He Leadeth Me”
AFFIRMATION – “I Am the Bread of Life”
REASSURANCE – “Thy Faith Hath Made Thee Whole”
You would have noted the use of colour to effect perspective, weight and balance, and the
absolute freedom and flow of line and shape. You would have marvelled that someone with no
art training could create such masterful compositions. You would have noted the facial
expression on each character; so similar, yet so subtly different. You would have especially
noted the loving smile on the face of Jesus and, when you asked, she would have told you that
is how he appears in her mind’s eye.
You’d have had so many questions to ask when she returned.
By the time your peripheral vision caught the rat scampering across the corridor close to the
back door, and you pat the head of her dog, Miss Lassie would have returned to sit in her white
rocking chair to give you her full attention for as long as you cared to remain with her. She
would, most likely, have offered you a glass of water or, perhaps, some ice cream.
You would not have known where to begin, so you’d have asked her about the house.
Her father built it after his father’s home, which was closer to the beach, was destroyed by
the great hurricane of 1876. He began building it at the age of 18 with wood from the bush land
in South Sound, and the help of members of the community, the only cost being the 2/6d per
day that was paid to the man from West Bay – a Mr. Ebanks – who plastered the walls. The first
roof was made of thatch, eventually replaced by shingles; the wattles that held the outer and
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inner halves of the walls together were made from South Sound candle wood. Her brother
returned from the US in 1947, built the wooden extension and kitchen, and changed the shingle
roof to the corrugated iron that remains there to this day.
She would have stressed that in the old days it was “you helped me and I helped you”, and
that it was so all over the island. She would have reminisced about how close-knit the districts
were, indicating that in those days, Cayman had community – a common background, common
heritage and common interests – unlike today.
She would have told you, proudly, that thirteen people lived in the tiny house -- her mother
and father and their eleven children, of which she was the last -- and that the house had “more
parties than you could shake a stick at.” She would have told you about her father and mother –
that they were good but stern parents -- that her father was one of the first Caymanians to
receive a Master Mariner’s licence -- that he built, rigged and sailed his own vessels, and that
two of his schooners, the Gladwyn and the Edna Klosking were named after her.
Slide #23: The Schooner – Edna Klosking
During the 1932 hurricane a tidal wave destroyed two of her father’s vessels on the beach at
the back of the house.
She would also have told you of her joys when her father took her fishing just off the Sand
Cay behind their house:
Slide #24: Night Fishing
The nostalgia would have caused her to sing one of her compositions, accompanying herself
on her organ…
Slide #25: Music Clip “MEMORIES OF YESTERYEARS”
“Oh the memories of yesteryears
Of our childhood days gone by
When we were all so happy
For we had such lovely times
Playing out until the sunset
When the shadows begin to fall
Suppertime was then approaching
We would hear our mother call
“Come Children, it’s suppertime.
Come and wash your hands and eat
Then bathe yourselves and say your prayers
And lay you down to sleep
But those years have passed by swiftly
To adulthood we have grown
We have had so many storms
Of life we had to face alone
Swiftly pass our happy days of youth
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When age must take its place
But we have hope for a better land
Far beyond the bright, bright space
But these happy days are over
Those voices are all still
Yet I know they are all awaiting me
Far beyond those high, high hills.
Those memories are so precious
Of those days passed and gone
Yet I hope to clasp their hands again
In the land of the great beyond.
You would have complimented her and she would have sung another song, this time closer to
the centre of her faith and work as an artist.
Slide #26 - ARE YOU BUILDING A MANSION
Are you building a mansion in glory
From the work you are doing on earth?
Will the builder, the creator of heaven on earth
Say the work you set up is alright?
Are you building a mansion in glory
Will the angels rejoice at the sight?
On that great judgment day will you hear the judge say
The work you set up is just right?
Is your foundation built on the command that he gave
“Love the Lord thy God with heart, soul and mind?”
And the other he said is like unto it
“Love your neighbour as good as yourself.”
The commandments He gave; do you keep them,
Clothe the naked and the hungry is fed?
Do you visit the prisoners in the prison?
Help the sick and the sad of the Lord?
Are you building a mansion in glory
Will the angels rejoice at the sight?
On that great judgment day, will you hear the judge say,
“The work you set up is right?”
When the big book is opened
Will the judge call your name and will say
“Come ye faithful, come enter my Father’s house,
In the land that is fairer than day?
Are you building a mansion in glory
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Will the angels rejoice at the sight?
On that great judgment day, will you hear the judge say,
“The work you set up is just right?”
She would have pointed out the painting inspired by this composition:
Slide #27: The Judge Of Nations
And told you one her dreams:
One night I had a dream
It seemed so very real
I have never in all my life seen a river
But I sat down by one in a field
The landscape was beyond description
Breathtaking is really the word
I was startled when I heard my name called
In a voice that could scarcely be heard
I turned and saw my saviour
I knew him by his gentle voice
He carried a heavy cross
“This cross is for you, my child.”
But master, I cried in Anguish
The crosses I now bear!
He smiled his smile of love
“There are no crosses in my mansion of rest.
Take this one along; it will be heavy at times my child
But with you I will travel.
I will lift the load
And when we come to the end of the way
A crown shall be your reward.”
I fell at the feet of my saviour
I will carry two instead of one
If thou wilt with me abide
Again, he smiled his smile of love
“I will be with you all the way
For my cross is the path to glory
Into everlasting day
I lifted the cross from his shoulder
And placed it on my own
He took my hand in his
And down through the dark path we roamed
I saw the gates of heaven
And heard the angels sing
(1983)
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She would have showed you two paintings inspired by this dream.
Slide #28: “He Carried The Cross”
Slide # 29: “He Leadeth Me”
Had you asked how it all started and this is what she would have told you:
Slide# 30: VIDEO:
Well, for me to tell… for five times I dreamt about Jesus Christ. I went to bed, I said my
prayers, and I went to sleep. The first time, it was when Richard was quite a small child. I
dreamt that I walked to the end of the pathway from the door, and then I looked to the
east, there were Jesus coming down with angels on each side, and I started to call, I says,
“Myra, come; Jesus has come and I’m not prepared to meet him.” And He stopped right
abreast of this house. It is as true as I’m talking to you. And when He did so, I thought that
He would have stood upon the earth. He didn’t, it was a cloud under His feet … between
His feet and the ground, but He didn’t stay, the angels just surrounded Him, and He went
in a big white cloud, and He disappeared.
The second time, I dreamt like He was in a carriage … it was a golden carriage up to the
southeast, and I said to Him … I was down on the ground bowing, I says, “Jesus, I’m not
worthy to call Your Holy name.” He just leaned right out of the carriage: “I came not to call
the righteous, but sinners to repentance.” And a white cloud enveloped the carriagelooking thing, and he disappeared. But I never forget the night of the dream in His
carriage, where he said to me, “I came not to call the righteous …”.
Three other dreams were similar to those two, but I haven’t dreamt about Him now for
several years, but it was while I had youth, to be frank with you, that I had those dreams,
and I never ever forgot them.
She would have shown you the two paintings inspired by these dreams:
Slide #31: “Every Knee Shall Bow”
Slide #32: “I Come To Call Sinners To Repentance”
You would be puzzled by the staggering output and the mystery of when and how she
started painting and she would have told you that she had those dreams when she was about
42 years old but never paid them much mind until twenty years later, in 1976, when she awoke
with a sudden compulsion to paint her windows and doors.
Slide #33: Window 1
Slide #34: Window 2
Slide #35: Window 3
Slide #36: Window 4
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Slide # 37: Back Door
She would have told you of the anguish of her life – three brothers lost at sea, a family
member poisoned, her father shell-shocked from the war, her mother and father dying while still
relatively young, a brother in his old age being removed from his home by government. She
would have told you that she was a doctor’s aide and a sick-nurse who kept the dying company
and closed the eyes after they took their last breadth. She would have said, “I have no fear of
death; I have closed too many eyes.” The absolute love of a mother would have prevented her
from mentioning her disappointments about her only son.
By the time you left you would have had a new appreciation for Miss Lassie, for the
Caymanian of old, for the efficacy of faith, the wisdom of age, the belief in self, the necessity for
independence of body, mind and spirit, and the power of art to record and transform. There
would be something about her that lingers with you but you would not be able to name it except
to say that had you not visited Miss Lassie, listened to her and seen her paintings, you may
have never known the soul of the Cayman Islands.
Sometime in 1956, at the age of 42, Gladwyn Klosking Bush experienced two dreams of
Jesus – the ones she related earlier. It took twenty years for her to synthesize what the
message in those dreams meant and to await the call to action. Essentially, the dreams
suggested that she was a transgressor and not ready for salvation when the day of judgment –
the day of reckoning – would arrive; that she needed to cleanse herself through supplication and
to strengthen her faith in the absolute power and majesty of Jesus Christ.
One morning in 1976 she awoke with a compulsion to paint. She started on her doors and
windows and for twenty-seven years, between the ages of 62 and 89, when she died, she
painted on anything that came to hand -- car windscreens, other pieces of glass, canvas,
fridges, ceilings, conch shells, cardboard, vases and jugs.
There is a story that when a few of her cats got mange, she painted the bald spots. When
brushes were not available, she used match-sticks, pens, pieces of wood, paper, cloth, tooth
brushes and her fingers.
Over the twenty-seven years of her life as a Visionary Intuitive painter, Gladwyn Klosking
Bush recorded the elation and anguish of her life in paint, poetry, music, interviews and physical
interaction. In the process, she created an oeuvre of remarkable cultural and artistic richness
and complexity – a gift of identity, intuitively dedicated and bequeathed to the people of the
Cayman Islands.
This gift comprises more than two hundred paintings on canvas, paper, glass and hardboard
as well as on the windows, doors, walls and ceiling of her 130-year-old traditional wattle and
daub house. Songs, poems, personal interviews and testaments from many affirm her unique
qualities as a painter and human being. Her work stands alone, perhaps, as the definitive body
of Caymanian creative output reflecting the embodiment of a Caymanian cultural identity.
I recognize the inherent danger of making a claim of creative/artistic/cultural preeminence for
Miss Lassie, especially when one considers the impressive creative output of at least four other
Caymanian artists – painters Bendel Hydes and Charles Long; playwright and sociologist, Dr.
Frank McField; and Poet Leonard Dilbert. Each of these artists owns an impressive body of
work, which might encourage an equal and, who knows, more definitive claim based on critical
analyses. Further in-depth studies of their work will eventually add to what many educators
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know but are sometimes afraid to admit -- that artists, who have experienced individuation and
are adept at interpreting their realities, are the ones who give form to our identities.
Miss Lassie lived, as far as she could control it, in the manner she knew as a girl growing up
in her homeland and held fast to the same values her ancestors lived by and taught her. Even
when in later life she became well-off financially, she refused to allow the material changes
occurring in her country to influence her to the point of ignoring or forgetting the bequest of her
parents and grandparents and the call to be prepared for judgment day.
The genius of Gladwyn Bush is best understood in the context of INDIVIDUATION, a theory
of psychologist, Carl Gustav Jung (26 July 1875 – 6 June 1961).
Slide # 38: Carl Gustav Jung
In summary, and in layman’s terms, Individuation means that one becomes a whole person,
a self-realised individual at the end of a long struggle for totality which indicates – perhaps
presupposes -- the discovery of the divine in oneself. This is exactly what happened with Miss
Lassie. While she recognized her several imperfections as a human being, she realised her
connection to a greater power and understood the necessity of redemption and release from the
flesh if she were to enter into the godhead. Miss Lassie’s history, as told in her own words,
indicates the process of the human struggle towards individuation. This is best expressed by
Jungian analyst, Jolande Jacobi (25 March 1890 – 1 April 1973) in her book, The Way of
Individuation:
Like a seed growing into a tree, life unfolds stage by stage. Triumphant ascent, collapse,
crises, failures, and new beginnings strew the way. It is the path trodden by the great
majority of mankind, as a rule unreflectingly, unconsciously, unsuspectingly, following its
labyrinthine windings from birth to death in hope and longing. It is hedged about with
struggle and suffering, joy and sorrow, guilt and error, and nowhere is there security
from catastrophe. For as soon as a man tries to escape every risk and prefers to
experience life only in his head, in the form of ideas and fantasies, as soon as he
surrenders to opinions of ‘how it ought to be’ and, in order not to make a false step,
imitates others whenever possible, he forfeits the chance of his own independent
development. Only if he treads the path bravely and flings himself into life, fearing no
struggle and no exertion and fighting shy of no experience, will he mature his personality
more fully than the man who is ever trying to keep to the safe side of the road.
I believe that there is no other way but through individuation for one to explain the power,
clarity and wholeness of Miss Lassie’s work in the cycle of her life that achieved wholeness. I
believe individuation for Miss Lassie occurred in the twenty-year period between when she had
the two vivid dreams of Christ arriving on earth and speaking to her, when she was able to
connect uniquely with her subconscious, with its record of her life joys and struggles, and the
desperate need to express herself freely. Only then was she ready to give form to her visions
through painting.
Jung believed that another phase of the individuation process is the transcendental function,
which has the capacity to unify opposite tendencies of the personality. This becomes clear when
we observe the thematic unity of Miss Lassie’s output, her love and acceptance of Christ as the
absolute way to final glory (Moksha), against the contradictory nature of her personality. It is
also no secret that she had two opposite personalities – one gentle, kind and loving, and the
other, when and if she was crossed, acrimonious. The acceptance of this contradiction and the
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overwhelming need to harmonise the two halves would be the driving force behind the many
supplications in verbal and visual prayers for spiritual wholeness.
It is impossible to perceive anything, to dream of anything, outside of the context – the
perception – of our physical world and our experiences therein. If we examine Miss Lassie’s
artistic renderings of her visions we will see that every subject she painted, her use of colour,
objects, flora and fauna, is described within the context of the earthly knowledge she possessed
out of the experience of living. The question then arises. Are these works, especially the ones
depicting Christ, specific to her dreams and visions, based on the biblical story they depicted, or
are they symbolic representations of her life and the human journey described by Jacobi?
If, we accept that Miss Lassie experienced individuation, we would have to conclude that the
events and people in her paintings represent or are symbolic of people on the journey with her,
whom she knew and loved.
Much more study needs to be done to arrive at a firm conclusion. When that study is
complete, I believe we will see that Miss Lassie’s journey not only reflects the universal human
condition but, specifically, the Caymanian experience of her journey towards individuation and,
therefore, identity
Identity, then – certainly in psychological terms – only becomes discernible when the process
of individuation is complete – when a person or society is so self-realised that synthesis of being
not only occurs but does so with such clarity that the emanating utterance is whole in and of
itself, while reflective of its singular elements. The collective individuation of the Cayman Islands
is not yet realised but we can certainly be guided towards it by the experience and the markings
of one old woman, lovingly called, Miss Lassie.
26
The Creative Process: An Analysis of Rex Nettleford
The Choreographer as Cultural Philosopher
Dr. MoniKa Lawrence, University of Technology Jamaica, and
University of the Cayman Islands
Introduction
The prism through which I view Jamaican dance and Rex Nettleford’s choreographic works is
multilayered. By definition the struggle for freedom, the quest for self-definition and the ongoing
pursuit of validation of the Black Person’s art must be incorporated in that prism. In addition,
definitions overlap and intersect since that is the nature of dance in Jamaica.
In Jamaica, dance is organically intertwined and connected with the music, especially its
rhythms. To speak of a pulse in Jamaican music is to speak of a lilt and a sashay in Jamaican
dance. They cannot be separated. The variety of dances one finds in the Caribbean, from
Salsa, Rumba, Dance-Hall, Mento, Reggae, Gerreh, Poco, Kumina, Tambu, Ettu, Merengue,
Shango, Dinkimini to Zella and Bomba, to name a few, all share the foundation of African
rhythms and movements overlaid with European influence. The European influence, while
significant, is never dominant enough to obliterate or radically change the essence of the African
contribution. Nettleford in his choreography drew upon those elements of Africanity to give it a
unique signature, making his works profound, memorable and ultimately classic. Many
Caribbean dances continue to bear African names or those names which have been slightly
amended. The African presence also remains linguistically apparent.
This essay analyses Nettleford’s role in manoeuvring three neo-traditional dances of
Pocomania (1963), Kumina (1971) and Gerrehbenta (1983) as tools of cultural representation
and as benchmarks of national consciousness perceptible through the creative process.
Cultural Heritage and Choreographic Intent
Nettleford’s uses of the creative imagination, ambiguity, nationalism, self-definition, process and
African retentions, as part of his artistic and intellectual armoury, are evidenced in his
choreography and writings. As a representative of Jamaica’s living cultural heritage, Nettleford
bridges the past and present, colonial and independent Jamaica, Africa and the Diaspora. His
evolution in running parallel to modern Jamaica’s evolution is manifested through these
choreographed works and these demonstrate the underlying spiritual and aesthetic systems that
help to characterize the Jamaican people.
These three dances are artistically sound but they also represent a liminal connection to the
ethos of the Jamaican people. As such, these dances will remain important as organic archival
works that one can access for information.
Cultural Representation
These neo-traditional dances for concert stage were conceptualized by Nettleford because, as
rituals, they expressed for him a cultural centrality that embodies spirit, aesthetics and selfdetermination. This presentation would not be possible prior to 1958 on a national level as the
nation’s mind-set was dominated by European nuances and influences, Jamaica not yet having
gained independence. While the three rituals are not practised by the majority of Jamaicans,
Jamaican nationhood and Nettleford’s vision brought them, as stylized configurations, into a
national arena. He thus legitimized them in a way that they became an acknowledged, if not
totally accepted, part of Jamaican culture.
These dances are not only icons of Jamaican traditions, but they represent a spiritual and
aesthetic link to Africa rhythmically, cosmologically and kinaesthetically. These dances resound
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with the ethos and structures of many traditional African rituals. Nettleford was astute enough to
claim, and correctly so, these rituals as Jamaican. Nevertheless, if not in the same breath, he
certainly made his claim with his broad and skilful strokes of choreography that they were also
African.
Nettleford’s ability to insert nationalism into traditional rituals was a testament to his vision.
Though staged and conceptualized as rituals in a stylized context, Nettleford never lost sight,
nor did he allow his audience to forget, that these rituals are ancestral rhythms, narratives and
functions.
From 1962 through to 1983, when these works choreographed, nationalism was a reality.
How that reality would be played out was of great concern to every thinking Jamaican, as the
nomenclature “national”, was given to the Lignum Vitae, the national flower; Ackee, the national
fruit; the combination of Ackee and cod fish, the national dish; and the Doctor Bird, the national
bird. Self-government had, after all, been foremost in the minds of the politicians and
intellectuals. Nettleford was a part of this group, growing up in modern Jamaica. His role was to
keep two currents going: one was education and the other was the exercise of the “creative
imagination” expressed through the dance. Nettleford had spanned both currents, and fortyeight years later, after Jamaica’s independence, institutions have been built, strengthened and
redefined as a result of his vision and his refusal to leave the “creative imagination” out of the
equation of national consciousness. He is part of the lived experience, a product of the time, not
just Jamaica’s past but Jamaica’s present and future.
National Consciousness
The populace has made a connection between themselves and the three works -- Pocomania,
Kumina and Gerreh. Even if they do not reflect personal belief systems, people are able to
understand that they do reflect a national consciousness, and more Jamaicans know at least
the name of these traditional rituals. They may not understand them all, but they know that they
are definitely and uniquely Jamaican. Prior to the 1960s this, however, would not have been
possible on such a large scale.
Nettleford’s visionary stance established a model for dancers of colour around the world as
“the melanin goes out of the skin in the face of excellence” (Scott 143). The populace was
educated into self-recognition because the dances were coming from someone who was highly
educated, who was articulate, who spoke the Queen’s English (albeit the language of the
colonizer) and more importantly was dancing the traditional lore himself. Most importantly he
danced it himself in affirmation of his Africanity.
Regarding his involvement in dance, Nettleford explained, “I used my mind [sc. intellect] to
write my essays and get my distinctions, but when I really wanted to speak, it was the dance”
(Scott 120). This broke several kinds of assumptions and biases because here was this
intellectual, the ‘man of the gown’ dancing the lead roles in Pocomania (as the Shepherd) and
Kumina (as the King). He danced the lead role of the Kumina King for over thirty years, handing
it over to a new generation of dancers in 2008. This wonderful strategy and superb sabotage
moved people who would not even listen to the music to journey on unpaved roads, climb over
rocks, and enter communities to become involved participants or audience of rituals that had
their origin in the field.
Nettleford used his intellect as a passport into Jamaican society; there he could introduce
dance as the product of his creative imagination and his vision. This could not have happened in
reverse. The society would not have embraced his ideas had he been perceived as “just a
choreographer”. His entrée was as a Rhodes Scholar and professor. The prestige of an Oxford
education and his mastery of the Queen’s English made him someone to reckon with and to
take seriously. He used his intellectual pedigree as a leverage and platform to introduce art into
the national consciousness and to make it more accessible and acceptable to the people.
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Nettleford became an institution. His epistemology was to elevate through two vehicles -dance and education. As he frequently expressed, “the creative imagination and the intellect
are both beyond the reach of the oppressor.” He further justified these vehicles by explaining
that “the human body and the human voice belong to the human person, however bonded or
socially oppressed” (African, Intro. xvi). Nettleford understood that dance could be used as a
vehicle of knowledge to define self and understand history.
He respected the cultural practices of the “folk” class as something that belongs to the entire
nation (Inward 94). Most of these practices are still being observed underground, buried in the
bowels of the nation’s history. But as many from the “folk” class became more educated they
moved away or strayed from it, believing that it had to be shed in the name of upward mobility
and progress (Inward 112). Nettleford, recognizing this dilemma, brought their folk traditions to
the centre stage of the nation. Along this journey, he involved dancers, technicians, singers and
musicians whose instruments he depended on to communicate and deliver his philosophy, by
taking them into the field to the source. This was confirmed when he stated that Pocomania was
the result of actual research by the entire National Dance Theatre Company (NDTC) in the
parish of Saint Mary and in the West Kingston ghetto of Salt Lane. Nettleford also drew on his
childhood experience of the ritual as it was practised in his native village in northern Jamaica
(Dance 143-44). He introduced three generations of dancers, technicians, singers and
musicians to the folk communities. These were people who might never have seen or interacted
with these communities but for the experience of being a member of the NDTC. The sense of
pride and commitment generated in the field as the folk communities assisted with teaching the
nuances and vocabulary of their rituals delivered a mandate to the dancers – that of
communicating respectfully the integrity of these rituals. Over the thirty years and three
generations of dancers, each generation joining the NDTC was initiated in the field.
Process and the Creative Imagination
In his choreography, Nettleford institutionalized these dances and cemented for all times
their role in Jamaican culture, while using the dancing Black body as a political and social
statement.
Nettleford used the Black dancing body to establish several important points. These include
that:
1.
the Jamaican body was more than capable of holding his or her
own on the world stage as a performer.
2.
the Jamaican dancing body could enter and maintain a presence
on the world stage using indigenous material.
3.
the Jamaican dancing body is part of the African Diaspora and
Africa.
4.
the Jamaican dancing body symbolizes for the Caribbean the
African Diaspora and Africa, a link to the past and a bridge to the
future.
5.
the creative imagination can and does operate as a conscious tool
for exploring and expressing Jamaican myths, history, lore and
spiritual beliefs.
6.
Nationalism, while political, can also be expressed as an
emblematic symbol of a people’s cultural journey.
7.
the African retentions/continuities present and evident throughout
Jamaica can be celebrated, highlighted and mined for its richness
and unique qualities.
8.
the quest for self-definition as a nation and as an individual
requires acceptance and an embrace of one’s heritage even when
that heritage has been torn asunder and denigrated.
29
9.
10.
ambiguity as manifested in Nettleford’s work is a tool to negotiate
multiple spaces and to navigate oneself on several planes.
Nettleford uses process to incorporate, insinuate and articulate his
philosophy and to engage his dancers, singers, musicians,
technicians, audiences, and readers.
Philosophical Stance
Nettleford’s philosophical stance is one that was imbued with the creative imagination. He was a
philosopher on the move and one who positioned himself as a choreographer and educator.
Both of these vocations are substantial in and of themselves but it is the way that he straddled
and connected the two that brought his philosophy into sharper focus. In this regard, he is
connected to such visionaries as W.E.B. Du Bois and Marcus Garvey in that he envisioned selfdetermination for his people.
Philosophically, Nettleford’s position was clear. He believed that:
1.
rituals are part and parcel of a belief system that can be mined for
information.
2.
the music and dance of the people from below (folk) represent
“art” and should be accorded value and prominence in the culture.
3.
a holistic approach to Jamaican culture is necessary in order to
comprehend fully the inter-textuality and scope of the culture.
Music, dance, spoken word, costume, masking and masquerades
are all part of one whole and should be presented as such -- the
creative process is not “mono-dimensional.”
4.
the African presence and aesthetic are evident in Jamaican
culture and, despite other influences (European, Indian, Chinese,
Jewish), the African heritage remains a pivotal influence in
Jamaica, in dominant contestation with that of Europe.
5.
as an artist, one has the freedom to stylize the rituals as long as
one maintains the integrity of the rituals, and respects the
traditions while presenting them to the public.
6.
he did not want to participate or profit by perpetuating the
stereotype of the “dancing darkie.” Furthermore, he wanted to
break the cycle and expectations of the assumptions that Blacks
existed merely to “entertain”.
7.
the language of the people is integral to the art and that the
rhythm of the language is central to understanding the rhythms of
the dance and music.
8.
the distinction between so-called “high” and “low” art are arbitrary,
capricious and divisive.
Concerning social memory, Connerton writes: “Images of the past commonly legitimate a
present social order. It is an implicit rule that participants in any social order must presuppose a
30
shared memory” (3). These connections are memories and, once triggered, they become
precious commodities to be treasured and preserved. Nettleford knew that he could deliver
“memories” back to the Jamaican populace in a mode that would render these dances indelible
in the minds of people here and abroad.
Memory as a tool in creating, performing and observing dance is invaluable. Memory and
history are at times in sync but for many Jamaicans memory has served them when history has
not. Memory is almost always subjective and in this way empowers the person who is
remembering.
Nettleford blended history and memory together, especially when he was dealing with rites
such as Kumina. He has sharpened the “distance” between history and memory by using
dances such as these to mark history and rouse memory. Fabre speaks about the tension
between the “is” and “ought” but in many African Diasporan societies, the “is” and “ought” are
interchangeable and fluid (History 88). This approach to history is non-linear.
Nettleford’s use of memory succeeded because he stimulated, incited, provoked and
inspired. It was not a uniformed memory that he tapped into but rather a collective one in which
each participant brought one’s own version into the mix. Karen Fields remarks in her essay that
memory is “fundamental to human life…. And, without it, the social life that is characteristic of
our species would be inconceivable” (History 150). This memory is a collaborative memory
among the participants. Nettleford was further able to generate and then draw upon this “we
feeling” by using Jamaican indigenous culture as a reference point and a memory trigger.
Nettleford’s methodology in establishing memory for his dancers was to take them to the field
as a group. Each dancer had his or her own individual memory experience, but it was as a
group that everyone could recall certain aspects of the experience and that is what the company
brought back to the stage. In Jamaican culture, as in many African cultures, memory can be
added and one is encouraged to do so as long as that memory maintains the integrity of the
experience and the memory does no harm to any person.
Pierre Nora talks about “true memory, which has taken refuge in gestures and habits”
(History 289). These gestures, habits and skills learned from unspoken traditions are the
resources that Nettleford had mined for his choreography.
Memory for Rex Nettleford was viable and accessible as a tool for choreography and other
creative enterprises. He honoured the ancient traditions by using memory as a template.
Conclusion
Many reviews have been written about Nettleford’s choreography but this analysis reveals that
his choreography is multi-layered. Each layer reveals another in a way similar to the way that
one peels an onion. Each layer informs the next and it is the rare dancer or observer that is able
to uncover all the layers of Nettleford’s work. The dancing Black body in Nettleford’s work
makes a socio-political statement as well as an artistic and aesthetic one.
The creative imagination is the fuel that empowered Nettleford. In any analysis of his work,
the period in which he emerged must be taken into account. Many world events converged in a
relatively short period of time – the beginning of decolonization in the developing world of which
Jamaica and the broader Caribbean were a part, recognition and status for African nations, the
rise of the Civil Rights movement in the USA and Jamaica’s Independence. It was a time for
action and Nettleford chose to act!
Newly independent nations do not automatically spawn “independent” citizens. Recognition
and status for a nation does not automatically produce psychic freedom for its individual
citizens. The impact of colonialism continues to inform Jamaican consciousness. The legacy of
colonialism is the pervasive denigration and devaluing of all things Black- and African-derived.
Nettleford knew that and realized that it would take generations to erase that mindset. In the
meantime, he would take every opportunity to dramatically and visually demonstrate that Black
was and is indeed “beautiful.” Dance was and still is a wonderful vehicle to convey this, despite
31
its ephemeral nature, because it has the ability, all in one show, to excite, educate, illuminate
and celebrate “Blackness”. The use of music and song made connections that took audiences
back to a time when they heard these songs, either at their grandmother’s home, in the “yard,”
on the school grounds or in passing.
This “process” is evident in Nettleford’s Pocomania, Kumina and Gerrehbenta, starting with
an idea which was communicated to the participants through interaction, comradeship and
physical engagement. This is further confirmed by Nettleford: “the dance is not only a
performing art; it is also an art of community effort that proclaims the virtue of cooperation over
unrestrained individualism” (Inward 100). This “process” is the “route” to the performance stage,
as the dance not only becomes a tool for research but, the dancers in turn, discover the cultural
wealth of rural traditional Jamaica, in their exploration for creative and imaginative interpretation.
In an introduction to Caribbean writer George Lamming’s Coming, Coming Home:
Conversations 11, Nettleford justifies my conclusion. He writes:
The chaotic, turbulent twenty-first century which is already upon us is likely to be
grateful for the commanding presence of [the creative artists in the region], since
we all come as the legatees of a great tradition of Discovery – not the discovery
by that much celebrated Genoan Wanderer, but as I have said elsewhere, the
discovery of the diversity of human endeavours and the unity that underpins that
diversity; discovery not only of the inevitability of change but also of the
regulative principles that underlie all change; and the discovery that power has
less to do with wanton coercion and more with the ability of human beings to
make definitions about themselves on their own terms and to follow through
creatively with action on the basis of such definitions. (xii)
Dance, according to Nettleford, is one such form of action.
The field to the stage is a journey that Nettleford took in tandem with his people as they went
from colonized to independent. The journey is nowhere yet finished but there are remarkable
moments on the road in Jamaican history.
32
References
Asante, Welsh Kariamu. "Commonalities in African Dance: An Aesthetic
Foundation." African Culture:The Rythms of Unity. ed. Kariamu Welsh
Asante. Trenton: Africa World Press, 1991. 71-82.
Asante, Molefi Kete, and Kariamu Welsh Asante. African Culture: The Rhythms
of Unity. Trenton: Africa World Press Inc, 1990.
Barnett, Sheila. "Notes on Contemporary Dance Theatre: Development of
Dance-Theatre Showing Main Trends and Personalities." Jamaica
Journal 46 (1982).
Bennett, Whycliff. Personal Interview. 9 May, 2007.
Bennett, Wycliffe. "Dance: NDTC at 20." Jamaica Journal
No.1: 16 (1983).
Blight, David W. "W.E.B Du Bois and the Struggle for American Historical
Memory." History and Memory in African-American Culture. Ed. Robert
O'Meally and Genevieve Fabre. New York: Oxford University Press,
1994.
Du Bois, W.E.B. The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Pocket Books, 2005.
Chevannes, Barry. Ambiguity and the Search for Knowledge. Kingston:
University of the West Indies, 2001.
Fields, Karen. "What One Cannot Remember Mistakenly." History and Memory
in African-American Culture. Ed. Robert O'Meally and Genevieve Fabre.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Hall, Kenneth O. ed. Rex Nettleford Selected Speeches
Kingston 2006
Ian Randle Publishers
Lamming, George. Coming, Coming Home Conversations 11. House of Nehesi
Publishers St. Martin 1995
Lawrence, Monica. Rex Nettleford: Choreographer as Cultural Philosopher in
Three Classic Works – Pocomania, Kumina and Gerrehbenta Kingston:
University of the West Indies 2009
Nettleford, Rex “Forward”
African Dance: An Historical and Philosophical
Inquiry. Ed. Kariamu Welsh Asante. Trenton: Africa World Press 1996,
1996.
---. Caribbean Cultural Indentity: The Case of Jamaica. An Essay in Cultural
Dynamics. Kingston: Ian Randle 1978.
---. Dance Jamaica.Cultural Definition and Artistic Discovery. The National Dance
33
Theatre Company of Jamaica 1962-1983.
1985.
New York: Grove Press,
---. Gerrehbenta. Carimac Recording, Kingston Jamaica.
---. Inward Stretch, Outward Reach - a Voice from the Caribbean. London:
McMillan Caribbean, 1993.
---. Kumina. Carimac Recording Kingston Jamaica.
--- Pocomania. Carimac Recording Kingston Jamaica
---. Mirror Mirror: Identity, Race and Protest in Jamaica. LMH Publishing Ltd,
1970.
Nora, Pierre. "Between Memory and History:Les Lieux De Memoire." History and
Memory in African-American Culture. Ed. Robert O'Meally and Genevieve
Fabre. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Scott, David. “To be Liberated from the Obscurity of Themselves: An Interview
with Rex Nettleford” Small Axe a Caribbean Journal of Criticism N. 20 Vol
10 Publish by Indiana University Press 2006
34
2. Interrogating Caymanian History,Culture and Society
The Religious Heritage of the Cayman Islands:
A Second Eden
By Pastor Al Ebanks, Cert. Hon., JP, D.D.
Introduction
The people of the Cayman Islands are known as peace loving and God-fearing, and throughout
our documented history, our religious heritage has touched, shaped and influenced almost all
aspects of community life in these islands. The “spiritual roots” of Caymanians grow deep in the
soil of Christianity and history records how the intricately woven fabric of our faith has been one
of the foundational pillars of strength on which our people have continually relied. Many have
questioned: What is the “religious heritage” of the Cayman Islands and why is the Cayman
Islands considered a Christian community? I will attempt to demonstrate how our religious
heritage has been an important and inseparable part of Caymanian life throughout our inhabited
history.
The title of this presentation is a quotation taken from Nathaniel Glover, who had resided in
Grand Cayman for ten years when he wrote in 1841:
When I first came to the island it was a second Eden and I thought it was impossible to have
found a happier set of people.
To give some background as to how the Islands had developed to that happy state noted by
Nathaniel Glover, the year 1655 saw the island of Jamaica come under British control. Shortly
thereafter the British recognized the strategic importance of the Cayman Islands and took steps
to secure the trio of islands. This included, during the late 1600’s or at least early 1700’s,
temporary settlements on Cayman Brac and Little Cayman, and shortly thereafter permanent
settlements on Grand Cayman.
First References to Religion
In 1773, George Gauld carried out the first official survey of the Cayman Islands for the Royal
Navy. He records two special requests from the local people who were “very desirous of
having a Clergyman and Surgeon reside among them.” 1
Gauld’s letter also provides some interesting genealogical facts: The original settler was one
“Mr. Bodden”. His grandson, “old Isaac” (still alive in 1773), was Uncle to William Bodden,
which means Governor Bodden was the great grandson of the original Bodden settler.
Governor Bodden showed specific interest in shaping and preparing the social and spiritual
paths for future generations.
The First Church Building and Christian Marriage
Twenty-nine years later, in 1802, Edward Corbet, a trusted officer of Governor George Nugent
of Jamaica, was sent to the Cayman Islands. His report states:
1
Transcript of George Gauld’s remarks on the Island of Grand Cayman, 1773
35
At Bodden Town, there is a small place of worship and in which they have divine service.
The person who officiates is not an ordained Clergyman, but a respectable inhabitant.
When they wish to enter engagements of marriage they repair to some port in this Island
(Jamaica) chiefly I understand Montego Bay. 2
These statements demonstrate a major commitment to the Christian faith on the part of the
inhabitants. Christian marriage was important enough for some inhabitants to leave their
homes, family, and security and embark on a long and costly journey, just to ensure they had a
Christian wedding ceremony. Their commitment to Christian marriage demonstrates a
character and quality of life and morality that is highly commendable and reveals that the people
had a strong practical and practising faith.
Although no Clergyman was on the island, a “respectful inhabitant” by the “name Coe
officiated and instructed people in their moral and social duties.” 3
It is a historic fact that Christianity and education are often inseparable twins. Governor
Bodden can therefore be seen as an early pioneer, and quite possibly the engineer, of both the
Christian and educational heritage we enjoy today. The existence of the first church as well as
the first school can be attributed to him. Interestingly, there appeared to be no organized
religious denomination presence on Grand Cayman and yet the inhabitants constructed a
church building and gathered themselves into an independent worshipping community. This
church was in existence at least thirty years prior to the arrival of any organized denominational
group. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the first church which existed in Cayman
appears to be autonomous.
Ministry of the Church of England
In 1825, Bishop Christopher Lipscomb of the Church of England in Jamaica communicates with
the “Governor of Cayman” letting him know of his intent to establish a church in “that part of his
diocese.” 4 The following year he stopped in at Grand Cayman, while travelling to Belize, and
observed that no clergyman was here.
Five years later Reverend Thomas Cleland Sharpe, a Church of England minister, arrived in
Cayman and began his labours on Christmas day. It is also interesting to note that this was the
very month when, at Pedro Saint James, representatives were appointed for the different
districts for the purpose of forming local laws for the better governance of the island. The first
meeting took place on 5 December, and the election of representatives took place just five days
later, on 10 December, 1831.
The ministry of the Church of England ended in 1839.
Legislation and Religion
In 1835 we discover that the Church of England clergyman assisted with the drawing up of a
petition to Parliament regarding compensation for the slaves after the declaration of the abolition
of slavery.
We further learn that the early Cayman inhabitants had developed an enormous respect and
reverence for the “Sabbath.” The importance of Sabbath keeping (Sunday was commonly
referred to as the Sabbath at that time) was seen to be so significant that a law was passed
2
Our Islands’ Past volume 1, C. I. National Archive/ Cayman Free Press, 1972, p. 7
Glover, Nathaniel letter included in THE CAYMAN ISLANDS THEIR POSTAL HISTORY
POSTAGE STAMPS AND POSTMARKS, 1962, p. 11
4
Sykes, Nicholas J. G., the Dependency Question, pp. 55- 56
3
36
regarding its observance. Indeed this was one of the first laws enacted by the newly elected
representatives for the good governance of the people.
In a petition to the House of Commons, forwarded to England in 1838, the Custos,
magistrates and other inhabitants of Grand Cayman stated that they, “adopted such rules for the
maintenance of good order and the punishment of vice as were consistent with their knowledge
of the Christian religion.” 5
These actions by Cayman’s very first elected representatives testify to their commitment to
Christianity and the importance they placed on the maintenance of good governance and justice
as understood from a Christian perspective.
Ministry of the Wesleyans
The Wesleyans were the second denominational group to come to Cayman, establishing their
ministry from 1837. They were well received and were quite successful.
This denomination worked in George Town, Prospect and Bodden Town, building its first
chapel in West Bay in 1841, and adding a second in Prospect in 1842. Unfortunately, because
of many hardships, the Wesleyans ended their efforts in 1844.
Glover Recounts Cayman's Early History
In 1841, Mr. Nathaniel Glover, an American who had arrived in Cayman in 1831, wrote a long
letter in which he provided important historical information on the settlement, its development
and conditions. He also described the character of the people and included important
information on Church life:
They were a moral people, read their bibles and prayer books, christened and buried by
forms of the church, and sincerely believed if they did not commit murder or any other
gross crime it was all that the law of God required of them, and for which they should
infallibly reach heaven.” 6
Glover included many historical details about the ministry of the Church and members’
contribution to the legal and political landscape. Among these contributions, members of the
church assisted with the framing of many excellent laws, and in the development of education
and public works.
Ministry of the Presbyterians
In 1845, the spiritual needs of the Caymanian people and their desire for a minister came to the
attention of the Rev. William Niven, a Scottish Presbyterian minister serving in Jamaica. Also in
1845, a Presbyterian minister, the Rev. Hope Waddell, was shipwrecked off East End and
redeemed his time on the island by ministering to the spiritual needs of the people. 7
One year later, the Rev. Niven made a brief stop in Cayman while travelling back to his
native Scotland on furlough. Through his efforts in particular, a minister was secured and the
Rev. William Elmslie, a Scottish Presbyterian, arrived on Grand Cayman accompanied by the
Rev. Niven in September of 1846. The Rev. Niven left Cayman on 6 October on a vessel called
5
PRO, CO 137/226 ff 119-120
Glover, Nathaniel letter included in THE CAYMAN ISLANDS THEIR POSTAL HISTORY
POSTAGE STAMPS AND POSTMARKS, 11962 pp. 7- 14
7
Waddell, Hope Materson, A Review of Missionary Work and Adventure 1829- 1858
6
37
“the Wave”. Two days later a major Hurricane struck the vessel causing its destruction, and the
loss of all lives onboard. 8
So the Rev. Niven therefore ultimately gave his life in service to Almighty God and to the
people of the Cayman Islands. It is possible that his love and concern for our people and
subsequent death in service to them ensured the spiritual needs of the Caymanian people
would never again be forgotten or neglected. Through his efforts the Presbyterian Church
became the very first sustained spiritual work in these islands by an organized denominational
group.
In doing so, the Presbyterians made use of the facilities abandoned first by the Church of
England and then the Wesleyans. The Presbyterians came and stayed.
The Rev. William Elmslie laboured in Cayman for seventeen years and was the first person
to preach the gospel in all three islands, preaching in Little Cayman and Cayman Brac on his
way to and from his native Scotland in 1858. By 1859 there were seven stations in the island
and in all about 400 members. The work continued with a succession of missionaries and with
considerable local leadership.
By 1854 there were two schools, one in George Town and the other in Prospect, classes
being held in church buildings. Over the next 20 years churches were established in East End,
West Bay and Bodden Town.
During this period, the Plymouth Brethren movement came to Grand Cayman, but they too
were unsuccessful in sustaining their ministry in the islands. 9
Ministry on Cayman Brac
On 8 May, 1881, the Rev. Joshua Heath Sobey, a Baptist minister from Jamaica, responding to
an invitation from Cayman Brac seamen he had met on the docks of Montego Bay, set sail for
Cayman Brac. He arrived on 11 May and preached for seven days, first, in a large home, which
was crowded, and then in a tent erected with poles, ropes and sails. This marked the beginning
of the history and ministry of the Baptist Church on Cayman Brac.
Imparting the greatest degree of stability to the Cayman Brac Baptist Church up to that time,
the first missionary worker to remain for a sustained period of time was the Rev. W. H. Rutty. He
arrived in 1886 and remained until 1894.
The spiritual needs of the people of Cayman Brac and Little Cayman were therefore not
neglected.
Adventists and Holiness Groups
Interest from another important religious group, the Seventh-day Adventist, was spurred with the
arrival in 1896 by Elder W. W. Eastman. Arriving from the United States, Elder Eastman spent
fifteen months on Grand Cayman. However, no permanent work was established until 19
November 1905 when Pastor F. Hall and his family arrived.
It was during this period as well that the Holiness Movement in Grand Cayman began. In
approximately 1898 Evangelist J. E. Carswell, arrived, subsequently establishing ministries on
Grand Cayman in West Bay, George Town and Savannah, as well as on Cayman Brac. 10
First Caymanian Ministers
8
Hirst, George S. S. (ed.) A Handbook of the Cayman Islands for 1908
9
Williams, Neville, A History of the Cayman Islands. C. I. Government, 1970 p. 49
10
Cayman Islands National Archive. Handbook, 1908, pp. 54- 55
38
The first Caymanian to be trained as a minister was the Presbyterian’s 11 the Rev. William B.
Pouchie, of North Side. He was trained in Jamaica during the early 1900s and was followed by
colleague the Rev. Crosby Watler of Gun Bay.
Conclusion
Throughout our history the presence of Christianity and its teachings have played a significant
role in shaping the values, attitudes, attributes and spirit by which our people have lived. The
influence of Christianity can be seen in such important areas as politics, the dispensing of
justice, education, and in our economic and social development and stability. It is reflected in
the National Song and the National Motto on the Islands’ Coat of Arms (taken from Psalms 24:2
-- “For He hath founded it upon the seas, and established it upon the floods.”).
Many of our political leaders were Christians or were greatly influenced by Christianity, and it
can be stated unequivocally that, to date, no other religion or religious affiliations appear to have
had any part or influence in shaping the success story of the Cayman Islands, either by their
presence or significant contribution to the Islands’ development.
It can therefore be argued that Christianity has played a most significant role in the success
story of the Cayman Islands, and, further, that the peace, prosperity and pleasantness of our
people for which the Cayman Islands are so well known, has been shaped and moulded by the
influence and teaching of the Christian faith, which has been so intricately interwoven into the
fabric of life of this dynamic community. It is not surprising, therefore, that some refer to the
Cayman Islands as a Christian community. Our history, therefore, documents the reality that
“Christianity is the Religious Heritage of the Cayman Islands.”
Today the Cayman Islands offer a wide and diversified religious mix from the traditional to
the contemporary. Among the religious groups now present are Jews, Muslims, Hindus,
Buddhists, Jehovah Witnesses, Mormons, Rastafarians, and Baha’i’s. Still, Christianity remains
the dominant and favoured religious experience of the Caymanian people.
In recent times the proliferation of churches and other religious groups is due, at least in part,
to our economic development over the past forty years and to the migration of various
inhabitants coming to our shores as visitors, investors, employees and retirees. Many came
from cultures, societies and religious persuasions quite different from those already established
here.
While these developments have offered greater diversity of religious experience to residents,
in some instances it has also contributed to greater divisions among the various cultures,
nationalities and religious groups. In the early years of our development those who came to the
Islands were often integrated into the society, as they attended the same churches, schools,
and social outings, and mixed closely with the local population. There was a genuine exchange
of cultural experiences and traditions. This resulted in minimal social disruption for locals and
visitors alike, and minimized fears and suspicions about the national or cultural differences that
existed, thereby contributing to greater social harmony.
Today some churches are built around particular ethnic groups or nationalities where there is
little or no interaction with other nationalities. This creates a degree of divisiveness, or at a
minimum leaves us in a weakened position as a community, as we no longer have the dynamic
of the rich cultural exchange and mix that once existed.
Further research is required on this important subject as very little has been written, though
documentation is currently available on the development of religion in the Cayman Islands
during the last 100 years. The collection and presentation of this data will prove important, as it
will show how and when the various religious groups arrived and what contributions they have
made to our society.
Yes to King Jesus Printed Program, December 31, 1999. Our Spiritual Heritage, prepared by
CINA
11
39
Dr. Al Ebanks, Cert. Hon., JP, D.D.
Senior Pastor
Agape Family Worship Centre
P. O. Box 276 GT
Grand Cayman
Tel.: (345) 949-2539
Fax: (345) 945-0645
Email: agape@candw.ky
The following abbreviations have been used in footnotes:
CINA: Cayman Islands National Archive; CO: Colonial Office; PRO: Public Record Office; SOAS:
School of Oriental and African Studies; WMMS: Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society.
40
References
Aguilar, E. F. & P. T. Saunders. THE CAYMAN ISLANDS THEIR POSTAL HISTORY, POSTAGE
STAMPS AND POSTMARKS, 1962.
Atkins, James. A Wesleyan Missionary In Grand Cayman, 1837. An Archive Pack prepared by the
Cayman Islands National Archive, 1991.
Cayman Ministers’ Association. Yes to King Jesus, Printed Program, December 31, 1999. Our Spiritual
Heritage, prepared by the Cayman Islands National Archive, 1991
Gauld, George. Transcript of remarks on the Island of Grand Cayman, 1773.
Green, J. Letter from Grand Cayman, 1840. SOAS, WMMS, Fiche Box 48. Micro Fiche No. 2282.
Hirst, George S. S. (ed.) A Handbook of the Cayman Islands for 1908. Times Printery, 1907.
McCoy, Harwell M. Journey to Partnership. Harwell M. McCoy, 1997
Missionary Record of the United Presbyterian Church. Vol. IX, 1888.
Our Islands’ Past volume I. Cayman Islands National Archive/ Cayman Free Press, 1972.
Public Records Office, CO 137/181 ff 397- 398. Available at the Cayman Islands National Archive
Public Records Office, CO 137/199 ff 281- 283. Available at the Cayman Islands National Archive
Public Records Office, CO 137/199 ff 283- 286. Available at the Cayman Islands National Archive
Public Records Office, CO 137/226 ff 119- 120. Available at the Cayman Islands National Archive
Public Records Office, CO 137/194 ff 42- 43. Available at the Cayman Islands National Archive
Sykes, Nicholas J. G. The Dependency Question. The Ecclesiastical Corporation, Cayman Islands,
1996.
The Baptist Missionary Society’s Magazine, The Missionary Herald, November 1, 1886.
The New King James Version. 1996, cl982. Thomas Nelson: Nashville.
Waddell, Hope Materson. Twenty-Nine Years in the West Indies and Central Africa:
Missionary Work and Adventure 1829- 1858. Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1970.
A Review of
Williams, Neville, A History of the Cayman Islands. C. I. Government, 1970.
41
Did Slavery Really Matter in Grand Cayman, Cayman Islands?
Confronting Roy Bodden’s Anti-Slavocratic Sentiments
Abstract
This paper sets forth the argument that Grand Cayman, Cayman Islands, represented a viable
“Panglossian” slave society throughout much of its slave century (1734-1834). Keen to counter
Roy Bodden’s claim that Grand Cayman did not represent a “true” slave society, the author
strives to confirm this island’s slavocratic worth by analysing the ways in which its hierarchical,
numerical, and economic conditions illumined the institutional importance of slavery despite the
fact of that island’s relative isolation, neglect and poverty.
Abbreviations
CINA Cayman Islands National Archives
PRO Public Records Office, England
CO Colonial Office Document
Introduction
The islands of Cayman Brac and Little Cayman were first sighted by Christopher Columbus on
10 May 1503 (we cannot be certain when Grand Cayman was first sighted, but in 1586 English
Captain and Privateer Sir Francis Drake and his fleet enjoyed a layover in Grand Cayman for
two days 12). 13 Uninhabited, these islands remained relatively worthless Spanish New World
properties until 1655, when the English seized Spanish Jamaica, and for their efforts gained all
three Cayman Islands, their combined land mass of roughly 100 square miles located 180 miles
to the northwest of Jamaica. 14 From 1658 to 1670, the islands’ reputation for an abundance of
turtles – a reputation in place since the previous century – led to Little Cayman’s temporary
settlement. 15 Although it is widely believed that Cayman Brac was also settled at this time, there
is no conclusive evidence. However, we can be certain that the village on Little Cayman was a
coastal one, consisting of at least twenty thatched dwellings, which had its own governor who
was referred to as “Captain Ary”. 16 Based on incomplete archeological evidence, Roger Smith
Michael Craton, He Hath Founded it Upon the Seas (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2003), p.17.
See Ferdinand Columbus, The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus by his son Ferdinand, translated by
Benjamin Keen (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1958), p.64.
14 For detailed accounts of the circumstances surrounding the Cayman’s Islands’ cession to England in
1655, see Craton, Founded, chapter 2; See also Neville Williams, A History of the Cayman Islands (George
Town: Cayman Islands Government, 1970), pp. 1-17.
15 The nature of early, temporary settlement on Little Cayman is not sufficiently documented to be given
comprehensive treatment. However, given that by 1669, HMS Hopewell and its captain Samuel
Hutchinson was dispatched to Little Cayman to protect the interest of seamen there, together with the
mention of a governor Ary as ‘Governor’ of Caymanas, it should be accepted that some form of
settlement was in place on little Cayman, Cayman Brac, or both islands at this time. See especially
‘Deposition of Captain Hutchinson’, 16 June 1669, PRO, CO 1/25, f.151.
16 When Spanish Privateer Rivero Pardal conducted a successful raid on the tiny coastal village of Little
Cayman in April of 1669, three months later in July, he penned, ‘I went on shoare at Caymanos, and
fought with Captain Ary and burned twenty houses.’ See ‘River Pardal’s Reprisal Commission’, 5 July
1670, PRO, CO 1/25, f.5; See also Roger Smith, The Maritime Heritage of the Cayman Islands (Gainesville,
University Press of Florida, 2000) pp. 89-95.
12
13
42
has conjectured that these dwellings were not permanent ones but were used by fishermen who
came to Little Cayman at certain times during the year to fish and catch turtle. 17 The governor
may have just simply been an overseer, especially at a time when Spanish-Anglo tensions were
high and these fishermen would have needed added protection.
Nonetheless, in July 1670, just before Thomas Lynch was to replace Thomas Modyford as
Jamaica’s governor, the Jamaican Council issued a proclamation to the settlers on Little
Cayman, pardoning the “divers Soldiers, Planters…[and] Privateers [of their] past irregular
Actions …” if they returned to Jamaica within one year of its issue. 18 In light of the
proclamation, the commissioner to the Cayman Islands, George Hirst, between 1907 and 1912
made the supposition that the class of settlers on Little Cayman was too dangerous to leave
alone for prolonged periods of time, hinting at their piratical proclivities. 19 Similarly, Jamaican
historian Edward Long asserted in 1774 that the “present race of inhabitants [on Grand
Cayman] are said to be descendants of the British Bucaniers…[sic].” 20 Former Deputy Keeper
of British Public Records Neville Williams offered another suggestion: Little Cayman’s total
evacuation was necessary given the island’s isolation and consequent vulnerability to Spanish
attack. 21 Indeed, on 14 April 1669, Spanish privateer Rivero Pardal conducted a successful
raid on the village of Little Cayman, burning twenty of its dwellings to the ground and boasting
of the incident in his challenge to Henry Morgan three months later. 22
In light of a fading piratical threat, the promise of a vibrant mahogany and fustic enterprise,
and an abundance of turtles in surrounding waters, 1734 roughly marked the era of permanent
settlement in Grand Cayman. Between 1734 and 1741 a total of five land patents were made;
no more royal land patents were made during Grand Cayman’s slave century. Nonetheless, the
introductory proprietor-planter class totalled seven people: the first land patent was granted to
Daniel and Mary Campbell and John Middleton in 1734; the remaining four land grants were
made in 1741 – all four of them “authorized by [Jamaican] Governor Trelawny on the same day
(August 20, 1741)” 23 – to Mary Bodden, Murray Crymble, William Foster, and Samuel
Spofforth. With the exception of grantees Mary Bodden and William Foster, the other grantees
had virtually disappeared from Cayman’s history by 1750 – perhaps because they had made
their quick profit from Grand Cayman’s exhaustible timber supply. 24 However, it should be
noted that the grantees-cum-mahogany entrepreneurs were initially required to pay a yearly
rent of 2 shillings, and were likely to have arrived with their slaves and white servants not long
after the grants had been made; as with Jamaican law, one white man was needed for every
ten slaves. 25
Smith, The Maritime Heritage, pp. 93-94
See ‘Resolution of the Jamaican Council, Port Royal’, 12 June 1671, PRO, CO 140/1, ff. 223-5.
19 George S.S Hirst, Notes on the History of the Cayman Islands (Grand Cayman: Cayman Islands
Government, 1967 first published in 1910), p.74.
20 Edward Long, The History of Jamaica. Or, General survey of the ancient and modern state of that islands: With
reflection, settlements, inhabitants, climate, products, commerce, laws, and government, (London: T. Lowndes,
1774), vol.1, p.312.
21 Williams, A History, p. 11.
22 See footnote 5.
23 Craton, Founded, p. 39.
24 Facsimiles of the original land grants are to be found in Hirst, Notes, part 2, chapter 1.
25 Hirst, Notes, part 2. See also Orlando Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery (London: Associated University
Presses, 1969), p.56; Stanley Engerman et al., ‘The Demographic Structure of the Caribbean Slave Societies
in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries’, in General History of the Caribbean: The Slave Societies of the
Caribbean, vol. 3 ed. Franklin McKnight (London: UNESCO Publishing, 1997), pp. 62-4.
17
18
43
There is no evidence supporting Grand Cayman having been populated prior to 1734, but in
1774 George Gauld, a visiting hydrologist, estimated that approximately 400 people lived in
Grand Cayman: approximately 200 of these inhabitants were free and the remaining 200
constituted slaves. By 1802, 993 inhabitants resided in the island, 58% of them slaves. 26 The
censuses taken in 1821 and 1826 did not distinguish between whites and free people of colour,
but the free population inclusive of free people of colour represented 42.5% and 43.7%,
respectively; 27 and by April 1834, free Caymanians represented roughly 46% of a total
population of 1800; 28 indeed, slaves comprised the numerical majority up to emancipation.
Determining the Historical Worth
of the Developing Caymanian Seafarer
Towards the refutation of Caymanian historian Roy Bodden’s claim that slavery never
achieved institutional status in Grand Cayman, 29 and the confirmation that historical Grand
Cayman was a slave society of seafaring origins, I juxtapose two historiographical statements;
essentially economic in their descriptions, these statements launch a conceptual frame both for
those ethnicities that “shared” Cayman soil and the extent of their interdependency.
The first statement implicates the white element of Cayman society, intimating that by 1800
“the first economic system in the islands was a basic one derived from the sea, but dispersed
externally.” 30 Estimated at about one shilling per head by the late eighteenth century, 31 the
green turtle especially was a very valuable New World commodity; when salted, turtle meat
lasted longer than beef or pork and was an effective remedy against scurvy. 32 Although we are
not given any precise annual figure of the amount of turtle caught, after speaking with the
inhabitants on Grand Cayman in 1787, Captain Hull of HMS Camilla made the estimate that
See, respectively, CINA (transcriber), Transcript of George Gauld’s Description of Grand Cayman, 1773
(George Town: CINA, 1993); Our Islands’ Past: Edward Corbet’s Report and Census of 1802 on the Cayman
Islands, vol.1 (George Town: CINA and Cayman Free Press, 1992), p.21.
27 See An Account of the Population of Grand Caymanas, 26 Oct. 1826, PRO, CO 137/179, f.347; the census
of Jan. 1821 is also included in this despatch; see, accordingly, the copy letter from James Coe Esq, dated
28 May 1826.
28 See Grand Caymanas Slave Returns, 1 April 1834, PRO, T71/243, ff.133-4.
29
J.A. Roy Bodden, The Cayman Islands in Transition: The Politics, History, and Sociology of a Changing Society
(Kingston, 2007), chapter 1.
30 Smith, The Maritime Heritage, p.67
31 In the absence of precise historical documentation, we cannot be sure of the exact cost of turtle by this
time. Nonetheless, Hirst has speculated that turtle of the late eighteenth century might have secured this
cost given that by the early 1830s they ‘were sold to Jamaica at three and four shillings each.’ See Hirst,
Notes, p.27.
32 Biologist Archie Carr has provided a compelling narrative on the importance of turtle in the historical
New World: ‘…while there were other sources from which to replace exhausted ship’s stores’, he begins,
‘none was as good, abundant, and sure as turtle; and no other edible creature could be carried away and
kept so long alive…It was only the…turtle that could take the place of spoiled kegs of beef and send a
ship on for a second year of wandering. All early activity in the New World tropics – exploration,
colonization, buccaneering, and even the maneuvering of naval squadrons – was in some way or degree
dependent on turtle. It was quick rescue when scurvy struck, and shipwrecked people lived on it for
months or even years. Salted or dried, it everywhere fed the seaboard poor. It was at once a staple and a
luxury…’ See The Windward Road: Adventures of a Naturalist on Remote Caribbean Shores (London: Robert
Hale Limited, 1980), pp.203-4.
26
44
between 1,200 and 1,400 turtles were being sold at seaports in Jamaica per annum. 33
Furthermore, thirteen years earlier, in 1774, historian Edward Long was also able to say of the
inhabitants on Grand Cayman: “Their principal occupation is the turtle-fishery [,] in which article
they carry on a traffic with Port Royal [Jamaica], and supply some of such of the homewardbound merchant ships as touch here in their way to the Gulph [i.e. the Gulf of Florida or the
Gulf of Mexico.]” 34
By 1802, Caymanian turtle-fishers caught the majority of their turtle in locally made sloops
“[along] the Keys & Shoals on the South side of Cuba in groups of eight to nine per 20 to 50
sloop tonnage”; Cayman Brac and Little Cayman’s earlier vast turtle supply had been virtually
depleted, and together with their dangerous outlying reefs, those islands were frequented for
turtle only in the quiet summer months of the turtle season. 35 Indeed, Caymanian turtle-fishers
were welcome in Cuban waters until the beginning of the Ten Years’ War (also known as the
Cuban War of Independence) in 1868. During this period, non-Spanish ships were often seized
in Cuban waters and held in detention; this proved the case, for instance, with Caymanianmanned and built schooners Star and Lark, seized in 1871 and 1872, respectively, which were
released only after a fine was paid. 36 In spite of such an exceptional setback, and in addition to
depleted turtle yield in Cayman waters by this time, Caymanian seamen were also plying their
turtle-fishing livelihood off the coasts of Honduras and Nicaragua by the 1840s, becoming well
known for their maritime proficiency in this region by the onset of contemporary globalisation in
Grand Cayman in the early 1970s. 37
Still implicating the first historiographical statement, the opportunistic act of wrecking was
also an economic mainstay of Grand Cayman in the first century of permanent settlement;
Long was quick to remark of Caymanian seamen that “their crews were attentive to two points,
turtling and plundering of wrecks.” 38 Indeed, opportunism may have been an ideal and
necessary trait to possess in the maritime-driven New World, but that the trait was understood
to be influenced by the somewhat amoral, thieving stance of piracy, rendering settling seamen
especially suspect. Throughout New World history, merchant ships often ran aground due to
inclement weather, darkness, or navigational folly, and if the receiver of wrecks was so
authorized by the captain of the wreck in question to salvage any undamaged cargo, wrecking
was not considered illegal. The wrecker and the ship’s captain, then, would have had to agree
on the wrecker’s salvage fee, usually 50% of the ship’s proceeds, and the salvage would
proceed on that principle. 39 However, that one colonial official understood ‘wrecking as the first
cousin to piracy’ reveals the occupation’s underbelly, as, in addition to possibly precipitating
wrecks, the potential wrecker often exposed his “pirate’s” side. 40 It is true that complications
between wrecker and ship captain were likely to emerge, and Caymanian wreckers were
known to abuse captains and crews, illegally making off with precious cargo and other
valuables with the intention of either selling these items at a profit or keeping certain articles for
themselves. In this sense, wrecking was considered as nothing more than a piraticalQuoted in Craton, Founded, p.52.
Edward Long, The History of Jamaica, vol.1, p.310.
35 CINA, Our Islands’ Past, vol. 1, p. 8.
36 For the incident involving the Star, see Grant to Kimberley, 10 March 1872, IB/5/18, vol. 33, no. 49; and
for the Lark, see Grant to Kimberley, 8 Nov. 1873, IB/4/18, vol. 34, no. 188.
37 See Archie Carr, Windward Road, chapter 9.
38 Long, The History of Jamaica, vol.1, p.313.
39 See Craton, Founded, pp. 215-7.
40 See J.A. Roy Bodden, The Cayman Islands in Transition: The Politics, History, and Sociology of a Changing
Society (Kingston, 2007), p. 5. For a fuller understanding of this colonial official’s view of wrecking and
early Caymanianness, see especially George Hirst, Notes, 32-34.
33
34
45
masquerading occupation, something which Spanish Captain Tirri had perhaps experienced
firsthand given his vivid description of Caymanian seamen in 1797:
The islet [of Grand Cayman] is inhabited by a handful of lawless men who bear the
name and accidentally carry on the trade of fisher-folk but who are in reality nothing
more than sea-robbers. The island constitutes their lair and it is the place where they
hide their ill-gotten gains.
As turtle fishers, they have explored the south coast of Cuba and those of the [I]sle of
Pines, and have thus become familiar with the big and dangerous reefs around them.
Thus they often witness, or very soon hear of the frequent shipwrecks of the mariners
driven onto these reefs. Instead of giving them the assistance and help that humanity
demands, they hasten thither only to rob them and to take away to their caves even
mere fragments of broken vessels. They make no exception even for English boats
sailing from Jamaica, many of which fall into their clutches. 41
It is impossible to estimate the number of vessels wrecked in Cayman waters. However, if
settled wreckers in the historical Cayman Islands made their living this way, then the act of
wrecking, by Tirri’s account especially, automatically tainted any legal Caymanian maritime
activity.
Two other wrecking incidents immediately come to mind here: the wreck of the Iphigenia in
1874 and the wreck of the Juga in 1888. The former occurred on the coral reefs off Bodden
Town, Grand Cayman’s first capital city. Bodden Town Magistrates quickly made their way to
the wrecked ship “and told the captain that its condition was hopeless”, despite the fact that the
ship’s hull had not been compromised. Bedlam thereafter ensued, the Magistrates offering
“only token remonstrations as unauthorized wreckers cut down and carried off all the rigging
and sails, purloined the loose ship’s stores and threatened to invade the officers’ quarters and
below decks.” 42 The wreck of the Norwegian merchant ship the Juga occurred off Grand
Cayman’s west coast. As with the Iphigenia, the crew members of the Juga experienced
strong-arm tactics by Caymanian wreckers, who, at the backing of their Magistrates, were keen
to secure their proceeds, although, according to the ship’s captain, he did not acknowledge a
receiver of wrecks. When the latter incident was later investigated by British Captain E. Rolfe
of HMS Pylades, the Caymanian wreckers were placed clearly in the wrong if simply on the
omissive fact that Rolfe’s report did not mention an official receiver of wrecks; 43 theoretically,
this meant that the Caymanians had committed an act of piracy according to the following
nineteenth century statute:
Now piracy is only a term for sea-robbery…. If any man shall be assaulted within that
jurisdiction and his ship or goods violently taken away without legal authority, this is
robbery and piracy. [If the inhabitants of a nearby island] shall … dispossess the master,
and afterwards carry away the ship itself or any of the goods, or tackle, apparel or
furniture, in any place where the Lord Admiral hath, or pretends to have jurisdiction, this
is also robbery and piracy. 44
Quoted in Ulf Hannerz, Caymanian Politics: Structure and Style in a Changing Society (Stockholm:
Stockholm Studies in Social Anthropology, 1974), p.25.
42 Craton, Founded, pp. 215-216. See also PRO, CO 137/478, ff. 20-77.
43 See Craton, Founded, p.217; see also PRO, CO 137/538, ff. 32-42.
44 Quoted in Edward Lucie-Smith, Outcasts of the Sea (Hampshire: Paddington Press, 1978), p.8.
41
46
Nonetheless, Captain Rolfe’s concluding words on the matter begin to situate the occupational
and cultural importance of wrecking for Caymanians, and the British proclivity to overlook any
potentially illegal Caymanian wrecking despite the passing of the Wrecking and Salvage Law
thirteen years earlier, which was created not only to protect ship owners and their insurers, but
also gave them legal redress to unsolicited wrecking: 45 “Wrecking is one of the principal
industries of the Cayman Islands,” Rolfe began, “and one which they thoroughly appear to
understand and conduct in a straightforward and equitable manner.” 46
Despite any negative reputation associated with wrecking, in February 1794 settlers on
Grand Cayman witnessed a convoy of British merchant ships running aground on the reefs of
Grand Cayman’s East End coast. “[T]he people of East End … [were] reported to have shown
great heroism in ensuring that no lives were lost”, also salvaging as much property as they
could. 47 This historic incident has lived on in the Caymanian imagination to the present day,
and has assumed nothing less than an epic tale of the seafaring greatness of the Caymanian
ancestor, if contrasted with the more seemingly commonplace and negatively perceived
wrecking activities of inchoate Caymanians.
It was George Hirst who first attempted to provide an argument for the piratical influence of
wrecking relative to the historical Cayman Islands. According to him, the isolated island of
Grand Cayman especially would have been an ideal place “for [buccaneers] to settle down to a
quieter and more peaceful life finding the business of pirating was getting more serious and
risky every year and confining themselves to … operations from the shore.” 48 Indeed, by 1720
pirates in the Caribbean had begun to come under extensive naval threat from Britain
especially, many of them making their way to the North American region to continue life as
freebooters. 49 Although one could attempt to link settling pirates in Grand Cayman with the
intention to cover their past actions on an isolated island, the historical evidence with which to
confirm a direct piratical effect upon wreckers in the Cayman Islands is lacking. Despite any
such lack, there is documented evidence that between 1670 and 1730 English buccaneers,
from Blackbeard in 1717 to Neil Walker in 1730, often visited the shores of the Cayman Islands
either for turtle, to careen their ships and sign treaties amongst themselves, or else to return for
stolen hidden treasure. 50 Nonetheless, Hirst’s argument that wrecking was symptomatic of an
earlier piratical way cannot be rigorously substantiated in the case of historical Cayman. In
future studies I will make the attempt to assess various modern-day Caymanian cultural
Craton, Founded, p.216.
Quoted in Craton, Founded, p.217.
47See Margaret Leshikar-Denton, The 1794 Wreck of the Ten Sail, Cayman Islands, British West Indies: A
45
46
Historical Study and Archaeological Survey, unpublished MA dissertation (Texas A&M University,
1993), p.15; see also CINA, Our Islands’ Past: The Wreck of the Ten Sails, vol.2 (George Town: CINA and
Cayman Free Press,1994).
Hirst, Notes, p.33.
See, for instance, Peter Leeson, The Invisible Hook: The Hidden Economics of Pirates (Princeton, Princeton
University Press, 2009), chapters 6 and 8; see also Arne Bialuschewski, ‘Black People Under the Black
Flag: Piracy and the Slave Trade on the West Coast of Africa, 1718-1723,’ in Slavery & Abolition, vol. 29,
issue 4 (2008), pp.461-75.
50 For a detailed account of buccaneers/pirates in the Cayman Islands by this time, see Charles Johnson
(Captain), A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pirates (New York: The Lyons
Press, 1998, first published in 1724), chapters 3, 12, 14 and 15; In 1730, Pirate Neil Walker plundered the
Genouesa wrecked on the reefs of Little Cayman and Cayman Brac, but was never caught by the British
authorities; for the account, see ‘State Calendar of Papers’, 19 June 1733, PRO, CO 137/54.
48
49
47
interpretations with regard to historical maritime piracy and the islands’ contemporary national
Pirates’ Week festival.
Towards Confirming the Economic and Social Parameters
of Cayman's Slave Society
Having briefly assessed the first historiographical statement, thereby confirming an
important seafaring constituent of a developing Caymanian historical identity from the outset,
the second historiographical statement offers a more expansive understanding of any such
development in its stress that “[f]or about a century, from the 1730s to the early 1830s, slaves
were important to the Caymanian economy, especially for logging and cotton plantations.” 51 In
the first instance, the importance of slavery on Grand Cayman was visible from the first decade
of permanent settlement there when slaves worked as timber extractors. From as early as
1734, inhabitant John Bodden oversaw a number of John Middleton’s timber slaves, in addition
to William Foster’s eight timber slaves, which had by 1736 become twenty slaves. 52 Although
this account is almost certainly incomplete, perhaps these were the only slaves in Grand
Cayman at that time before more slaves were brought in by the remaining four land grantees in
1741 or later. Nonetheless, and suggesting that mahogany and fustic (a dye-yielding tropical
tree) had become the major feature of the island’s economy by the 1740s, we can be certain
that, although abandoning his granted land within a short time of taking it up, grantee Samuel
Spofforth’s 25-ton Experiment returned to Jamaica from Grand Cayman in early 1745 with 81
“pieces” of mahogany. Also, in 1764 merchant ships the Success and Eagle together carried
80 tons of timber from Grand Cayman to Jamaica, while its protection vessel carried “another
thirty tons of mahogany.” 53 Although the shipping records between 1745 and 1765 are also
likely to be incomplete, fustic and mahogany remained Grand Cayman’s primary export
resources as confirmed by Robert Christian of the ship Active when he visited Grand Cayman
sometime in the latter year: “Most of their Employment is cutting Mahogany, Fustick & c. which
they send to Jamaica.” 54
Unlike the intense slave labour and large numbers of slaves required for the more “efficient”
operation of sugar plantations, the earlier timber industry on Grand Cayman required fewer
slaves that would have worked in smaller labour gangs. 55 Like British Honduras – now known
as Belize – there might have been a relatively vast market of untapped mahogany and fustic in
Grand Cayman from the early years of settlement – Captain Christian describing Grand
Cayman as possessing “Wood in great plenty” – but unlike British Honduras, by 1773 timber
extraction is no longer mentioned as a mainstay of Grand Cayman’s economy due most likely
to the tiny island’s obvious exhaustible timber supply. 56 History is also silent on how Cayman
slaves were treated as timber extractors, but we may here look to Gad Heuman’s assessment
of the treatment of timber slaves in British Honduras: “Although work was often difficult and
dangerous”, Heuman begins, “life for the timber-cutting slave was less regimented and
Craton, Founded, p.63.
Craton, Founded, pp. 42-4.
53 This information was taken from Craton, Founded, pp. 50, 51. See also, Jamaican Shipping Returns, 16801818, PRO, CO 142/18, ff. 91-92, 95-96, 96-97
54 Quoted in Craton, Founded, p.51.
55 Gad Heuman, The Caribbean: Brief Histories (London: Hodder Headline Group, 2006), p.28.
56 The accounts of George Gauld and Census taker Edward Corbet made in 1773 and 1802 do not include
timber exports in Grand Cayman’s trade. See, respectively, CINA, Transcript of George Gauld’s
Description of Grand Cayman, 1773; Our Island’s Past, vol.1. Edward Long does mention that the
inhabitants on Grand Cayman exported small amounts of timber, but given that his lengthy work was
published in 1774, he may perhaps have been speaking of an earlier time.
51
52
48
generally subject to less arbitrary punishment than that of their counterparts on sugar
plantations.” 57 Heuman’s researched description of a slavery system based on timber
extraction begins to denote a Panglossian-type slave society, in the context advanced by
Michael Craton: “Where slave conditions – though nowhere quite “Panglossian” [or ideal for the
slave] – were relatively benign, this could largely be attributed to the fact that slavery, once it
had been instituted for the most intensely cultivated and profitable areas, spilled over into those
colonies that probably could not have justified the Atlantic slave trade on their behalf alone.” 58
Indeed, no colony which depended on the minor staples of mahogany and then cotton would
have proved the primary beneficiary of slavery in the first place, given that between 1770 and
1850 such crops only accounted for a mere fifth of exports from the British West Indies. 59
Where the period following the introduction of cotton cultivation around the 1770s is
concerned, Craton suggests that “[c]otton production was less arduous than the year-round
gang labour required for producing sugar, the latter never becoming the chief cash crop in the
colonial Cayman Islands.” 60 It should, however, not be overlooked that Grand Cayman’s field
slaves – who represented two-thirds of the entire slave population on that island throughout the
early nineteenth century towards emancipation 61 – would have indeed been subjected to hard
labour under the watchful eye of an overseer. While there is no evidence about the seasonal
routine of cotton cultivation in Grand Cayman, it would probably not have been much different
from that in the Bahamas or Anguilla, for instance. Before cultivation could occur, then, land
would have had to be cleared of any trees and vegetation, a process which was in itself
strenuous but not cyclical. Thereafter, and usually between the months of January and June,
cotton seeds were planted in extensively hoed ground. The seeds normally took two months to
flower and bloom, by which time the slave would be required to harvest and finally clean the
cotton balls for export. Due to a substantial lack of information on Grand Cayman’s cotton
enterprise, we cannot be certain if the cotton gin, the machine which separated the cotton from
the seed, was used there as it would have been in the Bahamas towards emancipation in
1834. 62 If this piece of machinery was indeed used on Grand Cayman, it would have quickened
the cleaning process of the cotton, thereby lessening the tedious intensity of the slave’s labour.
As the industrial revolution developed in the final two decades of the eighteenth century,
Caribbean cotton (especially in the Bahamas) surged in value after 1770 as new technologies
in Britain by then made it easier – and more profitable – to process more of the staple at less of
a production cost. 63 It was against this background that sea cotton cultivation took hold of
Heuman, The Caribbean, p.28
Dr. Pangloss was a major character in Voltaire’s eighteenth century work Candide, and Craton has
adjectived his name in the above instance, given his proclivity to see life in degrees of optimism. See
Voltaire, Candide (Createspace Publishing, Amazon.com, 2010 reprint); see also, Michael Craton,
‘Hobbesian or Panglossian? The two extremes of Slave Conditions in the British West Indies’, in Empire,
Enslavement and Freedom in the Caribbean, written by Michael Craton (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers,
1997), p.231.
59 See David Eltis, ‘The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance, Evolution and
Significance’, in General History of the Caribbean, pp.105-137.
60 Craton, Founded, p.68
61 Ibid., p.68.
62 See Michael Craton et al., Islanders’ in the Stream: A History of the Bahamian People, vol. 1 (Atlanta:
University of Georgia Press, 2000); See also Craton, A History of the Bahamas (London: Collins, 1962).
63 For a more in-depth understanding of the technological advancements of Britain’s Industrial
Revolution see, for instance J. T Ashton, The Industrial Revolution, 1760 -1830 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1998); Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in a Global Perspective(Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009).
57
58
49
Grand Cayman’s economy from at least the early 1770s, if we accept Gauld’s assertion in 1773
that “[t]he island produces a great quantity of cotton, which is their principal article of
export...” 64 With its limestone landscape, tropical climate and moderate seasonal rainfall,
Grand Cayman was particularly suited to cotton cultivation, even if this cash crop was both
vulnerable to insects and depleted soil fertility. 65 Nonetheless, word of the tiny colony’s
plantocratic potential spread throughout the Miskito Coast – situated along the Nicaraguan and
Honduran coastline, a British Protectorate since 1655. 66 In 1787 British settlers residing along
the Miskito Coast had to evacuate this region “under the terms of the Convention of London
signed a year before as an extension to the Treaty of Versailles” 67, terms which placed much of
the control of the coast under Spanish-Nicaraguan control. Thus some of these settlersturned-planters began migrating to Grand Cayman so that by 1787 the island’s population
stood at well over 700 inhabitants. According to British Captain John Hull’s admiralty report, of
the incoming 300 inhabitants from the Miskito Coast to 1787, 50 were white and 250 were
slaves; 68 an increase of this nature indicated the expansion of Grand Cayman’s cotton
cultivation enterprise, given that the incoming settlers, according to Hull, were in Grand
Cayman “making large [p]lantations for [c]otton.” 69 However, Hull’s use of the adjective large is
questionable, in view of the lack of other evidence and the small size of the island (Grand
Cayman is twenty-two miles long by five miles wide at its widest point).
Based on available shipping records, Grand Cayman’s cotton boom reached its peak
between January 1802 and July 1804. In this thirty-month period, according to Craton, some
200,000 pounds, or nearly 100 tons, of cotton was shipped to Jamaican ports, dispersed
between eighteen vessels making a total of thirty voyages. 70 More than half of the merchant
ships into Grand Cayman throughout this period were ‘owned, captained and crewed by
Jamaicans.’ 71 These figures indicate the Jamaican investment in Cayman cotton at this time.
Notwithstanding this, if we are to abide by the inhabitants’ estimate – as relayed to census
taker Edward Corbet in 1802 – that before 1802 an estimated 30 tons of cotton per annum was
being exported, then the near 100 tons exported in this thirty-month period would have
indicated increased export by at least 10 tons per annum. 72 Nonetheless, after 1808 and
towards 1818, we notice a substantial decrease of trade between Jamaica and Grand Cayman.
Where many Jamaican-built schooners were arriving in Grand Cayman’s port in 1804 – most of
them involved in cotton export – by 1818 only Caymanian seamen were “regularly involved in
the trade between Grand Cayman and Kingston or Montego Bay, and their trade [had become]
less frequent.” 73 Indeed, Caymanian cargo had become typically more mixed and smaller after
1808, as represented in, for instance, William Bodden’s exported goods in 1811, which
consisted of 19 bags of cotton, 6 baskets of corn, 1 mahogany log, 2 barrels of tortoiseshells, a
CINA, Transcript of George Gauld’s Remarks.
Craton, Founded, p.66.
66 See F.G. Davenport et al., European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and its Dependencies,
vol.4 (Washington: Thonssen Press, 2008), p.62
67 See Roy Murray, ‘Notes on the History of Grand Caymanas’, unpublished manuscript (George Town:
CINA, 2003), p.8.
68 See Craton, Founded, pp.52, 65 and 66.
69 Quoted in Craton, Founded, p.52.
70 This information was taken from Craton, Founded, pp.66-67; see also A List of Ships and Vessels that
have entered at the Port of Kingston, 1802-1818, PRO, CO 142/21, ff. 122-123; 142/22, f. 101.
71 Craton, Founded, p.66.
72 This estimation is based on what was intimated to Corbet in the 1802 census; see CINA, Our Islands’
Past, vol.1, p.5
73 Craton, Founded, p.70.
64
65
50
600 weight of corned fish and wrecked goods to the amount of 18 puncheons of rum and a
1200 weight of old copper. These goods were exchanged for 2 barrels of sugar, 5 tubs of
crockery ware, 1 barrel of butter, flour, a small box of tobacco, bottles of alcohol, 3 barrels of
beef and pork, and 6 barrels of bread. 74 The absence of slave imports to Grand Cayman after
1804, and, on a noticeably smaller scale, more varied trade between Grand Cayman and
Jamaica by 1808, suggest that Grand Cayman’s cotton boom had peaked by 1804, thereafter
declining to and after 1808. 75
"Diminished" Slavery and Causality: A Comparative Approach
It is for the reason of crop profitability, then, that Craton’s classification of Hobbesian slave
societies is usually associated with those colonies where the more profitable sugar cane was
cultivated (by 1773 sugar had gained preeminence across the British West Indies, rendering the
earlier smaller cash crops of cotton, tobacco and indigo largely insignificant). 76 Upon completion
of his introductory comparative work between slaves on Jamaica’s Worthy Park estate and the
Stevensone cotton estate on the island of Great Exuma in the Bahamas, Craton summarized
that: “where slave lives were “Hobbesian” in the sense of “nasty, brutish and short,” this could
largely be attributed to the evils of a system that sanctioned slavery wherever the most
profitable type of agriculture was extremely labor-intensive and situated in unhealthy areas.” 77
Craton’s comparative analysis places slaves on the Stevensone estate “at the benign end of
a scale of demographic health, on which sugar plantation slaves such as those at Worthy Park,
Jamaica, occupied a far lower position” (Craton, 1997: 204). This Craton argues around a
number of facts: for instance, slaves on Stevensone experienced a positive rate of natural
increase between 1822-1834, “from 254 [slaves] to 376”, while Worthy Park slaves between
1783 and 1834 “rarely came close to sustaining its population by natural increase” (206); where
slaves on Stevensone were experiencing a crude annual birth rate averaging 42.5 per
thousand slaves, Worthy Park’s crude annual birth rapidly rate fell from 21.7 per thousand
slaves in the slave registration period (from 1816 onwards) to 15.6 per thousand slaves
towards 1830. Similarly, the crude death rate among Stevensone’s slaves averaged 8 per
thousand between 1822 and 1834, at ‘one-sixth the rate at Worthy Park’ (207). Craton then
attempts to assess these discrepancies by looking at a number of potential causal factors. For
instance, relying on Philip Curtin’s argument that African slaves were more prone to a
“notoriously low birth rate” than creole slaves, 78 Craton links Worthy Park’s escalating slave
death rate and its dependence on an imported slave population between the ages of 12 and 25
with statistically diminishing fertility and health rates (206-207). On the other hand, based on
the above estimated age range of incoming African slaves and that African slaves were no
longer imported to Stevensone after 1784, one could anticipate a healthy natural increase
among the more settled and climatically adapted creole slaves, compared to a decreasing,
aging African population (207-233).
Information quoted from Craton, Founded, p.70.
This thought is based on the available shipping records between Grand Cayman and Kingston
between1802-1810 (see footnote 59).
76 Bernard Marshall, Slavery, Law and Society in the British Windward Islands, 1763-1823 (Kingston: Arawak
Publications, 2007), p.94.
77 In his utilization of the Hobbesian label, Craton is implicating 17th English philosopher Thomas
Hobbes’ work Leviathan, which, as a political and social treatise, largely views the state of nature as
chaotic, bellicose and short. See Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008
reprint); see also, Craton, ‘Hobbesian or Panglossian’, p.202.
78 See Philip Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1969),
chapters 7, 8, and 10.
74
75
51
In a similar way, and unlike many of their Jamaican counterparts between 1821 and
emancipation, slaves in Grand Cayman were experiencing some semblance of natural
increase similar to the colonies of Barbuda and the Bahamas throughout roughly the same
period. There is no evidence of slaves being shipped to Grand Cayman after 1804, so it is very
likely that any increasing slave numbers, as with Stevensone slaves, largely represented an
internal effort. 79 However, Barbuda stands out here in terms of rapidly increasing slave
numbers by natural means. A largely subsistence colony, Barbudan slaves either produced
crops for the sustenance of the colony, or else were used to replenish dwindling supplies in
nearby Antigua, and between 1821-28 had experienced, on annual average, a natural increase
of roughly 28.4 per thousand slaves, representing the largest naturally increasingly slave
population in the British West Indies throughout this time. 80 The cotton-producing Bahamas, in
its totality, also witnessed a high rate of positive increase from the late 1820s and towards
emancipation with an annual average of roughly 14.4 slaves per thousand. 81 Similarly, between
January 1821 and April 1826, Cayman slaves had experienced positive rates of natural
increase; out of an entire slave population of 889 slaves by April 1826 a total of 133 slaves had
been born and 56 had died. Per capita, this indicated that Grand Cayman’s rate of natural
increase by 1826 stood at roughly 17 slaves per thousand. 82
Notably, any correlation between slave treatment and their demographic and situational
circumstance in the colony in question represents only a plausible analytical scheme and not
precisely measurable factors of causation. 83 For instance, Orlando Patterson’s comprehensive
work The Sociology of Slavery argues that the high mortality slave rate mainly among incoming
African slaves to Jamaica towards emancipation was related to combined factors which
included disease, a humid climate, and malnutrition. Such factors, according to Patterson,
would have been exacerbated by intense field labour towards the planters’ desire for maximum
yield and profit of the valuable sugar cash crop. 84 Similarly, Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave
Trade contends that slave existence on sugar plantations begins to illuminate the connection
between plantation type, slave treatment, slave fertility, and mortality, and the ways in which
African-born slaves and creole slaves, in numerical terms, were bound to influence these
factors. African-born slaves dominated in English sugar colonies to at least 1810 because of
the rapid rate of decrease in these colonies – with the probable exception of Barbados 85 –
among the existing slave population. 86 This is why, for instance, in his study Craton cautions
that “[i]t seems plausible…although not directly provable, that a balanced sex ratio and a
‘pyramidal’ age profile, as exhibited by the [Stevensone] slaves, would be generally conducive
This conclusion is based on my own assessment of the available shipping registers between 1802 and
1818; also see footnote 59.
80 Barry Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834 (Baltimore: The John Hopkins
University Press, 1984), p.310.
81 Ibid.
82 Calculations based on PRO, CO 137/170, f.403; Craton has also calculated this rate based on the same
documentation; see Founded, p.71.
83 For further elaboration here, see, for instance, Barry Higman, ‘The Slave Populations of the British
Caribbean: Some Nineteenth Century Variations’ (first published in 1976), in Caribbean Slave Society and
Economy, pp.221-27.
84 Patterson, The Sociology of Slavery, p.100
85 See especially Higman, Slave Populations, p.75; see also Hilary Beckles, A History of Barbados: From
Amerindian Settlement to Caribbean Single Market (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007, 2nd
edition), chapter 5.
86 Philip Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1972).
79
52
to viable fertility as well as mortality levels”; 87 or, “[a]lthough it is impossible…to order the
variables in [assessing the treatability of slaves], the discovery of data on a slave population for
which virtually all causal factors were favourable permits comparisons with the data from less
favourable slave regimes on which demographic research has so far concentrated.” 88
Craton’s effort represents a thoughtful assessment of slave treatment through a statistical
analytical gaze. Nonetheless, with reference to Caymanian history, his analysis begins to
establish that although slaves were not treated equally throughout the British West Indies, the
relatively less harsh treatment of slaves in certain colonies would not have diminished the
importance of slavery itself. Indeed, Bodden makes a sentimental mistake here when he infers
that the differences between a “Hobbesian” Jamaica and a “Panglossian” Grand Cayman must
conclude in the latter’s non-slavocratic actuality. 89 Therefore, the understanding that colonies
like the Bahamas and Bermuda were still slave societies even if their demand for slaves could
not, on its own, justify the Atlantic Slave Trade becomes laden with meaning when transposed
to Grand Cayman’s colonial context. 90
Grand Cayman was also a viable slave society on the basis of the slave-to-master ratio.
Slaves there consistently outnumbered their masters to emancipation. By 1802, there were 545
slaves out of a total population of 933 inhabitants; they represented the slight numerical
majority, standing at just over 58% of the entire population. 91 Just before emancipation, slave
numbers had increased to 985, slaves by then representing just below 55% of a total
population of around 1800. 92 Like Bermuda whose slave-to-white numbers by 1833 stood at
4297 whites to 4277 slaves, Grand Cayman’s slave-to-master ratio stands out among the
colonial British West Indies. In Jamaica, for instance, between 1800 and 1830, slaves
constituted 82 to 86% of that colony’s population; similarly, Barbadian slaves made up 80% of
the entire population within the same timeline. The Eastern Caribbean colonies followed a
similar demographic trend, from Antigua, whose slaves comprised just below 83% of the
population by 1834, to Dominica, whose slaves represented 80% of that colony’s population
within two years of emancipation. 93
Yet, although the concession must be made that Grand Cayman’s slave-to-master ratio was
comparably more even than much of the British West Indies, we should ultimately strive to
understand Grand Cayman’s slavocratic worth not so much in numerical terms – although this
understanding is an important indicator of the extent of the dependence on slavery in Grand
Craton, ‘Hobbesian or Panglossian?’, p.212
Craton, ‘Hobbesian or Panglossian?’, p.204.
89 Bodden, The Cayman Islands in Transition, chapter 1.
90 This understanding is especially borne out in Craton, Founded, chapter 4; Elsa Goveia also gives a
simple yet illuminating definition of a slave society independently of that society’s economic importance:
a slave society thus represents a ‘… community based on slavery, [inclusive of] masters and freedmen as
well as slaves’; see Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), p.viii. For an especially illuminating explication of Goveia’s aforementioned definition in the substantially non-sugar Dutch West Indian colonies, see Edward Donoghue,
Negro Slavery: Slave Society and Slave Life in the Danish West Indies (Bloomington, Indiana: Author House
Press, 2007), section 5.
91 CINA, Our Islands’ Past, vol.1, p.21.
92 See Slave Returns, 1834, ff.133, 134.
93 See Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1982),
87
88
pp.477-480; see also W.S. Zuill, The Story of Bermuda and her People (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1983,
3rd edition), chapter 10.
53
Cayman – but in institutional and ideological ones. David Francione begins to capture the
importance of institutionalized slavery where this term denotes not only the entrenched sociooccupational practice of any kind of slavery, but the resultant hierarchical scheme that
determine master-slave relations: “…the system of institutionalized slavery permits pain,
suffering and death whenever it is in the interests of [the] property owners.” 94
Indeed, by 1700 – as many white indentured servants migrated elsewhere in the New World,
and Sub-Saharan Africans became the major source of involuntary labour throughout the
British West Indies and indeed the wider Caribbean 95-- the interest of the slaveholder
throughout the Caribbean had long been a decidedly economic one. 96 In light of the socioeconomic situation of institutionalized slavery in the Caribbean, the slaves’ pain, suffering, and
death can ultimately be understood as subordinate to this economic interest. Such an interest
represented the ideological underpinning of slave labour, and the default subordinate
relationship that existed between slave and master. Although Panglossian slaves were not
typically prone to the harsh treatment of their Hobbesian counterparts, the same theme of
subordination applied to them, for their very status as slaves was indispensably linked not only
to their perceived inferiority, combustibility, and workability, but also to their ownership by men
and women with economic motives. Two points are worth raising at this juncture: first, although
better treated slaves were typically prone to naturally increasing numbers, this did not diminish
their inferiority in a society/economy that used them institutionally; and, second, a Panglossianstyle slave society did not furnish an automatic understanding that its slaves were without an
anti-slavery ideology.
Briefly implicating the second of these slavocratic factors towards confirming that the above
ideology existed in Grand Cayman to 1834, there is evidence of resistance among Caymanian
slaves. For instance, in 1816 and 1821 slaves Primus and Hanibal, respectively, were
convicted of the practice of obeah by a jury of twelve free Caymanian men. Obeah was (and
indeed is) an Afro-Caribbean religion, which by 1800 was not tolerated throughout the British
West Indies for its ability to bring slaves together in revolt. 97 Thus having, it was alleged,
buried an egg in the kitchen room of freeman James Coe Senior, Primus’s sentence was
permanent exile from Grand Cayman; the specifics of Hanibal’s actions were not made known,
but he too was convicted of obeah and was also permanently exiled from Grand Cayman. In
another instance of potential slave subversion, in 1816 a female slave by the name of Long
Celia was so convinced that freedom was being withheld from Cayman slaves that she urged a
Although David Francione concerns himself with the ways in which animal welfare is being sacrificed
for their human masters’ benefit, his ideas can indeed be made relatable to the master-slave
relationship/experience in the New World given the accepted view that slaves there were, like cattle,
considered to be chattel – personal property – and were therefore subjected to harsh treatment towards
their masters’ economic benefit. See Rain without Thunder: The Ideology of the Animal Rights Movement
(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996), p.222.
95 For more on the migratory patterns of white indentures from the mid to late seventeenth century
onward, see, for instance, Hilary Beckles, A History of Barbados: From Amerindian Settlement to Nation State
(London: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Neville Connell, A Short History of Barbados (Bridgetown:
The Barbados Museum and Historical Society, 1959).
96 For an introductory yet thorough understanding of the economic importance of slavery in the
Caribbean, see David Eltis, ‘The Slave Economies of the Caribbean’, pp.105-137.
97For more information on the consideration of obeah as subversive and demonic throughout the British
West Indies, see Dale Bisnauth, History of Religions in the Caribbean (Trenton, New Jersey, African World
Press, Inc., 1996), p. 83-84; Richard Hart, Slaves Who Abolished Slavery: Blacks in Rebellion (Kingston:
University of West Indies Press, 2002 ), chapter 6; Eugene Genovese, Roll Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves
Made (New York: Vintage Books, 1976), section 4.
94
54
number of male slaves to arm themselves with machetes and free themselves from illegal
slavery. Long Celia was ultimately betrayed by a domestic slave who brought the plan to the
attention of Caymanian planters, and her punishment was a public flogging. 98
Based on these recorded instances of actual and potential slave rebellion, we begin to
realize that some Caymanian slaves were more resistant to their freed coloured and white
owners, while others would have been more inclined to ingratiate themselves to them (I
analyze the free people of colour in Cayman slave society later on). Indeed, all types of slave
societies manifested the automatic degree to which some slaves accepted their plight, thereby
accommodating to their masters, while others resisted them. 99 Furthermore, the presence of a
slave court on Grand Cayman confirmed that island’s legal contiguity with other colonies in the
British West Indies throughout the eighteenth century towards emancipation. The very fact that
slaves were to be found in Grand Cayman together with a slave court signaled that “…slave
laws were essential for the continued existence of slavery as an institution…” there. This spoke
to an accepted legal structure fashioned from English law and its dedication to “…the respect
for [the] liberty of the subject.” 100 Therefore, this legal dedication worked not only to secure the
slaves’ status as properties of British subjects, but also stressed that the former be subjected to
a rule of law whose practitioners reserved the right to enforce and maintain law and order, an
enforcement which “lay at the very heart of the slave system”, a system which, in the
Caribbean context, was specifically created with economic interests in mind. 101 The sweeping
intent of this legal dedication, then, signaled a default suspicion of the predominating slaves as
potentially subversive properties; in comparative terms, as with a decidedly white perception of
slaves during, for instance, the Haitian Revolution, which occurred from 1791 to 1804, or the
Tacky Rebellion in Jamaica in 1760, there was a similar perception in Grand Cayman that the
spirit of resistance present in certain slaves there had to be broken if law and order, in addition
to economic yield, was to be maintained, despite that island’s relatively impoverished and
isolated state throughout its slave century. 102 Thus we return to the idea of institutional slavery,
which, in its most essential form, is not so much predicated on a slave-to-master ratio, but
more on the necessity that the default “lawless and rebellious” slave be kept broken and under
the master’s control.
The Complicity of Cayman's Free People of Colour
in Institutionalised Slavery
Additionally, like the other slave societies in the British West Indies, Grand Cayman’s social
structure from 1734 to 1834 functioned on behalf of whites, free people of colour, and slaves.
These structural-functional manifestations also confirm institutionalized slavery, although
Bodden classifies historical Cayman, in socio-cultural terms, as fundamentally different in terms
of its social interrelationship scheme. ‘What made the relationships different in Cayman vis-àThese accounts can be found in Hirst, Notes, pp.200-210.
For a more detailed understanding of the ways in which slaves demonstrated themes of resistance and
accommodation within the slave society, see Franklin Knight, The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Thomas Durant, Jr. and David Knottnerus, Plantation Society
and Race Relations (Westport, Connecticut, Praege, 1999); Knight, ‘Slavery in a Plantation Society’, in
Caribbean Slavery in the Atlantic World: A Student Reader, eds. by Verene Shepherd and Hilary Beckles
(Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1999), pp.398-412.
100
Elsa Goveia, ‘The West Indian Laws of the Eighteenth Century’(originally published in 1960), in
Caribbean Slave Society and Economy, edited by Hilary Beckles et al. (New York: New Press, 1991), p.350.
101 Goveia, ‘The West Indian Laws’, p.350.
102 For thorough introductions to the Haitian Revolution and the Tacky Rebellion, see Heuman, The
Caribbean, chapters 6 and 7, respectively.
98
99
55
vis the wider Caribbean’, he begins, ‘was that the physical and environmental characteristics of
the Cayman Islands dictated that symbiosis, rather than adversarial relationships, was the
norm.’ 103 Bodden seems to be relating this idea of symbiosis among Grand Cayman’s
settlement to the white strata, arguing, like Ulf Hannerz 104 and Vered Amit 105 that because of
the absence of an influential planter and the normative absentee class, as well as the paucity
of hyper-profitable natural resources, whites in Grand Cayman automatically worked together
in their desire to adapt and survive in relatively bare environmental conditions. However, this
understanding of total social and cultural symbiosis can be misleading: by focusing on whites
only, there rests the implication that slaves and free people of colour were not legitimate social
entities and that whites in historical Cayman society were able to reduce or eliminate the racial
tensions typical of elsewhere in the Caribbean. Yet in light of the preceding analyses which
demonstrated that slaves were subjected to a superseding “superior” exploitative will of the
master in Grand Cayman, the realization should be made that until 1834 there was a
noticeable relational social scheme that betrayed the racial divisions which constitute the social
hierarchy of slave societies. Accordingly, I further question Bodden’s idea of complete sociocultural symbiosis on Grand Cayman within the concept of the slave society and its structuralfunctional manifestations in my assessment of the social role of free people of colour in that
island’s racial hierarchy.
The origins of Grand Cayman’s free people of colour are shrouded in uncertainty. In 1773,
Gauld offered a summary of the island’s population as 200 whites and “above [the] same
number of Negroes and Mulattos”; 106 unfortunately, of the latter groups, Gauld did not
distinguish the free from the enslaved of an already vague number. In keeping with the
histories of other free people of colour throughout the British West Indies, however, it is likely
that in the earlier years of settlement in Grand Cayman many of the free people of colour were
the “miscegenated offspring of…whites who had arranged for their freedom, [subsequently
conform[ing] to the Euro-creole pattern of the dominant group.” 107 I am inclined here to view
free Negroes as part of the free coloured designation although they were more likely to have
gained their freedom through manumission. 108 Nonetheless, we can be certain that by 1802,
the free coloured designation did indeed exist on Grand Cayman, with free people of colour
positioned between the slave on the lowest social rungs and whites who controlled the society
in legal and economic terms. The nature of such a positioning is of a colonial making, and, in
many ways, the deductions to be made about any established free coloured population serve
also to express that population’s complicit role in colonialism and its supporting logic. 109
Bodden, The Cayman Islands, p.4
See Ulf Hannerz, Caymanian Politics: Structure and Style in a Changing Island Society (Stockholm:
Department of Social Anthropology, University of Stockholm, 1974), pp.21-32.
105 Vered Amit, ‘A Clash of Vulnerabilities: Citizenship Labor, and Expatriacy in the Cayman Islands’, in
American Ethnologist, vol.28, no.3 (2001), pp. 574–94.
106 CINA (compiler), Transcript of George Gauld’s Remarks.
107 Arnold Sio, ‘Marginality and Free Coloured Identity in Caribbean Slave Society’ (first published in
1987), in Caribbean Slave Society and Economy, p.152.
108 Heuman writes that ‘the freedmen caste was internally highly differentiated’, something which
confirmed that free Negroes by virtue of their colour and single biological heritage were bound to be
understood as inferior to free coloured men and women who had white blood and were in a more
advantageous social position in relation to whites and whiteness. See Heuman, ‘The Social Structure of
the Slave Societies in the Caribbean’, in General History of the Caribbean, p.145.
109 See Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993),
chapters 1 through 4.
103
104
56
The major indicator of such a social position, as its members strive to perpetuate a
dominating ethnocentric logic, is initially revealed in the dedication of Grand Cayman’s free
people of colour to slavery: their conformity to a dominant Euro-creole pattern is initially
revealed in the fact that 63% of Grand Cayman’s free people of colour owned slaves by 1802.
Dispersed into 22 families unevenly distributed throughout Grand Cayman, they owned 9% of
the island’s entire slave-holdings, or 49 slaves out of a total of 545. 110 Although we cannot be
certain how many among Grand Cayman’s free people of colour were planters by 1802, or the
occupations of their slaves, by virtue of the fact of the former’s status as slaveholders, they
were, in the crudest analysis, demonstrating a consciousness that depended on putative Eurocolonial understandings of the slave: in the colonial New World setting, slaves were indeed
slaves because of the completeness of their subjugation, which was superlatively defined in
terms of their forced labour. The foregoing numerical picture, together with the logic I have
provided it, begins to corroborate Jerome Handler’s claim that “[coloured] freedmen and whites
owned slaves for similar reasons.” 111
By 1833, Grand Cayman’s free people of colour continued to exhibit an ethnocentric
consciousness hinged on their social position, although, unlike their more privileged Jamaican
counterparts, as we shall see, they did not seem to function in an essentially different racial
identification in relation to whites and whiteness. Where towards emancipation Jamaica’s
privileged free people of colour were sending their own petitions to the Crown, ostensibly “…
concerned with their own narrow interests, and pointedly avoiding any alliance with either
[black or white] group”, 112 certain members among Cayman’s free people of colour were
completely associating themselves with their white counterparts, yet with a greater deal of
symbiosis and intimacy than those less privileged counterparts across the Caribbean, who
aspired to whiteness at the continued derogation of their black ancestry, only to be constantly
and miserably rejected by that which they aspired to. 113 Indeed, there is some evidence of
coloured slaveholders among the Caymanian petitioners, who displayed their ultimate stance
both on the societal importance of slavery, and on the slave as morally bankrupt and without
social grace. Caymanian surnames like Ebanks, Tatum, and Parsons stand out here. 114
Thus expressing themselves through the understanding that emancipation was but a
foregone conclusion, the coloured Caymanian petitioners pushed not for the “continuance of
slavery in their Island, but [that] the same measure of compensation meted to the slave owners
in Jamaica be not withheld from them.” 115 They clearly realized the economic disruption that
would ensue, and were seeking to ensure their compensation. Yet if the freedmen, both white
and coloured alike, really had their way, slavery would have continued indefinitely. Indeed,
there was the general opinion among the slaveholders that slaves must remain slaves, or else
the wives and children of the former “[would] be at the mercy of men who [were] suddenly to
receive a boon of so extraordinary a nature, that their capability of fully appreciating it is a
matter of considerable doubt.’ 116 Although they admitted that the slaves on Grand Cayman
CINA, Our Islands’ Past, vol.1, pp. 18-21.
Jerome Handler, The Unappropriated People: Freedmen in the Slave Society of Barbados (Kingston:
University of the West Indies Press, 2009), p.149.
112 Gordon Lewis, Main Currents in Caribbean Thought: The Historical Evolution of Caribbean Society in Its
Ideological Aspects, 1492-1900 (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2004), p.218.
113 For more on the beliefs and actions of this larger group of coloured freedmen, see especially Heuman,
‘The Social Structure of Slave Societies’, pp.138-168.
114 See Memorialists to the Earl of Mulgrave (Jamaican Governor), 13 Dec. 1833, PRO, CO 137/189, f. 40.
114 Memorialists to the Earl of Mulgrave.
115Memorialists to the Earl of Mulgrave.
116Memorialists to the Earl of Mulgrave.
110
111
57
were generally “peaceable…the proposed change in their condition [was] fraught with danger,
and it [behoved] everyone to prepare for any evil consequence that may ensue.” 117 The
slaveholders’ assertion meant that a pro-slavery ideology remained vibrantly alive toward
emancipation. In the words of Gordon Lewis, such an ideology “…was at once an economic
institution and a political system; and it left its indelible mark, in varying degrees, on the
collective social psychology of the…Caribbean [people in question.]” 118 In other words, given
their investment in slavery and the slave, free people of colour, like whites, had internalized the
normalcy and necessity of slavery.
This is not to say, however, that free coloureds on Grand Cayman functioned independently
of the racializing edicts of whites in the period up to 1834. For instance, with regard to an act
for levying a tax, taxes were raised on “Dwelling Houses occupied by Whites, free Coloureds
and free Blacks, [and] assessed according to [the] value of the house valued by Magistrates
and Representatives.” So too did racial classifications extend to “vessels according to
tonnage”, and ‘canoes over 16 feet in length.’ 119 Colour and race still informed day-to-day
issues on Grand Cayman, confirming a racialist society. Yet this distinction did not seem to
damn the free people of colour to an inferior social position, given both the absence of any
debilitating legislation against them, and the fact that by 1834 the slaveholders among them
were expressing their unity with whites regarding their abhorrence of the soon-to-be-freed
slave.
In contrast, where life had changed for Jamaican free coloureds, and drastically for the
worst by 1800 (only to improve in the years leading up to emancipation), Cayman’s equivalents
were in a far more elevated social position by 1802, even if Grand Cayman was not a great and
prosperous slave society. Where the elite among Jamaica’s free people of colour were, in their
own selfish way, securing their social freedoms by countenancing the continuation of a
superior/inferior racialist binary, Grand Cayman’s slaveholding equivalent, in its apparent
entirety, did not seem to develop a discrete sense of identity in relation to whiteness. 120 In the
long run, it was constitutional equality that privileged Jamaican free people of colour craved,
yet it was not simply a matter of wanting to be white, as it was finding themselves in a “third
party in a system built for two”, thereby striving to secure their equality in a society premised
upon ethnocentrism, racism and racialism. 121 Conversely, and based on the available, if
limited, evidence which has been outlined above, free people of colour on Grand Cayman to
1834 were, to a significant extent, accepted contributors to Grand Cayman’s slave society and
the logic needed to sustain it.
Conclusion
Bodden’s idea that Grand Cayman was a ‘society with slaves as opposed to a slave society’
conflicts with the idea that the consistently greater number of slaves proved social and
economic mainstays of developing Caymanian society, in spite of claims that because
historical Cayman society was based on a seafaring economy, it could not have really been a
true slave society. 122 Seafarers though many of them were, Caymanian whites and free people
Memorialists to the Earl of Mulgrave.
Lewis, Main Currents, p.218.
119 Local Laws of Grand Cayman (1831-1834), PRO, CO 137/194, ff. 42-43.
120 See especially, in its entirety, Gad Heuman, Between Black and White: Race, Politics, and the Free Coloreds
in Jamaica, 1792-1865 (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1981); see also Franklin Knight,, The
Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), chapter 5;
Mervyn Alleyne, Construction of Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World
(Kingston: University of West Indies Press, 2002), chapters 5 and 8.
121 See Arnold Sio, ‘Marginality and Free Coloured Identity’, p.150.
122 See Amit, ‘A Clash’, pp. 579-82.
117
118
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of colour did own slaves who were subjugated as inferior seamen and other skilled labourers,
domestics or field hands, thereby imposing upon this society notions of inferiority and
superiority defined in racist and racialist terms. Regardless of the effective end of Grand
Cayman’s cotton boom by 1808, that Grand Cayman’s slave owners remained faithful to the
institution of slavery also reflected their tenacious slavocratic will. Indeed, in slavocratic terms,
the social position of the enslaved in relation to freemen in historical Cayman society should
assume preeminence and not any noticeable atypical numerical actuality of that position as
affected by a so-called harsh, isolated existence; noticeable though these social actualities
might have been, the fact remains that, to emancipation, slaves still outnumbered their
masters, a numerical actuality that strengthens the idea that slavery was an entrenched social
institution in Grand Cayman. If we choose to identify the dynamics of a slave society with the
analyses I have offered throughout this paper, then Bodden’s assertion that “slave societies
were those societies where free whites were significantly outnumbered by their black slaves” 123
is effectively challenged, and perhaps even cancelled out, and Elsa Goveia’s definition that a
slave society may “refer to [a] whole community based on slavery, [inclusive of] masters and
freedmen as well as slaves” becomes a highly applicable one in the context of Grand Cayman
towards the emancipation of slaves in the British West Indies. 124
123
124
Personal Interview with Roy Bodden, pp.4-6.
Goveia, Slave Societies in the British Leeward Islands (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), p. vii.
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3. Issues in the Science and Management of the Turtle
Farm
A New Opportunity and Approach to
Conservation Education in the Cayman Islands
By Mr. Geddes Hislop, Curator, Terrestrial & Education
Boatswain Beach/Cayman Turtle Farm
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An Overview of Green Sea Turtle and Shark Education
Programmes at Boatswain's Beach/Cayman Turtle Farm, Ltd.
By Mr. Bryan Andryszak, Assistant Curator, Marine and Research Unit
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Reintroducing Capture-bred White-crowned Pigeon,
Patagioenes leucocephala, into the Wild, via Soft Release
By Peter Borg, Boatswain Beach/Cayman Turtle Farm
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4. Issues in the Culture of Change and Change
Management
Identifying an Appropriate Human Resource Information
System to Maximize Human Capital within an Organization
Mrs. Heather-Ann Cahill, University College of the Cayman Islands
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5. Changing the Culture of Math, Teaching, and
Technology in the Caribbean
How the Use of Computers Can Change the Culture of Math
and Science Teaching in the Caribbean
By Mr. John Locke, University College of the Cayman Islands
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Retention of College Students in the U.S. and the Caribbean
How to Teach College Students with Limited Math Skills
By Art Bukowski, New Mexico Institute of Mining and Technology.
Abstract
Student retention in the first year of college is a problem today. Those rates range from 85% in
research universities with restrictive admissions policies to less than 52% in two-year schools
with open admissions policies. Many suggestions are offered to help incoming students
succeed in freshman courses and to help them stay enrolled to complete their degree. This
presentation will review what works for colleges in the US and Caribbean, while the retention
programmes and courses in mathematics at New Mexico Tech will be the specific focus of this
talk.
The Culture of Math
The following are remarks from people about math and the teaching of math:
“Oh, I don’t like math and I am not good at it.”
“Math is too hard to learn and I will never use math in my life.”
“I’ll never use it and it’s boring.”
Many adults say that the last math class they took in school was a terrible experience ending
with a low grade. Today students are coming to college to earn a degree or a certificate to enter
the job market. How do we prepare these students and enable them to graduate? Student
success in mathematics is part of the larger issue of retention of first-year students and how to
facilitate their success generally.
The following is taken from the 2004 - 2007 report, Mathematics in Government Primary and
Secondary Schools of the Cayman Islands:
Standards of Achievement
Overall, the standards of students’ achievements in mathematics are below expectations in
government primary schools. In general, students are proficient at written calculations but
cannot apply these skills in meaningful ways. Students are over-reliant on inefficient calculation
strategies. Standards of achievement in areas of mathematics other than calculations are even
lower. Standards of students’ achievement in mathematics are consistently lower than the same
students’ achievements in language arts. Higher ability students make less progress than
students of middle and lower ability.
Teaching and Learning
The teaching and learning of mathematics overall are unsatisfactory. There is little use of ICT
(information and communication technology) in the teaching of mathematics. An
individualized program, ‘Destination Math’, is used in some schools but is not well planned for or
monitored effectively. Not enough use is made of ICT resources by teachers to motivate
students, make lessons more interesting and explain mathematical concepts. There is little use
of subject-specific software to develop students’ understanding of mathematics, and students
have little opportunity to use computers themselves. Students do not use spreadsheets or
databases as part of their mathematics lessons.
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Students entering college have a wide background in learning mathematics. Some students say
they dislike math or are not good at math. They have had teachers who neither grasp nor love
what they teach. Some come from classrooms filled more with a rebellious spirit than with a
thirst to learn. Some had teachers who are more like day-care personnel who can barely teach
a handful who are interested in learning, while the majority find entertainment in disrupting a
classroom.
Why Are Minorities not Learning Mathematics?
Factors contributing to unequal participation of minorities in science and mathematics education
include understaffed- and under-equipped schools. These are common features of minority
communities, with their characteristic judgments about ability, number and quality of science
and mathematics courses offered, access to qualified teachers, access to resources, and
curricula emphasis (NSF, 1996). As a result, schools, particularly secondary schools, in urban
areas with a high proportion of economically disadvantaged or a high proportion of minority
students offer less access to science and mathematics education.
According to NSF (1996), being labelled by ability is highly related to student achievement
because teachers tend to have different expectations of students in the various groups.
Teachers of "high-ability" classes are more likely than those of "low-ability" classes to
emphasize the development of reasoning and inquiry skills. Students in "low-ability" classes are
more likely to read from a textbook and spend time doing worksheet problems and less likely to
be asked to utilize reasoning in solving a mathematics problem or to participate in hands-on
science activities.
Minority students also have less access to qualified teachers. Math classes with higher
proportions of minorities are less likely than those with lower proportions of minorities to have
teachers with majors in mathematics.
The instructional emphasis in largely minority classes is likely to differ as well. The teachers
in science and mathematics classes having a high minority enrollment are more likely to
emphasize preparing students for standardized tests and are less likely than those in classes
having fewer minority students to emphasize preparing students for further study in science or
mathematics.
All too often, at the elementary school level, usually around the middle school grades, many
students, especially minority students, learn to dislike or fear science and mathematics and take
only the minimum required courses in these subjects at the junior and senior high school levels.
The damage done is incalculable. They emerge from elementary and secondary schools without
an adequate grounding in science and mathematics. Even if they become interested in the
subjects in later grades, it is often too late to take the courses necessary to pursue careers in
the fields of science and mathematics.
Minority students rarely see a future where they will need higher education, so they are
naturally led to question the validity of studying science and math. So there is lack of motivation.
So many factors contribute to minorities having a poor background in mathematics, resulting in
many coming to college ill prepared for training and higher education.
Common Problems
Many students entering colleges have:
1. fear and dislike of mathematics
2. insufficient preparation in math and science
3. little confidence in their ability to do mathematics
4. inadequate schooling from teachers who have no advanced mathematical training
5. little study skills and little use of technology
6. no recent math training
7. little time outside of the classroom to learn.
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Characteristics Contributing to Student Attrition
1. Inadequate preparation for college work 2. Lack of motivation to succeed
3. Inadequate financial resources
4. Poor study skills
5. Family demands
6. Mental/Physical health demands
Things That Work
A successful programme for student retention requires the following:
Learning assistance centres
Course placement testing
Developmental courses
Tutoring programmes
Counselling services (with intervention systems for failing students)
Instructional use of technology
Study skills courses
Recommendations
1. Have an individual on campus to coordinate retention teams
2. Analyze characteristics of students and retention programmes
3. Establish short- and long-term retention and completion goals
Efforts at New Mexico Tech
How do we overcome the problems of teaching mathematics to under-prepared students at New
Mexico Tech?
Overview
1. Testing at the beginning – placement test that works
2. Courses with lab settings: college algebra, pre-calculus, trigonometry, and Calculus I.
These courses have the following:
a) Extra in-class hours for each course
b) Department study area staffed by graduate students
c) Counselling, advising, and other support for students
d) Homework as a significant contributor to final grade
e) Review for final exam provided by instructors
f) Common final exam in each course graded by all instructors.
Our placement test was developed many years ago by the department and has forty
questions. Algebra basics are tested in part 1 and trigonometry in part 2. To enroll in calculus, a
student must have ACT scores of 29 or higher in mathematics or pass the department’s
placement test. This will place the student in Calculus I. Failing part 1 of the placement test
places the student in Pre-calculus (algebra), and failing part 2 places the student in
trigonometry.
Pre-calculus (algebra) is a three-credit college course but is scheduled to meet 255 minutes
per week. Most three-credit courses at the college level meet 150 minutes per week. The
instructor starts classes with a short lecture on new material and hands out an assignment
consisting of a set of problems or a project that uses the content of the short lecture. Students
are encouraged to work with a partner on the assignment and to study together with that
partner. A quiz is given each class meeting on the previous class’s material, graded in class and
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the grade recorded. Homework is assigned and students may spend some time working on the
new assignment. Extra study sessions are available for each scheduled hourly exam. The last
week of the semester is designated for exams at New Mexico Tech; during that week, the class
is invited to meet for a two-hour evening review session.
Trigonometry is taught in the same manner. It is also a three-credit course, but also meets
255 minutes per week. A common final exam is given to all sections of pre-calculus and
trigonometry and students must pass this final exam to pass the course. These courses are
taught by graduate students and supervised by full-time faculty.
Calculus I is a four-credit college course and meets 150 minutes per week in a lecture class
taught by full-time faculty. Each student is required to enroll in a calculus lab course, which
meets 150 minutes per week. The lecture session may have enrollments up to fifty students.
The lab course has a limit of twenty students and is taught by graduate teaching assistants. The
lab is run in a manner similar to pre-calculus and trigonometry. Students get a short lecture and
are assigned a project, set exercises or given a drill to work on, usually with a partner. They also
get a daily quiz that is graded and returned the next class session. The lab grade is 20% of the
lecture grade. There is a common final exam in Calculus I, half with and half without
calculators. The final exam is 30% of the calculus grade. Review sessions are held before each
exam and, during the last week of the semester, the full-time faculty instructors hold a nighttime
review session. Homework is graded and represents 20% of the final grade.
A common final exam provides insurance that course objectives are met in the course and
that students who pass the course have learned the material and therefore have the requisite
foundation to pass the next math course that they take.
The Mathematics Department has a large room available for student help. This is staffed
from 8 am to 4 pm every day of the workweek, with six hours offered during evenings and
additional hours on the weekend. This study room is available for students enrolled in any math
course taught at NMT but is directed at the beginning pre-calculus, trigonometry and Calculus I
courses.
The New Mexico Tech Advising Resource Center also has staff available for helping
students in the Center for Student Success. They have specific staff members that have math
expertise and at- risk students can receive extra math help and tutoring at no cost to them. This
information is listed on each of the course syllabi. In addition to this, the Advising Resource
Center has a programme for first-year students called “Group Opportunities for Learning and
Development”. This programme provides student tutors for any student who may request the
additional help. Each student is assigned an advisor who helps the student schedule his or her
courses and offers necessary advice. NMT also provides an online “I need help with…” service
that directs students to services and help available at NMT. The "I need help with..." directory
lists various concerns students might have during their time at Tech. Each subject provides
directions on who to see along with relevant contact information. All courses require daily
homework assignments that are graded and are at least 15% of the final grade.
During the spring semester 2010 the department started teaching the pre-calculus course,
using the Hawkes Learning computer-based instruction system. All homework, tutoring and
testing are done in a classroom reserved for the class. A common (written) final exam will be
administered to all sections of the course.
Some Results
Differences in the passing rates of students in Calculus 1 are clearly differentiated with regard to
whether they started with calculus or received necessary initiation provided in pre-calculus and
other classes. These findings, demonstrated in the table below, were derived from a
comparison of the passing rates for students starting in calculus 1 (Math 131) with the scores of
their classmates who joined with the prerequisites of college algebra, pre-calculus algebra or
trigonometry.
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Calculus (Math 131) Passing Rates
120%
100%
80%
Takers of Calc
60%
Takers of PreCalc
40%
20%
0%
Conclusions -- Retention Strategies
So what strategies will help first-year college students succeed in mathematics courses?
Recommendations
1. Common final exams
2. Tutor-based individualized help
3. Building confidence
4. Extra class time built onto course schedule
5. Correct placement of students
6. Raising of expectations.
7. Using computer-based teaching, for example, MyMathLab or Software from Hawking
Publication
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References
1. Clark, Julia V. ERIC Clearinghouse for Science Mathematics and Environmental, ED433216,
1995
2. National Science Foundation. (1994). “Women and Under-represented Minority Scientists
and Engineers Have Lower Levels of Employment in Business and Industry,” Washington, DC.
WORLD WIDE WEB RESOURCES
1. www.act.org/path/postsec/index.html
2. http://commons.bcit.ca/math/examples/index.html
3. http://www.mathxl.com/support/success_passrates.html
4. http://www.nctm.org/uploadedFiles/Math_Standards/12752_exec_pssm.pdf
5. http://www.csus.edu/ier/reports/math.pdf
6. http://commons.bcit.ca/math/examples/index.html
7. What Works in Student Retention? Two Year Public Colleges @2004 by ACT, Inc
www.act.org/path/postsec/droptables/pdf/TwoYearPublic.pdf
8. Monte Boisen. University of Idaho: Program in Course Redesign.
http://www.thencat.org/PCR/R2/UId/UId Overview.htm, 2000.
9. http://mymathlab.com/success-stories
10. http://www.brighterfutures.gov.ky/portal/page?_pageid=1408,1783276&_dad= portal&_
schema=PORTAL
11. http://www.hawkeslearning.com/PC_CompanyHistory.htm
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Addenda
Letter in Albuquerque Journal, February 9, 2010
There’s a Simple Reason Why Math Education Doesn’t Add Up
I didn’t like math when it was first presented to me well over half a century ago, and I still
don’t. And there is a very simple, non-scientific reason for it.
Numbers are boring. They have no intrinsic meaning. (Whatever meaning they do have
usually tells you something you don’t want to know, like what is lacking in your checkbook.)
Think about it. You can take a set of numbers scramble them around in any order you
want, even add in some letters for good measure (usually “x” and “y”) and still – you don’t have
anything interesting.
But letters--that is another matter altogether.
You put letters in a certain order, and voila! You get words! Words can have meaning!
Words can be placed in an infinite number of combinations and you get stories, even literature.
Stories can make you laugh, or cry, and most important, for students, they can make you want
to keep turning pages to see what happens next.
I cannot recall a single instance in my life when numbers have ever given me the desire
to keep turning the pages to see what happens next.
Why should this be such a difficult concept for educators to understand?
Examples of Improvements in retention: Results for students who are using
MyMathLab (MML) and students who aren't passing.
Alfred State College (NY)
No MML with MML
Success Rate (students grade A, B, or C) 46%
87%
Citrus College (CA)
No MML with MML
Success Rate (students grade A, B, or C)
Fall 2004
85.7%
Spring 2005
100%
Gadsden State Community College (AL) No MML with MML
Success Rates (A, B, and C)
59%
78%
Unsatisfactory (D, F)
23%
10%
Dropouts
17%
9%
Final Exam Success (A, B, C)
68%
81%
Miles College (AL)
Pass Rate, Elementary Algebra
No MML with MML
67%
80%
Onondaga Community College (NY)
Average Score on Departmental Exam
No MML with MML
60%
90%
Tulsa Community College (OK)
No MML with MML
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Average Retention
69.1%
77%
University of Alabama (AL)
Success Rates (A, B, C)
Fall 1998
Fall 1999
Fall 2000
Fall 2001
Fall 2002
Fall 2003
Fall 2004
No MML with MML
University of Idaho (ID)
Pass Rate (A, B, or C)
No MML with MML
64.7%
78%
Valencia Community College (FL)
Success Rate (A, B, or C)
No MML with MML
71%
84%
47.1%
40.6%
50.2%
60.5%
63.0%
78.9%
76.2%
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6. Issue in Caribbean Musical Expressions as Forms of
Cultural Identity
From Boom Bye Bye to Chi-Chi Man:
Exploring Homophobia in Jamaican Dancehall Culture
By Dr. Donna Hope-Marquis, Institute of Caribbean Studies
University of the West Indies
INTRODUCTION
During the turbulent period of the 1980s, Jamaican dancehall culture evolved as increasing
economic and social pressures forced many dispossessed Jamaicans to find creative economic
and social solutions. A product of Kingston’s inner cities, dancehall music culture evolved as
one facet of an informal economy that represented an organic response to the social, political,
and economic constraints of Jamaica in the 1980s. In its continued dialectical debate with
Jamaican life and society, dancehall’s cultural revolt from the underbelly of popular culture in
Jamaica operates simultaneously within and beyond the patriarchal gender ideologies of
traditional Jamaican society. Many dancehall lyrics represent one overwhelming strain of a
cultural dialogue of gendered identity that draws on the historical and cultural legacies of
Jamaica where many Jamaican men who are positioned at the lower levels of the social strata
find that their role as the sexual Don assumes primacy and signifies empowerment, real or
fantasized. These men respond to social, religious, cultural and gendered impulses encoded in
Jamaican life and culture that have historically supported the “seeding of the nation” and the
negation of counter-productive sexual behavior. Their reactions are encoded in dancehall
culture, which represents the most accessible and powerful space of meaning-making that is
culturally significant to the lives of many Jamaicans. This paper explores the underlying
discourses that facilitate dancehall’s lyrical discourses of masculinity as they are brokered on
the broader hegemonic notions of masculinity and femininity in Jamaica.
HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY IN JAMAICA
The constitution and representation of hegemonic masculinity in Jamaica is brokered on the
wider gendered ideals of the region. Feminists and gender theorists in the Anglophone
Caribbean give credence to particular historical factors, including plantation slavery and
indentureship, as affecting the social construction of gender roles (Barriteau 1995; Beckles
1995, 1999 & 2004; Brereton, et al, 1995; Lewis (ed.) 2003; Mohammed 1995 & 1998).
Plantation slavery is one important historical experience on which rests the foundation of
contemporary ideologies and relations of Afro-Caribbean societies like Jamaica. Both
elites/masters and labourers/slaves in these Caribbean societies were affected by a cultural
action or social process that incorporated the dominant Eurocentric and the subordinate African
elements of the society (Braithwaite 1971, 297). Braithwaite (1971) identifies this historical and
political process as creolization and defines creole society as the result of a complex situation
where a colonial polity reacts, as a whole, to the external metropolitan pressures, and at the
same time to internal adjustments made necessary by the juxtaposition of master and slave,
elite and laborer, in a culturally heterogeneous relationship” (1971, xvi). This cultural process of
creolization affected both elites/masters and laborers/slaves. The creolized, mulatto society
which resulted from African slavery and European colonialism means that while other
oppressive features may be peculiar to these Caribbean societies, race and class have been
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identified as the two dominant factors intersecting with gender. These creolized issues of
sexuality and identity were effectively tied to the race/class (colour) and gender hierarchy and
used to constitute notions of citizenship and nationhood, and its legacies continue to be
reflected in the dichotomy that exists on the classed terrain of Jamaican culture and gender
relations.
At the time of dancehall culture’s evolution in the 1980s, Jamaica’s hegemonic masculinity
was defined in middle-class terms and brokered on particular factors that included (but were not
limited to) middle-class background/status, tertiary education, white collar career, economic
wealth, ability to provide for/control immediate family, (polygamous) heterosexuality, access to
leisure, access to/ownership of expensive cars, and domination of women. The “ebb and flow”
of the picture of Jamaican masculinity over the period of the 1980s, 1990s and beyond
intertwined with the gendered meanings of personhood that have been consistently debated in
dancehall culture through its highly sexual and sexualized lyrics. Dancehall culture articulates
the notion that many Jamaican men from the lower socio-economic and socio-political spaces
often articulate their masculine ethos by inflating and/or ritualistically performing particular
heterosexual masculine characteristics that may potentially tighten their slippery grasp of
masculine status. These ritualized and legitimated characteristics are often explicitly sexual and
hinge on the domination or suppression of the feminine through promiscuous/polygamous
sexuality; misogynistic discourse, use of aggression and violence, conspicuous consumption
and masculine posing, as well as overt or covert subscription to an anti-male homosexual ethos.
The early stages of dancehall culture’s problematic debate with male homosexuality was
epitomized in Buju Banton’s 1992 release of Boom Bye Bye -- a direct response to the early
movement of the male homosexual body from the hidden corners and cloaked spaces to the
open terrain reserved for heterosexual activity and dialogue in the public spaces of Jamaica. I
have argued elsewhere that dancehall’s intense anti-male homosexual debate is brokered more
specifically on a patent fear of feminization and male disempowerment that emanates
particularly from Jamaica’s disempowered lower classes and is more adequately labelled
femmephobia and closely aligned to the Delilah Complex.
HOMOPHOBIA OR ANTI-MALE HOMOSEXUALITY?
The Delilah Complex, where the female/feminine is treated as dangerous, with the power to
weaken or betray men/male, is rife in Jamaican gender and Jamaican folk culture (Chevannes
1994). This ambivalence about gendered identities is also related to dancehall’s discussions
about masculinity, where what is labeled as homophobia becomes critically intertwined with
anti-feminine and anti-feminizing discourses against phenomena or behaviours that threaten
“true” male identity in the dancehall. Anti-feminizing discourses aim at protecting male power
from decimation and erasure. In dancehall culture what is labelled homophobia operates along
this continuum as an important strategy for the elevation of heterosexual masculinity and as one
critical component of a hegemonic standard of male identity. Jamaican homophobia is a radical
manifestation of Jamaican masculine paranoia of the feminine where male homosexuals are
deemed gender traitors. The behaviours, practices and sexual preference of homosexual (and
effeminate) men in Jamaica splinter the accepted notions of Jamaican masculine identity as
heterosexual. Discourses that negate effeminate and male homosexual practices underwrite
the fantasized heterosexual masculinity that is idealized in black popular cultures like hip hop
and dancehall culture (Gutzmore 2004, Hope 2001, Rose 1994). The open manifestation of the
gay guy, battyman or Chi-chi man is linguistically rendered null and void in dancehall culture’s
lyrical attempts to drive this increasingly visible threat to heterosexual masculinity into remission
without any legislative strictures to deter the public dissemination of anti-homosexual lyrics.
When this is married to the strict, fundamentalist principles that direct religiosity in Jamaica,
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including Christian and Rastafari ideology, Jamaican men and dancehall artistes perceive
themselves to have religious justification and socio-cultural support for their anti-homosexual
discourses.
In this instance, Jamaica is predominantly a Christian and fundamentalist society steeped in
the Protestant principles of hellfire and brimstone, and Jamaican dancehall artistes and key
dancehall adherents claim to hold dear the same religious directives that guide Christian
clergymen. As a result, most artistes use these biblical directives in their lyrical treatises against
male homosexuality. For example, these directives include Old Testament scriptures like the
story of Sodom and Gomorrah at Genesis 19, and verses that condemn homosexuality like
those at Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13. In the New Testament emphasis is placed on Romans
1:26-27. The productive directive to man and woman by God in the creation story at Genesis
1:28 is common fare for dancehall artistes who regularly state that man and woman are to “Be
fruitful and multiply…” and this is why God created Adam and Eve, not “Adam and Steve”. The
Jamaican legislative framework is another site used to validate dancehall’s discourses on
masculinity.
Jamaica’s active Offences against the Persons Act 1864 derives from the English parent Act
of 1861. Section 76 states: “Whosoever shall be convicted of the abominable crime of buggery,
committed either with mankind or any animal, shall be liable to be imprisoned and kept to hard
labour for a term not exceeding ten years.” Section 79 of this Act prohibits any public or private
“acts of gross indecency” between male persons. In this section, buggery is defined as anal
intercourse between a human being and an animal, as well as between a man and a woman, or
between two men. There is no age of consent. Section 76 of the law does not specifically
define buggery as anal intercourse “between men” but the underlying assumption that it was
specifically created for and against male homosexuality continues to be reinforced and
disseminated by various methods of oral transmission in a society where oral culture
predominates over the written word. The catch-all phrase “acts of gross indecency” in
conjunction with the terms “male” has also been defined and identified as legislative sanctioning
against male homosexual engagement of any form1. Alexander (1994) argues that, based on
their inscriptions of citizenship, Caribbean states are represented as heterosexual. Nonprocreative sex is prohibited by law and debarred from full moral citizenship. Thus the
conflation of buggery, bestiality and criminality in the law entrenches the notion that gay sex is
unnatural, while simultaneously promoting heterosexuality as the only viable and self-sustaining
option. Indeed, the colonial legacy of many Caribbean societies resulted in homophobic
legislation that had a clear link to the political economy of slavery in its insistence on anal sex as
counterproductive as heterosexual relationships. In Jamaica, the maintenance of laws like the
Buggery Act into the contemporary era reflects the continued conflation of notions of (hetero)
sexuality with ideas of citizenship.
The pervasive and rigid class and status hierarchy in Jamaica is also intertwined with the
gendered structures of power to grant or deny personhood to the various sexualities that exist in
Jamaica. Julius Powell of JFLAG underscored this notion:
If you are gay and uptown (meaning you have money) you are immune to the
discrimination and abuse to an extent. And depending on how high in the social
stratum you are, then you are pretty much immune to abuse because of your
sexual orientation (Stephens 2002).
The ambivalence that underscores Jamaican responses to gender identity means that gay
men who come from the lower classes and inner cities are usually tolerated in their
communities. This was consistently reinforced during my doctoral research when interviewees
in inner-city and lower working class communities identified at least one individual who “might
be” or was “suspected” of being homosexual based on a combination of factors1. However, this
95
man was an accepted part of the community and his sexual preference was tolerated as long as
he maintained the accepted Victorian silence and kept his sexual liaisons and partnerships
closely guarded and outside of the community. In this regard, the hegemonic imperatives that
govern Jamaican society translate into differential responses to male homosexuality that is
fragmented along class lines. Consequently, a homosexual man from Jamaica’s middle and
upper-classes is allowed wider boundaries within which to breach the patriarchal norms of
masculine behavior and practice but his counterpart in an inner-city or lower working-class
community must conduct his personal affairs and broker sexual liaisons in secret and outside of
the confines of the community, in constant fear of being “outed” as a “Chi-Chi” man.
COMMUNICATING ANTI-FEMINIZING DISCOURSES IN DANCEHALL
Jamaican slang and dancehall lyrics variously label and stereotype a homosexual man as
pungai man, battyman, batty bwoy, funny man, chi chi man, gay guy, Mr. Faggoty, and Mr. She.
These pejorative labels generally construct a gay male as either someone involved with anal
sex (for e.g., battyman or batty bwoy1) or as a man who willfully renounces the accepted
behaviours, aesthetics, and practices that denote ‘true’ masculinity (for e.g., Mr. She, gay guy,
funny man). These labels are also used in ordinary dialogue or verbal confrontations as verbal
missiles against male homosexuals or men suspected of having homosexual leanings or
against any male rival.
The more popularized term Chi-chi is a Jamaican colloquialism for termites -- that is, insects
that eat wood or wood-borers that create a corruption. The term gained prominence in
dancehall culture at the turn of the millennium as a modern label for male homosexuals. In
dancehall culture, the term Chi-chi man (as separate from a Chi-chi woman) is coded as a male
homosexual who is sexually involved with other men. This linguistic rendering represents a
corrupted and socially unacceptable form of masculinity. The notion of Chi-Chi as “wood borers”
in Jamaican creole may underscore linguistic parallels of wood and hood where hood is a
colloquial term for the male penis. In addition, Cooper (2004, 163) “wonders if the chi chi man
slang extension of the meaning is intended to represent the homosexual as a diminutive man.
Also, since ‘wood/hood’ is a Jamaican Creole metaphor for penis, chi chi man could also
suggest the vulnerability of the homosexual’s manhood to chi chi of all kinds.”
The flexibility of dancehall slang throws up female derivatives, namely di Chi-chi ooman or
Chi-chi gyal dem, that is, lesbians. In the early 1990s Buju Banton’s Boom Bye Bye affirmed
the primacy of this anti-male homosexual discourse in dancehall culture. Since then a cadre of
anti-male homosexual, Chi-chi man songs has developed in dancehall culture and most
dancehall artistes can claim at least one such song in their portfolio, as the male homosexual
holds a prominent position on the hierarchy of social deviants whose naming raises a “forward”
from the dancehall audience. Other prominent social deviants of this nature include politicians,
informers and pedophiles.
Dancehall culture’s lyrical debates insist that, by their very definition, real men are expected to
police the boundaries of heterosexual masculinity and, where necessary, expose another man’s
feminine traits or homosexual leanings. This naming, calling forth or “outing” of compromised
masculinity is exemplified in dancehall artiste, Alozade’s, treatise Chi Chi Crew:
From dem a par inna chi-man crew
Dem a Chi-chi man too Chi-chi man too
From a gyal a par inna Chi-chi gyal crew
Dem a Chi-chi gyal too Chi-chi gyal too.
[Once they are socializing with gay men,
Then they are also gay men (rept.)
Once they are socializing with lesbians
96
Then they are also lesbians (rept.)]
Alozade documents the notion that the conscious fraternizing with known or reputedly gay
men (and women) is taboo. In a related vein, Rastafari dancehall artiste Capleton highlights the
notion that individual responses to anti-male homosexual treatises can be used to identify those
who are gay thus:
Bun battyman, only battyman vex
Bun Sadomite, only sadomite vex
Bun informer, only informer vex
(When you burn gay men, only gay men are vexed)
(When you burn lesbians, only lesbians are vexed)
(When you burn informers, only informers are vexed)
At this juncture, the deeply patriarchal focus of the Rastafari movement is expressed in
hardcore dancehall treatises that are simultaneously tinged with the incendiary politics of
Rastafari. The “fire burn” or “bun them” ethos that signifies Rastafari’s religious fundamentalism
and Victorian notions of sexual conservatism are conflated with the patriarchal impulses of
dancehall/Rastafari in complicit renderings of male homosexuality as an aberration of male
heterosexuality which demands urgent attention. At the same time, Capleton highlights the
propensity to lump deviants in the same redundant space, thus naming the male homosexual
and the correspondingly dreaded and negated informer in the same breath.
Dancehall quartet T.O.K.’s anti-homosexual treatise in 2000, is an extension of Alozade’s
and Capleton’s lyrical discussions to denote the need for ritualistic purification and cleansing as
well as sanctions against those (men) who fraternize with or are suspected of being
homosexuals:
From dem a ‘par inna Chi-chi man cyar
Wave di fiya mek wi bun dem
From dem ah drink inna Chi-chi man bar
Wave di fiya mek wi bun dem
[Once they are (seen) sparring in a homosexual’s car]
[Wave the fire and let us burn them ]
[Once they are (seen) drinking in a homosexual’s bar]
[Wave the fire and let us burn them]
For T.O.K., guilt by association is a valid and viable option that merits the same sanctions as
those reserved for male homosexuals.
The most extreme manifestation of this anti-male homosexual discourse is reflected in songs
that suggest the outright elimination of this group from the face of the earth. Elephant Man and
Ward 21’s turn of the millennium treatise Chi Chi Man fi get Sladi suggested extreme and final
sanctions for male homosexuals thus:
Chi-chi man fi get sladi
Di whole a dem a fi go tell di whole world ba-bye
Mi nuh wann nuh chi-chi frien man so nuh frien I
Run pass Olive an gawn wine pon Popeye
[Male homosexuals should be slain]
97
[All of them will have to tell the world goodbye]
[I do not want any male homosexual friends so do not try to befriend me]
[(You) Run past Olive and are wining up on Popeye]
In this instance, the very idea or thought of male homosexuality is strongly denounced and fatal
sanctions are proposed -- male homosexuals should all be removed from the face of the earth.
The final line of this verse proposes the underlying rationale for this extreme proposition -- Men
have run past Olive and are wining up on Popeye. The symbols Popeye and Olive from the
fictionalized world of popular cartoons, suggest the quintessential male/female couplet that is
revered in dancehall culture. Consequently, those men who have ‘run past’ or ignored the
‘natural heterosexual’ couplet and have entered male-male relationships with Popeye deserve
this fatal and final sanction as they have corrupted the “natural” ordering of heterosexual
relationships.
While a burgeoning cadre of dancehall songs debates the existence of the male
homosexual, there is a blatant imbalance of any related cadre directed at female homosexuality.
The underlying idea that is communicated and legitimized is that by its very nature, female
homosexuality fails to undermine the traditional tenets of Jamaican patriarchy that bestow
varieties of Jamaican heterosexual masculinity on the bodies of its men. This also reflects the
patriarchal tenet of male superiority versus female inferiority that pervades all patriarchal
societies1. The importance of the penis in biologically defining and signifying male identity is
emphasized in dancehall treatises that explain its dominance and use in conquering and
subduing the feminine “Other”. Dancehall’s lyrical treatises consistently document this “truth” of
the fantasized and fantastic hypermasculine and powerful penis. For example, Cutty Ranks’
treatise of the 1980s, Grizzle, connotes an almost inhuman prowess that resides in this male
sexual organ:
Pon mi Mi waan some girl hitch up pan mi Grizzle
One press off a mi trigger a girl get cripple
Who nuh get pregnant gwine end up down a Madden
A ten thousand dolla weh dem use buy them coffin
Down a May Pen Cemetry unda the gravel
[Upon my grizzle, I want some girls to come and be hitched upon my
grizzle]
[One press of my trigger and a girl becomes crippled/paralyzed]
[Who does not become pregnant will end up down by Maddens (Morgue)]
[Their coffins will cost ten thousand dollars]
[Down by Maypen Cemetery under the gravel]
For Ranks and others, the mythologized and hypermasculine penis (in this instance, grizzle)
conquers and dominates the feminine on the battlefield of sex and sexuality. The conflation of
the grizzle/penis with the phallus/gun that is popularized in Jamaican dancehall is underscored
in the verbal imagery of the phrase “one press off a mi trigger” and fits neatly into the continued
dalliance with gun lyrics and images of the gun/phallus as a tool that bestows supreme power
(even over life and death) to its holder -- the gun is a symbolic and perpetually erect penis1. The
word grizzle falls into the range of dancehall’s synonyms for the penis that position the male and
masculinity at the centre of dancehall’s sexual discourses. These synonyms include anaconda,
rattler, dick, dicky(ie), buddy, cock, cocky, cod, private, womb-shifter, womb-turner, hard and
stiff, peg, rod, hood, Jack, John, grizzle, long ting, tree trunk, rifle, nozzle, and length an’
strength. In the main, these mythologized synonyms are brokered on notions of superhuman
size, strength and length (anaconda, rattler, long ting, tree trunk, length and strength) and on
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power and prowess (womb turner, hard and stiff; rifle, nozzle). The importance of this
mythologized penis in the construction of male heterosexuality in dancehall culture suggests
that a female homosexual is rendered invisible because of this biological lack and pins the male
homosexual in the centre of this lyrical bull’s eye.
In a more recent twist, dancehall artiste, Wayne Marshall’s song I Forgot Them reflects a
transformation in the production and reproduction of the male homosexual in dancehall culture.
Marshall states:
You remember dem guys from when (Ah fagot dem)
We an dem are no longer friend (Ah fagot dem)
Dem switch, I done wid dem (Ah fagot dem)
Dem can’t come back pon we ends (Ah fagot dem)
No, wi nuh like dem trends (Ah fagot dem)
[Do you remember those guys from way back when?] (I forgot them)
[They are no longer our friends] (I forgot them)
[They have switched (roles) and I am through with them] (I forgot them)
[They can never visit our personal spaces] (I forgot them)
[No, we don’t like their current trends] (I forgot them)
Marshall refers particularly to some “guys” who have recently become homosexual (that is,
dem switch). The term “guys” encodes a subtle reference to men as homosexual where it is
common practice to refer to gay men as “gay guys”. To “switch” is also often used to encode
what is perceived as a transformation from heterosexuality to homosexuality, that is, to switch
gender codes. Marshall highlights the notion that these former acquaintances are now social
outcasts and have been “forgotten”, that is, erased from his memory and socially negated.
Marshall underscores the cessation of any form of social interaction noting that “dem can’t come
back pon wi ends” or “they can never again visit our homes or personal spaces”. The repetition
of the term “Ah fagot dem” in Jamaican creole literally means “I have forgotten them”. However,
the complexities and linguistic intricacies of Jamaican creole allows this repetitive phrase to
encode a more pointed and different interpretation. “Ah fagot dem”, as it is rendered, is also
translatable as “Ah faggot dem” or “They are faggots” and can thereby be interpreted through its
connotations of a Westernized version of another label for male homosexuals. The dual
interpretation of this song-text is reflective of Wayne Marshall’s propensity for word-play and
double entendre. Indeed, his most recent song Mi Nuh Astronaut also uses this lyrical strategy
of innuendo and double entendre to engage the anti-male homosexual debate thus:
Nah fly no rocket through nuh black hole
Can’t breathe inna space so mi sure nah go roll
Mi ah stay dung to earth with mi satellite pole
Mi nuh ass-tronaut so mi nah go Uranus
Man neva mek fi breach di ozone
From you can’t breathe is a no fly zone
Mi nah go explore dem deh unknown
Mi nuh astronaut so mi nah go Uranus
[I am not flying my rocket through any black hole]
[I cannot breathe in space so I am sure not going to roll]
[I am staying on earth with my satellite pole]
[I am no astronaut so I am not going to Uranus]
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[Man was not created to breach the ozone layer]
[Once you cannot breathe it is a no-fly zone]
[I am not going to explore that unknown]
[I am no astronaut so I am not going to Uranus]
Marshall’s use of the term “astronaut” encodes a reference to frontiers unknown to man.
However, his pronunciation of the word as “ass-tronaut” identifies the ass or posterior that is
emphasized in anti-male homosexual debate and places this treatise squarely in the midst of
the anti-male homosexual debate. He states that his rocket/penis will not be flown through any
black hole that negates “breathing”. Again, the particularities of Jamaican creole suggest an
alternative meaning that this rocket/penis will not enter this black hole because he cannot
breathe/breed in space. The barren black hole swallows all and eliminates the productive
capacity that is highly prized as a signifier of true masculinity and there is no room for breeding.
Therefore, he will stay grounded on the productive soil of earth (read female) with his satellite
pole/penis. Throughout the song Marshall reinforces the point “I am not an astronaut so I am not
going to Uranus” which is simultaneously read as “I am not an ass-tronaut so I am not going to
your-anus”. Of interest is the use of the word “man” throughout which, in this instance,
specifically refers to the masculine gender and not to human beings as a generic group.
Nearly twenty years earlier, Lloyd Lovindeer's 1987 Mad Puss Tonic used a similar strategy
of repetition (forgot, forgot, forgot) and double entendre (forgot/faggot) to poke fun at and
negate male homosexuality:
Come! Some girls will have to wait in line
Bow! Cause a real man is so hard to find (like me)
Every day I tell them don’t bend down
But they don’t listen to my sound
I sing and preach to them a lot
They don’t remember, they forgot, forgot, forgot.
Lovindeer documents the lengthening lines of women which results from the dwindling
numbers of “real” men. The term “don’t bend down” suggests a sexual focus on the rear which
is at once hetero and homo-. Once the male homosexual is called into being Lovindeer
introduces the play on the word “forgot” which is repeated for emphasis as in forgot/faggot,
forgot/faggot, forgot/faggot.
Almost two decades removed from Lovindeer’s treatise, Wayne Marshall’s contemporary
dancehall discourse I Forgot Them and Mi Nuh Astronaut reflects a critical loop in the lyrical
constructions and representations of male homosexuals in dancehall culture. This patent
attempt at “political correctness” suggests an enlightened awareness of the negative
perceptions that abound globally in the debate on the inflammatory and violent dancehall lyrics
aimed at male homosexual/ity in the local/national sphere. Thus, dancehall is caught between
local/national perceptions of politically correct sexual behaviors and practices, and the tensions
between acceptable modes of public discussion in the local/national and international spheres.
In this regard, dancehall’s discursive paths uphold rigid patriarchal ideals whilst attempting to
carve new modes of hegemonic engagement with localized visions of Jamaican masculinity.1
These transformations in popular dancehall culture are brokered on the social and political
movements in the society. For example, the call for a removal of the Buggery Act from
Jamaica’s legislative framework by a few of Jamaica’s politicians, including then-Opposition
Spokesman on Justice Delroy Chuck’s insistence that the law has no place in private morality1,
when the parliamentary committee on Human Resources and Social Development, chaired by
then-junior education minister Dr. Donald Rhodd, proposed a debate on the issue of legalizing
homosexuality and prostitution as a matter of public health in July 20051. This progressive tone
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may reflect the reactive response of Jamaica’s Legislature to the global pressure precipitated by
the clash between Jamaican dancehall artistes and gay and human rights activists, and the
publication of the controversial Human Rights Watch report on homophobia and HIV/AIDS in
Jamaica (November 2004). Conversely, this progressive tone may also articulate the historical
movement in the “currently accepted strategy” (Connell 1995, 77) of hegemonic masculinity in
the face of changing conditions of local patriarchy in its conversations with the global terrain of
sexualities and accepted sexual practices.
Related discussions about male homosexuality continue to appear in the Jamaican print and
electronic media, usually in reaction to an incident surrounding a topical or controversial issue
related to male homosexuality as with the prison riots of 1997, and the clash between dancehall
artistes and international gay rights and human rights groups in 2004 and 2005. These media
discussions, including Letters to the Editor and opinion pieces in the print media, influence and
inflect the dissemination of public anti-male homosexual discourses in Jamaica. For example,
one “Letter of the Day” in the Daily Gleaner, titled “Gov’t right to reject blatant demands”
(November 2004) highlighted the outright rejection of homosexuality that colours many
Jamaican debates on this issue. In his response to the controversial debate, noted journalist
and religious leader, Ian Boyne, highlighted his stance on the matter in his Sunday Gleaner
opinion piece titled “Boomerang – Dancehall’s chickens come home to roost” while weekly
columnist, Melville Cooke, denounced “homofibia” (Cooke 2004). Other strands of debate in
the newspaper tackled the hypocritical role of the private sector in supporting homophobic
output in dancehall culture (Johnson 2004); others attempted to unearth the socio-cultural
linkages between dancehall’s homophobia and Jamaican life and gender (Hope 2004a and
2004b, Simms 2004, Taylor 2004).
The debates in the halls of power in Jamaica share the same space with Prime Minister
Bruce Golding’s controversial anti-gay statements on the BBC in May 2008 and the responses
to same liberally documented in Jamaica’s print and electronic media.1 In more recent times,
MP Ernie Smith’s controversial statements in his contribution to the debate on the Sexual
Offences Bill and the heated public response to his statements1 underscored PM Golding’s final
stance against any changes to the Buggery Law, during the closing of the debate on the sexual
offences in March 20091. Nonetheless, this debate on same-sex engagement in the halls of the
Jamaican parliament suggests the continued and necessary public engagement with what is
considered a highly controversial and very political issue that is deeply rooted in the varied
social, political and cultural traditions of Jamaica which coalesce within and emanate from the
dancehall.
TRADITIONAL RESPONSES TO HOMOSEXUALITY
The greater percentage of dancehall’s main audience and primary creators reflect its organic
link and symbiotic relationship with the inner cities of Kingston and St. Andrew and the lowerworking-classes of Jamaica. The progressive unmasking of the male homosexual body
throughout the decade of the 1990s and onwards, and the obvious confirmation that male
homosexuals do inhabit the public spaces of Jamaican life and society has heightened the
unease of this group of men, many of whom utilize highly (hetero) sexualized codes to
underwrite their variations of true masculinity. Open male homosexuality suggests radical
transitions in the conception of excessively macho and hardcore masculinities that are brokered
on a variation of Jamaica’s hegemonic standards of masculinity and which have been
consistently articulated in dancehall culture’s own sexualized versions of masculinity. For
example, men use linguistic codes to selectively identify themselves as a true heterosexual.
One male university student stated that the residents of the famous, all-male hall of residence,
Chancellor Hall at the University of the West Indies, Mona, refer to themselves as a plural group
of “mans”, as in “Mans of Chancellor” or “Chancellor Mans” and not by the linguistically
appropriate term “men”. According to this respondent, this was inspired by a line in a song by
101
dancehall artiste, Tiger. Tiger’s song Yuh Dead Now re-scripted the meaning of the word “men”
in popular Jamaican culture thus:
Two man a love up love up, Dem a men
[(If) two men are engaged in romantic relations, they are homosexual
‘men’]
In this instance, the ideological dis/ease with male homosexuality is exemplified in the selective
rendering of the language used to define an all-male enclave at the premier university in the
region that has been famed throughout the Caribbean for the production of prime ministers,
politicians, lawyers, medical doctors, academic elites and other men who would become leaders
in different spheres in their countries. The concept of male leadership as heterosexual
pervades patriarchal Caribbean societies and renders any tinge of homosexuality null and void.
This ideological dis/ease is intertwined with the paranoia that operates at the other end of the
continuum of accepted practices and responses to male homosexuality in Jamaica, which was
exemplified in the public outrage that met the August 1997 directive of then-Commissioner of
Corrections, Colonel John Prescod, to distribute condoms in prisons in an effort to stem the
spread of HIV/AIDS.1 Since the 1990s dancehall’s extreme response to the opening panorama
of male homosexuality in Jamaica has been the very public increase in anti-homosexual lyrics
and a corresponding deepening of the animosity and hatred encoded in these lyrics. Gutzmore
notes that “the earliest directly homophobic reggae song…is the 1978 King Sounds and the
Israelites’ Spend One Night Inna Babylon… which makes explicit mention of Sodom and
Gomorrah and of the fact that these two ancient cities…are anathematized in the Bible”
(Gutzmore 2004, 126).
During the 1980s dancehall lyrics mentioned gay men (or women) in a line or two of a song;
however, from the late 1990s to the present, entire songs are devoted to communicating strong
condemnation of male homosexuality, in line with accepted patriarchal codes that extensively
treats the subject of heterosexual masculinity.
The perception in the dancehall is that consistently projecting vociferous and condemnatory
anti-male homosexual discourses across the male dancehall body re-positions the heterosexual
dancehall male as everything that his homosexual counterpart is not. Where the male
homosexual is discoursed as effeminate, the dancehall male is discoursed as macho; where the
male homosexual is discoursed as weak, the dancehall male is discoursed as strong; where the
male homosexual is discoursed as in perpetual fear of the vagina, the dancehall male is
discoursed as in eternal control of the vagina, and, as a result, where the male homosexual is
emplaced as feminized and powerless, the dancehall male is called forth as masculine and
powerful. Yet, in a paradoxical twist, at the very moment of this very extreme and vociferous
“outing” of the male homosexual, dancehall renders the once invisible male homosexual body
visible. In the act of naming the Chi Chi man, the dancehall calls him forth into being. By
acknowledging that he exists, dancehall privileges his existence and makes him flesh. It is in
the dancehall that we see the public engagement with male homosexuality that opens a
problematized space for dialogue and debate which suggests an incremental, but necessary,
transformation in the hegemonic discourses of Jamaican masculinity.
Indeed, as the society progresses, defining masculine personhood and citizenship in terms
of the penis and sexual behavior becomes more redundant and questionable. The corruption of
social and gendered power structures that encourage Jamaican men, particularly from the lower
classes and Kingston’s inner cities, to engage in these empty and extreme patriarchal fantasies
of penile power, demand radical transformation. Masculinities that are oriented around the
behaviors and activities of fatherhood, parenting and protection hold greater social, political and
gendered routes to empowerment for Jamaica’s men and women as the society progresses
towards full development.
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CONCLUSION
The gendered terrain of power in Jamaica is deeply patriarchal and concepts of masculinity are
heavily bound up with the production and reproduction of behaviours and practices deemed
“masculine” and “not masculine”. Male homosexuality in Jamaica has been tolerated for many
decades, cloaked under a hypocritical kind of “respectable” silence as long as gays “do their
thing” in private and maintain the accepted codes of Victorian silence that has clothed the open
secret of male homosexuality and the accepted Jamaican response (particularly from the middle
and upper classes). The open panorama of homosexuality since the 1990s has generally been
cloaked in this same “respectable” silence. Dancehall’s responses have been far different.
The rigid policing of masculine boundaries is at its most extreme in the linguistic contortions
of the colourful and vocal inner-city slang and in the flamboyant performances that form the
bedrock of popular Jamaican dancehall culture. I argue that in this instance the gendered
discourses of anti-femininity in the dancehall suggest a deep-seated quandary with the
topography of Jamaican sexualities in general and masculinity in particular. Dancehall’s extreme
lyrical rendering of heterosexual masculinity as powerful upon the negated body of the malehomosexual restricts the real social mobility of Jamaica’s poorest men and, by extension, their
women, as other active avenues of social empowerment remain obscured in the flashy,
flamboyant and cathartic performances of anti-male homosexual discourses. Challenges to
dancehall’s lyrical manifestations of Jamaican anti-homosexuality must account for the
conceptual strands that energize the hegemonic notions of masculinity as they are encoded in
the gendered and classed hierarchies of personhood in Jamaica – historical, religious, social
and cultural.
Yet, in the final analysis, I argue that the preponderance of inflammatory anti-male
homosexual lyrics in the ambivalent space of dancehall culture and its lyrical treatises and
cathartic fantasies from Boom Bye Bye to Chi Chi Man suggest an incremental but radical
transition in the engagement with Jamaican masculinity where the once invisible homosexual
male is named, called forth and thus rendered visible. The lyrical evolution in this hegemonic
engagement inna di dancehall continues its social and political movements in the broader
society with the opening of dialogue about male homosexuality in Jamaica’s public spaces and
within its legislative seats of power.
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Notes
1
These outpourings are also underwritten by the wider sphere of Caribbean/Jamaican dis/ease with
homosexuality that is encoded in the legislative structures of these societies. Trinidad and Tobago’s
Sexual Offences Act of 1986 makes sex between men punishable by up to ten years imprisonment and
that between women by five. The Bahamas’ Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence Act of 1989 makes
male and female homosexuality punishable by up to twenty years imprisonment. Under an order from the
Privy Council, Britain scrapped anti-homosexual laws in its five Caribbean territories, Anguilla, the
Cayman Islands, the British Virgin Islands, Montserrat and the Turks and Caicos after their legislatures
refused to decriminalize homosexual activities between adults in private (Atluri 2001:26-32, Hron 2003:45).
1
For example, he was identified as the uncle or older brother who was overly effeminate, had never
married, had no children and kept an unusually neat and tidy house. For some interviewees, he was
usually educated and self- sufficient, holding a steady job and paid unusual attention to his personal
aesthetics including the wearing of ‘good’ clothing that was well co-ordinated. Interviewees noted that
this man usually had very good relationships with ‘the women’ but did face the occasional verbal
accusation/condemnation and slurs.
1
Batty is the Jamaican term for the buttocks or “bottom”.
1
In the dancehall and in Jamaica this notion of male superiority vs. female inferiority and the resultant
privileging of heterosexual masculinity is often countered by the high value placed on womanhood as
mothers and wives, which arguably incorporate similar notions of the privileging of heterosexual
masculinity as women in these roles provide support and sustenance for these male identities.
1
For a broader discussion of dancehall’s lyrical discussions on gun, see Carolyn Cooper’s discussion
about the metaphorical and lyrical discussions of the gun in Jamaican dancehall in her chapter “Lyrical
Gun: Metaphor and Word Role-Play in Dancehall Culture” in her work Sound Clash, 2004, pp. 145-178.
1
Note that dancehall is the contemporary strain of Jamaica’s popular music culture and, as such, is not a
source of the society’s anti-male homosexual discourses but, rather, an extreme representation of
Jamaica’s views and values. For example, in Jamaica, I was first introduced to the anti- male
homosexual discussions as a child in Sunday School church, more than two decades before these
debates coalesced in the dancehall.
1
See “Aids in Jamaica: The Fear that Spreads Death” in the Economist, Nov. 24, 2005.
1
See “New Push for gay rights debate – Rhodd’s committee wants discussion on legalizing
homosexuality, prostitution” in the Jamaica Observer, July 31, 2005.
1
See for example “Golding talks about policing, gays on the BBC” in the Jamaica Gleaner, Wednesday,
May 21, 2008 at http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20080521/lead/lead3.html; a set of selection of
(7) Letters to the Editor with varying views on the issue published under the heading “The Gay Debate” in
the Jamaica Gleaner, Friday May 23, 2008 at http://www.jamaicagleaner.com/gleaner/20080523/news/news3.html; and Ian Boyne’s column titled “Golding and the Gays”
in the Sunday Gleaner, May 25, 2008 at http://www.jamaicagleaner.com/gleaner/20080525/focus/focus1.html.
1
See for example “ PNP Lashes Ernie Smith on Stance against Gays” in the Daily Gleaner, Thursday,
February 19, 2009 at http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20090219/lead/lead4.html; Letter to the
Editor from Yvonne Mcalla Sobers “Gaps in Discourse on Sex” in the Jamaica Gleaner, Friday, February
20, 2009 at http://www.jamaica-gleaner.com/gleaner/20090220/letters/letters8.html; and Rattray, Garth.
“No Accountability for Smith” in the Daily Gleaner, Monday, February 23, 2009 at http://www.jamaicagleaner.com/gleaner/20090223/cleisure/cleisure2.html; and Lloyd B. Smith’s “Would Lawyer Ernie Smith
Refuse to Represent Gays” in the Jamaica Observer, Tuesday, February 17, 2009 at
104
http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/columns/html/20090216T2200000500_146329_OBS_WOULD_LAWYER_ERNIE_SMITH_REFUSE_TO_REPRESENT_GAYS_.asp.
1
See “Buggery Laws Firm: PM Says Life or 15 years for some sex-offences breach” in the Jamaica
Gleaner, Wednesday March 4, 2009 at http://www.jamaicagleaner.com/gleaner/20090304/lead/lead1.html.
1
See JAMAICA-POPULATION: Condom Distribution Proposal Sparks Riots, InterPress News Service
(IPS);
Friday, 22 August 1997 at http://www.aegis.com/news/ips/1997/IP970807.html; and “No plans to issue
condoms in
prisons - Health Ministry”, Jamaica Gleaner, Thursday, May 10, 2001 at
http://www.jamaicagleaner.com/gleaner/20010510/news/news1.html.
105
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Alexander, M. Jacqui. 1994. Not Just (Any) Body Can be a Citizen: The Politics
of Law, Sexuality and Postcoloniality in Trinidad and Tobago and
the Bahamas. Feminist Review. 48 (Autumn) 5-23.
Atluri, Tara L. 2001. ‘When the closet is a region: homophobia, heterosexism and
nationalism in the Commonwealth Caribbean’. Working Paper No. 5,
Centre for Gender and Development Studies, University of the West Indies, Cave
Hill, Barbados.
Baird, Vanessa. 2004. Sex, Love and Homophobia: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and
Transgendered Lives. UK: Amnesty International.
Barriteau, Eudine. 1995. Socialist Feminist Theory and Caribbean Women:
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Beckles, Hilary. 2004. Black Masculinity in Caribbean Slavery. In Rhoda
Reddock, (Ed.). Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and
Empirical Analyses (pp. 225-243). Trinidad & Barbados: UWI Press.
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Engendering History: Caribbean Women in Historical Perspective, (125-138).
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Boyne, Ian. 2004. Boomerang – Dancehall’s chickens come home to roost. The
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Chevannes, Barry. 1994. Rastafari: Roots and Ideology. Syracuse: Syracuse
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______________. 2001. Learning To be a Man: Culture, Socialization and
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Clatterbaugh, Kenneth. 1997. Contemporary Perspectives on Masculinity. 2nd edn.
Boulder, Colorado and Oxford: Westview Press.
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September 30.
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New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Foucault, Michel. 1990. The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1: An Introduction. New
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Urbanization during the Years of Crisis. In Alejandro Portes et al (Eds.). The
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“Gov’t right to reject blatant demands”. 2004. Letter of the Day to the Editor. The
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____________. 2006. Chi Chi Man Vibes: Policing Jamaican Masculinity in
Dancehall Culture. Paper Presented at The African-Caribbean Worldview
and the Making of Caribbean Society Conference to celebrate the work of
Professor Barry Chevannes, University of the West Indies, Mona Campus,
January 19 – 21.
_____________. “Clash – Gays vs. dancehall. Part 1” 2004a. Daily Gleaner,
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_____________. “Clash – Gays vs. dancehall. Part 2” 2004b. Daily Gleaner,
Wednesday, October 6.
_____________. 2001. “Of ‘Chi-Chi Men’: The Threat of Male Homosexuality
to Afro-Caribbean Masculine Identity”. Paper Presented at the 26th Annual
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Threatened Identities” Larry May and Robert Strikweda, Robert (Eds.).
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With contributions from Phillip Dayle, Ian McKnight, Robert Carr and
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Jamaica’s HIV/AIDS Epidemic.
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and Barrett, Frank J. (eds.). The Masculinities Reader (pp. 266-287).
Cambridge & Oxford, UK and Malden, MA: Polity and Blackwell.
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legalising homosexuality, prostitution”. 2005. The Jamaica Observer, 31
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Urban Caribbean: Transition to the New Global Economy. Baltimore,
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Powell of JFLAG.: URL
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Reader. Cambridge & Oxford, UK and Malden, MA: Polity and Blackwell.
109
Genre Theory, Western Classical Music
And the Caribbean Musical Arts
By Glen Inanga, UCCI Director of Music
[Slide 1]
Good morning ladies and gentlemen and welcome to my presentation titled,
“Genre Theory, Western Classical Music and the Caribbean Musical Arts”
[Slide 2]
Introduction
In the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (Heartz, et al., 924), ‘Classical’
is described as a term which, along with its related forms, ‘Classic’, ‘Classicism’, ‘Classicistic’,
etc., has been applied to a wide variety of music from different cultures. It evolved from the latin
classicus (a taxpayer, later also a writer of the highest class) through the French ‘Classique’ into
English ‘Classical’ and German Klassik.
In one of the earliest definitions [(R. Cotgrave: Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues,
1611), as cited in the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (Heartz et al., 924)],
Classique is translated as ‘classical, formall, orderlie, in due or fit ranke; also, approved,
authenticall, chiefe, principall’. The first part of this definition will be used in this presentation
and shall be further interpreted as a ‘model of excellence’ underpinned by ‘formal discipline’.
Wikipedia (www.wikipedia .org) defines ‘Classical Music’ as ‘a broad term that usually refers to
music produced or rooted in the traditions of Western art, ecclesiastical and concert music,
encompassing a broad period from roughly the 9th century to the 21st century’.
[Slide 3]
Western classical music is distinguished from all other non-Western classical music and popular
or folk music forms by its use of the Staff Notation from around the 16th century. This notation
gives exact performance directions (e.g., parameters like pitch, rhythm, speed and meter) by the
composer to the reader or interpreter about the way the music is to be performed. This is
contrasted with say, Indian classical music, Japanese traditional music or popular music which
gives more room for performance practices such as improvisation and ad libitum.
[Slide 4]
The theory of classical music is based on the development of individual tones and scales by
Aristoxenus and Pythagoras, the ancient Greek mathematician. The tuning system and
codification of music were the creation of Pythagoras.
[Slide 5]
Genre Theory
The Concept of Genre - Establishing a Context
It is common practice to use the word, ‘Genre’, in an informal context when trying to classify
music into categories like jazz, reggae, classical, soca, etc., but what is meant by referring to
classical music as a genre? An initial survey of the spectrum of genre theory studies sets the
background against which classical music as a genre can be understood.
110
The origin of the word, ‘Genre’, can be traced to its Latin roots in the word, Genus, some form of
category or class of a work of art. The history of generic criticism is quite considerable,
suggesting a complex, continual transformation in the understanding of its meaning in musical
art.
[Slide 6]
Definitions span from one extreme to the other.
[Slide 7]
Croce (1909/1978), on the one hand, argues that the idiosyncrasies of any literary work far
outweigh the general features of a class so that any work may be grouped in an infinite number
of ways. As a result, he altogether denies the significance of genre stating, ‘All the books
dealing with classifications and systems of the arts could be burned without any loss
whatsoever’ (op. cit. 114). On the other extreme, Hernadi (1972) put forward the notion of a
synthesis of systems, to integrate the best generic concepts. Between these two extremes lies
a wide range of genre theories which we now explore briefly.
[Slide 8]
The music historian, Carl Dahlhaus (1983) views genre as being linked to ‘tradition’ (in a
metaphoric sense), and is strongly opposed to the idea of ‘natural form’. Since Dahlhaus (1983)
also considers the idea of tradition as undergoing decay in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, so also is the decline of importance of traditional genres and the concept of genre
itself. Dahlhaus (1983, 149) contends that, ‘before the nineteenth century, genres were born
from the blending of a social function (e.g., the liturgy, a festival or dance) and compositional
norm, of extra musical purpose and the musical means available to fulfil it’. This intersection
between the occasion and technique is what formed the basis of musical craft for tradition to
pass on.
Around 1830, functional music began to give way to individualistic, autonomous music as
musical genres began to lose their factual and historical relevance. Just as genres vary from
one period to another, so too for Dahlhaus, do the criteria for determining genres vary from one
epoch to another. In the eighteenth century, for example, ‘function’ was a primary determinant
of genre but in the nineteenth century was much less significant. Dahlhaus explains that
genres, in any epoch, array themselves into a system, one that displays some form of hierarchy
as well as relationships of similarity and contrast. Perceived judgements were affected by this
hierarchy to the extent that certain works in the nineteenth century were overvalued. For
example, an étude1 was rather low on the hierarchical scale in the earlier part of the nineteenth
century, but rose in generic importance by the middle part of the century. This hierarchical
system of genres is displayed as a further expression of a social system, one whose principal
institutions in the nineteenth century were the public concert and the opera. ‘High’ art was
generally performed as in the public setting. Trivial arrangements became typical of private
gatherings which formerly ‘housed’ high quality chamber music whilst salon music was seen as
some sort of ‘semi-public’ art. This social system had a strong influence on the works and
111
genres which were written in it: in this way, the institution in which a work was performed helped
to distinguish one genre from another. In other words, a genre was subsumed by the social
context it inhabited. Dahlhaus concludes that genres emerge from the replication of certain
features within a group of works. These features are principally social function (when present),
form, text type, scoring and aesthetic character.
[Slide 9]
Pascall (1989) lists four fundamental categories of generic difference which provide a sufficient
framework for the practical task of identifying and characterising specific musical genres. He
states that a musical genre has a single and distinct performance site, an exclusive set of
performing forces, a definable communication code, and a diachronic structure, with continuity
and development. We shall consider these categories later in the discussion on the genre of
Classical Music.
[Slide 10]
Kallberg (1988) focuses on the ways in which meaning is communicated through genre and how
it exerts a persuasive force. He explains that ‘The choice of genre by a composer and its
identification by the listener establish the framework for communication of meaning’ (op. cit.
243), in such a way that a kind of ‘generic contract’ is developed between the composer and the
listener. Kallberg does not attempt to explain what genre is but goes beyond this in trying to
explain its function. Kallberg is also more interested in those works within a given genre that
are anomalous because they can play a key role in the development of generic studies.
[Slide 11]
The current view on genre rests on the affirmation that generic characteristics are used in every
piece of music for production of meaning, regardless of how individual or new this meaning
might be.
The definitions for ‘Genre’ will continue to evolve. The term itself will also continue to be topical
and debatable with no universally-agreed definition. But it may be that, in the course of
searching for acceptable definition, other related issues may come to the surface and illuminate
our understanding of the subject itself.
[Slide 12]
The Generic Features of Classical Music
From the previous discussion on genre theory, based on Dahlhaus’s conclusion that genres
emerge from the replication of certain features within a group of works and Pascall’s suggestion
that musical genre has a definable code, we now explore these features in more detail[Slide 13]
Classical music can be divided into the following periods:
•
•
•
The Early Period (pre-1600)
The Common Practice period
The Modern and Contemporary Period
112
The Early Period
•
•
Medieval
(476-1400)
Renaissance
(1400 – 1600)
The Common Practice
Period
•
Baroque
(1600-1750)
•
Classical
(1750 – 1820)
•
Romantic
(1815-1910)
Modern and
Contemporary Period
•
20th Century
Classical
(1900 – 2000)
•
Contemporary
Classical
(1975 – current)
Figure 1 showing the various periods of Classical Music
Source: Author’s Design
The dates in the diagram above are approximate since there is a degree of overlap between the
periods. For example, the use of counterpoint and fugue characteristic of the baroque époque
was continued by Mozart who is widely accepted as a composer of the classical period.
In the classical period (1750 -1820) many of the compositional norms, style and presentation
became established with the piano becoming the principal keyboard instrument.
[Slide 14]
Written Notation
One definable characteristic of classical music is that it is primarily a written tradition which is
preserved and transmitted by music notation, in contrast to being transmitted orally or by
recordings of performances. Although performances of a particular classical oeuvre can be very
different from each other, a piece of classical music transcends any interpretation of it. Because
the written text contains technical instructions on how it is to be performed, it is widely
considered an effective mode of communication of pieces of classical music. Apart from
directions like tempo, dynamics and expression (to some degree), the written musical score
does not contain explicit directions on how to perform a particular work. This is left to the
discretion of the performer who in turn is guided by instinct, personal experience and musical
education based on accumulated knowledge of a body of historical performance practices.
These performance practices have evolved with time. For example, in the classical period it was
customary for composers like Mozart and Beethoven to leave the cadenza2 of a concerto up to
the soloist to improvise on the spot in performance. As time progressed, it became more
common practice for performers to write out their own cadenzas beforehand. Composers like
Rachmaninov in the romantic period wrote out the cadenzas for the performer to play.
Improvisation, a feature of performance practice, sadly, has petered out and relatively few
classical performers today actually possess the skills of improvisation that were once
commonplace.
113
The written transmission and the deep respect bestowed on certain works of classical music
lead to an expectation of the performers to play a work that realizes, in some detail, the
intentions of the composer. Although towards the 19th century there was increasing detail in the
musical scores for the performer to follow, it was not uncommon for composers to praise
performers for achieving a better realization of the composer’s intent than the composer
originally imagined. Even though they do not compose, performers of classical music are highly
reputed for their musicianship. In the long-term, however, it is the composers generally that are
remembered more than the performers.
[Slide 15]
Composers of classical music often aim to write music that explores the complex relationship
between its emotional content and the intellectual means by which it is to be realized.
Musical analysis of classical music often reveals works of musical complexity through the
composer’s use of development, variation by modulation3 (rather than by exact repetition),
irregular musical phrases, counterpoint and advanced harmony.
[Slide 16]
Classical Music and Popular Music
Classical music and popular music can sometimes be distinguished by the choice of
instruments. In common practice, the instruments used in classical music were invented before
the 18th century and consist of the instruments normally found in the orchestra (in addition to a
few solo instruments like harpsichord and piano), though both classical and popular musicians
have experimented with synthesizers and other electronic instruments employing digital
techniques. It is interesting to note that the acoustic guitar, normally associated with popular
music, gained prominence in classical music through the 19th and 20th centuries.
Classical music composers have often drawn on folk music in their compositions (folk music in
this context is defined as music of an oral tradition normally created by untutored musicians).
For example, Dvořák and Smetana used folk themes to give their words a nationalist ‘feel’ whilst
Béla Bartók, the celebrated Hungarian composer, used folk themes ad verbatim in some of his
compositions. For example Béla Bartók once said:
‘Now I have a new plan: to collect the finest Hungarian folksongs and to raise them, adding the
best possible piano accompaniments, to the level of art-song’ (Gillies 2001, 789).
The greatest legacy of Bartók’s folk studies lies in his compositions.
[Slide 16]
It is important to note that one feature that is used to distinguish classical music from other
genres is cultural durability but it can be argued that this is not a distinguishing characteristic.
114
For example, although works by J.S. Bach are continually performed, there are works by other
composers in the ‘classical’ era who were contemporaries of Bach that are deemed mediocre
and rarely performed. Some may argue that this idea of durability is self-serving, simply
because, of all genres, classical music is studied and preserved at much higher levels.
[Slide 17]
Now we explore the Caribbean Perspective
Peter Manuel explains that ‘Music is the most visible, popular, and dynamic aspect of Caribbean
expressive culture’ (Manuel 1995, 2), concluding that ‘Caribbean musics are thus the products
of the dialectic interaction of distant ethnic groups and social classes, and they often combine
elements of cultural resistance as well as dominant ideology and of local traditions as well as
those borrowed from international styles’ (op cit., 2).
It can be argued that all peoples are shaped to some extent by their environment as much as by
historical occurrences. With reference to the Caribbean, Manuel (1995) suggests that ‘the
nature and extent of European influence have varied in accordance with several factors...for
example, the distinction between plantation colonies ... and settler colonies’ (op cit., 13).
He explains that the plantation colonies were characterised by large slave populations managed
by a handful of white entrepreneurs, whilst settler colonies (like Cuba and Puerto Rico) attracted
substantial numbers of European immigrants. The settlers brought a rich variety of European
musical art and played crucial roles over the generations in developing distinctive creole
cultures in their new homelands. He further explains that British colonies in contrast attracted
relatively few settlers and these were primarily economically minded and more interested in
making a ‘quick killing’ in the tropics than in developing their own art forms. As a result, the
British upper-class owners and managers remained attached to their homeland, England,
investing their earnings and sending their children to England to be educated. Manuel highlights
the contrast in the cities of the two different types of colonies: colonial Havana, an opulent and
beautiful metropolis with fine cathedrals, mansions and promenades, juxtaposed with the British
Caribbean ports consisting of ‘dreary warehouses surrounded by shanty towns, with a few bleak
barns passing as the “great houses” of the rich’ (op cit., 13).
[Slide 18]
He concludes that since ‘the British colonial elites made little attempt to develop their own art
forms, it may be said that the musical heritages transmitted by the Spanish to Cuba and Puerto
Rico were considerably richer than whatever the British bequeathed to their colonies’ (op cit.,
13).
[Slide 19]
Various forms of music were introduced by the colonists of the Caribbean – the Spanish, British
and French. Manuel (2003, 12) points out that of these forms included both well-documented
classical music of the time as well as the various folk songs and dances of contemporary
Europe. Sailors’ chanteys, church hymns and military marches as well as the social dances of
quadrille, mazurka, waltz and contra dance found their way into the music played by ad hoc
115
ensembles comprising fiddles and guitars. Round and line dances led by a caller as well as
ballroom-style couple dancing became popular and creolized to incorporate syncopation and
other local musical features. Michael Craton (2003) provides the following example of this
evolution in the Cayman Islands (Grand Cayman, Cayman Brac and Little Cayman):
[Slide 20]
And this brings us to the Cultural Challenge for the Cayman Islands - a problem of
exposure and education:
During the time when isolation and hardship bred invention, the traditional Caymanian
songs were narrative ballads, sea shanties and launching songs. Such folk music was
rarely heard once sailing days ended. The distinctive Caymanian folk dance was a local
variant of the European quadrille, danced to the music of a small band using locally
constructed instruments, in which the fiddle led and African resonance lingered (Craton,
2003, 413).
[Slide 21]
In his description of Caymanian society, Roy Bodden (2007) suggests:
Caymanian society... like other West Indian creole societies is a society in which little, if
any, racial purity exists among descendants of the original settlers. Similarly, too, it is a
cultural society in which many overtly African traditions and customs have been
superseded by an imperialist psychology…. Caymanian society is a plural society in
which there is a blending of cultural nuances (Bodden 2007, 63).
[Slide 22]
Well you may ask how all this related to the genre of Classical Music?
Looking outside the boundaries of the Caribbean, during the late 1900s there was a decline in
public interest in classical music in the United States and the United Kingdom. In a speech to
the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Julian Lloyd-Webber (a highly acclaimed,
international cellist) argued that for classical music to survive it has to be a living and developing
art. Thankfully, there is currently growing interest in the development of the arts in the Cayman
Islands as evidenced by the establishment and growth of a number of arts organisations.
However, the genre of classical music and its benefits in this development needs to be exploited
to the full through education and training in the classical performing arts. For example, the
establishment of a youth orchestra would go a long way in giving more exposure to young
Caymanians, though this would require significant investment in instruments and a performance
venue like a concert hall, as well as a conservatoire where intensive training in these musical
instruments can take place. The Cayman Islands is still not at the stage where its youth see the
potential in a ‘non-orthodox’ career as a performing artist in the classical music genre. The
media can play their part in creating awareness and exposure much in the same way as the Far
116
East does. In their defence, the media would argue that they respond to the tastes of the public,
but I still believe they also play a significant pivotal role in influencing these tastes. Perhaps the
Caymanian society is still in the process of establishing its own cultural identity, to which I would
suggest that exposure to different genres might add value to this process through cultural crossfertilisation.
In addition, the Cayman Islands have the resources to establish the necessary infrastructure for
the incorporation of classical music in their cultural development. The growing levels of support
from the business sector for arts organisations that include classical music6 in their
presentations confirm the relevance of this art form to Caymanian society.
[Slide 23]
From an educational perspective, and from my own teaching experience, I have found that
some initial groundwork in demonstrating the concept of genre theory and its uses in
highlighting the similarities and differences across different musical genres have helped to break
down pre-existing barriers to the accessibility of classical music amongst Cayman’s youth. For
example, I have used concepts from classical music to analyse reggae, dance hall or soca
songs in a demonstration of the importance of understanding the rudiments of theory. This has
piqued the students’ interest to the extent that they now want to know more about classical
music – it appears more relevant to them than before. Some others are motivated to learn more
about this genre in order to enrich their own musical experience, which in turn influences the
creative processes involved in writing their own popular music compositions.
[Slide 23]
My Conclusion?
There is no reason classical music and popular music should be mutually exclusive. Bartok’s
compositional style based on Hungarian folk music gave wider exposure to this culture and in
some ways helped to break down the stereotype-related barriers between classical and
popular/folk song. The Caribbean Islands are rich with folk melodies which can be afforded
similar treatment by up and coming young Caribbean composers. There is only one question left
to ask which I leave to you to answer: ‘Is this a challenge they are willing to embrace?’
Notes
1. A technical exercise which evolved from more mechanical finger exercises to more
musical but technically demanding concert pieces.
2. A solo section in the concerto for the soloist to display his/her virtuosic skills, normally
based on previously heard themes.
3. Changing keys or tonality
4. It must be noted however that CD sales are not a reliable indication of the popularity of
classical music.
117
5. Visit http://www.churchill-society-london.org.uk/JLWDavos.html for an edited version of
Webber’s speech.
6. For example, the currently biennial Cayman Arts Festival www.caymanartsfestival.com
118
References
Bodden, J.A. 2007
The Cayman Islands in Transition: The Politics, History, and
Sociology of a Changing Society. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle
Publishers
Bolland, O. Nigel 2002
Creolisation and Creole Societies: A cultural nationalist view of
Caribbean social theory. In Questioning Creole: Creolisation
discourses in Caribbean culture, ed. Verene A. Shepherd and
Glen L. Richards, 15-46. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle
Publishers
Craton, Michael 2003
Founded upon the Seas: a history of the Cayman Islands and their
people Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers
Croce, Benedetto 1978
Aesthetic: As Science of Expression and General Linguistic, trans.
Douglas Ainslie, 1909 rev. edn. Boston, London: Macmillan
Dahlhaus, Carl 1983
Foundations of Music History, transl.by J.B. Robinson the German
original of which appeared in 1977, Cambridge
Hernadi, Paul 1972
Beyond Genre Ithaca
Gillies, Malcolm 2001
‘Bartók’ in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, II:
pp 787-818 ed. Stanley Sadie 21 vols. Oxford University Press
Heartz, Daniel et al. 2001
‘Classical’ in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians,
V: pp 924-929 ed. Stanley Sadie 21 vols. Oxford University Press
Kallberg, Jeffrey 1988
‘The Rhetoric of Genre: Chopin’s Nocturne in G Minor’, 19th
Century Music, Vol.X1, No.3
Manuel, Peter, et al. 1995
Caribbean Currents – Caribbean Music from Rumba to Reggae
Philadelphia: Temple University Press
Oxford Univ. Press 1972
The Shorter English Dictionary on Historical Principles
Pascall, Robert 1989
‘Genre and the Finale of Brahms’s Fourth Symphony’,
(Music Analysis 8:3)
Spazier, J.G.K 1800
Gretrys Versuche uber die Musik, Leipzig
Randel, D. Michael 1999
The Harvard Concise Dictionary of Music and Musicians
Boston: The Belknapp Press of Harvard University Press
http://www.churchill-society-london.org.uk/JLWDavos.html
accessed on 27th January, 2008
www.wikipedia.org accessed on 7th January, 2008
119
Calypso and Reggae and
the Decline in Literacy and Learning
By Mr. Louieco Lewis, University College of the Cayman Islands
Introduction
Educators and governmental bodies’ concern about the decline in students’ educational
achievement and ability to face the challenges of a global economy has been validated in a
number of reports and studies.
The OECS (Organization of Eastern Caribbean States) governments recognized the need
for upgrading the skills of its youth to keep pace with new technologies, in order for them to be
competitive in the workplace and the global economy. The OECS requested assistance from the
World Bank (2005) which provided an analysis and policy suggestions to help improve the
employability and competitiveness of their workforce. The report OECS: Towards a New
Agenda for Growth (World Bank, 2005) found that lack of competitive skills was a major
hindrance to economic competitiveness. The subsequent report, School and Work in the
Eastern Caribbean, World Bank (2007), indicated that human capital development (that is,
strengthening basic skills, improving, team building skills, pro-activeness, critical thinking, and
communication skills) was necessary for global competitiveness.
In September 2007 HEART (Human Employment and Resource Training), an organization
that facilitates and coordinates workforce development in Jamaica, presented a paper. Building
on the work done by the International Labor organization (ILO - UN agency that brings together
governments, employers and workers of its member-states in common action to improve
productivity and employment) the paper examined the productivity problem in Jamaica and the
Caribbean region, arguing that low education and employability skills are the major contributors
to the productivity dilemma.
This paper does not address the impact of literacy on productivity and employment in the
Caribbean; it addresses only literacy’s effect on the lyrics of Calypso and Reggae.
Many factors contribute to the decline in reading (and thus education as well as literacy),
including access to an unlimited number of cable TV channels; the Internet, which provides a
number of entertainment venues; and electronic entertainment devices (that is, ipod, mp3
players, and more). Students’ access to articles and journals (via the Internet) allows them “to
cut and paste” without the need to engage in the reading required for proper research.
Technology has provided unlimited entertainment available on demand, and reading no longer
is a form of entertainment but a dreaded chore.
Cheryl Stevens, a Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) official, in an interview with the
Guyana Review (2009) confirmed that “the decline in the ‘reading habit’ among Caribbean
students is well-founded and that restoring the reading habit depends to a large extent on the
support of teachers and parents” (Guyana Review, 2009, 1).
Reading, or the lack of it, probably is the greatest contributor to the decline in education
among our youth. The decline in reading is evident in the lyrics. Two of the Caribbean’s music
genres, Calypso and Reggae, have been affected by the decline in reading in the last three and
decades.
Calypso
Calypso or “Kiaso”, meaning “messenger”, is a Hausa word from the Chadic language spoken
throughout West Africa. Others claim that “Calypso” is a derivation of the Carib word “carieto”,
meaning joyous song (Warner, 1985). Some researchers suggest that Kaiso music began
shortly after the abolishment of slavery (1834); however, if one considers that in the United
States slaves send messages through their spirituals while enslaved it can be argued that Kaiso
has been around since the enslaved Africans arrived in the “new world”.
120
Calypso’s major focus is observing the human condition and providing commentary. For
example, Calypso songs have examined the politics of the Caribbean region (Calypso is not
confined to Trinidad but the entire Eastern Caribbean). Their themes include social, political,
historical and economic issues across the globe. On balance, Calypso, in addition to social and
political commentary, provides audiences with lyrics filled with vice and double entendre. Kelvin
‘Mighty Duke’ Pope (Calypso King Monarch and Road March Champion) provides an
appropriate definition of Calypso:
What is Calypso?
"What is calypso?
I'm sure you really don't know.
I wonder if you know
The true meaning of calypso.
Because the words that we rhyme and sing
Is only half the thing.
I can tell you that
Calypso is more than a work of art.
It is a feeling which comes from deep within;
A tale of joy or one of suffering;
It's an editorial in song of the life that we undergo.
That and only that, I know, is true calypso."
–Kelvin 'Mighty Duke' Pope, 1968
What is Soca?
Soca as an art form begun in 1973 with Lord Shorty’s album “Endless Vibrations”, which
included the major hit single “Indrani”. Lord Shorty (Garfield Blackman) grew up in Lengua, a
predominantly Indian village in Southern Trinidad. This experience obviously shaped his musical
development. Lord Shorty, an established Calypsoian, began experimenting with a number of
Indian percussion instruments. This experimentation resulted in the fusion of two music genres
(Calypso and Indian music). Soca (earlier spelling “sokah” and “solka”) combined Calypso “so”
and “ca” from the Indian percussion rhythms played on the dholak, tabla, and dhantal (Jrank,
2004). Soca provides entertainment and gaiety rather than social and political commentary.
What is Rapso and Ragga Soca?
Rapso, a style of street poetry from Trinidad and Tobago, saw its origins in the 1970s during
the backdrop of the Black Power Movement as well as in social and labour union unrest. Rapso
addressed the experiences of “the common person”, and a number of Rapso’s first songs were
chanted on the picket lines. The late Lancelot Layne is the originator of this genre, and Cheryl
Bryon and Brother Resistance were two of the founding elders. In the 1990s younger Rapso
artists (3 Canal, Kindred and Black Lyrics) combined the positive messages of Rapso with
dance rhythms to reach a broader audience (Caribplanet, 2001). Ragga Soca is simply Soca
combined with elements of Jamaican Dancehall.
121
Decline in Kaiso
Kaiso’s popularity appears to be declining, suggests Lord Blakie (1999): "We tried to pass it on
to the young fellas, but they doing their own thing, Calypso supposed to tell a story. They
running from calypso. Calypso is a message. Them fellas running from the message" (CNN,
1999, 1). Blood (2003) argues that the decline in Kaiso, witnessed in the low patronage to the
calypso tents, is due to the lack of preparation of the newer Calypsoians. I argue that the lack of
preparation comes from the lack of reading. If Calypso performers don’t read extensively their
narratives when telling a story will lack substance and creativity; additionally, new innovative
ideas will be replaced by recycled songs and themes (an established practice of rap artists in
the US).
In addition to preparation, there are a number of other factors that contribute to Kaiso’s
decline. Prior to the 1980s, the playing of Calypso stopped during the Lenten season. During
this time, Trinidad was exposed to a number of foreign influences -- cable, R&B, Rapso
(indigenous), Rap and Reggae -- which were not stopped during Lent. Further, Soca (the jump
and wave derivative of Calypso) became more popular among the youth (part of a cadre of
“non-readers”) who also were the up and coming radio disc jockeys. This coupled with the
foreign influence increased the likelihood of decreased air time for Calypso.
The Calypso singer, The Mystic Prowler (Calypso Monarch of 1998), said young people were
turning to other forms because calypso is difficult to master. "Calypso is the hardest musical
form in the whole world," he said. He, however, has no worries about the future of calypso.
There will always be calypso; it's such a strong art form" (CNN, 1999, 1). Calypsonians may,
however, have to reinvent themselves. In addition to writing intelligent lyrics (thoroughly
researched) for Carnival and the Calypso crowd, their lyrics for the Soca & Ragga Soca crowd
can be meaningful but must have the “jump and wave” appeal.
What is Reggae?
Reggae has evolved from several Jamaican music genres Mento, Ska, and Rock Steady.
Mento, a fusion of African and European music, began in the 1800s. The musicians
incorporated the banjo, acoustic guitar, saxophone, clarinet, hand percussion instruments and a
number of home-made instruments. Mento was popular until the mid- to late-1950s when R &B
from the US hit Jamaica. R & B recordings dominated the music scene until Jamaican R & B
was developed with a mento “twist” or Ska. Rock Steady, a slower melodic beat, replaced Ska,
it, too, soon to be replaced by Reggae (Mento, 2002).
Bob Marley, the most well know and revered Reggae artist, helped Reggae become one of
the world’s most popular music genres. In addition to Bob Marley, a number of factors helped
popularize Reggae. In 1972 the film The Harder They Come, starring Jimmy Cliff, helped the
world become familiar with Reggae and Rastafarians. In New York and other cities throughout
the “Western world” the film achieved cult status. In addition to the quality of the music allowing
it to stand on its own, once the European and European-Americans accepted and appreciated
the music, it became universally accepted. For example, I remember listening to a New York
station, WLIB, (formerly the largest Caribbean station in New York) when an interview was
being conducted with one of Bob Marley’s former promoters. The promoter mentioned that
during the early 1970s he tried to get airtime in order to promote Bob Marley and Reggae music
on a few of New York’s black radio stations. The Black stations weren’t interested in promoting
what one of the stations called “jungle music”. Of course once the European community
embraced Reggae it was now acceptable and Black Americans followed suite and began
extolling the merits of Reggae music.
What is Dancehall and Why the Decline in Reggae?
Dancehall, a derivative of Reggae, became popular in the late 1970s. Unlike Reggae, which is
associated with the political and social condition and religious leanings of the Rastafarian
122
movement, Dancehall is associated with violence, sexually explicit lyrics, and homophobic
lyrics. However, one can’t paint all Dancehall lyrics with a broad brush Luciano; Buju Banton,
and Tony Rebel have written lyrics with substance.
Sales tracker and Soundscan, electronic networks that collect sales data from over 17,000
stores in the US, reported a decline in Reggae album sales in 2009 (Reggaemusicfm, 2009).
Furthermore, the Jamaica Star (2009) in a report of an interview with Lady Saw (Reggae artist)
cited the worldwide decline in Reggae album sales.
The decline in Reggae album sales may be related to the homophobic lyrics in a number of
Dancehall songs (for example, TOK – Chi Chi man) as well as artists that haven’t developed the
habit of reading and cannot write meaningful lyrics. Germany blacklisted eleven Dancehall
albums between 2008 and January 2010 because of the violent and homophobic lyrics. Surely,
with Germany being Europe’s largest economy, this should be a concern when artists are
composing song lyrics (Jackson, 2010). Moreover, in Jamaica, the Minister of Information, the
Media Association of Jamaica, the Jamaica Association of Community, Cable Operators, and
more have banned Daggerin’ songs on the airwaves (Black, 2009). Daggerin’ is the public
simulation of various sex acts or ‘dry sex’.
Discussion
In order for Kaiso to maintain its importance, Calypsonians must adjust to the market by
writing Kaiso lyrics that are relevant as well as have that “jump and whine” appeal. Soca and
Ragga Soca performers will have to reinvent themselves; listeners will soon tire of mindless
lyrics. Dancehall artists will have to revisit their lyrics and accept that certain segments of
society have alternative life styles that will have to be “accepted” if these artists want to continue
to make a living.
Calypso and Rapso lyrics from the 1970s through 2004 have maintained their social and
political roots without any significant change in content and lyrics (see Voices from the Ghetto,
Progress, Wanted Dead or Alive, among others). Soca has shown a decline in the quality of
its lyrics. Arrow’s Hot Hot (1982) had a story line compared to Sherwayne Winchester’s Wine
Down (1999) which contained approximately 488 words (including “words” like bay bi, baby,
bay, oh na na na now & oh oh oh yo that were approximately 20% of the song). Dancehall’s
Demarco’s song, Wine Pon di ting (2008), had approximately 435 words (including “words” like
wine pon di ting, pon di ting, wine me wine) which were approximately 22% of the song.
The current offerings of Soca and Dancehall reflect the “lack of the reading habit”
The lyrics of Reggae artists Marley, Wailer, & Burning Spear raised awareness to the social and
political ills of society; however, after the mid-1980s it appears that Reggae artists migrated to
Dancehall because of its commercial success or again the “lack of the reading habit”.
Trini Dancehall songs in this presentation were basically “wine, wine” songs without the
sexually suggestive lyrics of the Jamaican Dancehall singers (for example, Demarco and
Beenie Man). However, Buju Banton, a Jamaican Dancehall artist, with his Murderer lyrics,
examines the immorality of murder as well as the crisis of conscious associated with the act.
This analysis is not complete give the time constraints for this presentation and the difficulty
in obtaining current lyrics for Calypso. Soca, Ragga Soca (Trini Dancehall) and Dancehall are
all music genres that are meant to entertain and not reflect on the human condition. Given the
lack of “reading habit” throughout our electronic world we can expect further degradation of
musical lyrics for these genres (that is, more baby, bay bi; Pon bed pon floor against wall, for
example).
123
Calypso, Soca, Rapso, and Ragga Soca Songs
Calypso
Soca
Voices from the Ghetto – Singing Sandra
Hot Hot – Arrow
Paints a vivid, sad picture of ghettos all over the world
Older Soca party jam
Progress – King Austin
Wine Down - Shurwayne
The Western, industrialized, "progressive" way of life is not
Winchester (wine, wine)
sustainable
Wanted dead or alive – Mighty Sparrow
Sparrow addresses a number of national leadership changes
Rapso
throughout the world (democracies, dictatorships, racist
regimes, and so on)
Trini to de bone - David Rudder
3 Canal – Talk yuh Talk
Rudder extols the sweetness of Trini
Strong criticism of ineffective
politicians
Government Boots – Mighty Gabby
3 Canal – Good morning
Gabby criticizes the excessive government spending on the
Lack of normal courtesy
military
between people
Burn Dem – Black Stalin
3 Canal - Piti Pata
Stalin is assisting St. Peter (at the gate) as gatekeeper seeking
Too many guns
just for the “villains” throughout history
Caribbean Unity – Black Stalin
Stalin criticizes Caribbean leaders for the failure to come
Ragga Soca – Trini Dancehall
together as one (ineffectiveness of the West Indies Federation,
Carifta, & Caricom)
Die with my dignity - Singing Sandra
Snake Oil - Bunji Garlin
Singing Sandra discusses sexual harassment at the workplace
Wine, Wine, Wine
Ram the magician – Mighty Chalkdust
This Party - Maximus Dan
Chalkie ask George Chambers to call on Ram Kirpilani to run
Positive wine, wine
the country
Dead Beat Dads – Singing Francine
Francine criticizes fathers who don’t “father” or provide support
Man: The Warmonger – Winsford 'Joker' Devine
Joker comments on weapons of mass destruction, Iraq, and
Afghanistan
Warmongers – Winston Peters Gypsy additional comments on
war & destruction
Barack the Magnificant - Mighty Sparrow The praises and challenges for Barack
Reggae and Dancehall songs
Reggae
Zimbabwe – Bob Marley
Liberate Zimbabwe
Concrete Jungle – Bob Marley
Conditions in Trench Town, a tenement yard
124
Who feels it – Bunny Wailer
Push forward and overcome your problems
Garvey – Burning Spear –
Follow your vision as Marcus Garvey followed his
Dancehall
Murderer Lyrics – Buju Banton
Murder and the turmoil that one’s conscience should experience
King of the Dancehall – Beenie Man
Wine pon wine pon wine
Wine pon Di Ting – Demarco
Wine pon, wine pon ,wine pon sex
125
References
Black, F. (2009, February, 7) Daggerin’ songs banned
http://www.jamaica-star.com/thestar/20090207/news/news1.html
retrieved on March 11, 2010
Blood, P. (2003,February, 28)On the home stretch
http://www.triniview.com/selfnews/arc1-2003.html
retrieved on February 26, 2010
Caribplanet Caribbean Music 101
http://caribplanet.homestead.com/101_Rapso.html
retrieved on March 1, 2010
Cnn (1999, August, 31) Calypso suffers as new music influences Trinidad and Tobago
http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/culture/calypso.htm
retrieved on March 8, 2010
DJchemics (2009, November, 20) Decline in Reggae sales
http://www.reggaemusicfm.com/content/view/1151/80/
Jackson, S. (2010) REGGAE ARTISTS BLACKLISTED
http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/entertainment/Artistes-blacklisted--SUNDAY
retrieved on March 7, 2010
Jrank (2004) Biography of Lord Shorty (Garfield Blackman)
http://biography.jrank.org/pages/2371/Shorty-I-Ras.html#ixzz0gvbJV26s
retrieved on February 12, 2010
Mento ( 2009) What is Meno Music
http://www.mentomusic.com/WhatIsMento.htm
retrieved on February 18, 2010
Pope, K. (1968) What is Calypso?
http://www.trinisoca.com/duke/220109b.html
retrieved on February 18, 2010
Thirty years on, the Caribbean Examinations Council prides itself in meeting the intellectual
needs of the region… But the loss of the reading habit remains a worry,
(2009, August, 17). Guyana Review, p. 20
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/guyana-review/08/20/thirty-years-on-the-caribbeanexaminations-council-prides-itself-in-meeting-the-intellectual-needs-of-the-region%E2%80%A6but-the-loss-of-the-reading-habit-remains-a-worry/
retrieved on March 3, 2010
3 Canal (1999) Talk yuh talk
http://zeroanthropology.net/2008/05/12/talk-yuh-talk-mocking-pretenders/
retrieved on March 1, 2010
Warner, K. (1985) Kaiso! The Trinidad Calypso: A Study of Calypso as Oral Literature.
Washington D.C.: Three Continents
126
McArdle, T. (2007) Skill Development, Productivity Improvement and the Impact of HEART
Trust-NTA in
Jamaica, The Role of Vocational Training in Productivity, Employment and
Development in Latin America and the Caribbean Prepared for Cinterfor/ILO Technical
Meeting: Bahia, Brazil
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/ampro/cinterfor/ifp/heart/index.htm
retrieved on March 2, 2010
127
Appendix
Genre / Song
Calypso
Voices From The Ghetto (1999)
Progress (1980)
Wanted Dead or Alive (1980)
Trini to de bone (2003)
Government Boots (1984)
Burn Dem (1987)
Caribbean Unity (1979)
Die with my dignity (1987)
Ram the Magician (1984)
Dead Beat Dads (2003 or 4)
Man: The Warmonger
Warmongers
Barack the Magnificent (2008)
Soca
Hot Hot (1982)
Wine Down (2000)
Rapso
Talk yuh Talk (1999)
Good Mornin (2006)
Piti Pata (2005)
Ragga Soca
Snake Oil (2003)
This Party (2006)
Reggae and Dancehall
Zimbabwe (1979)
Concrete Jungle (1973)
Who Fells It (1977)
Garvey (1975)
Murderer Lyrics (1995)
King of the Dancehall (2004)
Wine Pon Di Ting (2008)
128
4
Almost every young girl expecting
So tomorrow, beg, steal or borrow,
There will be another voice from the
ghetto...
[Crying,] Lord [crying] oh, oh, oh
[crying]
ay, ay, voices from the ghetto
[Crying,] Oh----- Mama [crying]
Oh ----- Papa [crying] voices from
the ghetto.
Social amenities, Lord, Heaven
knows
Opportunities, well them always
closed
Can't get work once it white collar
So if you can't stretch your dollar
Is later for you, crapaud (fr) smoke
yuh pipe
(Trini: Crapo – frog – considered
a disgusting animal)
You sure to dead from gripe
Life does rape dignity and pride
'Til there's only bitterness left inside
And everyday is a hustle,
Arguments are settled with muscle
'Til you six feet deep by three feet
wide.
Children through life keep on
drifting
Is something they smoking or
sniffing
Maybe they trying to forget
This life of misery and regret
No one to come to their rescue
5
Except Capleton and Buju
(Capleton & Buju Banton reggae
artists)
So their boom boxes they leggo
(escape)
To drown out voices from the
ghetto...
[Crying] crying [crying] yeah, Lord,
lord, lord [crying] ay, ay, voices from
the ghetto
[Crying,] crying crying [crying] crying,
crying [crying] crying, yeah eh,
voices from the ghetto
[Crying,] I was born and bred in the
ghetto [crying] I know what I talking
about, you know [crying] ay, ay, I
from the ghetto
[Crying] crying....
N.B. The following verse was sung
at Singing Sandra's 1999
Dimanche Gras performance.
As parents struggle to provide
Children are neglected and deprived
Illiteracy on the rampage
Some parents never reach college
So ---- the child must ----
6
If he want to stay alive
The dropout rate does come
out trump
As their big truck skid and hit
life's bump
Dem can't relate education
To their daily life of starvation
So they take their chances in
the dump
Every day garbage truck they
hopping
Is old junk and metal they
scrapping
To get a jump start on them
corbeaux fr
(Raven, Crow)
Some does get squash like
mosquito
So next time you passing the
Beetham
(Beetham Gardens
dilapidated government
housing – “planning” –
outside POS)
In your fancy car, airconditioned
Just above the hum of your
motor
You might hear a voice from
the ghetto.
129
Voices From The Ghetto [Crying]
By Singing Sandra
The sun rises slowly over the hills
Everywhere is golden sunlight but still
Most nights with sad tales are
crowded
Their days with dark clouds are
shrouded
They don't smile and they never will
Only vultures get their fill.
Empty promises is what they hear
No running water from year to year
Hearts that know one desire
That if there is a Messiah
Someday He'd hear their whispered
prayer
Cupboard always bare and scanty
Ten people in a one-bedroom shanty
Forced to sell on the pavement
No vacancy, no employment
Can't tell firecracker from gunshot
Blood does flow when things get hot
Ah 'fraid to look out mih window
To hear voices from the ghetto...
[Crying,] crying [crying] ay Lord,
Lord [crying] crying, voices from the
ghetto
[Crying,] crying [crying]
Lord, Lord, Lord [crying] ay,
voices from the ghetto
Help us Father!
Mothers does just hold their head
and bawl
And them woman stronger than a
wall
2
A big pusher eyeing she daughter,
Son in jail for manslaughter
Too bad for he, he ain't named
Brad Boyce,
(Brad Boyce was accused of
manslaughter in 1996 and found
not guilty, however, the ruling
was criticized on judicial review
by the Privy Council)
No bail, that's the back man's
choice
Like Shadow say, "Poverty is Hell",
She little girl child belly start to
swell
Some say life is a cycle
But don't draw she no circle
Where will it all end, only time
could tell.
Outside the siren keep howling,
Inside your belly real growling
Police raid very often,
Simpson's measuring a coffin
(Famous funeral director in Trini)
One night in bed you sleeping,
Next night is a wake that you
keeping
So you praying to win the Lotto,
Not to hear voices from the
ghetto...
[Crying,] crying [crying] ay,
crying, crying, crying,
voices from the ghetto
[Crying,] crying [crying] Lord,
hear them pleading [crying]
3
ay, ay, ay, voices from the
ghetto
Stretch forth a hand to us,
Lord!
We are not a forgotten people.
Hear our cry.
With dented pride they soldier
on
Revolutions' base, politicians'
pawn
And often their tragic story
brings a journalist glory
No wonder they view the
world with scorn
From since the day they born
Some call them rebels without
a cause,
These social victims of unjust
laws
But yet they christen their
heroes,
"Renegades," "Desperados"
Forever knocking on Heaven's
doors...
Hear me!
Steelband music shatters the
silence,
Harmony to conquer the
violence
Big men run when cops
approach,
Fighting for scraps with the
cockroach
Young turks, their turf
protecting,
(neighborhood punks ”bad
johns”, the local pushers
who control the block)
130
1
Progress - King Austin (1980)
Written by Winsford Devines
[verse 1]
Today when I look around in the world,
what do i see
I see footprints that man have left on
the sand
While waking through times
I see fruits of our ambitions
Figments of our imaginations
And I ask myself, when will it end,
when will it end
It is plain to see universally this land is
not bountiful as it was
Simply because in its quest for success
Nothing stands in man's way
Old rivers run dry, soon the birds
wouldn't fly
The mountains will be no longer high
And when I really think of it
I does wonder why, oh why
[verse 2]
I see charity deplored, equal rights
totally ignored
Wisdom and ingenuity working in
accord, simply to afford
Such inventions as total nuclear
warfare and environmental warfare
2
And I wonder now, where do we go from
here
Prophets everywhere gaze upon the
horizon and declare that judgment will
come
As the savage hands of unscrupulous men
defile everything pass by
Time is running out as we eat and drink
species at the brink of being extinct
And I think no one can deny that the price
of progress is high, real high
[verse 3]
I see consciousness as bait, as today we
live recklessly
Money, lately goes inflate and thereby
create a turbulent state
I see a struggle between the sexes
New hang-ups and old complexes
Now the question is
Right in context, what shall by next
I’ve already seen this world have come
divided between race, colour, creed and
class
And some of the things the scripture predict
truthfully come to past
Soil that wouldn't bare
Children making children to be a part of this
growing mass
And I ask, if this is progress ?
How long will it last
131
1
Wanted Dead or Alive –Mighty
Sparrow
The rule of the tyrants decline
The year, 1979
From Uganda to Nicaragua
[Idi Amin Dada – dictator, human
right violations]
[Sandinistas – government reform
vs. Somoza – Dictator)
It’s bombs and bullets all the time
So they corrupt, so they vile
So it’s coup after coup all the
while
Human rights they violate
They thought they were too great
So in disgrace now they live in
exile
Gairy is a wanted man (Prime
Minister – Grenada (“quasi
dictator”)
Idi Amin is a wanted man
Shah of Iran fighting hard to
survive (Iranian leader “quasi
dictator”)
He too was wanted dead or alive
Strikes, demonstrations & wars
Injustice is always the cause
Politicians turn too soon from
poor people into tycoons
Corruption must bring horrors
South African Vorster resign in
disgrace (Brutal supporter
&enforcer of apartheid)
2
Muzurewa take away Ian Smith
place (Zimbabwe Rhodesia,
considered puppet of Ian Smith)
The Uganda devil was easily cat
straddled
Beaten up and chased, what a
waste.
Gairy is a wanted man
Patrick John is a wanted Man
(Premier of Dominica –
unsuccessful to overthrow gov’t)
The Shah of Iran fighting hard to
survive
He too is wanted dead or alive
The Shah have a short time to live
Because the Ayatollah don’t
forgive (Shīʿite religious leader to
control of Iran)
When you see church ruling state
With pure vengeance and hate
Situation must be explosive
General Somoza from Nicaragua
Thought it was easy with the
Sandanista
With the help of Venezuela,
Panama and Cuba
They kick him straight to America
Gairy is a wanted man
Bokassa is a wanted man (Brutal
eccentric ruler of Central African
Republic)
3
Ali Bhutto tried so hard to survive
(Prime Minister of Pakistan –
falsely accused and executed)
He too was wanted dead or alive.
Grenadian Mongoose was bad
and so brave (Eric Gairy)
The send the old Bishop straight
to his grave (Maurice Bishop –
New Jewel Movement)
After that, well Gairy skip town
With his diary and him obeah
gown
No more people to enslave
Trinidad neighbours all expecting
mayhem
Anytime anything could happen to
them
Eric Williams taking a back seat to
avoid banana
but everyone know he ‘fraid Carl
(Carl Hudson Phillips – Attorney
General of Trinidad & Tobago)
Gairy is a wanted man
Park Chung Hee was a wanted
man (Autocratic ruler of South
Korea)
Achempong tried so hard to
survive (Military ruler Ghana
executed)
He too was wanted dead or alive
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7. The Culture of Work, Shopping and Real Estate in
the Cayman Islands
Cosmopolitan and Ethnic Tensions
in the Caymanian Shopping Experience
Dr. J.D. Mosley-Matchett, University College of the Cayman Islands, and
Dr. Chun-Chen (Liz) Wang, University of Dallas
Abstract
Despite the lure of international brands publicized via satellite, the Internet, and cable
televised media, the shopping experience among residents of and visitors to Caribbean
islands is also strongly influenced by ethnocentric factors relating to the unique culture
and traditions endemic to island life. Although increasing globalization and diverse
consumer attitudes toward countries are the trends in international marketing literature,
there exists a practical need in the Caribbean retailing industry to develop rational
strategies for local mall or retail stores that positively influence both local and foreign
consumer shopping behaviour. This question is even more critical for countries such as
the Cayman Islands which rely heavily on tourism. The issue is further compounded in
Cayman due to its unusually large expatriate labor force, which adds additional
cosmopolitan and ethnocentric shopping behaviours.
Keywords
retailing
shopping malls
cross-cultural consumer behaviour
cosmopolitanism
consumer ethnocentrism
international “outshopping”
globalization
The Cayman Islands is a Caribbean nation of three relatively small islands that have
achieved international recognition for two major industries: offshore financial services
and tourism. Because the island of Grand Cayman represents the financial hub of the
country, this conceptual investigation will be limited to a consideration of the shopping
experiences available on that island, with the United States as a prime outshopping
location.
Although the consumer shopping behaviours encountered by retailers on the two
smaller islands of Little Cayman and Cayman Brac share many of the same
considerations, the prime outshopping location for those consumers is the island of
Grand Cayman, which is home to many shopping malls, including Camana Bay,
Countryside Shopping Village, Governors Square, Grand Harbour, Queens Court Plaza,
Seven Mile Shops, and West Shore Centre.
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The Cayman Islands Department of Tourism (CIDoT) recorded 2008 figures of
1,553,053 cruise ship passengers and 302,879 air-arrival tourists, an overall decline of
151,237 visitors and a negative 7.5% change from the 2007 records. Because cruise
ship passengers generally remain on-island for less than one day, the shopping activities
of these consumers represent a significant revenue stream for the island’s retailers.
Understanding the shopping behaviours of those consumers becomes even more
important when noting that 2008 cruise ship arrivals declined 9.5% compared to 2007’s
1,715,666 total, and 2009’s cruise arrivals are continuing this negative slide.
The Cayman Islands have long been influenced by Western culture, especially that of
Britain, as the country remains a Dependent Territory of the United Kingdom. Although
this nation of three relatively small islands welcomes visitors from all over the world, the
vast majority (approximately 80%) of these tourists arrive from the United States and
virtually all shop at the malls located on the largest of the islands, Grand Cayman
(Cayman Islands Department of Tourism 2006, 17).
When considering the shopping attitudes of people living in the Cayman Islands, it is
important to note the territory’s close geographic proximity to the U.S. and the power of
that country’s televised media. As a result, people located in the Cayman Islands are
readily exposed to TV programmes and advertisements originating from the United
States. Satellite television and high-speed Internet communications further expand the
opportunities for exposure to global products and brands.
These various international influences enable Cayman’s residents to become
cosmopolitan without ever leaving the islands. Although formerly a dependency of
Jamaica, the Cayman Islands historically exercised a tradition of self-government. In
1962 when Jamaica achieved independence, the Cayman Islands chose to remain
under British rule. Accordingly, the Cayman Islands have preserved a unique culture and
rich traditions.
On the other hand, the country’s international status as one of the world’s leading
offshore banking capitals and its substantial tourism industry have resulted in an
exceptionally large expatriate labour population. The government’s Economics and
Statistics Office (ESO) in its Fall 2008 Labour Force Survey estimated the country’s total
population to be only 57,009 persons. Yet, the ESO’s 2009 Semi-Annual Economic
Report states that, as of June 2009, 24,270 work permits were issued for foreign
employees. Approximately 80% of these expatriate workers originate from Jamaica, the
Philippines, the United Kingdom, Canada, the United States, and Honduras.
This large and diverse non-Caymanian population further adds to the cosmopolitan
nature of the consumer shopping experience in the Cayman Islands. However, the
resulting influx of imported products has sparked a rising ethnocentric desire among
resident and visiting shoppers for products that are culturally and traditionally
Caymanian. The Cayman Islands government has supported this movement by
establishing in May of 2005 a Cayman Craft Market near the cruise ship terminals, and,
in August of 2007, a local agriculture Market at the Grounds in the district of Lower
Valley. Since 1968, the Cayman Turtle Farm has been a favourite tourist destination that
also provides residents with fresh turtle meat for traditional local cuisine. In 2005, the
government renovated and expanded the Turtle Farm as part of the 30-acre Boatswain’s
Beach marine park.
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Research Issues
Increasing globalization and diverse consumer attitudes toward countries are the trends
in international marketing literature. Much of this globalization is driven by
manufacturers’ competitive drives to minimize costs in the global marketplace and
optimize value chains, from supply to distribution. Minimizing costs means maximizing
output by converging consumer preferences across countries with standardized products
(Levitt 1983).
However, there is a conflicting tension regarding local consumers’ desire for
traditional foods and familiar products based on consumer ethnocentrism. Despite the
fact that lean economic times will drive those consumers to seek superior value, that
value is judged not merely according to utilitarian price, but also in light of experiential
appeal.
Similarly, visiting shoppers seek souvenirs and experiences that are unique to the
Cayman Islands, rather than more of what can be obtained in their home country.
However, those same tourists may be reluctant to stray too far from the foods and
products with which they are culturally familiar, due to their own ethnocentric tendencies.
Cayman’s reliance on tourism and its need to maximize tourist spending by
optimizing the experiential attractiveness of its retail establishments and malls imposes a
significant incentive to develop retailing strategies for local malls and stores that will
positively influence consumer shopping behaviour by both residents and visitors.
As dispositional moderators, the opposing constructs of cosmopolitanism and
consumer ethnocentrism present real challenges as retailers attempt to strike an
appropriate balance when creating a Caymanian shopping experience. The ability to
address correctly these conflicting tendencies is particularly important for the developers
of shopping malls, as the livelihoods of multiple retailers are at stake.
This study first examines whether there are differences regarding store perceptions
between home-country and foreign consumers toward the same local retail
establishments by exploring shopping behaviour at the mall level.
Next, we explore the concepts of cosmopolitanism and consumer ethnocentrism as
individual moderators. For example,, is the globalization of markets and competition
leading to more cosmopolitan purchase behaviour (Yaprak 2008)? Is this global
integration sufficient to offset the natural ethnocentrism all shoppers harbour for that
which is familiar and traditional?
Theoretical Background
The framework of the model is grounded in a behavioural stimulus-organism-response
(S-O-R) paradigm. Figure 1 depicts the concept model. In retailing, the S-O-R paradigm
is a well-established framework to study environmental effects on consumer shopping
behaviour. According to the environmental psychologists, Mehrabain and Russell (1974),
environmental stimulation cues may induce an individual’s internal affective evaluations,
and, then, will determine his or her approach or avoidance behaviour.
Affective states -- Excitement
Mehrabian and Russell (1974) suggest three dimensions of affective states – arousal,
pleasure and dominance. It is evident in the retailing literature that both pleasure and
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arousal are salient determinants for consumer behaviour at the store level. Excitement is
a positive emotional state that consists of high levels of arousal and pleasure (Russell
1980). At mall-level, “excitement of mall” has a positive influence on consumer shopping
behaviour (Wakefield and Baker 1998).
Mall Environment and Excitement
Malls are not only for shopping, but also for other activities, such as entertainment and
socialization (for example, Bloch et al. 1994). Previous research suggests that
consumers are apt to make a decision regarding where to shop on the basis of their
attitude toward store variety and the shopping environment of the mall (Finn and
Louviere 1996). A shopping mall may have a great number of stores offering a variety of
merchandise. To attract and keep consumers in the mall, mall developers attempt to
create exciting shopping environments for consumers and to provide entreating activities
or events that consumers may engage in and enjoy (Cockerham 1995; Bloch, et al.,
1994), such as music events or rock-climbing activities. Therefore, we suggest that
consumers may receive environmental stimulation in a shopping mall from three areas:
mall variety, physical environment, and entertaining activities.
Mall Variety
Previous studies have examined the effects of store variety on consumers’ overall
evaluations of malls (McGoldrick and Thompson 1992; Wakefield and Baker 1998).
Consumers may seek to maximize their shopping time by completing their multipurpose
shopping in a one-stop visit to the mall. During their mall visits, consumers may shop for
both merchandise and services.
Wakefield and Baker (1998) suggest a broader “tenant variety” construct that
includes variety of stores, food service, and entertainment. In line with their suggestions,
mall variety refers to product variety from a mix of merchandise stores, food restaurants,
or services stores. For example,, merchandise assortment may include apparel,
accessories, home decorations, furniture, jewelry, eye glasses, among other items.
Service stores may include salons, nail services, doctor services, movies, massage,
among other amenities. There can also be a variety of foods available in food court
areas or stores. When consumers experience a need to acquire products or services,
the availability and assortment of merchandise or services at malls may determine
where they decide to shop (Hawkins, et al., 2010).
Mall variety encompasses a mixture of stores, various merchandise categories, or
services. Variety is associated with arousal (Mehrabian and Russell 1974). For
consumers with multipurpose shopping intentions, mall variety may allow them to
compare product offerings conveniently and/or complete shopping goals efficiently. The
experience could also generate pleasure. Wakefield and Baker (1998) further found that
mall variety may increase excitement. Therefore:
Proposition 1: Mall variety will have a positive effect on excitement.
Physical Environment
The physical environment provides atmospherics within a shopping environment. A great
number of studies have examined the effects of the physical environment on consumer
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emotions and behaviours at the store level (for example, Babin and Darden 1996; Ward,
Bitner, and Barnes 1992). In the atmospherics literatures, the links between the physical
store environment and consumer affective states of pleasure and arousal are well
established (for example,, Baker, et al., 1992). By the same token, many scholars point
out the importance of mall atmospherics on consumer behaviours and emotions, as well
(for example, Finn, McQuitty, and Rigby 1994; Wakefield and Baker 1998). The
dimensions of the physical environment of a mall may consist of layout, interior
architecture, décor, lighting, music, aromas, and cleanliness (Baker 1986). In Wakefield
and Baker’s (1998) study, they found that a positive perception toward the mall
environment may increase the effect of excitement at that mall. It follows, therefore:
Proposition 2: A more positively perceived physical environment in
a mall will have a positive effect on excitement.
Entertaining Activities
A striking characteristic associated with malls is that they have developed into leisure
and social locations, as well as shopping alternatives (for example,, Feinberg, et al.,
1989). Consumers may visit malls for fun or recreational purposes (Bloch, et al., 1994;
Mathwick, et al., 2001). Even though people’s lives are more time-pressed, consumers
will find the time to engage in activities they enjoy (Ashley 1997). Malls offer entertaining
activities in which consumers may participate. Entertained-oriented activities are
becoming more important to attract consumers and to keep them longer at the mall.
Consumers may experience fun or excitement from participating in such activities or
events. Therefore:
Proposition 3: More entertaining activities for consumers to
participate will have a positive effect on excitement.
Excitement and Shopping Behaviour
According to the S-O-R model, consumer’s affect serves as a mediator between
environmental cues and behaviours. Specifically, positive affective states will encourage
approach behaviour within an environment (Mehrabian and Russell 1974). For example,,
it is evident in the retailing literature that consumers’ affective states evoked by the retail
environment may influence shopping-task performance (Bitner 1990), desire-to-stay, repatronage intention (Wakefield and Baker 1998), perceived shopping value (for
example,, Babin, et al., 1994), or even compulsive purchase decisions (Rock 1987).
Therefore, as previous research suggests, mall excitement, by combining higher levels
of arousal and pleasure, should encourage consumers to approach that mall. In this
study, we focus on several critical mall shopping behaviours that are strongly associated
with financial performance (for example,, Anderson, et al., 2004; Gupta and Zeithmal
2006). They are shopping value, customer satisfaction, loyalty, and out-shopping.
Shopping value includes hedonic and utilitarian value (Babin, et al., 1994). As Babin,
et al., (1994) suggest, hedonic shopping value refers to the value received from the
multi-sensory, fantasy and emotive aspects of the shopping experience, while utilitarian
shopping value refers to the acquisition of products in an efficient manner. It is evident in
137
retailing literatures that pleasure and arousal are related to both hedonic and utilitarian
values at the store level (for example, Babin, et al., 1994). Excitement, consisting of
pleasure and arousal, should have a similar impact on consumers’ shopping value.
Customer satisfaction is an overall evaluation based on the total purchase and
consumption experience with a good or service over time (Gupta, et al., 2006). A
growing body of research has identified its critical impact on businesses’ financial
performance (Gupta, et al., 2006; Anderson, et al., 2004). For example, using the
American Customer Satisfaction Index (ACSI) database of nearly 200 publicly traded
Fortune 500 companies from 1994-1997, Anderson, et al., (2004) found a positive
association between customer satisfaction and shareholder value.
Consumers can be defined as loyal if they continue buying the same product over
some period of time (Gupta, et al., 2006). Oliver (1999) notes that loyalty is an
enduringly held commitment to a particular retail store (Oliver 1999). Similarly, Reichheld
(2003) defines loyalty as the willingness of a customer to make an investment or
personal sacrifice in order to strengthen a relationship. He also notes the important
component of referral or word-of-mouth (WOM) among loyal customers. As both
suggest, customer loyalty is about much more than repeat purchases. It is evident in the
marketing literature that consumer loyalty is positively associated with a firm’s financial
performance (for example, Zeithaml, et al., 1996).
Jones, et al., (2006) found that the two shopping values influence key retail
outcomes, such as satisfaction, positive WOM, loyalty, or re-patronage intention.
Likewise, Wakefield, et al., (1998) found that consumers’ excitement exerts positive
effect on their desire to stay and their re-patronage intentions at the malls. According to
these studies and the S-O-R model, consumers’ affective states influence these
approach shopping behaviours. Taken together:
Proposition 4: Mall excitement will have a positive effect on
shopping value.
Proposition 5: Mall excitement will have a positive effect on
customer satisfaction.
Proposition 6: Mall excitement will have a positive effect on
customer loyalty.
Outshopping
Wakefield and Baker (1998) note that shopping outside of the local trading area has
been termed “outshopping.” Due to severe competition in retailing and convenient
transportation for consumers, local malls have to compete for consumers with malls
outside the community. Thus, a critical objective in retail marketing strategy is to
discourage outshopping. Previous outshopping studies mainly focus on local mediumsized American markets or communities (for example, Wakefield and Baker 1998;
Reynolds and Darden 1972).
The concept can be extended from local markets to an international scope. As the
trend of globalization spreads, there are many border towns in North America, Asia and
138
Europe where citizens can freely and conveniently travel and benefit from market
differences. Basically, outshopping consumers prefer not to re-visit the retail stores that
are within close geographic proximity. Furthermore, those consumers are willing to
invest more time and effort travelling to other malls that are far away.
Initially, such a sacrifice doesn’t sound logical. Thus, it is very important to explore
the motivations that drive international outshoppers. For example, in the border area
between Singapore and Malaysia, Piron (2000) found that consumers engage in
outshopping primarily for economic reasons. Residents of Grand Cayman must travel by
airplane and incur significant transportation and lodging costs in order to physically
engage in store-based outshopping. Therefore, other motivators may be compelling
those consumers.
Outshopping can be considered a consumer’s avoidance behaviour toward the local
retail stores or malls. According to the S-O-R model, avoidance behaviour may occur
when people experience negative affective states. When consumers experience mall
excitement and have pleasant shopping experiences, it is less likely that they would take
the trouble to do outshopping. Thus:
Proposition 7: Mall excitement will have a negative effect on
consumer outshopping behaviour.
Cultural factors
Globalization continues rising across industries and countries as global transportation,
communications, marketing and advertising deeply shape consumer behaviours (Ger
1999). This inevitable trend has profound impacts on the retailing industry, especially for
global retailers (Levy and Weitz 2009). The most difficult challenge facing international
marketing managers or retailers is the degree to which marketing programmes should
be standardized globally versus tailored to local conditions (Cleveland, et al., 2009).
Some scholars note that globalization is increasing commonalities among consumers
across countries while reducing similarities within countries (for example, Craig and
Douglas 2006; Hannerz 1990). Many suggest the attention for global market
segmentation should be centered on consumer, rather than country, characteristics
(Keillor, D’Amico, and Horton 2001). Further, De Mooij (2004) suggests using
psychographic segmentation as a powerful method of classifying consumers across
countries, rather than by conventionally clustering countries along market-level
economic indicators.
Two key dispositional constructs are considered in studying consumer shopping
behaviour at malls in the Cayman Islands. Cosmopolitanism is associated with the
similarity of consumer behaviours around the world, while ethnocentrism is linked to the
heterogeneity of local cultures. Both factors exert strong influences on the Caymanian
shopping experience.
Historically bound to the Western cultural influence attributable to its British
Dependent Territory Status, the Cayman Islands are also distinctly Caribbean. As a past
dependency of Jamaica and with almost half of its expatriate workforce being Jamaican
nationals (11,459 of 26,517 in December 2008), the Cayman Islands shopping
139
experience clearly reflects that country’s influence with numerous jerk stands and easily
obtainable products featuring Jamaica’s national colours of black, green, and gold.
However, many uniquely Caymanian products are also commercially available, including
fine artworks, traditional cuisine, rope and baskets woven from silver thatch, and the
country’s most popular export: rum cake.
Yet, readily available cable and satellite television from the U.S., Canada, and Britain
greatly influence the selection of goods found in Grand Cayman’s major stores and
supermarkets. In addition, the country’s large number of expatriate residents (estimated
by the ESO in Fall 2008 to be 44% of the total population) represent a diverse captive
market seeking internationally marketed brands. The proliferation of American fast-food
chains—including Wendy’s Burger King, Subway, and Pizza Hut—and the prominence
of American hotel chains such as the Ritz-Carlton, Marriott, and Comfort Suites, can give
one an eerie sense of being in Florida rather than the Caribbean. Many Caymanians fear
that this obvious influx of American brands represents cosmopolitanism at its worst and
dilutes the Grand Cayman’s attractiveness as a tourist destination (Caymanian Compass
2007).
Cosmopolitanism
The construct of cosmopolitanism has recently drawn scholars’ attention to study and to
explain positive attitudes and behaviours toward foreign products. Riefler and
Diamantopoulso (2009) note that cosmopolitanism originates from the Greek words
cosmos [=world] and politis [=citizen], which literally describes a world citizenship.
Merton (1957) defines cosmopolitanism as a personal tendency to orient oneself beyond
the boundaries of the local community.
“Cosmopolitanism” refers to a set of beliefs, attitudes, and qualities held by certain
people who have a conscious openness to the world and to cultural differences (Skribis,
Kendall, and Woordared 2004, 117). Hannerz (1992, 252) describes it as “a willingness
to engage with the other, an intellectual and aesthetic stance of openness toward
divergent cultural experience”. Others classify cosmopolitanism as a learnable skill
(Cannon and Yaprak 2002; Thompson and Tambyah 1999). Improved global
transportation (or mobility) and the penetration of mass media render consumers more
and more exposed to other cultures and consumption styles (Beckmann, et al., 2001).
As a result, cosmopolitans are no longer said to belong to an elite class.
A number of studies have suggested that cosmopolitans tend to consume
international media and foreign products while in their home countries (Hannerz 1990).
Also, they are active searchers for variety and sophistication in consumer goods,
possessing an attitudinal affinity for diversity (Holt 1997). They would be more
responsive to global consumer culture positioning strategies (Alden, Steenkamp, and
Batra 1999), and more likely to adopt innovations (Rogers 2004) and products from
other cultures and places (Cleveland, et al., 2009). Further, Riefler, et al., (2009) suggest
cosmopolitans may have the qualities of open-mindedness, diversity appreciation, and
consumption preferences that transcend borders.
In conclusion, these studies indicate that cosmopolitans may have a positive attitude
toward foreign or diverse cultures. In a retailing context, we can suggest that people with
high cosmopolitan tendencies may be more likely to appreciate diversity presented at
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the malls, such as merchandise variety, exotic atmospherics or foreign physical
shopping environments, and activities or events. Their open-minded attitude may exert
more positive perceptions toward these dimensions at the malls.
Therefore, we suggest that cosmopolitanism may serve as a moderator to influence
the effects of mall environment on consumer shopping behaviour. Specifically, people
exhibiting high cosmopolitanism would exert stronger effects, compared to those
exhibiting low cosmopolitanism. Consequently:
Proposition 8: Consumers with higher levels of cosmopolitanism
will have more favorable perceptions toward (1) mall variety, (2)
physical mall environment, and (3) entertaining activities, compared
to those with lower levels of cosmopolitanism.
It follows that consumers with higher levels of cosmopolitanism may subsequently
exhibit more positive affective states and approach behaviours at the malls, as well.
Thus follow:
Proposition 9: The level of excitement will be stronger for
consumers with higher levels of cosmopolitanism than those with
lower levels of cosmopolitanism.
Proposition 10: The effects of excitement will be stronger for
consumers with higher levels of cosmopolitanism than those with
lower levels of cosmopolitanism with respect to their (1) shopping
values, (2) customer satisfaction, and (3) customer loyalty
behaviour.
Cosmopolitans may exhibit such a positive affective state regarding foreign products
that these local consumers may actively seek shopping opportunities outside the local
trading area (Wakefield and Baker 1998). Such “outshopping” is a frequent occurrence
in the Cayman Islands, with the U.S. destination of Miami, Florida, being a favourite
outshopping destination for residents of Grand Cayman. Conversely, when foreign
consumers visit the malls in the Cayman Islands, they are engaging in international
outshopping behaviours. As discussed previously, cosmopolitans may be more likely to
appreciate the international diversity presented at the malls in Grand Cayman due to the
strong global influx of tourists and the large international expatriate population. The
open-minded attitude of cosmopolitans may exert more positive perceptions toward such
diversity at the malls. Therefore:
Proposition 11: Outshopping will be a more frequent activity among
consumers with higher levels of cosmopolitanism
than among those with lower levels of cosmopolitanism.
Consumer Ethnocentrism
Shimp and Sharma (1987, 280) clearly refer to the construct of ethnocentrism that
represents the universal proclivity for people to view their own group as the centre of the
141
universe, to interpret other social units from the perspective of their own group, and to
reject persons who are culturally dissimilar while blindly accepting those who are
culturally like themselves. In the consumer behaviour context, many consumption
behaviours are based on longtime traditional habits or cultural values (De Mooij 2004).
Many consumers continue to hold a strong desire to uphold traditional local culture. A
key motivation for consumer ethnocentrism is the attempt to keep a sense of stability
and identity (Ger and Belk 1996, 284). Consumer ethnocentrism may reflect an
individual’s identification with his or her group and the purchase behaviour that is
acceptable to that group. Many suggest this construct as a critical, individual-level
consumer value in responses to foreign or domestic marketing stimuli (for example,
Craig and Douglas 2005; Alden, et al., 1999).
Sharp and Sharma (1987) suggest that consumer ethnocentrism could be of value to
global retailers making store location decisions. For example, in a study of store
patronage prediction for foreign-owned supermarkets in Australia, Fraser, et al., (2002)
found consumer ethnocentrism to be correlated with a negative attitude towards a
foreign-owned supermarket. Therefore, this construct can serve as a critical individuallevel value in consumer responses to foreign or domestic marketing stimuli, such as
retail store or mall shopping environments.
Local consumers with high levels of consumer ethnocentrism are more likely to prefer
domestic brands and products or patronize local retail stores (for example, Alden et al.,
1999; Fraiser 2002). In their minds, purchasing foreign products might hurt the domestic
economy, cause loss of jobs, and be unpatriotic (Shimp and Sharma 1987). It follows
that international outshopping behaviour is analogous to purchasing foreign products.
Such preference or tendency derived from high consumer ethnocentrism would enhance
local consumers’ perceptions toward mall environments. Subsequently, the resultant
positive perceptions will encourage their approach shopping behaviours and discourage
international outshopping behaviour as well. Hence:
Proposition 12: Local consumers with higher levels of consumer
ethnocentrism will have more favorable perceptions toward (1) mall
variety, (2) physical mall environment, and (3) entertaining activities,
compared to those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism.
Proposition 13: The level of excitement will be stronger for local
consumers with higher levels of consumer ethnocentrism than
those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism.
Proposition 14: The effects of excitement will be stronger for local
consumers with higher levels of consumer ethnocentrism than
those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism with respect to
their (1) shopping values, (2) customer satisfaction, and (3)
customer loyalty behaviour.
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Proposition 15: Outshopping will be a less likely activity among
local consumers with higher levels of consumer ethnocentrism than
among those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism.
Alternatively, the population of foreign consumers in the Cayman Islands includes
1.5-2 million tourists and almost 50% of the work force. Clearly, these groups are critical
to the success of retailing business in Cayman Islands. As these foreign consumers
have diverse national or cultural identities, their consumer ethnocentrism toward their
own identified cultures may influence their shopping behaviour. Foreign consumers with
high ethnocentrism may prefer shopping in their home-country for patriotic reasons or
just due to cultural differences. They may be less open to cultures different from their
own. They may be less appreciative of “foreign” or “exotic” shopping experiences.
Perhaps after spending most of their money in their home-country—or sending it there
as expatriate workers supporting home-country relatives—these consumers might not
have much of a budget left for shopping abroad.
When tourists or foreign employees patronize the malls in Grand Cayman, they
exhibit international shopping behaviour. According to prior research, foreign consumers
with high ethnocentrism toward their own cultures will have less favorable responses
toward the stimuli presented by those malls. Drawing from the S-O-R model, such
weaker responses will subsequently undermine their perceived excitement, thereby
discouraging their shopping behaviour in the Cayman Islands. Thus:
Proposition 16: Foreign consumers with higher levels of consumer
ethnocentrism will have less favorable perceptions toward (1) mall
variety, (2) physical mall environment, and (3) entertaining activities,
compared to those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism.
Proposition 17: The level of excitement will be weaker for foreign
consumers with higher levels of consumer ethnocentrism than
those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism.
Proposition 18: The effects of excitement will be weaker for foreign
consumers with higher levels of consumer ethnocentrism than
those with lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism with respect to
their (1) shopping values, (2) customer satisfaction, and (3)
customer loyalty behaviour.
Proposition 19: Outshopping (that is, shopping in the Cayman
Islands) will be a less likely activity among foreign consumers with
higher levels of consumer ethnocentrism than among those with
lower levels of consumer ethnocentrism.
Managerial Implications
The contribution of retailing to the economy of the Cayman Islands is significant.
There is no doubt that local marketers would develop more effective and better retailing
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strategies if they had a better understanding of how their customers respond to
marketing stimuli. The retail environment has long been recognized to exert powerful
influences on the shopping behaviour and experiences of consumers (for example,
Bitner 1992; Verhoef, et al., 2009). In Grand Cayman, foreign consumers are major
shoppers in terms of population size, and local consumers have been influenced by
foreign cultures in many ways. As the nature of retailing industry in the Cayman Islands
is global, it is very important for both local and global retailers to recognize how
consumers with different cultural identities respond to major aspects of mall
environments. This paper addresses these concerns and provides appropriate
suggestions for retail professionals in the Cayman Islands.
There are several managerial implications. First, this paper provides a framework for
exploring the importance and influence of three mall characteristics that impact
consumers’ shopping behaviours through an important affective state called
“excitement”. Second, this paper suggests two cultural values at the individual level
(cosmopolitan and ethnocentrism) as the bases for studying a very diverse assortment
of consumers in the Cayman Islands. Thus, retailers will be able to conduct effective
market segmentations based on these cultural values for both local and foreign
consumers.
Third, many countries—particularly those in the Caribbean—are similar to the
Cayman Islands, with tourism being a critical factor in their economies and providing a
significant portion of their national income. However, travelling across many national
borders is becoming increasingly easier. Economic restrictions are collapsing as more
countries create political unions. For example, residents of European Union countries
are now able to travel freely through most of the countries in Europe. As a result, in an
increasing number of border towns or cities, local retailers are facing similar challenges
of international outshopping. This paper provides suggestions that are equally useful to
the retailers located in those border towns and to their counterparts in the Caribbean.
Research Implications
Most of the research in retailing has focused on the markets and issues in North
America and Western Europe. As a growing number of globalization issues become
apparent in the retail industry, it is increasingly important for researchers to examine how
the existing retailing theories (for example, the S-O-R model) apply to these new
contexts. This paper addresses the special challenges faced by retailers in the Cayman
Islands. We particularly highlight the important issue of international outshopping, which
is a growing concern in many parts of the world. We also proposed two cultural
constructs—cosmopolitanism and ethnocentrism—as bases for studying consumer
responses toward store environments and international outshopping behaviour. The
resulting theoretical framework serves to advance our understanding of international
consumer behaviours.
144
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Flexible Work Arrangements and Work-Life Balance:
Are These Achievable Without Trust?
(With Special Reference to the Cayman Islands’ Workplace)
By Davina A. Wilson, graduate, University College of the Cayman Islands
This paper is an abridged version of a thesis submitted as part of the requirements of a Master’s
Degree in Human Resource Management at the University College of the Cayman Islands.
Abstract
This research paper seeks to understand flexible work arrangements and work-life balance in
the Cayman Islands’ workplace. The research articulates the major challenges that many
organizations face in relation to the implementation of flexible work arrangements and work-life
balance programmes. These challenges happen to centre on the core issue of trust. The paper
also makes recommendations in relation to flexible work arrangements for the organization and
employee.
“Organizations are built on trust, and trust is built on communication and mutual understanding.”
(Peter Drucker, 2004)
Context
The topic of flexible work arrangements, commonly referred to as ‘work- life balance’, is broadly
discussed by researchers, organizations and individuals in the workplace. Work-life balance is
the equilibrium between the amount of time and effort someone devotes to work and that given
to other aspects of life. It is a subject that debates how to allow employees more control over
their working arrangements in order to better accommodate other aspects of their lives, while
still benefitting their organizations. Its agenda consists primarily of flexible working practices
and family friendly policies. The debate surrounding work-life balance has arisen because of
social and economic changes, such as greater numbers of women in the workforce,
expectations of the younger Generation X, and a growing reluctance on the part of employees
to accept longer working hours.
Research Questions
Though it is widely discussed, there are still outstanding issues that surround this subject.
These include the effective implementation of the practice by companies and the challenges
that organizations and individuals face with respect to flexible work arrangements. In this
regard, the following research questions are posed:
•
•
•
•
What are the factors implicit in, and totally necessary to, work-life balance and
the successful implementation of flexible work arrangements?
Are these factors evident in the Cayman Islands’ workplace?
Can mutual trust be achieved among organizations and employees, and
employees and co-workers, in such a way as to facilitate flexible work?
What is the meaning and impact of trust in regard to this issue?
148
Data
The data for this research paper were collected using a questionnaire distributed to four
organizations -- two public entities within the Civil Service and two private entities in the
retail/service industry. Four face-to-face interviews were conducted with representatives from
the finance sector, entrepreneurial enterprises in the field of Human Resources, and the Civil
Service.
Literature Review
(An abridged literature review is presented. The complete review is available in the thesis
report.)
Implementing Work-Life Balance Programmes
For organizations, the implementation of work-life balance programmes can be rewarding, yet
challenging. The article “Achieving Work Life-Balance” (Thomas 2008) suggests the need to
focus on the unique workplace and workforce needs of each organization, rather than offering a
generic range of work-life programmes. This article highlights the need for monitoring and
evaluating programmes once they are implemented.
Parkes and Langford (cited in Thomas 2008) encourage organizations to implement broader
strategies that align work-life balance with the goals and values of the company through the
programmes offered. They believe that this is the avenue through which employees gain
greater satisfaction and retention which, in turn, can lead to an increase in productivity, along
with employee gratification with their work-life balance.
Abbot and De Cieri (cited in Thomas 2008) examine the provision of work-life balance in
organizations. They argue that it is important first to understand the perspectives of managers
and employees on work-life balance, prior to implementing such programmes.
The concept of providing flexible work arrangements is not new and has even been
legislated. For example, the HR Focus Article, (2008) notes the following:
Changed working hours or scheduling for any employee: In Belgium, all workers
can take a career break of up to one year without pay and can extend it to a
maximum of five years, working eighty percent of usual hours, to look after
children or family, return to school, or volunteer in the community.
Gradual return to work after childbirth: In Norway, for the first two years after the
birth or adoption of a child, parents can return to work at fifty percent to ninety
percent of their usual working hours, with matching amounts of compensation.
Breast-feeding breaks: In Portugal, for the first two years after the birth of a child,
mothers are entitled to breast-feeding breaks twice a day, and new fathers can
reduce the overall length of their workday.
Reduced working hours on the way to retirement: In Finland, beginning at age
fifty-eight, a reduction of the usual full-time hours between thirty to seventy
percent is possible with partial pension payments.
Alternative work arrangements for parents of younger children: In Spain, parents
caring for children under eight years old are entitled to reduce their working hours
between twenty percent and fifty percent.
The right to request flextime, part-time work, rescheduling, or home-based work
for employees caring for children or relatives in need of care: This right exists in
Britain and New Zealand.
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Alternative schedules or reduced hours to go back to school: In Denmark,
employees who left school without a high school diploma can return to study for
up to three and a half years with alternative work schedules or reduced hours.
Eichner (2007) provides insight into the fact that increasing numbers of organizations are
providing flexible work arrangements for their employees, in order to keep pace with the
changing workforce. Eichner shows that the rising number of companies providing flexible work
programmes is due to an increased demand by employees for flexibility. She points out that the
desire for flexibility in work is expressed not only by employees who have the responsibility for
family, but also by those who do not have similar family responsibilities.
She concedes that though there are more organizations that have implemented flexible work
arrangements, there are still companies that are hesitant to introduce flexibility for their staff.
For these companies a “business-based approach”, whereby all employees have access to
flexible work arrangements, is recommended. The decision as to the type of programmes
offered would be made based on the type of business case that is presented to the company
rather than on the reason employees wish the flexibility. The work-life programme(s) would
then be implemented because “the arrangement makes sense within the operation of the
company” (Eichner 2007).
However, while there are those organizations that are keeping pace with the demands of the
workforce, some remain reluctant to implement flexible work practices. The article entitled
“Flexible Workplaces” (NZ Business Article, 2004) provides insight into the reluctance of
organizations in Australia and New Zealand to implement work-life balance programmes. It
elaborates on the idea that most businesses exude a culture in which it is felt that employees
should be physically present in the office, in order to be really working. As a result, the
employers surveyed in Australia and New Zealand did not readily want to implement
programmes where employees could utilize that type of flexibility. The survey conducted
revealed that by an organization’s unwillingness to provide work-life balance programmes to
employees, it was placing its competitive advantage at risk. Specifically, information must be
garnered about the programmes that employees want and whether, once implemented, these
programmes make good business sense for the company.
Another article, entitled “The New Equilibrium: Work/Life Balance” (Benefits Quarterly 2008),
addresses the implementation and evaluation of flexible work programmes. The author states
that before a flex programme can be implemented organizations should seek input from
employees. The author admits that there may be some reluctance from managers regarding
the implementation of new policies as well as concerns regarding the consistency in the
application of these programmes. This problem can be overcome by the implementation of
guidelines which “provide(s) consistency in accommodating specific needs while restricting
unreasonable requests or demands” (Benefits Quarterly 2008).
As mentioned in the article referenced in the previous paragraph, there are some managers
who are reluctant to implement flexible work arrangements. Author Carlson (2005) had this to
say: “flexible work arrangement programmes can only be successful when there is support from
top managers, through champions of work-life programmes and the utilization of work-life
initiatives by senior executives/managers.”
One researcher (Rose 1998) says that “successfully implementing workplace flexibility can
be a key to improved recruitment, retention and productivity.” Her article highlights the fact that
a large majority of employees have expressed the views that if they had more control over their
time through the provision of flexible work practices, they would be more productive at work as
well as more efficient in meeting their personal obligations.
Rose concedes that though there are companies that have been successful in implementing
flexible work arrangements, there are still organizations that are reluctant to use flexible work
150
practices as a business tool. This resistance comes from the fact that flexible work
arrangements “change the way that work is done and change is difficult” (Rose, 1998). The
author elaborates that implementing flexible work arrangements requires managers to shift from
the theory that merely being in the office equals work to that of managing results and measuring
performance.
The Benefits of Work-Life Balance
The article entitled “Flexible Jobs Mean Fewer Absences” (Weber, 2003) spotlights the effects
of flexible practices, as contributing toward fewer absences in organizations. Weber elaborates
on the fact that flexible work schedules, such as compressed work weeks, enable employees to
schedule their appointments and personal obligations during the time that they are scheduled to
be away from the office. The author argues that this reduces the number of impromptu
absences from the office. It is noted by Weber that, though work-life balance programmes can
decrease absenteeism and therefore increase productivity, these ironically are the programmes
that are predominately being cut by organizations.
Brown (2003) author of “Panel Says: Work-Life Balance a Factor in Performance”
defines work-life balance as the ability to perform at peak levels in one’s professional and
personal life. He states that it is common behaviour, during times of financial hardship and
weakening of the economy, for persons to focus on their professional obligations and neglect
their personal lives. He asserts that this behaviour increases the possibility of persons acting in
an unethical manner. Thus, the author argues that, if individuals, especially those with very
senior positions, are able to balance their work and personal lives, there could be a reduction in
the possibility of such individuals making unethical decisions.
The Challenges Associated With Work-Life Balance
Is Work-Life Balance Achievable?
The above-noted question is likely to be considered by firms that wish to implement work-life
balance programmes or flexible work arrangements for employees. The article “Work-Life
Balance: Achievable Goal or Pipe Dream?” (Spinks 2004) makes the same enquiry. The author
questions whether work-life balance is indeed attainable by organizations and employees. The
author argues that, in order for work-life balance to be achieved, the employees involved do
need the support of co-workers, managers and family. Spinks then goes on to provide details
about how to construct a work-life strategy and concludes that balance is achievable, but it is
easiest to obtain with the support of the community, the workplace and home; she also points
out that work-life balance must be defined by every individual. Spinks emphasizes the
importance of organizations developing strategies to prompt employees to utilize flexible work
practices with regard to childcare, elder care, extended maternity and paternity leave.
Is Trust a Relevant Issue in Flexible Work Arrangements?
Trust is or should be an integral part of an employer/employee relationship and is a crucial
aspect of work-life balance and or flexible work arrangements. “A lack of trust was a big factor
in the slow uptake of flexible work arrangements” (New Zealand Management Journal 2005).
The theme of trust as an issue is validated in several articles reviewed by the researcher and
was a dominant topic in the responses provided in the distributed questionnaire and the semistructured interviews that were held. Because this subject matter is so essential to the research
topic, it will again be discussed in the “Findings” section of this paper. Stopper, Ezzedeen,
Swiercz, Philip, Connor, and Plasman (2003) summarize the lack of trust in organizations by
stating that:
151
Leaders are not leading, not standing up for the right things. Trust needs to be
restored. And HR is pulled between its business partner role and stakeholder
advocate role. It is hard to be a whistleblower! Yet not stepping up to the table,
not leading change, brings HR's suitability into question. Aversion to risk and the
need for control are two characteristics HR needs less of in today's environment.
HR needs to find its voice in the Enron situations, in executive pay excesses, in
"life threatening situations” when cowboy management is betting the ranch, and
each employee's future, on bad deals.
Irvine (2008) offers his insight into trust and flexible work arrangements. He says that
creating flexible work schedules calls for an increase in communication between managers and
staff, and also among staff members. “It requires a trust that the work will still be finished and it
requires that the relationships within the office will be appreciated. A positive partnership is
created between the employee and manager when the work environment is mutually satisfying.
When you focus on the people, performance, and production profits will follow.”
Does Face-Time Equal Productivity?
One of the challenges that organizations and employees face regarding flexible work
arrangements is a resistance by managers to the use of flexible work practices. The premise
that an employee being at his/her desk equals work is a longstanding and an archaic tradition!
Legard, et al., (2004) state:
Research has shown that many organizations demand long hours as a signal of
organizational commitment, productivity and motivation for advancement which
are based on normative perceptions of the nature of work and career paths
(Clarkberg and Moen 2001; Pocock, et al., 2001). Of course, working long hours
hinders the ability of employees to meet conflicting responsibilities (Bailyn 1993).
Glass and Finley (2002) suggest that for organizations to move toward more
supportive time-expectations there is a need to loosen managerial control, while
fostering high productivity and an outcome-oriented evaluation of their
employees. However, a move to performance-based assessment is likely to be
more difficult than the less efficient but easier reliance on face-time as the
primary measure of productivity (Glass and Finley).
On the other hand, if organizations are to move forward to meeting their business goals and
the demands of a changing workforce, managers who are reluctant to implement these
practices must come to the realization that the location of the workplace is not just the central
office anymore.
Work-Life Balance: Is it Only for Individuals with Families?
The balancing act between personal and work responsibilities was initially thought of as a
women’s issue. Working mothers were viewed as the only segment in the workplace that
desired flexibility in their work schedules in order to meet personal demands. This premise is
incorrect, as more employees, in general, are requesting increased flexibility in work schedules
and for a variety of reasons.
Research Design and Methodology
This section outlines the method and methodological stance that were used by this researcher
to investigate flexible work arrangements and to assess whether work-life balance is really
achievable without trust.
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Data Collection Tools
A questionnaire consisting of twenty-seven questions combined Likert-based and open-ended
questions. The questionnaire was created to capture information on employees’ perspective on
work-life balance.
Interviews were conducted in order to obtain qualitative data. This method was employed
due to the investigative nature of the research topic.
Through survey and interview the research sought to know whether respondents felt they
were able to balance their time between work and family obligations and whether work-life
balance programmes are provided at the organization. It also sought to know the extent to
which their organization is supportive of leave requests related to family responsibilities and
their opinion on whether they felt work-life balance programmes are helpful in the balancing act
between work and personal responsibilities. The final question sought to ascertain how they
believe the organization benefits from flexible work arrangement programmes.
Findings
There was a 91% response rate to the questionnaires and, to interviews, 67%.
Questionnaire
The results of the questionnaire have been divided into to two categories -- the Organization
and the Employee.
Organizations
•
•
•
•
Only 50% of the private institutions surveyed have implemented flexible work
arrangements -- with those limited to study and compassionate leave.
One hundred percent of public organizations surveyed have flexible work arrangements
implemented. These include: study, compassionate, maternity and paternity leave, flextime, time off in lieu of overtime and gym membership time.
None of the organizations surveyed offer work from home or elder or child care
arrangements.
Seventy-five percent do not have written policies on work-life balance or flexible work
arrangements.
Employees
•
•
•
•
•
•
Fifty-six percent of respondents were in the age range of twenty-six to forty-five (26-45)
years.
Forty-eight percent of employees surveyed were female.
Fifty-five percent of employees were responsible for dependants (child or adult).
(Interestingly, as previously noted, none of the organizations surveyed offered child or
elder care programmes!)
One hundred percent of respondents were employed on a full-time basis.
Twenty-five percent of respondents did not know if there was a written policy in place on
work-life balance or with regard to flexible work arrangement initiatives.
Approximately sixty percent of employees knew which person to go to in regard to worklife or flex programme matters.
153
•
•
•
•
Of those responding, 56% agreed that their organization supported persons who
required leave due to family responsibilities. (Interestingly, this figure also included the
organizations that did not have flex programmes in place.)
Among responders, 80% of employees felt that flexible work schedules would allow
them to be more productive or efficient, less stressed, and more loyal to the
organization.
Forty-six percent indicated that they were able to balance their time between work and
personal responsibilities “fairly well”. Thirty percent indicated that they were able to
balance their time between work and personal responsibilities “very well”.
Twenty-three percent said they were “only just” able to balance their time between
work and family commitments.
Interviews
Challenges Associated With Flexible Work Arrangements
The results of the interviews indicated that trust is a major aspect of consideration within firms.
This theme was a dominant and consistent topic in all of the interviews that were conducted.
The research indicates that a central reason for the reluctance of companies to implement
flexible work schedules is a lack of trust in employees.
Though no question was asked that used the word “trust”, three out of four interviewees
indicated that a lack of trust was a major challenge and a crucial issue in organizations.
Discussion of Trust as a Challenge
Goleman (1998) defines trustworthy persons as persons who act ethically and are above
reproach, build trust through reliability and authenticity, admit their own mistakes, and confront
unethical actions in others.
Goleman (1995) had previously defined what he calls “trust networks” as a group of
trustworthy workers who provide a visible and invisible support system for each other. This
system combines mutual trust, solidarity and supportiveness with a variety of skills in such a
way that the trusted worker or valued performer represents not just himself or herself but a
virtual arsenal of skills.
Of course, this type of supportiveness does not happen in an atmosphere of cut-throat
competition, insecurity or distrust. But supportiveness is crucial to talent development and
empowerment, which are themselves integral to the work-life philosophy and flexible work
arrangement.
Perceived Inequity
The research has indicated that perceived inequity is an issue. But this is not restricted to the
Cayman Islands. The New Zealand Management Journal (2005) notes: “a study conducted by
Toshiba in 2004 revealed that more than half of managers and employees believed that ‘flexible’
workers are perceived as not working hard.”
Authors Kirby and Krone (2002) state: “Employees who utilized work–life policies felt
resentment from co-workers and were cognizant of needing to balance ‘use’ versus ‘abuse’ so
as not to be seen, and treated, as a less committed worker.” (cited in McDonald 2007).
Provision of Services to Clients and Customers
Every participant in the research felt that the provision of services to clients or customers limits
the degree of flexibility that organizations can offer to employees. The Cayman Islands’
economy is predominantly dependent on the service-based industries of tourism, high finance
and real estate (Economics & Statistics Quarterly Economic Third Quarter Report 2008).
154
This fact, of course, has resulted in numerous service and retail-driven organizations and
businesses in the Cayman Islands.
[An] 83-page study concluded that the country where a company is located is the
strongest determiner of flexibility, reflecting legal and cultural influences. The
second strongest determinant was company size as measured by the number of
employees, while the sector to which the company belonged was the thirdstrongest determiner of flexibility” (Bradford 2007).
Most companies provide their service to customers during certain core hours. As such,
organizations face the issue of aligning their provision of services with employees’ desire for
flexible work schedules; this demand is not easily met.
Discussion of Cayman Islands Organizations’ Willingness To Offer Flexible Work
Arrangements
This research confirms that some organizations are just not aware of the benefits that work-life
balance initiatives have on their businesses and employees. This leads to the question: Is HR
truly or creatively fulfilling its role in Caymanian organizations? This leaves the door open to
question the development of related issues such as talent management, mentoring and new
approaches to training and work ethic.
Conclusion
The ability of individuals to balance their time effectively between work and family or other
personal responsibilities varies from individual to individual, and therefore the definition of worklife balance will vary from person to person.
Organizations will question whether flexible work arrangements really do assist employees,
in the sense that they become profit-producing or profit-increasing assets to the company. The
answer is not straight-forward!
Indeed, “Flexible work arrangements help create balance but do not eliminate all conflict.”
(Sullivan, Lussier 2005) “Flexible work arrangements build employee commitment to the
organization, recognizing that this is an important cornerstone for growth and profitability”
(Guiding Principles for Managing a Flexible Work Place 1997). It is also argued that
“[employees] tend to become more efficient with their time because they are grateful for the
[flexible] arrangement [and so] work harder” (Almer, Kaplan, 2000).
While employees surveyed have indicated that their organizations are supportive of their
family commitments, 75% of the organizations did not have relevant written policies and
guidelines. Results of the interviews suggest that the biggest issue that employers face with
respect to the implementation of flexible work practices is a lack of trust in their employees. It
seems that this issue (a lack of trust) has invaded the relationship between the employer and
employee to the extent that many organizations are only informally or indirectly supportive of
flexible work arrangements. This alludes to the premise that flexibility is approved by managers
on an ad hoc basis, as there are no formal policies in place in 75% (three out of four) of the
organizations surveyed.
Trust, then, is a reality that is central to a productive work atmosphere. Indeed, trust is a
double-edged sword that can build or destroy relationships. If there is a healthy
employer/employee relationship, trust can lead to benefits for the employee, more responsibility
and synergy, plus greater productivity.
This kind of trust is often missing in Cayman’s complex workplace because of many factors.
(See Appendix IV: Labour Force Survey Fall, ‘07). These factors include the usual elements
that can fuel misunderstandings or conflicts—namely, differences in religion, culture, ethnicity,
nationality, gender and socio-economic background, each implying diverse values or world155
views, but each often shrouded in stereotypes. These differences can add a rich diversity of
perspectives and talents if seen and handled creatively. Goleman (1998) states that people that
are able to leverage diversity have the following competencies and qualities:
•
•
•
•
respect and ability to relate well to people from varied backgrounds
an understanding of diverse world-views and sensitivity to group differences
capacity to view diversity as opportunity, creating an environment where diverse people
can thrive
willingness to challenge bias and intolerance.
These differences can also catalyze wasteful conflicts and misunderstandings, especially
when the dominant leadership/management style is an autocratic or authoritarian one. This
style is very common in the Cayman Islands, whether locals or non-Caymanians are in the
leadership position. Certainly, one often hears about conflicts between Caymanians and nonCaymanians in the island’s workplace, but one hears less about such conflicts when these
happen between Caymanians. Whatever the apparent cause of the conflict, the core issues are
often conflicting values and work attitudes -- themselves central to the work ethic itself. A
shared work ethic or value system about work must be expressed, respected and imparted,
from committed, caring leaders who understand the nature of the Caymanian society and the
nature of true leadership. In short, the work-life balance and flexible work arrangement issues
are not simply issues of mutual trust or of liberal management: these are issues of fundamental
commitment.
Unless these positive elements are present and embedded in a context of mutual trust,
conflict will drain the energies of the workplace. But when these are present, issues like worklife balance, flexible work arrangements, self-management and trust of various kinds will not
present insoluble problems. It is ironic, therefore, that work-life balance and flexible work
arrangement issues can be seen as a spotlight that illuminates the weak areas of any society’s
workplace—and this is true of the Caymanian workplace.
Recommendations
For the Organization
The role of the organization in the provision of work-life balance efforts and flexible work
arrangements must be clearly defined. The function of organizations should be essentially that
of a facilitator within this process. Specifically, organizations should implement flexible work
arrangements that will act as a catalyst in assisting employees with balancing their time and
increasing their productivity. The employees, then, rather than the employers, are responsible
for their work-life balance issues, through negotiations with managers. “From the employee's
perspective, the goal of a flexible work arrangement is to achieve both a fulfilling career and a
satisfying family life” (Almer, et al., April 2000).
The employer’s responsibility should be to provide such programmes that make good
business sense to the firm and open new avenues of cooperation.
The question should then be raised: Do flexible work arrangements assist with work-life
balance as theorized in this paper? And the answer is in the affirmative. While noting this, the
final analysis is that a business case has to be made before a company will consider flexibility in
work for its employees. The responsibility for this business case lies not only with the employer,
but with the employee as well. Flexible work programmes benefit both parties.
Employees want flexible work arrangements so that they can be more productive and less
stressed, at work. However, employers want productive employees, without the addition of
156
confronting trust, abuse and monitoring issues. Consequently, if flexible work arrangements are
not strategically put in place, employers may be at a loss.
Another recommendation for the organization is that, in a declining economic climate, flexible
work arrangements may be considered in the light of cutting costs; these include four-day
weeks and job-sharing, to name a few. Such ventures could be accepted as the typical way of
working, in place of the atypical way (Sullivan, et al., 2005).
For the Employee
Further to the research presented in this paper and under the premise that the vast majority of
employees desire the benefits of flexible work arrangements (with or without dependant care
responsibilities), a vital aspect to the flexible work arrangement equation between the firm and
the employee of the Cayman Islands is, obviously, the trust factor. All employees should do all
it takes to be trustworthy staff members of any organization with which they are employed.
Ultimately, in light of the intense diversity of the Caymanian workplace, all involved must
struggle to develop a neutral self-identity that clearly recognizes the validity of the contract
between themselves, their own needs, and the workplace. For some time, this will be a moral
and legal bond.
In short, true commitment crosses barriers. And wise employers and true leaders will work
hard to nurture mutual trust as a core ingredient in the work contract. When this is happening,
flexible work practices will become mere off-shoots of a larger complex of positive human
relationships.
157
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160
Home-Owner Impact of Real Estate Duty
in the Cayman Islands Versus Property Taxes in the United States
By Dr. Ginnie Gardiner
University College of the Cayman Islands
Abstract
With recent interest in exploring additional public revenue streams in the Cayman Islands, some
are considering a recurring real estate property tax in lieu of or in addition to the rather
substantial tax or “duty” levied upon the purchase of improved property. Whereas in the United
States a homeowner faces recurring ad valorem taxes, a purchaser of residential property in the
Cayman Islands pays a one-time duty. This paper examines financial impacts of the duty
scheme to a prospective purchaser of an existing single residential unit on Grand Cayman.
Specific attention is given to a buyer lacking Caymanian status purchasing a non-seaside house
or condominium to occupy.
Introduction
As expatriate homeowners relocate from a country where they are taxed each year on the value
of the dwelling to a country that taxes one time up front on the purchase of the dwelling, such
tax scheme may impact housing choice.
The first section, as background, briefly describes some peculiarities with the residential real
estate market in the Cayman Islands and the particulars of property taxes under examination.
The next section analyzes the impact of stamp duty versus constant taxes to a homeowner,
from net worth, cash flow, and rent-versus-own perspectives, as they relate to the Cayman
Islands versus the United States. We conclude with some commentary that hopefully will be
useful for those who plan to invest in residential property in the Cayman Islands.
Background
CI Real Estate Market
The population of the Cayman Islands (CI) is over 50,000 and growing at a rate of 2.5%, or
nearly thrice that of the U.S. [https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/print/cj.html]. As such, Grand Cayman is experiencing a construction boom to serve
not only the local population but also the increasing number of wealthy people in the world who
can afford vacation homes there.
Politically, real estate ownership is inviting in the Cayman Islands. Although there are
restrictions to remaining to work in the CI, property ownership is unrestricted; hence, wealthy
vacation home owners and retirees are secure in their purchases. As the Cayman Islands has
opted to remain an overseas territory of the United Kingdom, its legal structures and rights have
a more robust history than some other Caribbean islands that are independent. Additionally,
although the CI has its own currency, it is as sound as the United States dollar as it is fixed
($1CI = $1.20USD) and the USD is accepted by merchants. In fact, most shops’ receipts show
both the US and CI price. The local multiple listing service shows real estate prices in USD.
Expatriates make up half of the resident population in the Cayman Islands, but few find the
assurance of long-term home ownership appealing. The high cost of living and low wages
prevent many of those employed in the hospitality industry from considering owning as, for
161
example, few condos or houses are available for less than a quarter of a million USD. Those
employed in the finance and legal professions are typically upwardly mobile and do not consider
their living in the CI as permanent. Others face a seven-year rollover, forcing them off the island
for at least two years. A typical, small, pool view, 2/2.5 furnished condo in the capital of George
Town will cost roughly $243 per square foot and rent for about $2,500/month for a gross rent
multiplier of nine.
U.S. “Ad Valorem” Taxes
The average annual percentage in property taxes on the value of residential real estate is
.964% [Residential Real Estate Tax Rates in the American Community Survey Special
Studies, May 22, 2007 Natalia Siniavskaia]. If one wishes to use only the states with high
residential values for better comparison to the high values in the Cayman Islands, the data are
not informative. For instance, the states with median home values exceeding $300,000 have
rates of 1.603%, 0.823%, .477%, and .204%. For comparison purposes, let us use an annual
estimator of 1% of value per annum in property taxes.
Stamp Duty
When purchasing a home in the Cayman Islands one pays a tax, “stamp duty,” as a percentage
of the real estate value. If the property is not in premium areas such as beach front, the duty is
6% for those not possessing Caymanian status (expatriates) and 4% for those who have status.
As half of the population is expatriate and mobile, that sector generates the majority of
transactions; hence, for comparison purposes, we will use the current 6% duty on most
residential transactions.
Income Tax Consequence
To consider the deductibility of taxes is awkward as the Cayman Islands has no income taxes.
Additionally, the property tax deductions in the U.S. represent less than 10% of the total home
ownership deductions, which include mortgage interest and capital gains exclusion [Staff of J.
Comm. On Taxation, 109th Cong., Estimates of Federal Tax Expenditures for Fiscal Years 20052009, p.33. http://www.house.gov/jct/s-1-05.pdf.] Since accounting for income taxes would be
argumentative and not very material, we choose to ignore them for this analysis.
Analysis
Impact on Net Worth
As mentioned, supra, the purchaser of a dwelling in the U.S., may pay property taxes of around
1 percent of its value spread out over the course of each year. Furthermore, that value may be
less than actual purchase price, depending on assessment policies. In the Cayman Islands,
one must amass 6 percent of the actual price of the dwelling up front as a one-time property tax
in addition to the equity requirement.1
A real estate economist may argue that this stamp duty is capitalized as a discount to the
sales price by drawing on research regarding the incidence of the impact of a brokerage
commission. However, we can distinguish a payment of 6% duty by the purchaser from a 6%
commission paid by the seller by considering that the seller is paying for a service which could
have been bourn by the seller or buyer or both without a broker. The stamp duty is not in return
162
for a service, adds no value to the property, and is unavoidable. Also, according to Cayman
real estate agents, sellers prefer a lower bid to a shared payment of duty.
The effect of the stamp duty coming out of a purchaser’s cash account is that of affording a
less valuable dwelling for most. The net worth of a dwelling-buyer in the Cayman Islands is
therefore initially diminished over one in the US ceteris paribus. As the duty is identical to a
sales tax and housing is a necessity, this form of taxation is very regressive.
Impact on Cash Flow
Obviously, if a purchaser of a Cayman Islands’ dwelling can surmount the barriers described
here, the real estate tax scheme lowers cash outflow during the tenure of ownership as
compared to the ad valorem taxes in the US. Hence, the stamp duty scheme is more valuable
to the owner and keeps increasing beyond an initial break-even period.
To estimate a break-even payback period, an investor from the United States could divide
the CI duty by the percent of the cost represented by the annual real estate tax on US property.
For example, if a buyer who is accustomed to paying 1% of a property’s value in taxes each
year purchases a non-coastal residential property on Grand Cayman, he or she may simply
divide 6 by 1 to get a six-year payback of the duty.2 The tax savings can be recouped by
reinvesting the imputed ad valorem tax savings.
Put more finely,
t = ln(1 + s)/ln(1 + v)
where
t = the indifference point between the two tax schemes in years,
s = stamp duty as a fraction of the property’s price, and
v = an annual ad valorem tax as a fraction of its price.
The returns on the stamp duty scheme can be significant for the years beyond the payback,
especially when real or nominal real estate values are increasing since ad valorem taxes would
be increasing. Each year the owner effectively realizes a savings of the current value of the
property times the saved ad valorem tax expressed as a fraction of value.
As an aside, the absence of property taxes helps Caymanians hold on to family land without
expense for generations and have only insurance, in the case of improved properties, to worry
about.
Impact on Renting versus Owning
The sizable negative net worth effect of the lump sum stamp duty due upon the purchase of a
dwelling in the CI presents a barrier to home ownership. Another barrier, as mentioned in the
introduction, is the high price of housing. Still another obstacle is the high cost of financing,
which is a variable rate above Cayman prime, and loans are rarely granted for terms over 25
years.3 A transfer duty of one percent of the price is charged to the buyer (effectively making
the tax a total of 7%).
163
In addition to these financial obstacles, those expatriates who could afford to own often
prefer not to as they face voluntary relocation in their upwardly-mobile careers or forced
relocation from the rollover policy.
The construction industry on Grand Cayman has been booming since the loss of most of its
housing to hurricane Ivan in 2004 when 15-foot surges and winds of 200 m.p.h. devastated an
island whose highest point is 65 feet. Rents and prices stabilized in 2006 and began declining
in 2007 as equilibrium was over-shot by supply. Rents led price increases immediately
following Ivan but lagged during the subsequent years of increasing supply and consequent
declining prices.
Therefore, considering financial hurdles to ownership, necessity for the upwardly mobile to
relocate, rollover policy, and market elasticities, the housing tenure variable is extremely
sensitive for many residents of the Cayman Islands as they make the decision as to whether to
rent or own.
Conclusion
As we have seen, paying a one-time duty in lieu of an annual ad valorem tax trades an up-front
hit on net worth for years of enjoying real estate ownership in the Cayman Islands. This
regressive tax favors ownership of expensive houses by the very wealthy and more negatively
impacts middle- and lower-class residents.
Cash flow (or benefits) inure indefinitely into the future with the CI scheme. This favors the
wealthy, who may be looking for another vehicle for asset preservation or intergenerational
transfer of wealth. The middle class expatriate resident is more likely to face having to sell
when relocating for career reasons or when being rolled over. Obviously, the longer the
ownership, the more valuable the stamp duty.
Another impact of the large initial outlay for stamp duty is to favor renting versus owning,
ceteris paribus. With the risk of losing equity in the short run, resulting from valuation swings,
financial barriers of conservative mortgage lending, and other factors mentioned above, such an
initial additional outlay may push those who would normally look to owning in the United States
towards renting.
Although the majority of the world’s hedge funds are located in the Cayman Islands along
with thousands of other financial intermediaries, a working expatriate resident will find it
cumbersome to, for example, open ordinary checking accounts and faces very high hurdles for
opening, for example, mutual fund and stock brokerage accounts. Lower income workers often
form “partners” to pool their money and actually pay someone for the privilege of doing so, that
is, accrue negative interest on savings. They also preserve and build capital via whole life
insurance contracts. The stamp duty is simply one among other barriers to the traditional
vehicle for the middle class to preserve or increase capital—home ownership.
164
Notes
1
Most existing dwellings whether for rent or purchase come already furnished with furniture, appliances, kitchenware,
among other contents, and such furnishings are not taxed.
2
He or she could adjust the ad valorem rate downward for taxes and upward for appreciation if applicable.
3
At this writing, mortgages are at prime (same as U.S.) with 30% down, prime plus one point with 20% down, and
prime plus two points with 10% down. Origination fees are usually a point of the mortgage. Also, legal fees can be
half a point of the price, and appraisals cost about $600 USD.
165
8. Literature as a Tool of Analysis of the Caribbean
Situation
Visual Rhetoric: Racial and Ethnic Diversity in Mexico
through the Distorted Lens of Memín Pinguín
By Dr. Paulette Ramsay, University of the West Indies
Diversity, which is neither chaos nor sterility,
means the human spirit’s thriving for cross-cultural
relationship, without universalist transcendence.
Diversity needs the presence of peoples, no longer as objects to
be swallowed up, but with the intention of creating a new
relationship. Sameness requires fixed Being. Diversity
establishes becoming… Sameness is sublimated difference.
Diversity is accepted difference.1
-Edouard Glissant
Introduction
Official discourse on nation and identity in Mexico has insisted on homogenizing Mexicans. As a
consequence, many Mexicans have embraced notions of national identity originally defended by
José Vascocelos and Mexico’s elites that Mexican nation is mestizo, since descendants of
Blacks have completely disappeared due to racial mixing. In the mid-twentieth century, attempts
were made by some Mexicans in areas such as Veracruz to draw attention to the ideology of
mestizaje as “an inclusive ideology of exclusion”-- that is, the exclusion of Mexico’s Afro-derived
population.2 Although not part of the Veracruz initiative an attempt to highlight difference and
diversity in Mexico is evidenced by the comic series Memín Pinguín. First released in the
1940’s, the comic continues to centre its story on the hyperbolised cartoon character of a young
black boy and his interactions with his light-skinned/Latino associates and Eufrosina, his black
mother.3
In this essay, I argue that while the comic overtly offers testimony which contests
arguments in favour of Mexico’s ethnic and racial homogeneity, it simultaneously betrays deepseated racist attitudes toward Blacks. Through the application of post-colonial deconstructionist
theories, as well as canonical approaches to the study of visual and literary images, it will be
shown that Memín and his mother exhibit a range of stereotypical behaviours, attitudes and
values associated with Blacks. Moreover, the images of both characters are iconographic racial
and ethnic caricatures which epitomized racist images of Blacks. In other words, this comic
series gives visibility to the black figure and highlights Mexico’s racial and ethnic diversity, but
simultaneously treats difference and diversity as undesirable identities, a position which must
invariably help to shape negative perceptions of Blacks in Mexico.
The central character of the series Memín Pinguín was created by Mexican writer Yolanda
Vargas Dulché, who claims that she was inspired by her childhood memories of Guerrero, as
well as by black Cuban children, whom she met, while she worked in Cuba as a singer for a
short time.4 Since its first publication in 1947, the series has enjoyed immense popularity in
Mexico and in other Latin American countries, selling at one point more than a million copies
each week in Mexico.5 This comic is produced as a continuing series, with each week’s
publication being a continuation of the previous week’s occurrences. This soap opera-like
feature has held the interest of many Mexicans who have developed a culture of following the
166
storyline and anticipating the outcome of Memín’s various escapades and encounters. In fact,
Memín has become a household name in Mexico, with carnival figures and piñatas being
created depicting the character. His centrality to Mexican folk culture was marked by the
decision of the Mexican government in 2005 to publish a collection of stamps featuring the
character.6 The stamps generated much controversy in the United States following their
Internet publicity and resulting frenzy to collect the stamps, of which more than 700,000 were
sold in one week. African-Americans in the United States, including Jessie Jackson, publicly
condemned the stamps which carried the image of a black, thick-lipped, wide-eyed, huge nose,
big-eared, caricature of a black child. The polemic was enough to prompt President George
Bush to issue a White House statement – condemning the images “as having no place in the
modern world.”7
The 2005 polemic surrounding these stamps alerted many persons outside of Mexico,
particularly those in the United States, to the existence of the comics. This attention increased in
the United States in 2008 when an African American woman publicly expressed outrage after
she discovered a copy in a Walmart store in Texas where it had been imported to be sold to the
large Mexican community across the US border. As a result of this public denunciation, which
was facilitated by CNN, Fox and other major US networks, the comics were removed from all
Walmart stores.8 This reaction to the comic in the US evoked anger among many Mexicans,
who deny that the depiction of Menín carries any racist connotations. Some of Mexico’s most
important historians such as Enrique Krauze responded to the charges by pointing to Mexico’s
racial equality and homogeneity. Mexico’s then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lewis Ernesto
Derbez, asserted that the position taken by the United States revealed their total lack of
understanding and respect for Mexican culture. He said the comic had never been the source
of any polemic in Mexico where the achievements of famous Mexicans of African descent are
well-known. Ironically, the images of these outstanding Mexicans, who include José Morelos,9
second commander of Mexico’s rebels in the War of independence, or Vicente Guerrero,10 who
became President eight years following Mexico’s independence from Spain, were not
considered for the celebratory stamps despite the significant place of importance they hold in
Mexico’s history.
Despite this public claim of racial equality in Mexico, it is well known that official attitude to
racial difference in Mexico belie this, given Mexico’s insistence that all Mexicans are ‘mestizos’.
Furthermore, the fact that Mexican officials can insist on defending the grotesque portrayal of a
particular ethnic group suggests a disregard of Blacks in Mexico and reveals that, like Memín,
they are mere figures who are not seen and respected for their differences and distinctive
identities. Their claim that the portrayal of Memín is not racialised or racist since they do not see
him in terms of his colour speaks forcefully to the problem of invisibility of Blacks in Mexico.11
They are just beings who exist among the wider Mexican society. We may venture further to
highlight a major flaw in the claim which is that, if Memín is non-racialised, then his mother, who
is depicted in the comic as a black woman, could, instead, be any race, or could be created as
raceless. According to this argument, his mother could therefore be white, Aztec, or a Pokemón
character.12 But this is not the case, his mother being an oversized, corpulent, “Aunt Jemima
type” of black woman, a consistency in lineage that seems to represent an attempt, deliberate or
otherwise to ridicule an ethnic group.
Within Mexico itself, there has been no condemnation of the obvious disparaging – even
racist treatment -- of the character. Any protests about the comic series have been based on
moral or religious grounds. For instance, in one volume Memín is portrayed in the process of
preparing for his first communion. He meets a boy who tells him that there is no point in doing
so, since, as a black person, he was already irredeemably condemned -- and that that is the
reason “there are no black angels in heaven.”13 Memín reacts to this new information by
deciding to abandon First Communion and assuming the persona of a really bad and rebellious
167
boy. Several Catholic priests condemned the new development in the character and the
creators of the series immediately reformed Memín’s image with the result that sales increased.
Visual Rhetoric
Visual rhetoric draws mainly on Roland Barthes’ theories of semiotics and relates to the study
of how images are used in the art of persuasion.14 It includes images in films, photocopies,
comics, billboards, to name a few forms. Images may be studied in conjunction with writing, or
separately, to establish how they work together or individually to communicate a particular
meaning or message. The canonical approach to visual rhetoric focuses on six elements which
establish the persuasive and rhetorical aspects. These elements are (i) arrangement – whether
or not readers can see the visuals clearly, and the message they communicate through how
they are placed; (ii) emphasis – whether or not certain features are given more prominence than
others in size, colour, shape; (iii) clarity – whether or not readers are able to decode a/the
message being communicated. The final three are (i) conciseness, which refers to designs that
are clearly reflective of a particular situation; (ii) tone, which relates to how the crucial elements
reveal the designers attitude toward the subject; and (iii), ethos, which relates to the particular
context. These elements – arrangement, emphasis, clarity, conciseness, tone, and ethos -- help
to determine how visual images are received, perceived, and interpreted. Moreover, they are
critical to the development of any understanding of role, and political, sociological or
philosophical significance of visual images in any society. Historical considerations which must
be given to these images would also be illuminated/aided through the application of these six
elements.
Visual rhetoric is considered a language – designed to persuade and communicate a forceful
message. According to Tang, “…language is culture. Language is the soul of the country and
the people who speak it” (para 5). This is to say that culture affects the way people use
language to communicate – and all styles of rhetoric – whether writing, speaking or through the
use of visual images. The implication, then, is that people within a given culture will understand
the ideology, value systems and attitudes that inform the visual images that are created and
produced in their societies and will interpret and perceive them in keeping with these values,
attitudes and ideology. Indeed, the image of Memin is clearly that of a black person and the
distorted pictures of him show an attempt to derogate him.
Post-Colonial Reading of Memín Pinguín
Post-colonial criticism involves the “dismantling of European codes […]” and binaries of
opposition as part of an anti-colonial and anti-imperial agenda (Tiffin 99). It involves the
subversion of dominant European discourses promoted through the consumption of literary
works, films, comics, cartoons or any media characterized by “hegemonic assumptions” and
“colonialist relations and representations” about non-dominant groups, races or classes in postcolonial societies.
An important aspect of the deconstruction of language involves the exposure of hegemonic
constructs. Post-colonial criticism with its emphasis on the dismantling of binaries of oppression
would necessitate the consideration of how visual images are used to further hegemony in a
society. Hegemony relates to how a dominant group advances its views and reinforces its
position by imposing and insisting that its views are accepted by everyone else in society.
Herein lie the intricate interlinking of culture and an understanding of the historical, political, and
social-power relations in a given society and its impact on language – visual or verbal.
Colonialist relations and representations are present in texts, visual or written, that “inscribe
certain features of European colonialism” as in the case of Mexico, which continues to
perpetuate the myth of homogeneity with its imperialistic claims, pushed by a political or new
elite. According to theorist Homi Bhabba, racial and cultural homogeneity is a strategy of
imperial control. Post-colonial criticism is central to pointing out how the visual rhetoric of
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Memín Pinguín inscribes certain features of European colonialism – that is, “the process by
which European powers … reached a position of economic, military, political and cultural
denomination in areas such as Asia, Africa and Latin America. (Stam and Spence 109). Postcolonial criticism, moreover, calls for an examination of representation and resistance to the
objectification of those considered others in European/colonialist discourse. “Resistance in postcolonial criticism is an alternative way of conceiving human history (Said 97).
To that end, we will see that Memín Pinguín is created from a colonialist mind that does not
resist but is intent on participating in the discourse which constructs Mexican self-image as
Eurocentric/ European, and the non-European as outsider, “an object of spectacle,”
simultaneously pretending that this is accurate, and “masquerading” … “as objective
knowledge” their portraiture of a Mexican black boy and his experiences. Mexico’s Minister of
Foreign Affairs, described Memín Pinguín “as a unique character” but failed to state that this
uniqueness lies in the stark and contemptible contrast which Memín represents with other
characters in the comic.15 Our understanding of visual rhetoric and the engagement with postcolonial criticism will alert us to the debatable position that Memín is the subject of what Stam
and Spence term “hostility, distortion and affectionate condescension.” (108). The impression
that we are expected -- or being manipulated into accepting -- that Memín is loved by all
Mexicans and therefore being represented as an integral part of Mexican culture will be
forcefully deconstructed.
A comic series which is as popular as Memín Pinguín is, undoubtedly, a source of great
entertainment in Mexico. However, an understanding of visual rhetoric and how it facilitates the
excavation of underlying meanings, historical facts, political ideologies, and broader aspects of
the culture in which it is produced seems to lead to the conclusion that, whether consciously or
subconsciously, intentionally or inadvertently, Memín Pinguín exposes and communicates
Mexico’s willful disregard for racial and ethnic pride and understanding of diversity and
difference. Mexican Blacks are regarded as inexistent, and so it is understandable that Memín,
the character, would be portrayed as “a strange creature – an enigma”, a mystery. For that is
what he would be in reality to many Mexicans. Exaggeration of his features makes him the
object of ridicule and his constant juxtaposition against human beings of a certain racial
phenotype that possesses normal features suggests his undervaluing. The significance of his
clearly defined difference, his greater resemblance to a monkey, would be easily understood by
Mexicans that have come to believe that Blacks are no longer in Mexico, or treat them as
invisible. A black Memín Pinguín and his mother denote “that creature from the past” used to
govern “his type”; “that creature from the past” diluting his race; or that creature that just
happens to be presented as black, but is really a half-man, half-beast conundrum. Regardless
of how he is seen, he is likely to be interpreted in consonance with everything that Mexicans
have been taught about Mexican identity.
Memín’s Domineering Friends
A deconstruction of Memín Pinguín’s relationship with his friends suggests that he depends on
their approval for validation. The non-egalitarian nature of their relationship with Memín is
revealed to be one in which they can command and summon him as they wish, to assist them in
difficulties and react in the way they consider to be appropriate in different situations. Aventura
emocionante (Volume 153) presents an episode in which Memín is summoned to assist in the
rescue of the father of one of his friends who has been captured by gangsters. Through his own
interior monologue and the visual representation we realize he is drawn into a potentially
dangerous situation by the promise of glory/fame, which he seems to desperately crave for selfvalidation. Underneath this anticipation of recognition is the sense that Memín is neither
important /central to the rescue mission, nor does he have a choice regarding his participation -he “has to” go with Ernesto:
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Ernesto me dijo que era muy glorioso rescatar a su papá y tuve
que acompañarlo. (153 – 1)
Ernesto told me it would be great to rescue his father and I had to
accompany him.
Even though “tuve que” / “I had to” comes as a sense of compelling, its force is quickly
diminished by the term “acompañarlo”/ “accompany him” which reduces Memín’s position to one
of subordination and suggests that he will be a kind of prop – rather than one who will be central
to the mission. The visual image of Memín, dressed as a half-naked American Indian, with his
American Indian headgear, complete with feathers and arrows, seems to reinforce this
stereotypical image of the “wild” native with the potential to unleash violence at any time. Hence
Memín’s minority status is accentuated by his visual representation – he is clearly different.
While Memín is identifiably Black, perhaps the artist has simultaneously deliberately created a
person who is not only non-Latino/white but a composite of outsider groups in Mexico – given
his clothes and headgear which belong to American Indian culture.
From the outset of the rescue Ernestillo and Memín are found in a difficult predicament at
the robber’s house. Ernestillo is captured, while Memín contrives a ludicrous trick to detract the
robbers -- feigning to be a statue: “Yo me puse como “estatua” de libertad de los Comanches” /
“I became like Comanche statue of liberty” (1). This farce prevents him from suffering similar
fate as his friends and allows him to extricate himself from the trap. Nonetheless, his human
qualities are superimposed by inanimateness to the extent of non-recognition by the
perpetrators. The dehumanization of the black character is implied in this visual representation
of comic caricature not so much by the metaphoric transformation of being objectified as a
statue -- a cold lifeless replica of humanity -- but more by the remarkably uncanny exactitude in
similitude, so that, to the visible human eyes Memín remains indistinguishable, unnoticeable
and overlooked: “y nadie supuso qué era.” (1) (“ and nobody guessed who he was”). The visual
representation of the ease and effortlessness with which Memín imitates a statue encapsulates
a general perception that Africans and their descendants are necessarily devoid of human
attributes, unworthy of acknowledgement and inclusion as an ethnic group. This dehumanizing
visual image is further underpinned by Carlangas’ vituperative assault on Memín as he vents his
annoyance with him:
Memín: “¡Ya solucioné el asunto … ahora sí está soluciando!”
Carlangas: “No sigas pensando en tonterías, Memín. ¿Dónde está el agua?”…
Memín: “No se trata de agua, sino que allá afuerita está un coche último
modelo y tiene la llave puesto.”
Carlangas: “¿Y eso qué nos importa, pedazo de animal? (153 – 14-15)
Memín:
“I solved the problem already … now it is solved”
Carlangas: “Stop thinking of foolishness, Memín. Where’s the water?”
Memín:
“It’s not about water, but that outside there is the latest
model car and it has the key in it.”
Carlangas: “And how is that important to us, you little piece of animal?”
This outburst of anger and verbal invective – “pedazo de animal” /”piece of animal” --reinforces
the usual disrespect with which he is regarded by his friends, who also seem to think it is their
prerogative to issue Memín orders, which they expect him to obey immediately.
Ironically, despite Memín’s apparent warrior costume, he is presented/imaged as impotent
and useless in the rescue mission. Ernestillo’s father is found bound and gagged, and Ernestillo
immediately begins to unbind him, at the same time requesting assistance from Memín.
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However, Memín is portrayed as a bystander, unproductive and unhelpful, except to make inane
remarks and mindlessly echo Ernestillo. Through the drawings / visual images we see his failure
to offer any assistance to his friend, although it is requested. In this sense, the idea is
reinforced that Memín is really an accompaniment and a cosmetic one too. This useless figure,
dressed as a warrior, becomes the subject of ridicule and mockery.
In Memín, the representative of black Mexico is projected to represent the cowardice of
Blacks and their lack of mental capacity to engage in serious discussions on important matters.
Memín lapses into ennui and is dismissed by his friends. Ironically, his real fighting skills are
seen only where he is dreaming or imagining himself as dominating in a fight.
The mockery is sustained by Memín’s buffoonery, which suggests his insensitivity in the
situation. It is obvious that after the physical ordeal experienced by Ernestillo’s father his limbs
would be in a state of atrophy. Memín, observing his slow gait, prompts: “Si puede echar una
galopada, sería mejor.” / If you could just do a little trot, it would be better.” Memín’s unfeeling
and callous comment in a situation requiring compassion and empathy suggests a deficiency in
both sense and sensibility in the black boy. This negative characterization of thoughtlessness
and desensitized attitude accentuates traits of cognitive superficiality and mental and intellectual
retardation often seen in colonial discourse about Blacks. The response of his friend Ernestillo,
along with the picture of shock on his face, suggests Memín’s shallowness and ineptitude:
“¿Cómo va ya a galopar mi papá, Memín? Tú ya sabes que sufre de su pierna.” / “How is my
father going to gallop. You know he’s suffering with his leg” (5). This deliberately, or
indeliberately, creates a response of antipathy in the reader, far from endearing Memín to the
public, and indirectly as well as subtly fosters aversion towards him.
Memín is further portrayed in an inconsiderate light in his crude attempts to comfort Don
Fernando and awaken him from the state of unconsciousness with a pounding headache: “No
se queja por tan poca cosa, que ahorita que choquemos le va a doler más.” / “Don’t complain
about such a little thing, in a little while when we crash it will hurt worse.” (19) Ironically, Memín
is the cause and originator of that pain. His concern is counteracted by nonchalant callousness.
Words intended to neutralize the effect of Memín’s very own brutish action serve only to
intensify it. A miserable comforter, Memín, instead of assuaging or detonating the pain,
effectively manages to produce a more damaging effect and a greater headache. The
implication is that Memín is a failure at everything he attempts. It is the typical racist argument
that Blacks lack intelligence, and their presence confuses rather than helps in a difficult
situation.
Memín’s Outsider Position or a Friendship Drawn along Racial Lines
Memín’s inferior position is evident not only in the manner in which his friends try to dictate his
actions and make demeaning statements about him and his actions, but also in the manner in
which they constantly make him the subject of abuse and scorn. In Volume 154, we witness
Memín’s scolding by his friend, who forcefully rejects Memín’s opinion of his input in helping
Ernestillo’s father. In Volume 251, when Memín’s friends’ attempts at flirting with a pretty latina
girl fail, they unanimously reject his suggestions to retreat,and he finds himself at the receiving
end of their insults: “Por seguir la costumbre todas me regañaron / Everyone scolded me as
usual” (1). They perceive their control over Memín to be such that they do not expect him to
make choices for himself. Memín, decides that, despite the failure of his friends to win the
attention of the beautiful Chipitas, he will attempt to do by himself what they could not do.
Feeling upstaged by Memín’s boldness, they order him to abandon his plans to ‘court’ the young
lady. Their threat and the readiness with which they are prepared to end their friendship speak
to the scant regard they have for him as a person and confirm that they do not really regard him
as a friend or an equal:
Los tres amigos de Memin se ofendieron ante su desprecio
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-
Perderás nuestra amistad para siempre
Te cortaremas en definitiva
The three friends of Memín were offended by his
- “You will lose our friendship forever”
- “We will definitely cut you off” (Memín Pinguín: Viva el Amor 251-1)
Although the words they direct at Memín are harsh and revealing of their fickleness and lack of
commitment to him, they reveal, also, the extent to which Memín is always pitched against his
three friends – none of them ever side with him. However, it is through the visual images that
the strong line of dominion is forcefully made evident as his friends join in a determined attack
on Memín, beating him, and boxing his ears mercilessly as though he were an insubordinate,
underling.
The Image of the Violent Black Person
Some visual images of Memín, as well as his actions, are portrayed as barbaric and given to
violence. While a bellicose nature is not featured prominently in Memín Pinguín, instances of, or
references to, violence have typecast Blacks as an ethnic group with aggression and violent
proclivities, both at the physical and the psychological levels. Physical violence is depicted
through graphic visuals of the “Neolithic-type” of behavior in Memin. These graphic illustrations
underscore that truculence seems a natural way of life for Blacks. The very striking depictions
in the art work by Sixto Valencia Burgos in “Memín Pinguín: aventura emociante” reinforces the
argument by Vargas Dulche that Blacks naturally consider violence as an alternative to
resolving difficult situations. When the constant prodding of Memín and his friends prove futile in
convincing Don Fernando not to stay at the robbers’ den but to go with them instead, Memín
rationalizes that the use of force is the remedial approach:
Memín: -¡Por lo que veo este no intiende con las palabras!...
Tengo que usar la fuerza, no me queda otra. (9).
Memín: “From what I see this one does not understand with words!
I have to use force, there is no other way!
The graphic sequel of actions which follows accentuates this rationalization and presents a
calculated and covertly devised attack on Don Fernando that employs deception to successfully
effectuate it. Memín, assessing the height of Don Fernando and the impossibility of reaching
him in order to hit him, convinces Don Fernando, with persistent persuasion, to allow him to kiss
him on the forehead. Then, instead of administering a kiss, Memín brutally attacks him with a
huge jar on the head, knocking him senselessly cold (9-10). The irony of the situation is that
this action is supposedly done to show his affection for Don Fernando. This exaggerated visual
representation of Memín’s action implies an innate brutishness, a tendency to be violent, and
savagery typical of so-called “primitive tribes.” The powerful inductive claim being advanced by
this picture is that he is uncivilised, uncultured and clearly not Mexican.
The implied claim about violence is sustained in the illustration of Memín’s own reflection on
his mother’s reaction to his late return home. From the picture or drawing it becomes clear that
he is mortified by the thought of confronting her violent reactions. A contrastive parallel is drawn
between the threat of the police and the robbers combined and the threat of Ma’Linda, Memín’s
mother. Categorically, they generate the same response: fear. However, the degree of fear
inspired by Ma’ Linda supersedes and eclipses that which the young juveniles presently face.
Memín communicates this tangible and paralyzing fear of Ma’Linda,
“…me voy a ocultar de la policía, de los ladrones, y sobre
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todo de mi Ma’Linda, que en cuanto me “pesque”, me va
dar una que no vea.” (26).
“I am going to hide from the police, the thieves, and most
of all from Ma’Linda, who, as soon as she catches me, is
going to give me one you have never seen.”
Ma’Linda is even seen to be far more dangerous than the gangsters, insomuch that she drives
an unholy fear into Memín just by the thought of being caught by her and the punishment that
would be meted out to him by her.
Indeed, inferences of parental violence among Blacks and abuse are strong and poignant.
Memín’s fear brings into focus the psychological effect, or damage inflicted on the child, and, in
effect, places black parenting skill and the role of the black mother into questionable light. The
intimation is that the black home, the supposed safe haven, is a far greater threat than external
threats faced on the streets. The violence epitomized in Ma’Linda outrivals the threat of violence
posed by any external agent so that hiding away is more preferable to returning home. The fear
is strong, palpable and real enough to provoke the desirability in Memín of being vulnerable to
criminal elements rather than face the wrath of his mother. But the force of Memín’s words
diminishes against the artistic illustration of the heavy-set, corpulent, mother wielding not a mere
strap, but a log with a nail at the end of it, waiting to inflict pain on her son. The detailed
illustration of the flogging is made more horrifying by the contrast/distinction of the non-violent
response of his white/ Latino friend’s parents. They hug and greet their children in a relieved
and affectionately civilized manner on their life.
A sharp criticism and condemnation of black parenting is made through the juxtaposition of
vivid images of Memín’s mother’s brutal disciplining of her son, with the methods employed by
his white friends’ parents. The frames first depict Memín’s mother administering barbaric
punitive measures and then moves to the very controlled and civilized approach taken by the
friends’ parents. The juxtaposition provides a forceful reinforcement of Homi Bhabba’s claim
that civility and self-control are still considered the characteristics of those who are in
dominance.
Memín – Arrogant, Disloyal
The intermittent self-assuming air and arrogance depicted in Memín is a focal point of mockery
by his friends in the story as well as the readers. His knack for presuming and preempting in
situations without substantial support or grounds usually results in Memin’s embarrassing
undoing. Memín conveniently presumes the paragon of bravery, protection and security to allay
the fears of Ernestillo’s father concerning the police and their involvement in the gangsters’
activities: “Usted cálmese señor; no le va a pasar nada…se lo dice este negro que sabe lo que
pasa.” / “Calm down sir, nothing will happen to you, this black, who knows everything, says so”
(27). The self-assuming nature of Memín is mocked by the caricaturized depiction of a
powerless and defenseless, feeble and puny, pusillanimous creature. His self-assured
knowledge, “este negro que sabe lo que pasa”, is ridiculed by a sharp censorious riposte from
Carlos: “¡Mira tú!” Here the arrogant “know-it-all” attitude of Memín evokes repudiation.
Implicitly, the narrator draws attention to the perception of the black person’s presuming
knowledge yet knowing nothing, and, on the basis of that presumption, displaying the tendency
to unthinkingly blurt out confidences.
Memín is depicted as being more than willing to disclose unsolicited information, privy only to
his crew. His eagerness to supply Ernestillo’s father with information on the background to his
capture reveals his scant regard for codes of honor in friendships. Confidences are treated
flippantly and little consideration is given to allegiances to his friends to consult them before
acting out of course: “Si lo quiere, yo le hago la explicación completa.” / “If you want, I will give
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you the complete explanation (5). The injections of these instances of disloyalty serve to expose
betrayal of confidences as a prepossessing trait, contingent to a garrulous tendency, in the
Negro that requires little promptings, and as such dissuade engagement of friendship with
Blacks.
The Image of the Self-Confessed Savage
The myth of the irrational, uncivilized black person is also perpetuated through the depiction of
Memín as being unable to handle compliments. When he is praised by his teacher for his role in
the rescue of Ernestillos’ father, he becomes carried away with elation and, in a very impulsive
act that supposedly exposes his stupidity, he leaps on to the teacher’s table, like an untrained
animal who is out of control. The striking and clear image of his leaping through the air and
landing heavily on the teacher’s desk and the horrified expression on the teacher’s face seem to
advance an argument about the low socialization of black Mexicans, even in institutions of
learning – and, by extension, the inanity of Blacks, irrespective of their ability, to interact or
intermingle with “Latinos” in similar situations: “yo soy salvaje” (10).
One of the most notable ways in which Memín and his mother are objectified is seen in the
way in which the perceived ignorance of Blacks is implied through the depiction of Memín and
his mother in their unstable relationship. The mother herself is used to speaking derogatively
about Memín as she questions God’s decision and draws attention to his uselessness. She
laments the decision to bestow a useless black child on her:
“Este pedazo de flojería negra que Dios echó en mis
brazos como hijo” (#226 – 11)
“This little piece of black waste that God threw in my arms as a child”
Her claim of his “flojería” / laziness is deliberately supported by the visual image of Memín
wasting time in school, behaving like a class clown and refusing to emulate the good study
habits of his white/Latino friends. In contrast to his classmates who take their studies seriously,
he jokes around and tries to suggest that it is the educational system that is useless. He is
made a subject of ridicule by the teacher who painstakingly reads aloud all his wrong answers
to the class. It is a merciless act which evokes shock and shame in Memín, who does not
anticipate that his nonsensical answers would have been rejected but boasts to the class that
he has scored the highest marks.
Memín’s mother is depicted as being even more obtuse than Memín, as her illiteracy, along
with Memín’s deceit of adding a 1 before his 0’s, prevents her from understanding his report
card. The creator of Memín takes the character through a series of unflattering acts to present
him as stupid and deceitful, and to fortify the author’s own pronouncement, a pronouncement
which cynically reinforces the myth of the uncivilized Black:
– ¡”Soy un salvaje! Soy un animal...!
por que no me dejaron enterrado en Africa (226, 21)
“I am a savage! I am an animal!...
Why didn’t they leave me trapped in Africa?”
The visual image of a dejected, deflated Memín, who makes the pronouncement upon himself,
renders his self-condemnation more powerful. The direct link between Memín’s profession of his
savagery and his connection to an origin in Africa bespeaks the colonial attitude that informs the
creation of the character.
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The question may be asked concerning the reason a comic series with such blatantly
offensive images of Blacks continues to enjoy such popularity in Mexico, despite the public
debates which were sparked by the controversy surrounding the release of the stamps and the
discovery of the comics in Walmart by an African-American woman. Most Mexicans insist that
Memín is simply “a cultural icon”, who is beloved by many for his wit and “picaresque” qualities.
One of Mexico’s leading writers on cultural matters, Carlos Monsváis, declared in response to
the controversy sparked by the White House comments about the Memín Pinguin stamps and
comic:
Memín es un dato pintoresco, no es él inferior,
es él diferente, sin más (para 4)….
Los mexicanos de hace sesenta años o del año
pasado no habían tolerado un comic abiertamente
racista. Los cómicas de México han sido profusamente
machistas pero no anti-negros (para11)
Memín is a picturesque figure, he is not inferior
he is different, that’s all. (para 4)….
Mexicans of seventy years ago or last year
would not have tolerated an openly racist comic.
Mexican comics have been profusely machistas.
but not anti-blacks (para 11).
This stubborn refusal on the part of the Mexicans to recognize the ways in which the
stereotypical depictions reinforce racist attitudes is disturbing. Arguments about persisting
racism in the United States and claims of Americans’ and other outsiders’ misrepresenting and
misunderstanding Mexican culture do not diminish the negative messages conveyed by the
visual representations and the verbal exchanges about Memín.
One firm admittance of the problematic nature of Memín Penguín and the tendency to treat
it as a benign cultural icon has been provided by Elsa Velázquez Gutiérrez, Director of a Project
on African Heritage in Mexico at the National Institute of Anthropology, who emphasizes the
need to re-examine “con ojos críticos a nuestros íconos de la cultura popular.” / “with critical
eyes our icons of popular culture.” In what must be a very rare declaration in Mexico, she adds
“existen problemas de racismo y discriminación” (para 6). Despite this recognition from
someone who occupies a place of importance and understands well the Mexican culture and
heritage, her opinion may very well never have an impact on the future of Memín Penguín and
the predisposition of Mexican for the comic and, by extension, towards Blacks. The fact that
Afro-Mexicans themselves, for the most part, “do not” read images of Memín as speaking to
their own racial marginalization16 suggests that, for a long time, there may never be any
opposition to the publication of the comic from Mexico’s small black population. Secondly, given
the forceful defense by the Mexican government of the comic and stamps, it can be inferred that
there are powerful forces in Mexico which continue to support its promotion. This undoubtedly
raises questions of how popular culture may be used by governments to advance certain
agendas. According to Katz:
“el gobierno de México entiende la importancia de éstos
cómicos como género útil igual que las estampillas para
la diseminación de su punto de vista (8).
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The Mexican government understands well the importance
of these comics as a useful genre, like the stamps,
for disseminating its point of view.
Perhaps, the series is Mexico’s subtle way of advancing its position on Mexicanness. The
implied claim would be that Memín Penguín is about other people who look like him – not about
Mexicans, because there really are no black Mexicans.
Conclusion
All post-colonial societies are still subject in one way or another to overt or subtle forms of neocolonial domination, and independence has not solved this problem. This domination is
manifested in diverse ways, including the attempt to impose a pre-conceived colonialist identity
on indigenous and minority groups. The development of new elites within independent societies,
often buttressed by neo-colonial institutions; the development of internal discussions based on
racial, linguistic or religious discrimination; and the continuing unequal treatment of the
indigenous people in settler/invader societies – all these testify to the fact that post-colonialism
is a continuing process of resistance and reconstruction (Tiffin 1 – 2).
In the case of Memín Pinguín, the identity created through the visual images is one of
outsidership and alterity. It is an identity that invites the curious gaze of those considered to be
Mexicans and leads them to form judgements and to devalue those groups or individuals who
would identify with Memín Penguín. More importantly, the visual images draw attention to
Mexico as a geographical and cultural space, in which issues related to community are berated.
In other words, the images of Memín are so blatantly based on colonial ideologies and
hierarchal notions of identity that individual identity and difference find no accommodation. The
claim may be made, then, that, aided by the author and artist of the comic series, Memín
Penguín intensifies the debate that “the possibility for cross-cultural unity among the
heterogeneous peoples of the Caribbean continues to be undermined by the legacy of
colonialism” (Webb 151). Indeed, a serious and conscientious deconstructionist reading of
Memín Pinguín signals the need for cultural decolonization in Mexico.
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Notes
1. Edouard Glissant. Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays. Trans. J. Michael Dash, 98.
Juan Angel Serrano. A black Mexican cattle farmer as quoted by Clarence Page in “The Memín
Pinguín Controversy.”
2. Juan Anger Serrano, [Other] Mexicans just don’t see us. People ask us where we are from.
They say we can’t be from Mexico,” 1. See Bonfil Batalla, G. Méjico profundo: una cunlización
negada.
3. Marco Katz. “Tiras, Timbres y Estereotipos: El Negro Memín Pinguín y la manipulación de
la Cultura Popular con Representaciones étnicas”.
4. “Memín Pinguín en el diván del – sicoanalista 1.
5. “Memín Pinguín en el diván del – sicoanalista 3.
6. “El cómic Memín Pinguín vuelve a abrir la polémica por racismo en EEUU 2.
7. --- 1 – 2.
8. --- 2 – 3.
9. Enrique Krause. “The Pride in Memín Pinguín.” 21.
10. During the late colonial period, people of indigenous or African descent in Mexico were
allowed to buy the title of “blanco”. Such was the case for José María Morelos y Parón who was
a General in the war of Independence and played a major role in wining Mexico’s independence
from Spain 169; See Jamelah S. Muhammad, “Mexico and Central America.” 168.
11. Vicente Guerrero, also known as the “poor people’s champion” and “El Negro Guerrero,”
was the second president of Mexico and the first of African descent. He fought along with
Morelos and other well-known Blacks who were fighting not only liberation from Spain but also
for the end of slavery and ethnic segregation. Muhammad 168.
12. Katz 7.
13. Memín Pinguín 153 - 2.
14. Roland Barthes. Elements of Semiology. Trans. Annette Lowers and Colin Smith.
16. Katz 1.
17. Bobby Vaugh and Ben Vinson, La jornada 2.
177
References
Ashcroft, Bill, Griffiths, Garth and Tiffin, Helen, eds. “Introduction” The Post-Colonial
Studies Reader. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2005. 1 – 2. Print.
Roland Barthes. Elements of Semiology. Trans. Annette Lowers and Colin Smith. New
York: Hill Way, 1964. Print.
Boehmer, Elleke. “Networks by Resistance” The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. 2nd ed.
Bill Ashcroft, Bill, Garth Griffiths and Helen Tiffin, eds. London: Routledge,
2005. 113 – 115. Print.
“El Comic Memín Pinguín vuelve a abrir la polémica por racismo en EE UU. 14 Jan.
2010. Web.
<http://wwwelpais.com/articulo/cultua/comic/Memin/Pinguin/vuelve/abrir/polémica/racismo/EE/U
U/elpepucul/20080710elpep... >
Gutiérrez Velázquez, María Elisa. “Memín Pinguín: Tres Años Después.”La Jornada. 2
July 2005. Print.
Katz, Marco. “Tiras, timbres y estereotipos: El negro Memín Pinguín y la manipulación
de la cultura popular con representaciones étnicas”. Culturas Populares.
Revista Electrónica 5 (julio-diciemvre 2007). 14 Jan 2010. Web.
<http://www.culturaspopulares.org/textos5/articulos/katz.htm>
Krause, Enrique. “The Pride in Memín Pinguín.” Washington Post. 12 July 2005 A. 21.
Print.
Lerequeberhan, Tsenay. “The Critique of Eurocentrism.” The Post-Colonial Studies
Reader. 2nd ed. Bill Ashcroft, Bill, Garth Griffiths and Helen Tiffin, eds. London:
Routledge, 2005. 89 – 92. Print.
Monsvaés, Carlos. “De las tribulaciones de Memín Pinguín.” La jornada. 2, July 2005.
Print.
Muhammad, Jamala. “Mexico and Central America.” No Longer Invisible. London: Minority
rights, 1995. Print.
Ramsay, Paulette. “Cross Cultural Petics: Debating the Place of Afro-Mexican Poetry in
the Context of Caribbean Literary and Cultural Aesthetics.” Perspectives on the
Other America. Comparative Approaches to Latin American Culture. Michael
Niblett and Kerstin Oloff, eds. Amsterdam, New York: Rodopi, 2009: 197-217.
Print.
Said, Edward, “Resistance, Opposition and Representation.” The Post-Colonial Studies
Reader. Ed Ascroft, London: Routledge 2005:95 – 98.
Serrano, Juan Angel. A Black Mexican Cattle Farmer as quoted by Clarence Page in “The
Memín Pinguín Controversy.” History News Network, July 15, 2005. Print.
Stam, Robert and Spence, Louise. “Colonialism, Racism and Representation.” The Post178
Colonial Studies Reader. 2nd ed. Bill Ashcroft, Bill, Garth Griffiths and Helen
Tiffin, eds. London: Routledge, 2005. 109 – 112. Print.
Tang, R. “The Place of Culture in the Foreign Language Classroom: A Reflection.”
<http://iteslj.org/articles/Tang-culture.html>
Vargas Dulche, Yolanda. Memín Pinguín. Volumen 15. Buscando Una ________
---. “Memín Pinguín, tomo 23” 221-230.
---. Memín Pinguín, “Aventura Emocionante”. Volumen 153.
---. Memín Pinguín, “Buscando Una Ilusión”. Volumen 154.
---. Memín Pinguín, “En Guardia, Faralones”. Volumen 249.
---. Memín Pinguín, “Viva El Amor”. Volumen 251.
Vaughn, Bobby and Ben Vinson III. La jornada. 2, 2005.
Vincent, Ted. “The Blacks Who Freed Mexico.” Journal of Negro History. 79.3 (Summer
19940:257-276.
Webb, Barbara. Myth and History in Caribbean Fiction. Amherst: University of
Massachusetts Press, 1992.
179
Voice and Values in Caribbean Literature
An Exploration by
Dr. Paula Grace Anderson-Suarez, University College of the Cayman Islands
The Argument
The Caribbean itself is like a magical beauty contest, in which each island is a lovely contestant
– each a woman with her own unique beauty and style, her own singular charm and history.
But, if each of these ladies could talk, each would have her own voice, in which to tell her story,
express her own self. Each Voice is, in and of itself, a story, its textures and cadences
revealing the nuances of a particular history, imbued with joy and sorrow, love and trauma. And
this unique blend of opposites marks the dualism which is so inherent in Caribbean history and
culture. This is a dualism which challenges Caribbean writers to express and enshrine, in a
Literature which has BECOME a form of history -- whether as oral tradition or written stories -that speaks to the listener or reader who understands that this Literature chronicles a human
experience that spans Edenic origins, genocidal experiences, and a struggle to retain the
beauty of the Caribbean environment, and the rock-hard strength of its survival battles. Such
are the common, yet individualistic, missions of Caribbean Literature.
And the missions of the critical person, who seeks to give serious analytic and critical
attention to this Literature, are the same as the missions of this Literature itself.
If this reader has had the privilege – and the blessing – of living, and not just holidaying or
working, in more than one of these islands, other than her place of birth, like this writer, she will
be humbled by the sheer, undiluted beauty and uniqueness of each island. Such readers will be
brought to a profound sense of how different, yet similar, these islands are; and this paradox
will itself mirror a larger paradox of human nature and human existence – how unique, yet
similar all humans are, and how our differences are so much less than are our shared realities.
From this enlightened perspective, one can see patterns within the literature of these islands,
each with her own unique creative story and struggle, and her own struggle to tell that story.
As such, this exploration is based on the following premises:
•
•
•
Great writers often continue their own inner debates and conversations, from one
text or genre to another, never feeling that it is either necessary or even possible
to say or summarize their entire message in any one work or genre. Thus, for,
example, William Shakespeare conducted a searing analysis of love versus lust ,
and lust versus friendship, itself seen as a form of love, between the timeless
plays Romeo and Juliet, and Othello, on the one hand, and his famous Sonnets
116 and 129, on the other hand.
Similarly, readers will note that J.A. Roy Bodden, many years, generations and
cultures later, delves deep into an ironic analysis of the Cayman Islands’ financial
industry, its ethics and its complex relationship with money, in the signature work
The Cayman islands in Transition, (1970), while he symbolically profiles these
same elements in the sardonically understated short folk story, “The Mamasan”,
in his later collection, Stories My Grandfather Never Told Me (2007).
Also, in his early Caribbean Bildungsroman, or the work that traces the classic
growth journey from childhood to adulthood, Miguel Street, the Caribbean Nobel
prize-winner, V.S. Naipaul, combines elements of both the short story and the
novel genres, to revisit the mysteries of the complex experience called childhood,
and the many versions of family that are possible beyond mere genetic bonding,
These versions of family are clearly defined, when people understand or just
accept each other. In both of these latter Caribbean writers’ works, the reader
180
•
•
•
intuitively senses that these writers are not speaking about individual islands’ or
persona’s experiences – they are re-telling, and even inviting readers to re-live,
the histories of their islands, and of the wider Caribbean.
As such also, great writers reveal that the distinctions between certain subject
areas or disciplines is artificial, and so, Literature itself is an integrative discipline
that holds within itself the functions and teachings of History, its sister discipline.
Great Literature or great writing, from any genre or era, will never accept evil or
psychopathy as a valid human norm. Such Literature or writing seeks, instead,
to celebrate the undeniably best, the timelessly noble, in human nature; it
continually redefines goodness or virtue as the ultimate norm or value system,
across eras, cultures, socio-economic or other realities.
Great writing is not to be usefully defined simply in terms of its obvious or subtle
structural or thematic elements, though readers may conveniently label such
writing in terms of structurally based or thematically categorized elements.
Instead, great writing is concerned with a larger human content, and this content
is an eternal search for meaning in human life – a meaning that is rooted in
purpose, but goes beyond simple purpose, individual goals or experience. This
meaning, and the quest for it, must then be seen as being inseparably
connected to values, and necessarily also, to values analysis.
Given the foregoing premises, then, this exploration posits, as a foundation for critical
analysis or serious critical reading of literary works, the following assertions. These assertions
are enshrined among the cornerstones of socio-cultural critical theory, in the immortal
philosophy of Georg Lukacs, as follows:
. . . It is the view of the world, the ideology or weltanschauung underlying a
writer’s work, that counts. And it is the writer’s attempt to reproduce this view of
the world which constitutes his ‘intention’ and is the formative principle underlying
the style of a given piece of writing. Looked at in this way, style ceases to be a
formalistic category. Rather, it is rooted in content . . . Content determines form.
But there is no content of which Man himself is not the focal point. However,
various the donnees of literature (a particular experience, a didactic purpose),
the basic question is, and will remain: what is Man? 1
Of course, in light of the foregoing, different cultures have different ideologies that attempt to
address the timeless question stated above, by Lukacs. However, regardless of variations in
ideologies and cultural stances, this question, and its quest for a larger meaning in life, (other
than a simple or complicated journey from cradle to grave), summarizes a united chorus of a
united creative Voice of mature literary creations. And it is the values behind these voices that
are exposed in these varied explanations of human life; separately and yet together, these
varied value systems texture, direct and control these disparate, yet unified voices. Such values
are timeless, transcending historical moment, culture, place, and bias-prone ideologies, in an
integrative quest to arrive at certain irreducible elements, certain essentials, in the human
experience, which is, itself, timeless. Among the most dynamic of the means by which this
Voice is expressed, on the influential level of Structure or Form, yet seamlessly welded to
Content, in Literature, is the element called “Voice”. But, the selection of “Voice” (First-Person
Narration, Third-person Narration, fusions of both, or “Stream-of-Consciousness Technique” 2)
must be rooted in the over-arching recognition that the literary creation is itself an instrument of
a larger, more coherent, more important process of expression and self-assertion, which is the
dominant Voice of culture, personhood, and timeless or classic human reality! This caveat
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applies as much to Caribbean Literature as it does to Literatures from other cultures, spaces
and places.
Thus, the most common human universalities, such as birth, death, love, hate, lust,
friendship, betrayal, struggle, creativity, despair, are all the basic backdrop of the oft-repeated
human drama – and these do not change, despite the eroding impact of time. Unchanging too,
are the essential values by which most humans try to evaluate or analyze these human
universalities or shared experiences, in order to cope with, or even transcend them. Nowhere,
perhaps, is this pattern of expression, analysis, or catharsis more true or valid than in the
dualistic process by which Caribbean writers deeply engage us, conceivably, because the
Caribbean is an area still in formation, its people still in a dualistic process of development,
struggle, recognition and identity quest. This process is implicit and necessary in the formation
of identity, ethics, values, personhood, economies, social structures, and regional, national or
integrative imperatives. This process demands a Voice that gives shape and expression to
these many dualistic demands. And this Voice is far greater than a single structural element of
style, or a simple narrative voice, despite the useful functions of that element.
Caribbean Writers and Voice
Thus, the mature Caribbean writer is faced with a special quest, a special mission – the need to
find a form of expression that unifies the Caribbean’s dualistic past and present, in ways that
recognize, but transcend, the brutal reality of genocide (in slavery and colonialism), as a basic
fact of our history, while simultaneously respecting the beauty of the multi-faceted profile that
was created, ironically, by that very cataclysm.
Speaking of the ambivalence with which this complex physical beauty is so often greeted,
Jean Rhys created a male persona who expresses the dualistic mix of attraction and rejection
that is so often the Voice of a dual racism and sexism, in the face of Caribbean mixed-race
beauty:
“I have sold my soul . . . and after all is it such a bad bargain?
The girl is thought to be beautiful, she is beautiful. And yet. . . “
(Rhys, Wide Sargasso Sea, 59.)
This male character, or speaker, Rochester, represents the colonial, European, male power,
with its ambivalent relationship to the Caribbean as a source of wealth, power, beauty, and
something more, something that teased the senses with its beauty, but shocked all comforting,
narrowly racist stereotypes of acceptability, desirability, or conformity, with the challenging
origins of that beauty. This same, non-inheriting, second son of a Victorian father, who goes
into a marriage of convenience to gain the wealth from the former plantation land of a
Creole heiress, speaks with ambivalence and denigration of his new bride and her lineage.
Rhys’ use of Voice dynamically shows that this callous stranger seemingly forgets the financial
and social benefits he gains from this marriage to the lovely, unknown island woman whom
he passionately desires, but can neither like, respect nor learn to love, as follows:
“Creole of pure English descent they may be, but they are not English
or European either.”
(Rhys 57.)
In this Voice of Mr. Rochester, the imported husband, who is the “flip-side” of Charlotte Bronte’s
questionably “heroic”, male protagonist of the Victorian British novel, Jane Eyre 3, the thinking
Caribbean reader must hear that combination of sexism and racism which is the puzzlingly
hostile attitude of many males who both desire and degrade the unique combinations of
ethnicity and femininity which typify so many Caribbean women, of so many different racial
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origins! Here, it is clear that Rhys uses Voice as the vehicle of values expression and
exploration, demanding ethical analysis, from the Caribbean reader.
Arguably, the above-stated demand is even more intense when the critical reader is female!
This claim may be reinforced by a reading of one of the core stories in Patricia Glinton’s An
Evening in Guanima: A Treasury of Folktales from The Bahamas (1994). This core story, “the
Gaulin Wife”, offers a particularly expressive combination of First and Third Person narrative
voices, with their implied stances of intimacy and emotional disengagement, respectively.
Glinton creates a male protagonist who is locally seen as the “beautiful” young man, so
defined in purely physical terms, as he is inwardly ugly, hostile, and hate-filled. Indeed, this
character defines ugliness, pride and lust, via the power of irony and dualism. This arrogant
sexual predator consumes the self-esteem of the naïve island girls, until he meets his own
“beautiful” match, the “Trophy Wife”, who is, in disguise, a horrible, carnivorous bird of prey, the
legendary “Gaulin”; ultimately, she will consume him savagely, starting with his eyes, which had
been so brutally blind to real human value, true beauty, and to his own stupid arrogance.4 But,
ironically enough, before retribution comes to this dangerous, but desired, male, readers are
given an insight into the lethal combination of sexism and racism which is so often meted out to
those Caribbean, black or “coloured” women who do not meet the popularly accepted, postcolonial stereotypes of so-called beauty. In this lady-killer’s deprecating, scornful, and selfdamning voice, Glinton hones a vehicle that catalyzes careful values analysis; in this Voice,
too, readers are offered a reminder of how essential to mental health in Caribbean society is a
redefinition of the values that truly define beauty, desirability and worth in a woman, or a man,
seen as a potential partner in the journey of life. 5 This “beautiful male” speaks the following
truly self-demeaning insults, all the while deaf to reality, and blind to his own psychic
hideousness:
“ Her hair too picky. She mussy bu’n it out with too much lard
an’ hot comb.” (Glinton 139).6
Indeed, the challenge implied here, via voice, seen as a vehicle of values-analysis, is for both
male and female Caribbean people to redefine their values about self-worth, “beauty” and true
desirability, in ways that challenge and destroy the inherited racism and sexism of a postcolonial world-view that was blind to the unique beauty, value and reality of the Caribbean
world. Ironically, this Caribbean world was conveniently defined as savage and undesirable, and
was raped, rejected and reviled, even while it delivered new wealth, energy and status to the
“civilized” colonizing worlds!7
The psychological complexities that defined and followed the psychopathic violence of
slavery and the plantation system are, for the modern reader, almost incomprehensible,
because of their unimaginable violence. Essentially, these remain almost unvoiced, despite all
efforts to discuss them, by various Caribbean historians, psychologists, psychiatrists, and
creative writers and thinkers. Yet, through Voice as an expression of values and as a catalyst of
value systems, Guyanese poet Martin Carter has created a voiceless Voice, one that
poignantly expresses the terrible fate of the enslaved person, denied of humanity, personhood,
freedom, and any form of self-expression, the non-person who was merely the unknown Slave.
In the classic poem, “Listening to the Land”8, Carter uses a thoughtful first-person narrator, who
stands on a bridge, a symbolic meeting-point, perhaps, of two worlds, two lives, two times,
while holding a handful of the Caribbean soil in his hands. He stands as if transfixed, and
listens to the land, hearing the Voice of the Caribbean past – the half-obliterated Voice, the
“tongueless whispering”, or the buried sound of “some dead slave”. This is the denied
personhood, the silenced, erased reality of that non-person, that ancestor who was suffocated
by the untold, untellable, brutalities of slavery, but who remains a speaker within our present
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Caribbean psyche, a part of our very selves that we all must hear, and respect, if we are to ever
transcend that cruel past!
Carter, then, expresses the almost obliterated voices of a whole lost generation of raped9
Africans, their children, and their children’s children - those who were thrown to the sharks that
followed the slave ships on the bloody Middle Passage 10, those who “survived” that journey
through hell, only to confront another, living hell, in enslavement; those who lived to tell the tale,
and those whose genes and strengths remain the reservoir of Caribbean creativity! Indeed, too,
this retrieval of the past, through the imaginative creation of this “tongueless whispering”,
speaks to us in a million eloquent ways that words could never express; it speaks to the thinking
Caribbean person of the need to penetrate the brutal history that separates our “freed”,
modernized selves from those of our ancestors, who bought our present lives with their blood,
agony, and undocumented courage! Carter’s “Listening to the Land” throws up a bridge
between our brutally silenced past and a creatively possible future, offering us ways in which to
use the present as a means to translate, understand, and transcend that past, and create a
doorway into the future. This, quintessentially, is the important function of Caribbean Literature,
across genres, islands, and times.
Thus, then, the mission of Caribbean writers and creative thinkers is to give birth and rebirth to a Literature which, in many ways, uses the form-and-content relationship to open up
new avenues of expression and analysis, avenues that liberate the present Caribbean from the
terrors of the past, and the risk of repeating that past, in modern costuming. And, of course, this
process is a quest for Catharsis, itself based on the dominant, healing values of liberation,
courage, charity, honesty, faith, confrontation, self-acceptance, and progression. Therefore,
Derek Walcott’s invisible, omniscient observer-narrator speaks to a listener who is both male
and female, victim and survivor, both beloved and lover. This subject-listener is the
embodiment of the Caribbean person as nurturer, survivor, and necessary force for inner and
outer change. This over-stressed, yet still caring, listener is the one who must learn to erase
the scars of hatred from a traumatizing past with the healing balm of a love which goes beyond
mere sexual passion, a love which starts within the self, and only then can move outward with
meaning, to the “Other”. Too often, for those who come from an inheritance of hate-filled
violation, this type of love is the hardest challenge of all! All too often, the principle of violation
by unimaginably psychopathic violence becomes an endless cycle of violence in which violated
persons and their societies are mired!11 Therefore, Walcott’s wise narrative Voice speaks with
the values of insight, acceptance, healing, empathy and nurturing, all so sorely needed in our
modern Caribbean world:
The time will come
when, with elation,
you will greet yourself arriving
at your own door, in your own mirror
and each will smile at the other’s welcome.
and say sit here. Eat.
You will love again the stranger who was yourself.
Give wine. Give bread. Give back your heart
to itself . . .12
Conclusion
In short, major Caribbean writers, of whom only a few have been visited in this
discussion, are like all other seekers of the Holy Grail of Literature, itself seen and used as a
184
doorway to truth. All of these lead us down twisting, intertwined corridors to the past and to the
future. And so, if our faces are stained with tears, or creased with smiles, as we absorb their
dualistic harmonies of Form and Content, then, surely they have merely held up to us the twosided mirror of our own dualistic experience, our own conflicted selves, and our own inchoate,
or unvoiced values?
End Notes
Georg Lukacs, “The Ideology of Modernism”, in D. Lodge, Ed., 20th Century Literary
Criticis
A Reader,
475.
2. Jean-Paul Sartre, “Why Write?”, in Lodge, Ibid., 387 – 388.
3. Charlotte Bronte, Jane Eyre,
4. Patricia Glinton, 148.
5. Cf. Wolfe, The Beauty Myth, 279 – 291.
6. The Bahamian dialect words suggest that the young woman has singed or burnt out, or
damaged her hair by processing it too often with a heated comb; in the post-colonial
cultures, dead-straight hair was seen as a mark of beauty and desirability in a female.
7. Fanon , The Wretched of the Earth, 35 – 106.
8. Martin Carter, “Listening to the Land”, in Figueroa, Ed., Caribbean Voices, 78.
9. Brownmiller, Against Our Will, 140 – 173.
10. Williams, 136 – 155 .
1.
185
References
Bodden, J. A. Roy. Cayman Islands in Transition: Politics, History and Sociology of a Changing
Society. Kingston, Jamaica, and Miami: Ian Randle Publishers, 2007.
---. Stories My Grandfather Never Told Me. Cayman Islands National Foundation: Cayman
Islands, 2007.
Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre.
Brownmiller, Susan. Against Our Will. Men, women and Rape. New York: Fawcett/Random
House: 1975.
Fanon, Franz. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Constance Farrington. New York:
Grove Press, 1963.
Figueroa, John, Ed. Caribbean Voices. An Anthology of West Indian Poetry. Vol. 2. London:
1970.
Glinton, Patricia. An Evening in Guanima: A Treasury of Folktales from the Bahamas. Nassau:
Guanima Press, 1993.
Lodge, David, Ed. 20th Century Literary Criticism. A Reader. London: Longman, 1984.
Naipaul, V.S. Miguel Street. New York: Vintage International/Random House. 1987, 2002
Rhys, Jean. Wide Sargasso Sea. London: Penguin, 1968, 1997.
Walcott, Derek.
Collected Works.
Williams, Eric. Capitalism and Slavery. New York: Perigree/Putnam, 1980.
From Columbus to Castro. The History of the Caribbean. New York:
Vintage/Random House, 1984.
Wolf, Naomi. The Beauty Myth. How Images of Beauty Are Used Against Women. New York:
Perennial/HarperCollins, 2002.
186
Constructs of Cayman in Far Tortuga
By Mr. Joe Pereira, University of the West Indies, Mona.
When writers or film directors, for that matter, from outside of the Caribbean situate their work in
the Caribbean, there can be a temptation to see the exotic -- that which is different from their
reality -- and present the Caribbean as an exotic backdrop for the main characters of their work
(usually of European ethnicity) to play out their plot, rather than to engage the complexities of
the real people of the region. We see this in works like Ian Fleming’s Dr. No, and even James
Michener. In trying to capture the broad spread of Caribbean reality in his 900+ pages novel
Caribbean, Michener presents it through the eyes of North-American travellers and speaks with
a sensibility of the outsider as his characters “breathed deeply in the soft tropic air”.1 This sense
of the tropics as a landscape, not normally part of the consciousness of people who live in the
Caribbean, affects even the Jamaican writer, Michael Shane, who starts his novel Evoluting
Sherman, set largely in Grand Cayman, with this imagery from his non-native character: “I’m
instead sitting in the soft white sand looking at the sun come up over this delightful and tranquil
piece of tropical water.”1
Not so, however, Peter Matthiessen in Far Tortuga,1 first published in 1975. Matthiessen, in
addition to writing several novels, has published various non-fiction works that indicate
extensive study of his disparate subjects. Clearly, he immerses himself in the specific topic that
he is writing about and does obvious in-depth research. Far Tortuga reflects a meticulous study
of Cayman turtlers, their sea-going in the South-Western Caribbean, and life on the island itself,
so that the novel conveys a convincing interpretation of the life of sea-going Cayman Islanders
in the nineteen sixties. The novel avoids the traditional approach of letting the Caribbean be the
backdrop for external characters around whom the story-line develops. Instead, Matthiessen
scripts ordinary Caymanian seamen at the core of his work, as they struggle with the sea and
their hopes and frustrations and emotions. Set in 1968, it evokes the pivotal period between a
sea-faring way of life that is dying out and an emerging tourism-based economy. This study
analyzes the construct of Cayman in that novel.
While most of the novel’s action takes place at sea, Matthiessen opens his work with a
thumbnail sketch of the landscape of the island in which the human presence is muted and the
physical features are of an older architecture of “traditional” Cayman, conveyed in his
description of sunrise across the island’s districts: “Sunrise at Old Isaacs. ... The sun kindles
the thatch of hip-roofed cottages, built at East End since early days. Sand road, white pickets,
periwinkle; white sand yards bordered with pink conchs” (p. 6). Over two pages, he cites
fourteen villages or districts, from Gun Bay Village to Prospect, with flora (e,g., poinsettia and
jasmine, oleander and white frangipani) and fauna (iguana, lizards, parrots, black crabs and
hermit crabs), authentic and not exoticised, but no human being enters this landscape. When
they do enter the novel, it is by way of a grave-stone-like dedication on page 9: “Sacred / to the
memory / of / William Parchment / born / 16th December 1924 / perished / April 1968 / on the
Miskito Banks.” It is as if William Parchment here symbolizes the passing of the old Cayman
culture of turtling and traditional island living.
Indeed, the novel charts the last voyage of the Lillias Eden under its Captain, Raib Avers. Its
foundering on the reefs of the Miskito Banks and the consequent death of its Captain as the
novel ends reinforce that dying culture of sea-faring and turtling that had been associated with
Cayman for generations. The novel makes frequent allusion to the changing socio-economic
reality of Cayman. Before the boat sails, one of its crew ironically signals the transitional period:
“Goddom Raib dere, he do better with dis vessel runnin tourists den sailing away down to de
Cays. ( shouts) LAST OF DE CAYMAN SCHOONERS! HOPPY SAILS AROUND DE ISLAND!
SEE COPM RAIB AT WEST BAY! But he such a domn stubborn mule...” (p.18). Raib himself
187
reflects the tension of change in his bitter reflection: “De schooners all gone and de green turtle
goin. I got to set back and watch dem ones grow big on de Yankee tourist trade dat would not
have amounted to a pile of hen shit in times gone back” (p. 255). From his perspective of a
dedicated turtler, he resents this new shift as culturally and ecologically damaging, and sees it
as externally generated by American investors assisted by local “sell-out” agents: “Dem
Yankees gone to change de ways of de whole island! Sweet Christ, an honest mon can’t hardly
find a fish no more along de island, dey so many of dem tourist boats foulin’ de sea! And de
mon greasing de skids for dem is nobody else den Desmond Eden” (p. 65)! And the next
generation is depicted as moving away from the turtling tradition: Raib’s own sons, except for
the youngest, move out from their father’s apprenticing of them , and some physically migrate to
Florida (p. 254), underscoring the dying out of the old lifestyles.
If Raib resents the changes that he cannot compete with, not so another of his crew, Vemon,
who laments the lost opportunity by not foreseeing the shift in economy and the possibilities of
financial success that could have been his from the emerging tourism. This lament for lost
opportunity in real estate would resonate with many a Caymanian and indeed citizens of other
Caribbean countries that have experienced the shift to a tourist economy:
...Vemon Dilbert Evers could had bought dat whole stretch of West
Bay Beach, from de marl pit in Georgetown to de graveyard in West
Bay! I had me dat chance in life and den I lost it. Dat six miles of beach
weren’t worth nothing den. ... Hon say to me, Precious, dat old sand ain’t
never gone to do you one bit of good. I say, Hon, when all my money gone
and I am old, I still have dat land, and it better’n nothing. Why, boy, if I
had bought dat beach before de Yankees got to it, I’d be a millionaire!
(sighs) And now I gettin old, and I got nothin. (p. 49)
Throughout the novel we find pride in Cayman, especially in what relates to boating and seafaring. Speaking of an American-built boat and the perception that American products were
good, one character says: “de Yankee owners seen quite clear dat it was only Cayman care
and Cayman knowledge dat was keeping her afloat in dem six years. Dat goddom Yankee oak
never stood up; her timbers were rotten ... Dat is why de next boat dey had built was built in
Cayman. Cayman mahogany” (p.36). Another product of Cayman that is praised is thatch rope,
an important industry of the past: “Now thatch rope is de real Cayman turtlin rope: it is de best
water rope you can get: you just can’t beat it. Manila rope gets in water and after a while it get
so slippery dat you can hardly hold it, with de moss. But dat thatch rope of Cayman, you just
shake de moss right off it.... Nowhere in de West Indies did dey find anything to substitute for de
rope of Grand Cayman” (p. 75).
And when it comes to skill as a turtler, Cayman is portrayed as leader. Addressing a crew
member from Roatan, a Caymanian character argues: “Green turtle! What you know about it?
Mon know about green turtle got to be a turtler! And de turtler come from Grand Cayman”
(p.46)!
This pride does not preclude internal rivalry between the various districts of Cayman, with
West Bay, East End and George Town being the main focal points from which the crew are
drawn and which are distinguished by generalizations: George Town is seen as the more
advanced centre, with East End as the most backward and West Bay as given to force: “in
George Town, dey more civilized, dey understandin me. West Bay is pirates, and de farther east
you go from George Town, de farther into de back are de people livin. Where Wodie live, now,
at East End, dey still livin in de bushes” (p. 110). These perceptions are sustained throughout
the novel. Four of the crew including Captain Raib are scripted as from West Bay, and a crew
member speaking of Raib says: “Dem West Bay pirates, dat be dere little way. Very agreeable.
But you cotch more turtle den dey do, dey don’t forgive dat. ... No, mon. Oh, dey very agreeable
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so long as you leave de road clear for dem” (p. 66). On the other hand, East End becomes the
butt of jokes about perceived backwardness and superstition. East End is presented as the
bastion of beliefs seen as superstitious, including belief in duppies, and in the practice of obeah.
The character, Wodie, from East End, articulates the beliefs and the spirit tales or duppy stories
of the area, presented by him with conviction even if to the discomfort and not too convincing
scepticism of the rest of the crew. Yet if East End is seen as the backward side of Cayman, the
island itself is seen as living in a “backward” way relative to the perceived moral degeneration of
the “modern” Western world with its sexual promiscuity and brazenness: “dey don’t behave in
dat manner in Caymans. ... Cause you in de back times, Doddy, plenty of water between you
and de world” (p. 308).
Neither does pride in Cayman extend to the characters’ perception of politicians, who are
implicated in some of the traditional illegal practices of Cayman alluded to in the dialogue,
including gun-running, human trafficking to the United States and liquor smuggling. There is a
scathing unmasking of political hypocrisy: “And de so-called Member of de Legislature dat
owned dat cargo, he run on de ticket dat forbid liquor in de islands. He tell de people of
Caymans dat liquor bad for dem…“ (p.185). His election is seen as a result of simple-minded
voters believing him, but the character interrogates the political rhetoric seen as cynically
serving the politician and the foreign investors, not the Cayman people. It is a perception that
finds echo in other Caribbean countries engaging in notions of progress and development: “He
go around yellin about progress, about bringin in oil bunkerin stations and gambling, to make
poor people rich; but it dose Yankees dat pay him off – dey de ones dat gone get rich! And de
home people gone get frigged” (p. 186)!
With some politicians not delivering to the people, the narrative takes a moral position
indicating ways in which economic and social exploitation are contested by those exploited. For
example, in relation to thatch rope production, the observation is made: “De people is had such
hard times, and dey tried to profiteer off dem, grob all dey could and just pay de people little or
nothing. So de people say, Well, I not gone to do dat no more, for I been kept down too much”
(p. 75). Similar exploitation is depicted in purchasing the boat of Cuban refugees: “Stole dat one
from dem poor Cuban refugees dat come in it, dem people were starving, and he paid dem next
to nothing” (p. 116)! Even at sea there is a consciousness of emerging rights of seamen moving
from harsh dictatorial traditions to a unionized environment: “Time is changing, mon. De old
days a man burn de johnnycake, he walk de plank. Dese days we got unions and all of dat. A
mon got rights (p. 225). However, this view from one of the crew is contested by the Captain,
who indicates the limits of the reach of organized labour, asserting that the captain is still in full
control of a crew when it is a contest with the forces of nature: “Ain’t no unions on de turtle
banks, I tellin you dat! Ain’t no rights out here (p. 226)!
If class is fairly straightforwardly presented, race is more ambivalent and nuanced. Although
there is the bold declaration by one character that “Colour don’t matter in Caymans! No, mon!
We a democracy!” (p. 178), or that “We ain’t shamed of colour in de Cayman Islands” (p. 144),
there are many instances that contradict this. There is indeed a sensitivity to colour – especially
to black people. Black crew members are referred to as “nigger”, and a “white” one’s failed
romance is explained this way: “Oh, mon, de black mon dat woman took up with were ugly as a
gorilla, and she a white woman, mon, so dis upset poor Vemon dere” (p. 49). Denial of
blackness or negative associations with blackness recur, as in: “We got black Boddens in
Cayman, too, dat don’t admit it. Plenty dem Boddens got bad hair...” (p.95), or “Cop’n
Steadman were a coloured man. I mean to say, he were not real dark, but he had bad hair...” (p.
95). In relation to Jamaica, a view is conveyed that Jamaicans think the Caymanians not as
“civilized as on dat island” (p. 177), which leads to the telling loaded question: “You blacker den
dem or what?” and the revealingly racialized answer: “No, mon! We ain’t so black as dey are!”
Perhaps the most racist sentiment comes from Captain Raib, who sees some justification for
racism: “I don’t disagree entirely with discrimination! You know yourself dat coloured people
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always kept dereselves in such a poor way, dey don’t know how to keep dereselves decent. We
almost need some discrimination, we almost need some” (p. 265)! It is interesting that the East
Ender who is ridiculed for his obeah connections is black.
Even superstition is racialized to reflect the social prejudices: “Dreamin bout silver money or
colored folks, a black person, anything black, dat is bad luck” (p. 102), and conversely dreaming
about a white person or anything white is seen as bringing good luck. There is also the relativity
of colour: those who think themselves white within Cayman society find themselves regarded as
other by white outsiders: “Now, Athens, y’know, he thought he was a white mon till he lain
‘longside some dem girl com down lately from Canada!” This sex tourism gives a new “prestige”
to blackness as a reflection of the mythic exotic: “what dey want is de darker de better” (p. 81).
Jamaicans have been in constant interaction with Cayman over centuries, and the novel
reflects this interface, whether in Jamaica, in Cayman or at the Cays. The attitude to Jamaicans
held by Caymanian characters reflects the range of views from mildly sympathetic to outright
hostile. Speaking of his experience in Kingston, a crewman says of Jamaicans: “Oh, dey mean
bastards, I tellin you. Dey kill you on de docks dere and not think a thing about it” (p. 340).
However, there is recognition that some of the anger and violence has a socio-economic base:
“Got to feel sorry for dem, all de same, for dey been kept down too much. ... Rats live better den
de people livin at de outskirts of de town! Dey got no song dere and dey got no hope. De onliest
thing dey got and dat is anger – oh, dey got plenty dat” (p. 340). The migration of Jamaicans to
Cayman brings a certain hostility against the perceived uppitiness of some: “Oh, dey some nice
Jamaicans, Speedy, but you got some dat comes to Caymans, come in dere teared pants and
twisted shoes, and after dey finds a job dey can put on a wrist watch and a pretty shirt, and den
dey think dere is no guy in de world like dem” (p. 190). Reference is also made to a tailor from
Jamaica, called simply by his profession “de Tailor from Jamaica”, although he had been
working twenty-five years in Cayman (p. 136).The absence of a name, to which attention is
called in the narrative, reflects the belittling of the dignity of the migrant. Interestingly, the
demeaning is mutual: the Jamaicans are seen belittling Caymanians: “And dey calls us
kanakees, cause we not s’posed to be so civilized as on dat island” (p. 177).
These generally negative perceptions of Jamaicans fit into the generally negative perception
given of other nationalities in the region, e,g., Nicaraguans and Hondurans. Speaking of the
Nicaraguans, Raib exclaims: “Dey a bunch of thieves, just like Honduras!”... Goddom, how I
hate dese Sponnish” (p. 316)! However, the most dehumanizing descriptions are reserved for
the Jamaicans who the Caymanians encounter in the Cays, seen as the scum of the earth. Raib
shouts to them in one encounter: “PAN-HEAD NIGGERS! GET DE HELL AWAY” (p. 174)! The
narrative describes in animal terms this same group of Jamaican seamen later in a violent
encounter with Raib’s schooner which they invade, and here the description comes not from the
dialogue of the characters but from the authorial narration: “The eight are big wild mongrel
blacks, near-naked in remnant shorts and dirty singlets, with wild hair twisted into spikes and
eyes burnt red by rum and sun” (p. 340). They are described as “hooting and jabbering” and one
giving off “a sharp screech of frustration” – all reinforcing the dehumanizing depiction of them in
this dramatic crisis moment in the plot, where the Caymanians are seen as only verbally violent
and victims at the mercy of the near-savage Jamaicans.
Other aspects of Cayman reality suffuse the novel, including the language, which can be
seen from the preceding quotations and shows Matthiessen’s desire to approximate the
Cayman speech patterns. However, he suffers from the North American inability to get the
orthography of “man”, which somehow they seem to hear and present as “mon”. He also seems
not to be sensitive to the use of “d” for the English “th”, as in “with”, which would normally be
rendered “wid”. In suffusing the novel with an air of authentic Cayman speech and culture,
Matthiessen gives snippets of various songs that are created in Cayman around incidents in the
social life, and we get a sense of the culinary, for example, the use of the hawksbill turtle as an
aphrodisiac, or of conch salad for nerves. There are frequent tales of the sea, of hurricanes, of
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duppy stories and the sayings or traditions of the old people. There is a referencing of Cayman’s
fringe involvement in the Cold War politics of the United States and its response to the Cuban
Revolution and the refugee phenomenon that all help to give texture and context and richness
to the depiction of Cayman, unusual for someone who has not spent long years in Cayman. All
in all, Matthiessen has given a very extensive and realist portrayal of Caymanians in the
transition from the old seafaring and turtling culture to the more modern lifestyles of the tourism
economy that has transformed the island from what it was a generation ago. And he manages
to suffuse this with a delicate humanism, most poignantly expressed in Will Parchment’s
comment as they sail away from George Town: “All dese years I seen dat Old Rock sink away,
and still I wonderin if I ever see her rise again” (p. 43).
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9. Culture in the Caymanian Classroom
To What Extent Does Multicultural Education Occur in Schools
on the Island of Cayman Brac?
(A Preliminary Study)
By Dr. Mark Minott, Ms Diane Campbell, Mrs. Vimala Velusamy
University College of the Cayman Islands
Abstract
The purpose of this preliminary study was to determine the extent to which multicultural
education was occurring in schools on the island of Cayman Brac. Questionnaires (n=35), were
issued to all teachers at the local high school and two primary schools on the island of Cayman
Brac. A total of twenty eight were returned completed representing an 80 % response rate. The
survey consisted of fifty questions, which were organized under the following headings: school
environment, school curriculum and classroom teaching. It is via these areas that actions and
thoughts which indicate elements of multicultural education in schools are enacted.
Two respondents agreed to a follow up interview to clarify areas of concern raised by the
questionnaire. These respondents were selected because they indicated on the questionnaire
their willingness to be interviewed, and that they were practising aspects of multicultural
education in their individual classrooms.
While there are no known written and implemented programmes or systematic efforts
facilitating multicultural education locally, aspects of multicultural education do occur in isolated
classrooms. Recommendation for further research is provided.
Introduction and Outline
At present, Cayman’s population stands at 62,000, representing more than one hundred
nationalities. According to Wikipedia, the population comprises the following ethnic groups:
mixed, 40%; whites, 20%; black, 20%; and expatriates of various ethnic groups, 20%
(Wikipedia, 2008). The variety of nationalities suggests a wide cross section of cultures exists in
the Islands. This suggests that the Cayman Islands is a multicultural society. In such societies, it
is important, according to Gorski (2000), “that the children recognize and appreciate their own
ethnicity and learn to appreciate those of the other children …”. If we are to expect our children
in the Cayman Islands to function in an increasingly multicultural society, then the education
system must offer the knowledge and skills supporting multicultural education. There is,
however, no known written policy locally which supports the inclusion of multicultural education
in the present educational school system. Additionally, there is no known research which could
be used to guide the construction and application of such policies. Based on these facts, a
preliminary study was launched on the Island of Cayman Brac. The purpose was to determine
the extent to which multicultural education was occurring in schools there and to combine this
data with those of a future study to be carried out on Grand Cayman. The combined data should
highlight fully the nature, degree and occurrence of multicultural education in the Cayman
Islands. This paper is a report on the preliminary study. It includes a succinct literature review
which involves a definition of multicultural education, the government’s involvement with this
kind of education, and appropriate teaching approaches and strategies. The research
methodology is outlined, data presented and discussed, conclusions drawn, and
recommendations for further research highlighted.
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Multicultural Education, Philosophic Underpinning and Definition
At a philosophic level, multicultural education is about social change through education. It
requires profound and critical thinking, imagination, and commitment to ‘another tomorrow’
(Hanley-Stone, 1999). According to the magazine, Multicultural Pavilion (1999), what is
required is not just societal change through education, but a transformation of the education
process. Based on this assumption, the writers define multicultural education as “a progressive
approach for transforming education that holistically critiques and addresses current
shortcomings, failings, and discriminatory practices in education”. In this context, multicultural
education is grounded in the notion of an ideal society, dedicated to social justice, educational
equity, and a commitment to facilitating educational experiences in which all students, locally,
nationally, and globally, reach their full potential as learners and as socially active beings.
This transformation of society, which is at the core of the multicultural movement, is also the
most difficult to attain. Banks (1997) reminds us that it is no accident that social change is
included in a philosophic understanding of the concept of multicultural education. Indeed, the
history of multicultural education lies in the civil rights movements of various historically
oppressed groups such as African Americans and other people of colour who challenged
discriminatory practices in public institutions during the civil rights struggles. Other similar
thrusts include the women’s right movements in the late 1960’s, increasing challenges by gay
and lesbian groups, and pressure from the elderly and people with disabilities, who have been
pushing for socio-political clout and recognition of their human rights since the 1970’s (Gorski,
2000, Banks 1989 & Davidman & Davidman, 1997).
Highlighting this transformational nature of multicultural education, Banks (1997) defines it as
an idea, an educational reform movement and a process intended to change the structure of
educational institutions so that all students will have an equal opportunity to achieve academic
success. Banks and Banks (1997) elaborate on this thought by stating that multicultural
education:
• incorporates the idea that all students, regardless of their gender, social, ethnic,
racial, or cultural characteristics, should have an equal opportunity to learn in
school.
• is a reform movement designed to make some major changes in schools and
other educational institutions so that students from all social classes, gender,
racial and cultural groups will have an opportunity to learn.
• is an ongoing process whose goals--which include educational equality and
improving academic achievement--will never be realized because they are ideals
toward which human beings work.
Advocates of multicultural education acknowledge that schools are essential to laying the
foundation for the transformation of society and the elimination of oppression and injustice
(Banks 1977, Multicultural Pavilion, 1999). Wilson (2009), Associate Professor of Pennsylvania
State University, in his article “Multicultural Education,” agrees with Banks and others, but points
out that the ideals of multicultural education can be achieved only when instructions are
designed for the cultures of several different races in an education system.
Drawing on the ideas in the foregoing discussion and the definition of Hanley Stone (1999),
we see multicultural education as not just transforming society through education but also
changing the structure of educational institutions. It requires critical thinking, imagination, and a
commitment to include the wealth of information of peoples and their stories in schools’ ethos or
environments, curricula and classrooms.
As such, multicultural education is not just learning about festivals, religions and heroes in
one classroom. It has to be a school-wide initiative if it is to be successful and its
transformational properties realized. This requires two important preconditions: governmental
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endorsement and the implementation of appropriate teaching approaches and strategies, as
discussed in the next section.
Multicultural Education and Government Endorsement
In order for multicultural education to be effective and to become a “normal” part of schools’
curricula, governmental endorsement has become mandatory, either on a national or local level.
In Australia, the New South Wales government has implemented policies and procedures on
multicultural education. This policy is “to ensure that schools’ policies and procedures respond
to and reflect cultural, linguistic and religious diversity and give students the opportunity to fully
appreciate and achieve equitable educational outcomes, and to develop skills and knowledge to
be active citizens” (NSW department of education and training, 2005).
The United Kingdom government’s policies and newly introduced laws on racial and cultural
discrimination support multicultural education. In the USA, multicultural education has been
achieved mainly through civil rights and federal education policies. The Canadian government
has also addressed multiculturalism, introducing the necessary legislation and policies. Both the
United States and Canada have a history of local and regional policy development in
multicultural education. While these policies tend to be enacted at the local level, they are
definitely supported at the federal level.
Approaches to Multicultural Education
Banks (1997) suggests four ways to approach multicultural education:
• The contribution approach, which involves choosing books and activities about
heroes, events and various holidays about different cultures. This approach may also
involve choosing books that might not have been recommended by the prevailing school
curriculum.
• The additive approach, by means of which various contents, concepts and
perspectives are added to the curriculum without changing the basic structure. For
example, adding literature about and by people of diverse backgrounds.
• The transformation approach, which involves transforming the whole structure of the
curriculum in order to encourage students to explore, understand and learn about all the
cultural perspectives and points of view.
• The social action approach, which is a combination of the transformation approach
and of activities promoting striving for social change. In this approach, students not only
learn with the transformation approach, they actually act upon it to make a change in
their societies by writing letters to politicians, newspapers and others.
Some Strategies for Implementing Multicultural Education in Schools
A school has to have certain strategies before it is considered a multicultural educational
institution. The main areas where various strategies can be tested, utilised and enacted are: the
school’s physical environment and ethos, the curriculum delivered, and the classroom. Firstly,
the environment and ethos of the school should reflect the multicultural diversity of the student
population. According to the National Council for the Social Studies in the USA (1991), there are
several guidelines for ensuring a multicultural environment in schools:
•
•
•
Ethnic and cultural diversity should permeate the total school environment.
School policies and procedures should foster positive multicultural interactions
and understandings among students, teachers and the support staff.
Schools should have systematic, comprehensive, mandatory, and continuing
staff development programmes.
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•
•
•
•
Curriculum should reflect the cultural learning styles and characteristics of
students within the community.
Curriculum should help students understand the totality of the experiences of
ethnic and cultural groups in the United States.
Curriculum should help students develop their decision-making abilities, socialparticipation skills, and sense of political efficacy as necessary bases for effective
citizenship in a pluralistic democratic nation.
Curriculum should be comprehensive in scope and sequence, should present
holistic views of ethnic and cultural groups, and should be an integral part of the
total school curriculum.
Gorski (2000) reflecting on multicultural curriculum content states the following:
• Delivery must acknowledge and address a diversity of learning styles while
challenging dynamics of power and privileges in the classroom.
• Contents must be complete and accurate, acknowledging the contributions and
perspectives of ALL groups.
• Teaching and learning materials must be diverse and critically examined for bias.
• Content must be presented from various perspectives and angles in order to be
accurate and complete.
• Students must be engaged in the teaching and learning process, transcending
the banking method and facilitating experiences in which students learn from
each other’s experiences and perspectives.
• Students must be educated about social and justice issues and educators must
model a sense of civic responsibility within the curriculum in order for students to
be active participants in equitable democracy.
• Curricula must be constantly assessed for completeness, accuracy and bias.
Gorski (2000) continues by also suggesting that multicultural teaching should practice certain
strategies which should be visible in the classroom. Some of the strategies are:
• employing cooperative group, team, and pair arrangements for learning as the
normative organization instead of the exception.
• using learning stations, multimedia, and interactive video to present information
instead of being overly dependent on didactic teaching.
• varying the format of learning activities frequently to incorporate more affective
purposes, motion, and movement along with the passive listening, reading, and
writing.
• establishing friendships between students and teachers.
• creating genuine partnerships with students so that they are active participants in
making decisions about how their learning experiences will occur and will be
evaluated.
• changing the rules and procedures that govern life in the classroom so they
reflect some of the codes of behaviour, social etiquette, and participation styles
of culturally different students.
• devising ways for students to monitor and manage their own and each other’s
classroom behaviour.
• developing a sense of “family” to give cohesion and focused meaning to
interpersonal relationships in the classroom.
• routinely incorporating a wide variety of multicultural images, artifacts, icons,
events, and individuals in classroom decorations and instructional materials.
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•
Incorporating ethnically specific books, music, magazines, posters and studentcreated arts as invaluable tools.
Having discussed the philosophic underpinning of multicultural education, established its
definition, and succinctly outlined governmental endorsement and appropriate teaching
approach and strategies, we then used these ideas as guidelines for finding out whether
multicultural education was occurring in local schools. The research process is outlined below.
Rationale for the Research
As indicated in the introduction to this paper, the Cayman Islands, with a population of
approximately 62,000 and more than one hundred nationalities (Wikipedia, 2008) is a
linguistically and culturally diverse society and a perfect venue for multicultural education.
However, there is no known writing about the practice of multicultural education in local schools.
Therefore a preliminary study was launched to determine the extent to which multicultural
education was occurring in schools in the Cayman Islands, particularly in Cayman Brac.
Specifically, the intention was to determine whether or not multicultural education was reflected
in the school environment, ethos, or in the curriculum, and whether multicultural teaching
approaches and strategies were occurring in the classrooms. Also, as indicated in the
introduction, the data from this preliminary study will be combined with future studies to be
carried out on the island of Grand Cayman. The combined data should highlight fully the nature,
degree and occurrence of multicultural education in the Cayman Islands.
Respondents
Respondents were all teachers and administrators from the Cayman Brac High School, and the
Creek, Spot Bay and West End primary schools. The teachers completed a questionnaire and
two volunteered to participate in informal telephone follow-up interviews. The aim of the
interviews was to clarify and to get at a deeper understanding of issues emerging from the
questionnaire. These respondents were selected because they indicated on the questionnaire
their willingness to do so, and also that they were practising aspects of multicultural education in
their individual classrooms.
Research Methods
A survey approach was the main data collection process. The two survey tools used were a
questionnaire and informal telephone follow-up interviews.
Data-Collection Instruments and Analysis
The questions were based on the strategies and identifiers of multicultural education highlighted
in the literature in the foregoing discussion. The questionnaire was divided into three sections,
with each section focusing on one area of schooling though which multicultural education and
educational strategy could be enacted. The areas were the school environment or ethos, the
curriculum, and the classroom. The questions had multiple choice answers where respondents
were to select “Yes”, “No”, “Sometimes”, or “To Some Extent”. (See appendix for a copy of the
questionnaire.) In total, thirty-five questionnaires were distributed and twenty-eight were
returned, which represents an 80 % response rate. While not all the questions were attempted
by everyone, sufficient data was provided to enable the drawing of appropriate conclusions.
Telephone follow-up interviews were conducted with the two respondents. The data from the
questionnaires and interviews were analyzed using content-analysis and cross-comparison
techniques. Each section of the questionnaire, with its corresponding questions and answers,
was examined and compared across the sample. Questionnaire answers that occurred most
frequently formed conclusions. Where possible these conclusions were verified by interviews.
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Presentation of Data
The Environment of the School
Respondents identified at least four nationalities among the staff population of all three schools.
The remainder of the responses in this category is illustrated in the following bar chart.
The School's Physical Environment and Ethos
Topics of Questions
Provision of instruments,
techniques by school
Evaluation of goals, methods
and materials
YES
NO
SOME TIME
Extra Curricular activities
Multicultural resources,
displays
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Percentage of Response
Most of the respondents recognized that there are no instructional provisions for teachers of
multicultural and ethnic backgrounds and there are no evaluation of goals, methods and
materials used. However, there are extra curricula activities, displays and resources available
on occasion.
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School Curriculum
Topics of Questions
Comprehensive and holistic
view of curriculum
Diversity as strength and
conflict
YES
Aspects of cultural and
ethnic experiences
NO
SOME EXTENT
Inclusion of experiences,
patterns and problems
Instructional strategies and
materials
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Percentage of Response
Seventeen respondents answered ‘No’ to the question of whether the curriculum was
comprehensive in scope and sequence, and presented a holistic view of ethnic and cultural
groups. More than 50 percent of the respondents said that the curriculum’s objectives,
strategies, and materials reflected to some extent the various cultural and ethnic backgrounds.
They also indicated that the curriculum includes the experiences and patterns of events in
history on multicultural nature “to some extent”, allowing the students to identify their diversity as
a potential strength and not a source of conflict.
Classroom
The responses to the range of questions on instructional materials used in classrooms are
illustrated in the chart below.
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Instructional Material
Top
Inclusion of diversity of
ic
students in assessment
techniques
are
as Members of local cultural and
ethnic community as resources
of
que student involvement in study
of local community
stio
ns
Opportunities for second
YES
NO
SOME TIME
language speakers
Student exposure in variety of
ethnic poetry, stories and other
literature
Use of multiethnic art and
literature
Honest, sensitive and realistic
treatment of cultural
differences
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Response Percentage
Based on the graph immediately above, multicultural education is practised to some extent in
classrooms in most of areas. Sixty-two percent of the respondents answered that there was
honest, sensitive and realistic treatment of cultural differences in the student population.
Interviews
Interviewees were asked to give their opinion on multicultural education in Brac schools. The
first interviewee said that even though the student population featured at least ten nationalities,
there was no systematic attempt to embrace multicultural education. She stated that it could be
achieved with the necessary training of teachers. The second interviewee said that the new
International Baccalaureate (IB) curriculum requires schools to include multicultural education
and that the teachers should be trained to take on the responsibility.
Discussion of findings
As indicated in the literature review, a school has to have certain characteristics before it is
considered a multicultural educational institution. For example, its physical environment and
ethos should exude multiculturalism. According to the National Council for the Social Studies in
the USA (1991) ethnic and cultural diversity should permeate the total school environment. This
may require a variety of co-existing nationalities within institutions. The findings of the study
indicated that there were at least four nationalities represented in the staff population of all three
schools. One interviewee confirmed this to be so, but indicated that the number was more likely
about ten.
The inclusion of extra-curricular activities, displays and resources that reflected multicultural
education was seen as important to impacting the environment or ethos of the school in the
desired way. While the findings of the study suggest that this aspect was sometimes achieved,
its frequency was not so clear. This is indeed a question that will need to be addressed in future
199
studies. Having said this, the fact that these do occur is an indication of some attempt at
incorporating aspects of multicultural education in the school environment.
Seventeen respondents answered ‘No’ to the question of whether the curriculum was
comprehensive in scope and sequence and presented a holistic view of ethnic and cultural
groups. This was identified by the National Council for the Social Studies in the USA (1991) as
an important indicator of a curriculum which reflects multicultural education. While this area
needs to be addressed, more than 50 percent of the respondents said that the curriculum
objectives, strategies, materials reflected the various cultural and the ethnic backgrounds to
some extent. They also indicated that the curriculum included the experiences and patterns of
events in history of a multicultural nature to some extent, allowing students to identify diversity
as a potential strength and conflict. The fact that these do occur is an indication that some
aspects of multicultural education are being incidentally incorporated in the schools’ curricula.
One interviewee confirms this proposition when she stated that there was no attempt to institute
multicultural education.
Gorski (2000) pointed out that multicultural education includes certain practices and
strategies which should be visible in the classroom. However, based on the study, multicultural
education is practised in classroom to a limited degree only, and only 62 percent of the
respondents answered that there was honest, sensitive and realistic treatment of cultural
differences in the student population. This is an area in need of further clarification. For
example, there is the need to determine exactly what these efforts involve and to explore the
challenges experienced by those implementing these in the classroom.
Conclusion
Although most of the respondents were of the view that there was no planned effort to offer the
students a multicultural education it would be reasonable to conclude that all local schools in
Cayman Brac have some sort of multicultural education, without a known written programme,
occurring in isolated sections of the schools and in selected classrooms. Only five of the
respondents were of the opinion that schools were successful in delivering multicultural
education, compared to fifteen others who differed entirely.
The following conclusions were compiled from the data gathered from the twenty-eight
respondents from all the schools on Cayman Brac.
1. The staff of all the schools are multiethnic, reflecting various religious beliefs,
languages and national origins.
2. The library, posters in classrooms, and notice boards display a wide variety of
materials based on histories, experiences and cultures of various ethnic groups.
3. The objectives, instructional strategies and learning materials reflect to some
extent the cultures of the various ethnic and cultural groups within the school.
4. The curriculum is not comprehensive in scope and sequence and does not
present a holistic view of the ethnic and cultural groups.
5. There are no regular, systematic evaluations of goals, methods, and instructional
materials used in ethnicity and culture conducted by the schools.
6. No instruments and techniques are provided to the teachers for instructing and
counselling students of various ethnic groups.
7. The classroom atmosphere is created to reflect acceptance and respect for
ethnic and cultural differences.
8. Instructional materials used in class treat racial and ethnic differences and
groups honestly, realistically and sensitively.
9. Multiethnic art and literature are used in some classrooms
10. Students read and hear poetry, essays and stories of various ethnic and cultural
groups.
200
11. Students are taught to communicate in a second language.
12. To some extent students are involved in the continuous study of the community.
13. The members of the local ethnic and cultural communities are used to some
extent as classroom resources.
14. To some extent the day-to-day student assessment process does take into
account ethnic and cultural diversity.
To What Extent is Multicultural Education Occurring
in Schools on Cayman Brac?
On the basis of the foregoing discussion and survey conclusions, along with the charts
presenting data, we answer the main question of this research. The schools have displays,
classroom posters of a multiethnic and cultural nature, though only in certain subject areas, for
example, in art, music, social studies and religious education. This is not true for all subject
areas. Students are exposed to various multiethnic art and literature even though not explicitly
part of the curriculum. Even though schools offer a second language for students, there is no
notable effort made for students who speak that second language to explore their ethnic and
cultural background. Eight out of the twelve points noted above suggests that there is
multicultural education occurring in schools to some extent. It should also be noted that all
those eight points come under the category of a multicultural classroom, not a multicultural
school. It is also evident that no deliberate attempt is made to teach multicultural education via
the schools’ curriculum or environment. The new curriculum which is being introduced in some
schools at the moment has more of a social approach to the multicultural curriculum, but it is not
introduced and practised in all schools yet. The extent to which multicultural education is
occurring at the moment could be seen in schools, but to a limited extent.
Avenue for Future Research
As indicated in the foregoing discussion, there are some areas that should be considered in the
next phrase of this study. First, there is the need to uncover the frequency with which extracurricular activities, displays, and resources that reflect multicultural education occur. Second,
while certain multicultural educational practices and strategies are visible in the classroom,
there is the need to determine their nature and the challenges experienced by those
implementing these in the classroom. Accomplishing these is critical to gaining an in-depth
understanding of multicultural education in the Cayman Islands.
Third, this preliminary study painted a broad picture of multicultural education at the school
level. All issues raised by the research should be examined in-depth via semi-structured
interviews of key people on the other islands. Additionally, the area of policy construction should
also be explored by interviewing key educational administrators.
201
References
Banks, J.A, 1997, Teaching strategies for ethnic studies, Boston: Allyn & Bacon,
http://www.newhorizons.org/strategies/multicultural/hanley.htm
Banks, J.A, & Banks, C.A.M, 1997, Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives (3rd ed.,
pp.385-407), Boston: Allyn and Bacon,
http://www.newhorizons.org/strategies/multicultural/hanley.htm
Banks, 1999, http://www.intime.uni.edu/multiculture/curriculum/approachs.htm
Davidman, L., & Davidman, P, 1997, Teaching with a multicultural perspective: A
practical guide. New York: Longman.
Gorski, P, C, 2001, Multicultural Pavilion,
http://www.edchange.org/multicultural/curriculum/characteristics.html
Hanley-Stone, Mary, 1999, The Scope of multi-cultural education, Teaching and Learning
Strategies, New Horizons for learning.
http://www.newhorizons.org/strategies/multicultural/hanley.htm
National Council for the Social Studies in the USA, 1991, Curriculum Guidelines for Multicultural
Education. http://www.socialstudies.org/positions/multicultural
NSW department of Education & Training 2009,
https://www.det.nsw.edu.au/policies/student_serv/equity/comm_rela/PD20050234.shtml
Multicultural Pavilion, www.edchange.org
Wilson, K, 2009, http://www.edchange.org/multicultural/papers/keith.html
Wikipedia, 2008, the free encyclopedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cayman_Islands
202
Appendix
TEACHERS’ SURVEY
Multicultural Education in the Cayman Islands
PLEASE FILL-IN OR TICK WHERE APPROPRIATE
1. The School
1.1 School Personnel
Is your school staff (administrators, instructors, counsellors, and support staff) multi-ethnic, that
is, of various religious beliefs, language and national origin?
No
Yes
If yes, please list at least four different nationalities represented in your school.
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________
Does the school have systematic, comprehensive, mandatory, staff development programmes
with a focus on understanding and utilizing ideas, beliefs, customs, ritual ceremonies and
modes of thoughts of various people/groups?
Yes
No
Once in a while
1.2 School Physical Environment and Ethos
Does your school library, resource center, posters in classrooms and notice boards offer and
display a variety of materials on the histories, experiences, and cultures of many racial and
ethnic groups
Yes
No
Sometimes
Do your school assemblies, decorations, speakers, holidays, and heroes reflect racial and
ethnic group differences?
Yes
Sometimes
Are extracurricular activities at your school multiethnic and cultural in nature?
Yes
203
No
Sometimes
Please give an example:
___________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________
Does your school conduct ongoing, systematic evaluations of the goals, methods, and
instructional materials used in teaching about ethnicity and culture?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Does the school provide a variety of instruments and techniques for teaching and counseling
students of various ethnic groups?
Yes
No
Please give an example:
___________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________
2. School Curriculum
Curriculum focus and intent
Do the objectives, instructional strategies, and learning materials reflect the cultures and
cognitive styles of the various ethnic and cultural groups within the school?
Yes
No
CheckBox6
Does the curriculum include the study of societal problems some ethnic and cultural group
member’s experience, such as racism, prejudice, discrimination, and exploitation?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum include the study of historical experiences, cultural patterns, and social
problems of various ethnic and cultural groups?
Yes
No
To some exent
204
Does the curriculum include both positive and negative aspects of ethnic and cultural group
experiences?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum present people of color both as active participants in society and as
subjects of oppression and exploitation?
Yes
No
Does the curriculum present group experiences as dynamic and continuously changing?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum examine the total experiences of groups instead of focusing exclusively on
the "heroes"?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum examine differing views of ideals and realities among ethnic and cultural
groups?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum promote values, attitudes, and behaviors that support ethnic and cultural
diversity?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum foster attitudes supportive of cultural democracy and other unifying
democratic ideals and values?
Yes
No
To some exent
205
Does the curriculum reflect ethnic and cultural diversity?
Yes
No
Not sure
Does the curriculum present diversity as a vital societal force that encompasses both potential
strength and potential conflict?
Yes
No
To some exent
Does the curriculum include opportunities to use knowledge, valuing, and thinking in decision
making on issues related to race, ethnicity, and culture?
Yes
No
To some exent
Is the curriculum comprehensive in scope and sequence and presents a holistic view of ethnic
and cultural groups?
Yes
No
To some exent
3. Classroom
3.1Teachers’ role (generally)
Do you create a classroom atmosphere reflecting an acceptance of, and respect for ethnic and
cultural differences?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Do you create a classroom atmosphere allowing realistic consideration of alternatives and
options for members of ethnic and cultural groups?
Yes
No
Sometimes
3.2 Instructional Material
206
Do instructional materials treat racial and ethnic differences and groups honestly, realistically,
and sensitively?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are materials written by and about ethnic and cultural groups used in teaching fundamental
skills?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are the perspectives of various ethnic and cultural groups represented in the instructional
program?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are multiethnic literature and art used to promote empathy and understanding of people from
various ethnic and cultural groups?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are multiethnic literature and art used to promote self-examination and self-understanding?
Yes
No
Sometimes
3.3 Lesson content and delivery
Does content related to ethnic and cultural groups extend beyond special units, courses,
occasions, and holidays?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are students taught why different ethnic and cultural groups often perceive the same historical
event or contemporary situation differently?
Yes
No
Sometimes
207
Are the perspectives of each ethnic and cultural group presented as valid ways to perceive the
past and the present?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are field trips to the various local ethnic and cultural communities provided for students?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Do students read and hear the poetry, short stories, novels, folklore, plays, essays, and
autobiographies of a variety of ethnic and cultural groups?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Do students examine the music, art, architecture, and dance of a variety of ethnic and cultural
groups?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Do students have available the artistic, musical, and literary expression of the local ethnic and
cultural communities?
Yes
No
Not sure
Are opportunities provided for students to develop their own artistic, literary, and musical
expression?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are students taught to communicate (speaking, reading, and writing) in a second language?
Yes
No
Are students taught about the culture of the people who use the second language?
Yes
208
No
Sometimes
Are second language speakers provided opportunities to develop full literacy in their native
language?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are students for whom English is a second language taught in their native languages as
needed?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Are students involved in the continuous study of the local community?
Yes
No
To some extent
Are members of the local ethnic and cultural communities continually used as classroom
resources?
Yes
No
Sometimes
3.3 Lesson evaluation:
Do you use assessment procedures which reflect students’ ethnic and community cultures?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Sometimes
Do you use a variety of assessment procedures that reflect the ethnic and cultural diversity of
students?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Not sure
209
Do your day-to-day assessment techniques take into account the ethnic and cultural diversity of
their students?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Not sure
Do your assessment procedures draw on many sources of evidence from many sorts of people?
Yes
No
Sometimes
Not sure
How successful would you say, your school was in presenting a multi-cultural curriculum, staff,
and administrative policies? Is there deliberate effort to present a multicultural atmosphere?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
210
Conceptualizing Cayman Culture -- Some Theoretical Hurdles
By Dr. Livingston Smith, University College of the Cayman Islands
211
212
213
214
215
216
217
218
219
220
221
222
223
A Comparison of Income Distribution, labour Force Spread, and
Educational Attainment of
African-American and African Caribbean Sample Populations
By Louieco Lewis
University College of the Cayman Islands
Extract
African-American and African-Caribbean people have been the subject of research that
examines the economic and educational differences that exist between these two groups.
However, the unique histories of these two groups during slavery have not been examined in
order to determine if the respective history, culture and social capital possessed by these two
groups have had an impact on their respective economic and academic progress in American
society. This study compares the income distribution, labour force and educational attainments
of African-American and African Caribbean people according to the US Census Bureau’s
Summary File 3 and Summary File 4 datasets. The results of this study showed that there is a
significant difference in the population proportion of ABA’s and CBA’s income distribution,
labour force, and educational attainment.
Introduction
Diverse societies such as the United States have been the subject of numerous studies.
Comparisons of incomes, levels of inter- and intra-group violence, educational attainment,
access to capital, among other factos, have been examined to understand these societies.
African-American and African-Caribbean people have been the subject of research that
examines the economic and educational differences that exist between these two groups. The
unique histories of these two groups during slavery have not been examined in order to
determine if the respective history, culture and social capital possessed by these two groups
have had an impact on their respective economic and academic progress in American society.
In particular, social capital is about the value of social networks, bonding similar people and
connecting diverse people, with norms of reciprocity (Dekker & Uslaner, 2001; Uslaner, 2001).
Census and educational data indicate that differences do exist. For the purposes of this
research African Americans will be called American-born Africans (ABA) and Caribbean African
people will be called Caribbean-born Africans (CBA). This classification scheme suggests that
the country or region is the driver for one’s cultural experience.
Members of the same racial (or ethnic) group who have been exposed to different cultural
experiences often have different educational and economic outcomes. More specifically,
African-Caribbean people and African-Americans, because of their different cultural
experiences, exhibit differences when it comes to educational and economic achievement.
Economists Guiso, Paola & Luigi (2006) noted that Robert Boyd, anthropologist, and Peter
Richerson, population biologist, provide field evidence that culture does in fact have an impact
on economic behavior. Further, Salamon (1992) presents evidence that descendants of two
distinct European-American groups, German-Catholics and Yankee settlers, had different levels
of profitability based on the structure of land ownership, farming practices, choice of crops, and
female fertility.
In a recent article (Scott, 2003; Census 2000, 2009) indicates that CBA, in addition to having
a greater median household income than ABA ($36,635 versus $27,358), are more likely to own
their own homes (more than 40% of West Indians were living in single-family or two-unit
housing, compared with fewer than 30% of all New Yorkers).
A report on a project funded by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Rand Institute on
Education and Training (Vernez & Abrahamse, 1996) indicates that “Immigrants in U.S. high
224
schools are more likely to plan to go to college and to report working hard to achieve their
expectations”. Similarly, the immigrant parents of immigrant children report higher educational
expectations for their children than native parents do (this was true for immigrant children and
parents of all racial/ethnic groups studied). Abrahamse, Quigley& Vernez (1996) illustrate that
African-Caribbean immigrants tend to prepare themselves better for college than AfricanAmericans. Abrahamse, Quigley & Vernez (1996) illustrate that the percentage of high school
graduates participating in post-secondary education for African-Caribbean immigrants is higher
than African-Americans.
In order to try to understand the differences in achievement between these two groups, we
must look at the Caribbean and America pre- and post-emancipation – and, within this context,
this analysis will look at demographic, economic, and cultural factors.
Prior to emancipation, slaves in the Caribbean lived in large units (with numbers ranging
from 150 to 250 slaves) on plantations supervised by paid managers, owners often living
abroad. Meanwhile, half of the slaves in the south worked on plantations where work units
numbered some twenty or fewer slaves, with owners living on the plantation and interacting with
the slaves.
In the south masters provided slaves with food, housing and clothing (Mintz, 2007). Slaves in
the south were kept dependent on their owners for food, clothing, living conditions, and the
organization of their daily lives (Sowell, 1981). “[C]reate in him habits of perfect dependence on
you ….” said a leading slave owner (Gutman 263, 1977). “With many generations of
discouragement of initiative and with little incentive to work anymore than necessary and to
escape punishment, slaves developed foot-dragging, work-evading patterns” (Olmsted 28-32,
1983) that were to remain as a cultural legacy long after slavery itself disappeared (Sowell,
1981).
Caribbean plantation owners had difficulty feeding their slaves (from increasing warfare
among colonial powers and the rising cost of importing food). Land was allocated (not suitable
for sugar cultivation) to the slaves to provide food for subsistence; in addition, slaves were
expected to care for their elderly and sick. The subsistence farming often produced surpluses
enabling the slaves to sell in public marketplaces – a common feature throughout the Caribbean
(Besson, 2003).
Slave revolts occurred in both the Caribbean and the U.S. From the early 1500s slaves
staged revolts in Mexico, Panama, and Peru. The insurrections continued (Columbia, Cuba,
Panama, etc.) for the next two hundred years throughout the Spanish Caribbean. In the United
States from the 1500s to the end of the Civil War in 1865 there were over 200 separate slave
uprisings. The revolts in America were less successful than those in the Caribbean and South
America because of a lack of African cultural continuity (Herskovits, 1958).
The successes of the slave revolts in the Caribbean were a result of several factors: the size
of the slave population; the early methods of buying and distributing slaves (large numbers of
slaves per plantation helped to establish kinships (and plot revolts); combat experience (in
Africa) and maintenance of an African cultural continuity (Moore, 1995). The majority of the
early 19th century slaves in the Caribbean and Brazil were born in Africa. In 1850 most of the
U.S. slaves were third, fourth, or fifth-generation Americans (Mintz, 2007).
A final distinction between slavery in the United States and slavery throughout the Americas
was that of the strength of slavery. In the south slavery depended on an overall climate of
racism. Only 25% of the population owned slaves in the south; therefore, the loyalty of the nonslaveholding whites was necessary for the institution of slavery to thrive (Mintz, 2007).
Slavery was abolished in the United States in 1865 and was followed by the Black Codes of
1865 (laws in many of the southern states) that were designed to control the freedman and
maintain “slavery” by enforcing grossly unfavorable labour contracts and prohibiting blacks from
enjoying a range of civic rights. These included serving on juries, testifying against whites,
voting, and owning land, among other features.
225
The climate after slavery was hostile also in other respects. Confederate soldiers returning to
the south after the Civil War saw many of their homes and towns destroyed. Returning home
resentful for the loss of war and the flight of slaves to fight for the Union Army, these soldiers
took out their anger on the freed slaves residing in the South. As a result of this hostility
countless atrocities were committed against helpless blacks. “The general attitude of white
southerners towards blacks was aptly summed up by a Colonel in the Union Army in 1865: To
kill a Negro did not deem murder; to debauch a Negro woman they do not think fornication; to
take property away from a Negro they do not consider robbery” (Higgs 9, 1977). The Supreme
Court mirrored this attitude in the Dred Scott decision, which declared that blacks “had no rights
which the white man was bound to respect” (Sowell 197, 1981).
The British Caribbean slavery was abolished in 1834 (though later for other European
powers). To smooth the transition from slavery to freedom, an apprenticeship system was
established. The free Africans had to stay on the plantation for six years after emancipation to
prevent a mass exodus from the plantations. The apprenticeship system collapsed in 1838 –
many former slaves simply left the plantations. Apprenticeship, accompanied by the colonial
planter policies (as well as attitudes) and legislation, was intended to restrict land ownership,
maintain a dependent labour force, and continue the wealth and privilege of the plantation class.
Following emancipation, many former slaves travelled to other islands in the Caribbean for
economic opportunity. Emancipation also prompted the exodus of the freed Africans from the
plantation to establish their own villages, often forming cooperatives to buy bankrupt or
abandoned sugar estates, or simply squatting (Knight & Palmer, 1989). Land also was “claimed”
by those former slaves who still lived on plantation land where family gardens and burial
grounds were established. These family-holding systems were similar to the African concept of
land-holding kin groups, differing only in lineal descent. The family-holding systems were
important in the reconstruction of an identity (Besson, 2003). The Maroon communities in
Surinam and Jamaica obtained legal land rights through treaties with colonial governments
(Besson, 2003).
Despite the efforts of plantation owners to maintain control of the freed Africans, several
factors caused the economic decline within the Caribbean and thus altered the interaction
between the plantation owners and the freed Africans: “the decay of sugar plantations made
them different again, less racist and less slave-like in labour relations, although the residue of
slave society was always there” (Stinchcombe 4, 1995). Those factors contributing to the
economic decline within the Caribbean included: international rivalries, overproduction of sugar
by the French and the British, Cuban production of sugar, and the independence of Haiti
(Stinchcombe, 1995).
In the cultural aspect, difference was also observed between African-Caribbean immigrants
and African-Americans. Geert Hofstede (1980), a researcher who focused on national and
regional culture groupings as well as the culture of business organizations, suggests the
following definition of culture: “Culture is the collective programming of the human mind that
distinguishes the members of one human group from those of another. Culture, in this sense is
a system of collectively held values” (24). Hofstede (1980), collecting data from surveys given
to employees of IBM in over 70 countries between 1967 and 1973, developed a cultural model
with five dimensions: Low vs. high power distance, Individualism vs. collectivism, masculinity vs.
femininity, uncertainty avoidance and long- vs. short-term orientation.
In this model of culture, Hoftede defined collectivism (the other side of Individualism) as the
degrees to which individuals are integrated into groups. The “collective” spirit of CBA people
and people of other regions (Latin-America, Asia, Africa, etc.) suggests a far greater social
cohesiveness than ABA’s and those racial groups that live in European and European-based
countries (United States, European countries, Slavic countries) that subscribe to a more
“individualistic” spirit.
226
Hofstede (1980) used a number of questionnaires to measure the five dimensions of culture
for various countries and scored them on a scale of 0 to 100. High scores on one dimension
would correlate with low scores on the parallel dimension. For example, a low score for the
“individualism” dimension would mean that society was “collective” in nature. The US scored
highest (91) in Hofstede’s individualism dimension, and was followed by Australia (90).
Countries in the Caribbean Basin, meanwhile, scored substantially lower: Jamaica (39),
Columbia (13), and Costa Rica (15) (Purdue University, 2009).
CBA’s greater social cohesiveness (social capital) than ABA’s manifests itself in a number of
ways: informal job networks McLaughlin’s (1981), Waters (1999), Smith (2005) and economic
empowerment, that is, capital accumulation (capital needed to start, continue, or maintain a
business; obtain a large initial mortgage payment; acquire funds for school tuition; fund
accumulation for investment; among other elements) using “Susu” -- a revolving credit and
savings association (Bonnett, 1981) used throughout West Africa. Further, Social capital
influences educational achievement, preserves social control of the youth in the immigrant
community (Portes & Zhou, 1993), the value of hard work, and the drive for success, as
illustrated by some of the distinguished individuals in the CBA community (as seen in Appendix
Table 1).
Moreover, in analyzing economic differences, CBA’s have immigrated to the US for a
number of reasons existing in their respective countries: high unemployment rates, limited
access to capital, limited business opportunity, among other reasons. The US has the largest
and most powerful technologically market-driven economy (with per capita GDP of $45,700) in
the world, making immigration an attractive option. According to the CIA World Factbook (2007),
there are observed differences in these economies and the potential for personal and financial
growth for CBA’s migrating to the US.
Thomas & Znaniecki (1920), Thrasher (1927), Sampson & Grove (1989), Sampson, Robert
& Bean, Lydia (2006), and Wilson, W.J. (1987) argue that social conditions influence the
behaviour of residents within a community (social disorganization theory) and eventually lead to
criminality. High unemployment, population density, unsupportive social and political institutions
are some of the contributing factors for social disorganization. These factors are followed by
aggression and criminal behaviour. In order to compare the social capital (social cohesion) of
CBA and ABA’s, the ecological environments of these residents should be similar. Data from the
US 2000 Census (2001) indicates that 17.6%, 18.8%, 54.8%, and 8.9% of ABA’s live in the
Northeast, Midwest, South and the West, respectively. The following areas contain the largest
ABA populations in the U.S. : the Northeast (45.5% of ABA’s live in two cities, New York and
Florida, with 34.9% living in New York); the Midwest (28.3% live in two cities, Chicago and
Detroit); the South (in three cities, Houston, Dallas, and San Antonio); and the West (37.2% live
in three cities, Los Angeles, San Diego, and Phoenix). Those ten cities represent 20.2% of the
total ABA population in the U.S. Further, cities with populations over 100,000 have the largest
concentrations of ABA’s. These are Gary, IN, 85.3%; Detroit, MI, 82.8%; Birmingham, AL, 74%;
Jackson, MS, 70.6%; New Orleans, LA, 67.9%; Baltimore, MD, 65.2%; Atlanta, GA, 62.1%;
Memphis, TN, 61.9%; Washington, DC, 61.3%; and Richmond, VA, 58.1%. With the exception
of Gary, IN, and Detroit, MI (Midwest), all of these noted cities are located in the South.
For the CBA population the US 2000 Census (2009) indicates that 53.4%, 3.4%, 38.8%, and
4.4% of CBA’s live in the Northeast, Midwest, South and the West, respectively. Of the CBA’s
living in the Northeast (or 53.4% of the total CBA population) 37.5% of the population residing in
the Northeast live in New York. For the CBA living in the South (or 38.8% of the total CBA
population) 77.2% of CBA’s residing in the South live in Florida and Maryland. The analyses of
these U.S. Census data suggest that both CBA and ABA’s live in cities (or counties) that are
densely populated, positing that their ecological environments are similar. Therefore, a
comparison of the social capital of these two groups appears to be valid.
227
Purpose
African-American and African-Caribbean people have been the subject of research that
examines the economic and educational differences that exist between these two groups.
However, the unique histories of these two groups during slavery have not been examined in
order to determine if the respective history, culture and social capital possessed by these two
groups have had an impact on their respective economic and academic progress in American
society.
Theoretical Framework
History, culture, and social capital are inextricably intertwined. History is the chronological
recording of past and current events (written or oral) of a people (or geographic area) that shape
human behavior. Mbakogu (2004) argues that “culture is a network of traits that can be learned,
based on interaction or derived from history” (37-38). Cohen & Fields (1999) attribute social
capital for the regional development in Silicon Valley (California). Silicon Valley is arguably one
of most innovative and prosperous regional economies in the world. Further, these authors
argue that a leading researcher in Social Capital, Robert Putnam’s “idea refers to the complex
of local institutions and relationships of trust among economic actors that evolve from unique,
historically conditioned local cultures. Such institutions and social relationships, built upon the
experiences of a shared deep history, become embedded within a localized economy and form
what Putnam describes as networks of civic engagement that facilitate the activities of politics,
production and exchange …” (1). The relationship between history, culture and social capital is
examined in Putnam’s Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (1993). Social
capital, initially the domain of social scientists, has attracted economists Guiso, Sapienza, &
Zingases (2004, 2006) who have made statistically significant measures using social capital
variables (level of savings, education, use of financial instruments, level of trust, among others).
These researchers examined culture and social capital and their effect on financial development
and economic outcomes.
This analysis illustrates the importance of history, culture, and social capital in the
determination of a region or people’s prosperity. Italy has had a number of historical events that
have shaped the country’s culture, social capital and economic differences between the north
and the south. Northern Italy was invaded by Germany, the Normans, Spain, among others.
Southern Italy was invaded by the Greeks, Moors, and other aggressors. These invasions
influenced regional governing systems: the north, with its independent city-states evincing
greater cooperation and civility, that is, social capital, compared to the south, which was
influenced by feudalism (deriving from the Normans). The rate of economic growth between
these two regions is quite different, with the north, a vibrant economy, while the south much less
so (Encarta, 2009).
Data Sources
Data from Summary File 3 and 4 from the 2000 Census was used for these analyses.
Summary File 3 consists of 813 detailed tables of the 2000 Census containing social, economic
and housing characteristics compiled from a sample of approximately 19 million housing units
that received the Census 2000 long-form questionnaire. Summary File 4 consists of 335
detailed tables from the 2000 Census compiled from a sample of approximately 19 million
housing units that received the Census 2000 long-form questionnaire. These summary files
cover topics including income, ancestry, citizenship status, home values, commute time to work,
occupation, education, veteran status, language ability, migration, place of birth, among others.
Measurement
The nine research questions were tested using data from various tables contained in the US
Census Bureau’s Summary File 3 and Summary File 4 datasets. The income distribution of ABA
and CBA's in the US and percentages of class income, as seen in Appendix Table 2, was used
228
to estimate population universes. Based on sample data, for the ABA and the CBA populations
which were 12,023,966 and 672,834, respectively, the sample data used were based on a
sampling rate of 1 in 6. Labour force participation for the CBA and ABA population, as seen in
Appendix Table 3, was used to estimate population universes. Based on sample data rates of 1
in 6, the ABA and the CBA populations were 24,744,502 and 1,432,724, respectively. Finally,
the educational attainment for the ABA and CBA population, as seen in Appendix Table 4, was
used to estimate population universes. Based on sample data rate of 1 in 6, the ABA and the
CBA populations were 19,858,095 and 1,158,690, respectively.
Procedure
In order to address the research questions, data was collected through the US Census
bureau’s Summary file 3 and Summary file 4 datasets. Research questions 1 to 3 were
analyzed through tests for population proportion of the income distribution of ABA and CBA's in
the US and percentages of class income. Research questions 4 to 7 were analyzed through
tests for population proportion of the labour force participation for the CBA and ABA population.
Finally, research questions 8 to 9 analyzed through tests for population proportion of the
educational attainment for the ABA and CBA population.
Results
Quantitative Analysis
Research questions 1 through 3 address the differences between CBA’s and ABA’s in terms of
income. For research question 1 (Do ABA’s have higher incomes than CBA’s?), a test of
population proportions indicates that there is a statistically significant difference in the two
population proportions (that is, CBA’s incomes are higher than ABA’s), with Z = -177.02, p<.01.
For research question 2 (Do ABA’s have lower numbers of individuals in the income group less
than $24,999 than CBA’s?), a test of population proportions indicates that there is a statistically
significant difference in the two population proportions (that is, that ABA’s have larger numbers
of individuals in the income group $24,999 or less than do CBA’s), with Z = 113.91, p<.01. For
research question 3 (Do ABA’s have higher numbers of individuals in the income group greater
than $24,999?), a test of population proportions indicates that there is a statistically significant
difference in the two population proportions (CBA’s have higher income groups greater than
$24,999), with Z = -168.4, p<.01. Research questions 4 through 6 address labour force
participation of male and female, ABA’s and CBA’s, as well as total labour force participation for
ABA’s and CBA’s.
For research question 4 (Do ABA males have higher rates of labour force participation than
CBA males?), a test of population proportions indicates that there is a statistically significant
difference in the two population proportions (that is, that CBA males have higher labour force
participation than ABA’s), with Z = -73.08, p<.01.
For research question 5 (Do ABA females have higher rates of labour force participation than
CBA females?), a test of population proportions indicates that there is a statistically significant
difference in the two population proportions (that is, that CBA females have higher labour force
participation than ABA females), with Z = -70.8, p<.01.
For research question 6 (Does the total ABA population have greater rates of labour
participation than do the total CBA population?) a test of population proportions indicates that
there is a statistically significant difference in the two population proportions (that is, that CBA
labour force participation is greater than ABA when looking at the total labour pool of these two
groups), with Z = -212.996, p<.01.
Research 7 examines the unemployment rates of ABA the population and the CBA
population. For research 7 (Do ABA’s have lower rates of unemployment than CBA’s?), a test of
population proportions indicates that there is a statistically significant difference in the two
229
population proportions (that is, that CBA unemployment rates are less than the unemployment
rates of ABA’s), with Z = -12.37, p<.01.
Research questions 8 through 9 examine the differences in education levels between ABA’s
and CBA’s. For research question 8 (Do ABA’s have lower levels of participation in elementary
school and non-completion of college than CBA’s (that is, smaller numbers of students in
elementary and primary school as well as non-completion of college)?), a test of population
proportions indicates that there is a statistically significant difference in the two population
proportions (that is, there are larger numbers of ABA’s in secondary school as well as a larger
number of students in the ABA community that do not complete college), with Z = 189.54,
p<.01.
Research question 9 examines rates of participation in graduate and professional schools for
ABA’s and CBA’s. For research question 9 (Do ABA’s participate more in Associate to
Graduate and Professional education than CBA’s?), a test of population proportions indicates
that there is a statistically significant difference in the two population proportions (that is, that
CBA’s have larger numbers of individuals participating in higher education and professional
school than do ABA’s), with Z = -102.86, p<.01.
Discussion
The theoretical framework that underlies this study argues that the history, culture and social
capital determine the economic outcomes of people that are from the same ethnic background.
The different histories and cultures during (and after) slavery were to the advantage of African
slaves (CBA’s) in the Caribbean as opposed to African slaves in the United States (ABA’s) for
the following reasons:
1. The higher mortality rate experienced in the Caribbean helped solidify an African cultural
presence (new slaves were constantly coming to the Caribbean). With larger groups of slaves
held together, a sense of belonging (kinship) to a group was possible.
2. Warfare among the European powers who colonized the Caribbean forced the slaves in the
Caribbean to become self-sufficient. The cost of financing a war abroad left the colonial powers
unable to provide sufficient resources to maintain the slaves as the colonists in America were
able to do. The slaves provided food for themselves by establishing family plots. The slaves
were able to sell surplus food at local markets for a profit. Additionally the slaves had to care for
their sick and elderly.
Despite their circumstances, the slaves had some semblance of their former lives, that is,
interaction with tribal members, entrepreneurial pursuits, some control of their daily lives and a
feeling of self-determination.
3. In the Caribbean the managers of the plantations were not the owners and did not see the
need for absolute control. The need for the slaves to be somewhat independent (that is, food
production) worked to the benefit of the slaves. In America the managers were the owners and
wanted complete control of the slaves’ lives and therefore did everything possible to make the
slaves dependent on them.
After slavery there was a less hostile environment in the Caribbean toward the former slaves
than in America. Returning troops (to the south) saw their homes and cities destroyed by some
of the slaves that fought for the north; as a result of this, there were many instances of violence
against the returning slaves. After emancipation (in the Caribbean) the climate was not as
hostile for several reasons:
1. Competition with other sugar producers made conditions more tolerable (even less “slavelike”) because of a need for labour.
2. The ratio of Africans to Europeans was almost 9 to 1; if the former slave owners became too
harsh there was the constant reminder of battles won by the maroon societies, the successful
overthrow of the French in Haiti, and possible reprisals by the newly freed slaves.
230
In the Caribbean, after the remnants of slavery were gone, the Afro-Caribbean society
essentially was an African-based society [though the rule of law was still those of England,
France, Dutch, Spain]. In this paradigm, the society dictated one’s behavior (the “we” not “I”Hosfede’s collectivism). Economic conditions have never been as favourable as those in the
United States, making it necessary for CBA people to work harder than their counterparts
(ABA).
Meanwhile, in the United States, a Western-based culture (the “I” not “We -- Hosfede’s
individualism) of individual freedom was paramount with the former slaves who were on their
own behaviour. Economic conditions were more favourable than in the Caribbean (one did not
have to work just to survive). With the legacy of dependence, poor economic choices (luxuries
instead of necessities), and the lack of experience in budgeting or managing their own daily
lives (a carryover from slavery), attitudes towards work were quite different.
Waters (1999), Model (2008), Palmer (1995), and other researchers involved in this area of
inquiry, argue that the CBA that migrate to the US are the “best and brightest” and more
ambitious than those CBA’s that don’t migrate. This researcher having travelled extensively
throughout the Caribbean as well as worked and lived at different times in the last three
decades in the Caribbean argues that this is not true. Having had numerous informal
“interviews” over three decades I have learned that CBA’s choose to migrate for a number of
reasons, for example, marriage to someone who has migrated or that other family members
have migrated.
Those CBA’s that decide not to migrate remain for some of the following reasons: those who
have passed the GCE, O levels, and a number of A levels (college equivalent courses) obtain
good jobs with free health care, tuition-free tertiary education (admittedly not the case in all
Caribbean countries), and in most cases a minimum of one month’s vacation. More importantly,
a large number of individuals responded saying essentially “why should I leave a good job with
a good salary to go to the US and become a second class citizen, live a life of stress, and
increase my chances of mortality”.
Many of my colleagues are in the teaching profession. They, however, pursued their
undergraduate work at the University of the West Indies (UWI). After having completed their
advanced degree in the United States, they are of the general consensus that graduate work in
the US was less rigorous than the academic challenges placed on them at their respective
regional institutions. Based on my review of a number of texts, curricula, course assignments,
among other features, at tertiary institutions in the Caribbean over the last three decades, this
researcher has to agree with my colleagues. Further, to defunct the “best and brightest” theory,
a number of my colleagues who have taught students who migrated to the US mention those
students who showed academic excellence in the US were not the “best and brightest” in the
classrooms of their home countries.
This cultural analysis suggests some of the following strategies policy makers might use to
close the income gap for ABA’s:
1. Incorporate in African-American history courses the history of slavery in the Caribbean.
Many African-Americans believe that their plight was unique and that America should be
constantly reminded of this. By seeing that other Africans throughout the African Diaspora
experienced harsher conditions during slavery and have come through it without as many scars
may lessen the “blame game” and see that the gap (education and economic) that separates
African-American from European-American can be closed.
2. Incorporate in primary and secondary schools mandatory home economics classes that
focus on learning financial budgeting.
3. Offer tax incentives to churches, social organizations, and other organizations that offer
family budgeting, financial planning, and other elements critical to successful living, for all
people who are members of the congregation.
231
4. Establish tutorial centres for children (and adolescents) of families on public assistance and
who are having academic difficulties. Attendance at these centres should be mandatory and tied
to the care givers receiving their checks.
232
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237
10.
Issues in Education
Pre-Service Students' Class Standings and their
Perceptions of Distance Education
By Dr. Allan Young, University College of the Cayman Islands
238
239
240
241
242
243
Why Undergraduate Students Cheat: A Synoptical Review
By Claude Oakley, ABD, MSc, MBA, MA, FCA
Doctoral Candidate, Colorado State University
Abstract
This paper discusses some of the reasons undergraduate students engage in academic
dishonesty. Although the term academic dishonesty is yet to adapt to a meaning that is
universally acceptable, studies have shown that it includes actions such as cheating and
plagiarism. The paper represents a hybrid of the available literature, while incorporating the
writer’s views, based on information obtained from recent college teaching of business students.
The paper also incorporates a small study of students at a Caribbean and at a US college,
respectively. Students were asked to participate voluntarily in a short survey relating to their
views on academic dishonesty.
In this report the writer discusses intervention strategies which could affect students’
propensity to engage in academic dishonesty. The writer also explores some of the pedagogical
issues with respect to teaching and learning that may influence the conduct of students,
particularly in an education setting.
The findings of such a small study have limited applications, yet it could provide instructors
with some insights into how their teaching methodologies affect the way students learn. The
writer posits the view that students who become more engaged in the learning process feel
more enthusiastic about learning, and consequently are less likely to engage in academic
dishonesty.
Finally, there is recognition that no single strategy on the part of instructors can eliminate
academic dishonesty in its entirety. However, an awareness of the likelihood of students’
misconduct means that instructors can mitigate the occurrence of students’ actions that are
inimical to the value of scholarship.
Introduction
Today’s college instructors wrestle with the incidence of academic dishonesty among students
at various levels of the education system. What is not clear, however, is whether the fact we
hear more about academic honesty today means that there is more cheating taking place
nowadays than before. Could it be a case, for example, that in the past many instructors turned
a blind eye to academic cheating and so these incidents went underreported?
McCabe & Trevino (1997) extended their study to nine universities and found that factors
such as gender and grade point average were some of the main causes of academic
dishonesty. They further suggested that “peer disapproval was the strongest influential factors”.
If, as instructors, we directed students that in a final exam no class notes or textbooks should
be used but a student converted the notes to an electronic format how should this be viewed?
The problem we face at this particular point is that the school policies did not address the issue
of the unauthorized data conversion into an electronic format. The question is: what should help
me to make sense out of this case given the fact that there is an absence of a policy in this
institution to cover electronic data conversion? The overarching question is: given the fact that
the school is actively marketing its educational services as one of choice and there is a desire to
retain all students, how will student actions like these affect the corporate image of this for-profit
organization? Ultimately, there is a need to reform the policies within the school on the issue of
academic dishonesty, bearing in mind the need to preserve equity, self-esteem and corporate
image.
The value of scholarship gets eroded when students achieve certifications using other
people’s effort without making it known that ideas were borrowed and without giving the
requisite credit and acknowledgement to the originator of the ideas. There are alarming
244
concerns today that academic dishonesty is a threat to the education system. While this paper
primarily focuses on students there is no pretense that they are the only culpable ones involved
in academic dishonesty. However, this brief paper examines academic dishonesty from the
perspective of students.
Background
In reviewing academic dishonesty as an issue among college students for the past three
decades, the issue appears to have taken on national importance, particularly in the last ten
years. One of the dilemmas is that the education institution bears the brunt of negative publicity
when acts of academic dishonesty are uncovered. Quite often, for legal and other reasons, the
names of the students are withheld while the institutions are highlighted in both printed and
electronic media.
One of the difficulties here is to get students to understand that academic dishonesty is
wrong, and by extension, it is unethical. To support this position, Davis (2003) reported that,
“although most respondents believe cheating is ethically wrong, nearly half say it is socially
acceptable.” The prevalence of academic dishonesty today suggests that it is now seen as
reaching an alarming proportion. Admittedly, there are variations among researchers in terms of
whether the prevalence rate is 20 percent or 40 percent (Levine & McCabe, 2001; Johnson &
Gormly, 1971; Vitro & Schoer, 1972). The one point that researchers seem to agree on is that
academic dishonesty is like a malignant cancer in our education system.
What is Academic Dishonesty: Can it Be Precisely Defined?
When one sees the phrase academic dishonesty, naturally it will have different meanings to
different people and, therefore, to ensure uniformity across this study, it is necessary to examine
some of the meanings encountered throughout the literature. One of the challenges of ascribing
a specific meaning to academic dishonesty is that even in university settings there are variations
from one university to another. Simply put, no two universities define academic dishonesty in
the same way (McKeachie, 2002). Before looking at some definitions attributed to what
constitutes academic dishonesty by universities, it is useful to digress to an institution that has
lead the fight on the whole issue of academic integrity. It seems appropriate to start with the
definition provided by the Center of Academic Integrity as stated below.
Academic honesty is a commitment, even in the face of adversity, to five fundamental
values: honesty, trust, fairness, respect, and responsibility. From these values flow the
principles of behavior that enable academic communities to
translate ideals into action.
An academic community flourishes when its members
are committed to the five
fundamental values. Integrity is built upon continuous
conversations about how these
values are, or are not, embodied in institutional
life (1999, Center for Academic Integrity).
As stated earlier, the definition ascribed to the meaning of academic dishonesty varies
among universities. In a response to the definition of what constitutes academic dishonesty,
Jones, Taylor, Irvin and Faircloth (2001) state that “academic dishonesty includes cheating and
plagiarism, the theft of ideas and other forms of intellectual property whether they are published
or not” (1). Writing on behalf of the university, they further reported that at Florida Institute of
Technology the meaning of academic dishonesty includes “cheating, fabrication, facilitating
academic dishonesty and plagiarism.”
Similarly, University of California at Berkeley defines academic dishonesty in its publication
as “any action or attempted action that may result in creating an unfair academic advantage for
oneself or an unfair academic advantage or disadvantage for any other member or members of
the academic community” (4). The university’s code of conduct makes it clear that those actions
such as cheating, plagiarism, academic misconduct, false information, theft and fabrication of
information, damage and theft of intellectual property, selling and publishing course lecture
245
notes, alterations to university documents and disturbances in the classrooms are all included
as part of the definition of academic dishonesty (Instructors’ Guide, September 2005).
In providing a definition on what constitutes academic dishonesty, North Carolina Agricultural
and Technical State University defines academic dishonesty to include cheating, plagiarism,
and unauthorized possession of examination materials, unauthorized changing of instructors’
grades, aiding and abetting infractions leading to students’ conduct, and assisting other
students to violate university rules. Similarly, Colorado State University defines academic
dishonesty as “doing and taking credit for one’s own work.” (CSU Catalog for Academic
Integrity, 2006). The university amplifies its definition of academic dishonesty by including
actions such as “cheating in the classroom,” “plagiarism” (copying work or other people’s idea),
“unauthorized possession or disposition of academic materials,” falsification of academic work,
and facilitating certain acts, for example, cheating.
Exploration of Cheating and Plagiarism
It is clear from the various definitions provided above that universities have only given examples
of what constitutes academic dishonesty. Each definition that the universities provide includes a
prefaced clause to the effect that “academic dishonesty includes….but is not limited to” those
examples that it provides. The salient point here is that universities cannot be challenged on the
grounds that certain examples were excluded. Against these backgrounds, this study defines
academic dishonesty as any instance where it involves academic cheating and plagiarism from
and among students.
In a study on academic dishonesty, cheating and plagiarism, Jones, et al., (2001) notes that
cheating takes place when information is shared among students during the taking of an
examination. They cite examples of cheating as occurring when the same paper is used
repeatedly in several courses by the same student. They further explain that when students lie
to protect their fellow students such actions constitute cheating.
One of the critical issues in any discussion on academic dishonesty is to decipher what
constitutes plagiarism. According to Scanlon (2006), technology has made plagiarism easier
because it facilitates the simplicity of cut-and-paste phenomena almost painlessly. In discussing
plagiarism in the context of the Internet, Scanlon (2006) states:
The notion that Internet-assisted student plagiarism is on the rise has become part of the
conventional wisdom about education in the 21st century. Although empirical studies
suggest the case may be overstated, many schools and universities are using online
plagiarism-detection services to sniff out cribbing
(1).
While Scanlon (2006) acknowledges the high incidence of plagiarism among university
students even by using tough measures like detection services, he fervently believes that the
issue of academic dishonesty will not go away until university administrators address the more
fundamental questions relating to pedagogy and ethics. Admittedly, there are contradictions in
his study. On the one hand, Scanlon argues “that about 25 percent [of the undergraduates] went
online to cut-and-paste others’ work into their class assignments without citation” (2). On the
other hand, Scanlon makes a sweeping statement to the effect “that every kid with a keyboard is
downloading term papers or cutting and pasting his way to graduation” (2). Regrettably, no
empirical data was provided to substantiate his point. Given the magnitude of the problem cited,
it appears that Scanlon (2006) may have even understated the gravity of the problem he so
eloquently describes. He concedes that “the hard evidence is inconclusive: we simply do not
know for sure the extent of cyber-plagiarism...”(3).
In a study on the extent of plagiarism in the university, Thompson (2006) articulates that
plagiarism appears to have taken on new dimensions. She cites one study which shows that as
246
many as 27 percent of the students admitted to cutting and pasting in order to complete their
assignments (2439). In relation to work she gave to her students, she reported that “at least 6%
of the essays submitted by my college freshmen had been plagiarized” (2439). She mentioned
some of the “unintended lessons” gleaned from plagiarism. For example, there was at least one
instance when a student admitted to have turned in the wrong draft. Presumably, the instructor
should have been given the assignment containing the least cut and pasted edition of the
assignment.
Thompson (2006) questioned the kinds of role models available for students to emulate. She
substantiated the point and provided a plethora of examples to show that faculty and other
professionals were not always the best role models for students to follow. She cited at least
three notable instances when two college presidents resigned, and a faculty member was
demoted, for having plagiarized other people’s work (2440). The problems are further
exacerbated, she says because parents, in an effort to see that their children get better grades,
are writing term papers for the students.
In an attempt to dissect from various studies the reasons that lead students to plagiarize,
Thompson (2006) synthesizes it this way:
Two shifts in university structures and aims have contributed to the ethically equivocal
atmosphere in education. First is the increasing use of business models that encourage
administrators to view students as customers who must be kept happy….The other
profound shift in university climate concerns the increasing use of adjunct faculty whose
ad hoc status makes them particularly vulnerable to administrative pressures. (24442445).
An examination of Thompson’s (2006) position on plagiarism points us to why the problem
will not go away unless there is a fundamental shift in the way universities see their students.
The business model concept of customer is that the customer is always right. It follows therefore
that if students are viewed as customers then even when students are involved in any form of
academic dishonesty the students can do no wrong. One of the criticisms of this business model
approach is that the a commercial contact operates between the business operator and the
customer. The relationship between faculty and student is fundamentally different from that
which exists between business operator and a commercial customer. Faculty members have
both a fiduciary as well as a professional responsibility for their students. For example, faculty
members perform various roles, those of parent, counsellor, and friend. As a business operator,
one is not expected to counsel one’s customers. Hence, this is what distinguishes the role of
faculty members from business operators as we grapple with the notion that students are
customers.
In the context of the foregoing, it seems that a more appropriate definition for academic
dishonesty would embrace the following:
Academic dishonesty among students may be defined as occurring when students engage in
acts of dishonesty in an education setting. Typically, these actions are not only inimical to the
rules of the institution, but also they put the institutions in a negative light. Academic dishonesty
includes cheating, plagiarism, copying from other students, using class notes for exams when
prohibited by the instructor, and copying and pasting Internet articles into their assignments to
give the appearance that it is their own idea.
Problems Associated with Measurement of Academic Dishonesty
One of the problems associated with measuring academic dishonesty is the fact that it is difficult
to define. It is illusive because if something cannot be defined accurately, then it cannot be
measured accurately. In looking at the difficulty associated with the measurement of academic
dishonesty, Kibler (1993) states:
247
One of the significant problems a review of the research literature on academic
dishonesty reveals is the absence of a generally accepted definition. (p. 253).
There is also a need to identify some of the more common categories of academic
dishonesty. Gering and Pavela (1978) identified the four principal types as, 1) cheating,
that is using another person’s material with or without his permission, 2) fabrication, that
is, falsifying information about a citation, 3) facilitating academic dishonesty, that is,
assisting someone to commit an academically dishonest act, and, 4) plagiarism, that is,
using someone else’s words as if they were your own.
We must never pretend, however, that academic dishonesty is only confined to the United
States, and, to that extent, it is now recognized as a global problem. For example, in Australia,
Graham, et al., reported cheating as being, between 90% and 92%, and in the United Kingdom,
Newstead reported cheating as having reached around 88% (both cited in Sheard, et al., 2002).
A significant problem associated with measuring academic dishonesty, however, is that it is selfreported admission of guilt. The student may choose to either under-report or over-report,
depending upon whether he (she) has had a good or bad experience with the university.
Similarly, the issue of reliability is a factor in self-reporting and indeed a problem in
measuring the accuracy of academic dishonesty. For example, Scheers and Dayton (cited in
Sheard, et al., 2002) states that in self-reporting surveys, under-reporting varies between 39%
and 83%. This level of variation is significant and can affect the validity construct, let alone the
accuracy of the results.
Another difficulty in measuring academic dishonesty is, “by asking students to classify
behaviors as a dichotomous rating” (Sheard, et al., 184). By asking these students to classify
their behavior within a predefined band can produce varying results. Yet another problem is
that, according to Sheard, et al., “the frequency of practice between particular cheating
behaviors varies greatly.” If cheating, as an action, was compared between two countries, what
may be acceptable in one country may be deemed inappropriate in another country. In any
case, cultures and subcultures may be different in both.
The accuracy of any measurement is reflective of the type of survey and data collection
methods used. Also, if a qualitative research is done, the overall findings and interpretation are
likely to be different if a quantitative method is used. The salient point here is that the
interpretation of a qualitative research may be affected by the researcher’s own experience,
thus making it less objective than would otherwise be found in quantitative research. That is not
to suggest, however, that there are no flaws in using quantitative research.
Although not exhaustive, one final problem relates to the fact that there may be some
reluctance on the part of some students to report accurately on friends or fellow students who
they honestly know cheat. Sheard, et al., “found that 90% [of fellow students falling in this
category] said that they would not report a cheating incident” … and that 49% to 86% … would
not … report cheating of another student.”
Why Do Students Cheat?
There are several schools of thought, each trying to explain what causes students to cheat.
Some researchers have examined the question in terms of the students’ morality as a factor
(Kohlberg, 1978; Johnson, 1991; Kibler, 1993). Other researchers have tended to look at the
question in terms of the socioeconomic factors (Bonjean & McGee, 1965; Payne & Nantz,
1994). A similar position was put forward by Caruana, Ramaseshan, and Ewing (2000). They
contend that students cheat because of their “lack of integration in social life” (23). They
conclude that to curb academic dishonesty universities should enforce a code of ethics among
students.
248
There are many factors that influence why students succumb to cheating. According to
Davis, Grover, Becker and McGregor (1992) the pressure to obtain good grades is one such
reason. Others include “student stress,” “ineffective deterrents,” and “condoning teachers” (19).
Some studies have reported that the climate that exists on a campus may be a contributing
factor in terms of why students cheat (Hendershott, Drinan, & Cross, 2000). They also
suggested that some first year students may have acquired the habit of cheating even before
starting their undergraduate training.
Gehring and Pavela (1994) state that although one cannot know precisely why students
cheat, nevertheless, based on the work of Levine (1980), the two dominant factors seem to be
“to get a better job” and “to make more money.” In a discussion on the principles of academic
integrity, McCabe and Pavela (2004) argue that one of the reasons students cheat was a lack of
expectation and understanding of what is required in each course. Similarly, McCabe and
Pavela suggest that, in relation to
plagiarism, dishonesty occurs because students do not understand “the potential of the Internet
and how that potential could be lost if online resources are used for fraud, theft and deception”
(13).
Franklyn-Stokes and Newstead (1995, June) in reviewing, among other things, why students
cheat, suggest that it “may be due to differences in teaching and assessment style” ( 5).
Although their comments were unsubstantiated, nevertheless they were made against the
background that “cheating was less common at the new university [than at long standing
universities].” This is how Franklyn-Stokes and Newstead (1995) summarize their findings on
the reasons for cheating:
Reasons for cheating varied to a certain extent in relation to behavior. For example, “to
help a friend” typically appeared with coursework items, such as “allowing own
coursework to be copied by another student” and “doing another student’s coursework
for them.” The main reasons used … [were] time pressure and to increase the marks
[grades]. The least used reasons were….peer pressure and
monetary rewards (p.
7).
The finding from the work of Franklyn-Stokes and Newstead (1995) complements the work of
Davis, Grover, Becker and McGregor (1992). These two studies both recognize that one of the
principal reasons for cheating relates to the need to get good grades. In contrast, Haines,
Diekhoff, LaBeff and Clarke (1986) cites the main reasons for cheating as being, “immaturity,”
“lack of commitments to academics,” and “neutralization” (p. 342).
While research shows and substantiates the reasons for academic dishonesty, some
students contend when they do not understand the course material they have to use other
means to pass their course. Some students benefit from students’ loans and one condition for
continuing to get financial aid is the attainment of a passing grade. When funds are received
under a scholarship programme, the requirements are even more stringent. Most scholarships
require the attainment of a “B” average. Hence, one of the reasons students cheat is to keep
their financial aid intact.
Experience has shown that when students have emotional problems they are least likely to
devote adequate time to their studies. Similarly, students may react negatively to certain
sensitive topics included in a course of study. McKeachie (2002) explains “it is probably wise to
acknowledge the sensitivity…..and admit that it may be hard for some members of the class to
feel free to contribute their ideas” (158). Instances like these may cause the student to create
resistance to the course.
When students develop a phobia for a particular course, for example, mathematics, they are
likely to learn nothing from the course. Good and caring instructors will know when students
249
have problems with the course work. In exploring the notion of teaching from within Palmer
(1998) explains it this way:
I am a teacher at heart, and there are moments in the classroom when I can hardly
hold the joy. When my students and I discover uncharted territory to explore,
when the pathway out of a thicket opens up before us, when our experience is
illuminated by the lightning-life of the mind—then teaching is the finest work I
know (1).
Palmer explains the need for teachers to connect with their students, and, by extension, to
remove the lifelessness from the classroom. He invites teachers to recommit to the process of
providing good quality education for students; hence his justification for seeking “to explore the
teacher’s inner life” (3). He concludes “teaching and learning are critical to our individual and
collective survival and to the quality of our lives” (3). It is a demonstration of a teacher’s
commitment to the pedagogy of teaching rather than teaching just for the sake of collecting a
pay check.
The commitment to teaching means that teachers must feel the compulsion to do a good job
and a willingness to see that students enjoy the course material and provide delivery method for
disseminating the material to the students. If students enjoy the teaching methods that teachers
use, they feel compelled to learn. From experience, once the students like their teachers, those
students will want to continue to take courses from them. This happens when teachers teach
from their hearts, and, more importantly, show the students that they care, and are interested in
their success.
Intervention strategies such as those outlined above are likely to have a positive impact on
students while at the same time impressing on students’ mind that they are responsible for
learning the course material. There, again, teachers must recognize that they are facilitators of
the process. Good teaching methods will stimulate learning and make it more interesting for
students to learn. Over-reliance on one method of teaching could lead to monotony, which could
cause students to lose interest in what is being taught. For example, in teaching accounting and
finance courses, over-reliance on PowerPoint as a basis to foster learning have been found to
have negative impact on learning. Positive effects such as those outlined will no doubt have a
great impact on students. In turn, such interventions and strategies could improve academic
integrity among students. Generally, it has been found that learning is more meaningful when
students are engaged in the learning process. Typically, the excitement in the learning process
causes students to become more involved, and develop greater passion for the course.
Students in this category are less likely to engage in academic dishonesty.
Encapsulation of Findings Based on Two Real-time Studies
This miniature study investigated the extent to which students engaged themselves in actions
related to academic misconduct. The sample (N = 42) was obtained randomly from two groups
of undergraduate students. One group consisted of 22 students (Group 1) and the other group
had 20 students (Group 2). Group 1 attends an institution in the United States while Group 2 is
a Caribbean-based institution. The demographic profile of the combined groups is represented
in the table shown below:
250
Table 1: Gender Profile
Male
7%
14%
21%
Group
1
2
Gender (%)
Female
46%
33%
79%
The majority of students were female (79%) with male accounted for only 21%.
Gender
Male
Female
Age % Distribution
Table 2: Age Distribution
Under 25
12%
31%
43%
Over 25
9%
48%
57%
In terms of the age distribution, 43% of the students sampled were under 25 years while the
remaining 57% were over 25 years. n the under-25-years age group, female students
accounted for 72% while the remaining 28% in this category were male. The over-25-years
group had a female dominance of over 84%.
Measure of Academic Misconduct among Students
Students were asked to evaluate 10 statements ranging from their having used open book
during online exam to having used cell phone text messaging during exam. The composite
responses were startling. The summary of the responses are shown in the table below.
STATEMENTS
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Used open book
during online
exam
Asked someone
to take my online
exam
Consulted with
another person
during online
exam
Got the exam
from someone
who took it
previously
Retained a copy
of the exam for
future use
Used online
sources during
the exam
Relied on printed
sources other
Strongly
agree
Agree
Disagree
Strongly
disagree
40%
40%
10%
10%
2%
2%
15%
81%
4%
24%
39%
33%
0
5%
33%
62%
13%
38%
10%
39%
15%
40%
19%
26%
26%
38%
29%
7%
251
8
9
10
than coverage in
textbook
Used personal
class notes
during online
exam
Used more time
on the exam
than allotted by
the instructor
Used cell phone
text messaging
to get answers
during exam
40%
29%
15%
16%
15%
21%
31%
33%
2%
0
31%
67%
The table above shows that 80% of the students surveyed agreed that they used a book
during their online exams. This response was not surprising when compared with the fact that
96% indicated their disagreement in asking another person to take online exams for them.
Again, this is clearly understood since if the students admitted to having used their book it would
not be necessary to get someone else to do the exam.
Further analysis shows that 95% of the students surveyed indicated they did not acquire the
examination from anyone who had taken it previously. About 64% of the students indicated that
they did not exceed their exam time allocated by their instructor. Almost all the students
disagreed (98%) with the notion that they used cell phone text messaging to solicit answers
from external sources. This response is consistent with the fact that slightly over 96% disagreed
with someone taking the exams for them. What is of concern, however, is that about 52% of
the students retained a copy of the exam for future use.
Implications for the Future
Although the sample size (n = 42) may be fewer than desired, it does reveal trends that are
worrying to educators.
1. The retention of exam materials could potentially be passed on to other students.
2. In the event that the instructor recycles the exams such action may increase the number
of students who would have prior knowledge of the exam.
3. Academic misconduct could potentially increase.
4. Gender profile (Female = 79%, Male = 21%) suggests that more female are seeking
higher education than male students. This could potentially affect the marginalization of
men.
Other concerns not germane to this mini-survey are enumerated below:
1. There are no indications that the level or rate of academic dishonesty is improving.
2. The value of scholarship is questioned.
3. Continuous erosion of academic integrity could potentially translate in loss of originality
and creativity of new ideas.
4. The legitimacy of hard work needed to achieve success could be questioned.
5. Potentially, any increase in academic dishonesty could bring the issue of moral
standards into question.
252
Implications for the Caribbean
The study included a small sample (n = 42) and to that extent the results should not be
generalized across the population of college students. Nevertheless, the findings do have
implications for what could be considered a trend among students in the Caribbean. One
implication, of course, is that, even with this small sample, the findings show that students in the
Caribbean, just as in other parts of the world, do engage in academic misconduct.
The sample included students from one Caribbean institution as well as one college located
in the United States. Even with this mixed sample, the study did not address the culture of
cheating in any of the two regions. From a Caribbean perspective, education administrators and
faculty must be mindful of the existence of, and trends derived from, this study, even if not
generalizeable based on the sample size used. The need to remain vigilant, especially when an
examination is given to student, is certainly one way to minimize, if not eliminate the incidence
of cheating among students. Hence, this study could be a springboard to further analyze the
culture of cheating, particularly in the Caribbean.
Additional Research
There is need for additional research and, indeed, for extended sampling to facilitate more
plausible generalization. The skewness of the data made it impracticable to determine male
versus female culpability for academic misconduct. One of the benefits of a larger sample would
be the minimization of the skewness of the data in so far as it relates to gender. Furthermore,
sample bias as well as sample error could significantly be reduced. The single most important
purpose for obtaining a larger sample relates to the generalizability of the findings.
253
Reference
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Caruana, A., Ramaseshan, B., & Ewing, M. T. (2000). The effect of anomie on academic
dishonesty among university students. The International Journal of Educational
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Marvellous Mangroves – A Curriculum-based Teachers’ Guide
By Martin A. Keeley, Education Director, Mangrove Action Project
Cayman Brac Campus Director, University College of the Cayman Islands
Before outlining the development and application of the curriculum-based Teachers’ Guide,
Marvellous Mangroves, it is necessary to examine the origins of the material used in the guide.
In the late 1980s a transboundary environmental organization called The Friends of
Boundary Bay (FOBB) was formed in the Fraser River Delta region of British Columbia,
Canada. As the executive director of the group, it was my responsibility to not only work in
advocacy to help protect this vital wetland area, but also find ways to educate the public on the
importance of wetlands.
Initially, the form of education we adopted involved public education programmes using
naturalist/interpreters to lead explorations of the different parts of the Boundary Bay ecosystem.
However, after a year of this work, it soon became clear that we needed to do much more to lift
the level of public knowledge about wetlands.
In 1991, seventeen teachers from throughout the Boundary Bay ecosystem and schools both
sides of the U.S./Canada border put together a working group to pool their knowledge. Using
existing resources and data, and adding much of their own, the working group began work on
the first Teachers’ Resource Guide, Discover Boundary Bay. The following year a Mobile
Ecology Centre was completed to assist with field work. In 1993 the 300-page Discover
Boundary Bay was published after much revision and many pilot projects as well as the initiation
in schools around the Bay of programmes devised with the support of a naturalist/interpreter.
Building on these two resources, FOBB established the Travelling Wetlands Roadshow
which traveled around to schools throughout British Columbia and northern Washington State.
The Roadshow comprised the following:
•
•
•
•
•
•
A 24-foot mobile ecology centre and laboratory
Hands-on science activities in the field
Field exploration with a naturalist/interpreter
Follow-up activities in the classroom
Microscopic analysis of water
Eco-theatre for younger students
After a couple of years on the road and a major evaluation, the Roadshow added a
supplement to the initial teachers’ guide entitled Exploring Estuaries and Wondrous Wetlands.
The teacher and student “friendly” guide featured a further 160 hands-on activities, useful
background information about wetlands, and water quality tips and testing ideas.
In addition, the Roadshow featured the following:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
A wetlands site exploration with a scientist naturalist/interpreter
The teaching of observation skills
Recognition of bird species and their characteristics
Recognition of fish, mammals, reptiles and amphibians
Awareness of habitat
The study of aquatic invertebrates
Collection of water samples for analysis
For younger students the Roadshow featured the Eco-theatre designed and made by the
famous festival artist Evelyn Roth. The Eco-theatre featured:
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•
•
•
•
More than 40 costumes designed to resemble wetland creatures
A 40-foot inflatable salmon
Food chain and food web games
Wetland storytelling inside the salmon
The Roadshow was extremely successful and by 1998 had reached over 30,000 students in
more than 300 schools in 45 communities throughout British Columbia and northern
Washington State. The show had won many awards and had been incorporated into the British
Columbia science curriculum.
The development and implementation of the Roadshow established what proved to be a
highly adaptable formula which was then taken and developed for use in other countries. The
formula can be broken down as follows:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Full-time teachers should be involved in the research, development and application of
materials
All materials should be linked to the local and/or regional curriculum
There should be lots of hands-on activities
Get the kids outdoors!
Classroom follow-up materials and resources should be provided
Teachers should be taught through a series of teacher training workshops
The product should be both simple and fun – and easy to teach.
In 1998 my wife and I moved to Cayman Brac, one of the three Cayman islands, and I began
to “Caymanise” the formula. At the same time, I took the position as Education Director for the
international NGO, The Mangrove Action Project (MAP). Obviously, the wetlands now being in
the tropics, would become international and the focus would be on education about mangroves.
Work began to adapt the materials developed for the Pacific Northwest for mangrove
habitats. This required studying mangroves and learning how they function, testing the activities
to see if they would work with Caymanian students, carrying out in-situ explorations in lieu of a
naturalist/interpreter (of whom there are very few in the wider Caribbean), and tying the product
into the Cayman curriculum.
Several teachers on Cayman Brac were recruited to use the activities and other materials in
their classrooms and the field to ensure that they “translated” to mangrove wetlands. In addition,
Caymanian materials were incorporated into the those being used – one example being the
glass-bottomed viewing glass used by fishermen to detect fish.
An analysis of the Cayman Islands curriculum was also carried out to ensure that the
materials produced covered the objectives outlined in the curriculum. While the major focus was
on the science curriculum, other areas such as social studies, art, math and music were
included. An outline of the curriculum links was developed and ultimately published in the final
resource guide.
The Mangrove Teachers Resource Guide, finally published and launched in early 2000,
contains a total of five interlinked units. Their titles are:
•
•
•
•
•
All about mangroves
Mangroves as habitat
Human impacts on mangroves
Exploring mangroves
Making change
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Each individual unit contains the following:
•
•
•
•
An introduction containing factual and detailed background information
Fact sheets and accompanying illustrations
Several supporting hands-on activities with details instructions
Illustrations to support the activities
The essence of the activities is that the materials involved are simple and easily available
locally (either cheap or used household products). They are carried out prior to a field trip and
follow-up classroom activities. Field trips are essential to reinforce the knowledge learned in the
classroom, and, in the absence of a naturalist interpreter, the teacher can carry out this role with
a little training and observational skills. The trips themselves can be carried out on-land in
mangroves or in a boat, travelling through them. Some teachers take their students mangrove
snorkelling, which is possibly the best experience of all.
During the field trip, students collect water samples (if a plankton net is available, it can be
very helpful in gathering microscopic species of mangrove water life). These samples, together
with as much detritus as possible, are taken back to the classroom where they are examined
under the microscope. Students identify and draw the different small invertebrates and other
life-forms that they find. This examination reinforces lessons learned about food chains and food
webs. If possible, a small camera can be mounted on a microscope and the images transmitted
to a TV monitor for maximum impact.
The school’s computer lab is also used for reinforcement of the data learned in the
classroom and field, and students are able to conduct supplementary research and compose
papers outlining their findings.
For younger students, festival artist Evelyn Roth provided a 40-foot inflatable shark, and
designed and built thirty-four costumes representing plants and other living organisms that
inhabit mangrove wetlands. Students learn animal movement, play food chain games (that is,
chase and devour each other!), and finally go inside the shark for exploration and to hear a story
about mangroves and wetlands.
Following the publication of Marvellous Mangroves in the Cayman Islands in 2000, several
teacher workshops were carried out initially through the Education department, and later
through the Cayman Islands, the National Trust having joined forces with the department. These
workshops not only involved learning about how to use the resource guide, but the teachers
also had to carry out several of the activities themselves to reinforce this level of learning and
show how easy it was!
In 2001, Fanny Howard, the Education Co-ordinator for CORALINA based in the San Andres
archipelago, visited Cayman Brac. There she spent a week in a detailed review of Marvellous
Mangroves with a view to a Spanish version being adapted for use in the archipelago. Areas
where specific adaptations were needed were clearly defined, and staff in CORALINA began
the translation and adaptation process.
The process involved what has become a standard formula for the introduction, development
and implementation of the mangrove curriculum internationally. The following areas need to be
reviewed and introduced into the localized version of Marvellous Mangroves:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Research into the local resources
New flora and fauna added and changed
Localisation of mangroves – species, location, etc.
A review of the availability of materials for activities regarding their cost for teachers
New illustrations
A review by marine and, where possible, terrestrial scientists
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•
•
A review by local teachers
Publication of the guide.
In January of the following year a joint MAP/CORALINA workshop was carried out for thirtyfour teachers from Old Providence Island in the archipelago. The three-day workshop became
the blueprint for similar workshops held at the translation and adaptation of Marvellous
Mangroves continued throughout the world. The curriculum-based workshop involved a mixture
of activities as well as a field trip on the morning of the final day. The afternoon was given over
to teacher presentations of mangrove-related projects they worked on during the earlier part of
the workshop – everything from poems to puppet shows.
The activities which were conducted were taken from each of the different units in Marvelous
Mangroves. Interestingly, the activities most popular with students also proved to be most
popular among the teachers. They all use simple and very easy-to-obtain materials. These
activities included:
•
•
•
•
•
Detritus Tag which covers the food web, producers and consumers, predators and prey
and bioaccumulation
Migration Headache which involves learning about birds, their habitat, migration and
flyways
You can tell what birds eat by their Beaks and their Feet
Food Webs: plant/animal relationships and human impacts
Oil Spill Clean-Up: human impacts on mangroves and the consequences of our
dependence on oil.
The field trip to nearby McBean lagoon involved boat rides, hikes and species identification
(plant and animal) as well as some “listen and learn” activities. On their return, the teachers
gave presentations of the work they had developed during the workshop including poetry, short
stories, posters and a play. With these activities they were also able to develop resources they
could use in their own classrooms.
MAP’s goal is to adapt and introduce the curriculum, in partnerships with local NGOs and
Education and Environmental Ministries throughout tropical and sub-tropical coastal regions. To
date, the mangrove curriculum/teacher resource guide has been requested by teachers’ groups
and NGOs in more than twenty nations. The translation and adaptation process, however, is
long and arduous, as it is necessary to assure that material in the guide relates specifically to
the region where it will be used. For example, the Caribbean version could not simply be
translated into a local language for use in African nations, as the curriculum covers not only
mangrove ecosystems, including topics such as migrating birds, shellfish and other related
species, but also human impacts, and so each adaptation much be geared to a specific region.
Furthermore, cultural diversity must be taken into account so that activities and programmes
within the curriculum are as culturally as they are scientifically sound, while at the same time
considering the local realities in which the teachers find themselves and the availability, or lack
of, teaching resources. Following the well-established and extremely successful principles found
in environmental education programmes, such as Projects WET and WILD, MAP is working to
spread the curriculum in concentric circles outside of the Caribbean in order to ensure that
adaptations are logical and cumulative.
Since 2002, adaptations and introductions have taken place in seven countries. The
blueprint or formula for the introduction of the curriculum into each country follows a standard
pattern, with room for flexibility. I work in partnership with MAP’s regional coordinator and local
environmental NGOs to form a Working Group (WG) which includes local teachers, scientists
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and educators. It is MAP’s experience that educators must be involved in adapting the
materials to suit their own, local curriculum.
By integrating it with existing local science, social studies, and/or language arts curricula,
MAP is able to ensure that the materials and teaching techniques are used in the classroom on
a regular basis. In Sri Lanka, for example, MAP’s local partner, the Small Fisheries Federation
(SFFL), brought in university biology professors who were able to work on getting local schoolleaving examinations (GCE – the British system) to develop a section covering mangrove
ecology in their science exams. This form of institutionalisation will outlive individual efforts as
teachers recognise they must teach content related to mangroves as part of their jobs!
MAP stresses the need for local NGO partners to hire or appoint an education coordinator
who will be responsible for the overall co-ordination of the project in their respective country,
and who will work closely with the MAP Regional coordinator. Initially, this means working with
MAP to secure in-country matching funds and/or services. Once funding is secured and the WG
is established, a workshop is scheduled to meet with me to determine the focus and basic
content that will be required for the adaptation of the curriculum. The WG then coordinates the
translation and adaptation process, culminating in the publication of the materials to be used in
the education system.
In 2002 and 2003 the curriculum was adapted and translated for introduction into Honduran
schools, in collaboration with MAP partner NGO CODDEFAGOLF (Comite para la Defensa y
Desarrollo de la Flora y Fauna del Golfo de Fonseca). Three workshops were carried out in San
Lorenzo in western Honduras for some seventy-seven teachers. Twenty-six schools have
introduced the curriculum.
Concurrently, it was adapted for the Colombian-owned San Andres/Old Providence
Archipelago in the southwestern Caribbean with partner CORALINA (The Corporation for the
Sustainable Development of the Archipelago of San Andres, Old Providence and Catalina).
Following the first workshop in 2002 (previously described) over eighty teachers attended
subsequent workshops run by CORALINA which has introduced the curriculum into eighteen
schools in the archipelago. The same year in Sri Lanka, MAP worked with local NGO partner
SFFL to introduce the curriculum to that country. The Sir Lankan workshops attracted a cross
section of 40 teachers and other specialists, and some thirty schools have to date been
recipients of the mangrove curriculum. In 2010, MAP will be returning to San Andres and its
partner CORALINA for an evaluation and re-introduction process of the curriculum to the
Archipelago and also to the Caribbean coast of mainland Colombia.
In 2005, Guatemala became the fifth country in which MAP has worked on the curriculum
adaptation, collaborating with local NGO Amigos Del Bosque. The curriculum has been
introduced to some ninety teachers during three workshops held on the Pacific coast of
Guatemala (April, June and September, 2006). The first workshop was carried out by me, and
the second two by Amigos del Bosque staff working with teachers who had been trained in the
first workshop. The curriculum has been introduced to some sixteen schools primarily in western
Guatemala.
Plans are underway (and funding has been secured) for the curriculum to be introduced to
eastern (Caribbean) Guatemala and Honduras in 2010. This will be carried out with the same
local partners as previously, and will also incorporate a full evaluation (based on the classroom
observation and teacher interviews) of how the curriculum is being implemented in the schools
of both countries, seeking suggestions for changes and improvements.
The sixth and largest country so far is Brazil, and for three years MAP has worked with its
key partner, Instituto Bioma Brasil to adapt the mangrove curriculum/teacher resource guide for
use in Brazil, home to the second largest area of mangroves in the world. The project has
received both regional and national support, and is being introduced in four states with the full
participation of the Brazilian Ministry of the Environment. An on-going process has been
established for the continued introduction to different educational partners, with evaluation a
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continuing part of this process. To date, teacher workshops have been held primarily in Espirito
Santo state for some seventy educators, and twenty-six schools have incorporated the
curriculum in their programmes of study. A national workshop was conducted in June 2009
involving twenty-seven specialists and teachers from nine states and Brasilia. In 2010 to date,
more than four states and over a dozen cities will incorporate the mangrove curriculum into their
programmes of study. Work is underway with the federal Ministry of Education to formally
incorporate the programme into the national curriculum.
In early 2009 I was invited by the Director of the Zhanjiang Mangrove National Nature
Reserve, Mr. Lin Kangyin, to visit southern China to discuss the introduction of MAP’s mangrove
curriculum into China. In July, 2009, I spent four days with Mr. Lin and his staff of the Reserve
visiting the mangrove and associated wetland areas under its control, outlining the methodology
behind the curriculum, and conducting a mini-workshop for staff and a dozen local school
teachers and their children. At the end of the visit, an agreement was reached to work together
to introduce the curriculum into Chinese schools. (see attached photos). Work is already
underway at the ZMNNR’s Education Department to translate the English version into Mandarin.
Established in the mid-1990s by Zhanjiang Municiality, the Zhanjiang Mangrove National
Nature Reserve (ZMNNR) covers some 20,000 hectares in total, including all coastal
mangroves in the region. In 2002, ZMNNR was listed by the Ramsar Secretariat as one of
China’s 21 Wetlands of International Importance. The Zhanjiang Government has taken steps
on almost every level – including regulations and frequent monitoring and enforcement
procedures – to protect mangrove habitats and related wetland areas. Working in conjunction
with the Dutch government for the past seven years, the mangrove directorate of the ZMNNR
has become an established and successful institution with extensive educational resources
visited by both public and school groups. However, they have not been able to incorporate an
educational programme into the school system, and have requested MAP’s assistance to
translate and adapt its mangrove curriculum for use in regional schools.
The education system in China is far more formal than in western nations. Classroom
structure is quite rigid and hands-on learning is in its infancy. In addition, Chinese environmental
NGOs are more than a rarity, so it makes more sense for MAP to work with a recognised and
established government institution in that country. Working in conjunction with the ZMNNR a
core group of local teachers is prepared to pioneer this style of teaching in Guangdong
Province, and showed great interest when I conducted a mini-demonstration workshop during
his visit last summer. It was also obvious from the reaction of the students (mostly children of
the teachers) who attended the workshop that they both enjoy and want to participate in this
form of education.
There is much demand for the mangrove curriculum world-wide. A programme is in place to
implement it in Indonesia through MAP’s regional Asian operation there. However, as always,
funding is the main driving force. With consistent long-term funding, there is no reason that this
education resource cannot be used in every country that boasts of having a mangrove
ecological system.
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11.
Health Care in the Cayman Islands
Acupuncture and the Culture of Health Care
in the Cayman Islands
By Mr. Damian Martin
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Biographies of Presenters
Conference Keynote Speaker Dr. Brian Meeks
A highlight of the conference will be the keynote address on Opening
Day, Thursday, 11 March, by Professor Brian Meeks, Director of the
Sir Arthur Lewis Centre for Social and Economic Studies at the
University of the West Indies, Mona, and eminent author and scholar in
the areas of politics and culture.
Dr. Meeks is a Professor of Social and Political Change at the
University of the West Indies and one of the founders of the Centre of
Caribbean Thought. He is the former head of UWI's Department of
Government and has written extensively on Caribbean politics and
political theory and culture.
Among his many accomplishments, Dr. Meeks has completed
visiting appointments at several universities throughout the United
States, including Florida International University in Miami; Stanford,
Brown, and Cambridge Universities; and Michigan State University.
Plenary Keynote Speaker Mr. Roy Bodden
President of the University College of the Cayman Islands and Former Member of the Legislative Assembly, from
1988 to May 2005.
Deconstructing Development: Caymanian Society in the 21st Century
Mr. Roy Bodden is currently the President of the University College of the Cayman Islands. A
Cultural historian, he has authored three books, namely, The Cayman Islands in Transition,
Stories My Grandfather Never Told Me and most recently, Patronage, Personality and
Parties: Cayman Politics from 1950 to 2000.
He is a former member of the Legislative Assembly.
A Bodden Towner, Roy Bodden is a hobby farmer, and for relaxation he loves to involve
himself in rearing his cattle and tending his orchard.
Panel Presenters
Mr. Henry Muttoo
My Mind’s Eye – Visioning a Caymanian Identity – the Work of Miss Lassie
Mr. Henry Muttoo is widely recognized as one of the Caribbean's leading theatre practitioners,
and arguably the region's finest theatre designer. A rare talent with a multiplicity of artistic
skills, he is an award-winning actor, theatre director and designer, painter, writer, editor, and
amateur calypso historian.
Educated at University of the West Indies (Trinidad and Tobago), Croydon College of Art
and Design (UK), and Manchester University (UK), Mr. Muttoo has worked as a professional in
the theatre and arts industry for forty years, teaching, directing and designing in England,
Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, the USA, and the Cayman Islands. He has designed
264
for directors, including Nobel Laureate Dereck Walcott, Trevor Rhone, Rawl Gibbons, Earl
Warner and Barbara Gloudon.
His vision for the development of culture and arts in the Cayman Islands has advanced the
Cayman National Cultural Foundation from an organisation that only managed the Harquail
Theatre to one that is now a widely respected arts organisation producing several plays; two
annual major arts festival; training young Caymanians in several disciplines; documenting
cultural enactments and re-enactments; publishing poetry, plays, an arts and culture journal,
and other material; offering grants to artists; and many other initiatives.
Dr. Monika Lawrence
The Creative Process: An Analysis of the Late Prof. Rex Nettleford the
Choreographer Philosopher
Dr. MoniKa Lawrence is the Founder/Artistic Director of The Stella Maris Dance Ensemble of
Jamaica and past member of The National Dance Theatre Company of Jamaica. She holds a
PhD in Cultural Studies from the University of The West Indies. She has worked extensively as
artistic director, choreographer and creative consultant with various organizations, production
companies and shows internationally. She was instrumental in assisting with introducing cultural
programmes as part of the curriculum at University of Technology Jamaica. Lawrence is also a
part time lecturer at UCCI.
Pastor Al Ebanks, DD, Cert. Hon.
A Second Eden: The Religious Heritage of the Cayman Islands
Pastor Alden A. Ebanks, affectionately known as Pastor Al, was born on January 20th 1959
in Grand Cayman. In March 1979, he was united in marriage to E. Kathleen Bodden (Kathy)
and together they have four wonderful children, one son-in-law and a grandson. In 1987 he
was ordained as a Christian minister and became the full-time pastor of the Agape Family
Worship Centre, a position he has held for 22 years. Over the past thirty years he has served
on numerous boards and committees such as the Marine Institute, Health Services Authority,
911 Critical Incident Stress Management Team, National Youth Commission, Children and
Youth Foundation, National Gender Policy, and Strategic Planning for both Education and
Health. In 2003, he was one of 500 persons recognized as a Nation Builder on the
Quincentennial Wall of Honour. He has been an outspoken community leader on issues of
national importance and was Co-chair of the Chamber Working Group on Constitutional
Modernization in the Cayman Islands, and in this role has addressed the United Nations
Committee of 24, both at the UN Headquarters in NY and also at a regional seminar in
Canouan, St. Vincent.
In 2005 he received recognition as "Person of the Year" by a local newspaper. He was also
awarded the Certificate and Badge of Honour by the Cayman Islands government. More
recently, he was Chairman of the Health Services Authority and held that position for four
years. In 2009, he was a part of the team that successfully negotiated a new Constitution for
the Cayman Islands, and, in December 2009, he was appointed as the first chairman of the
Cayman Islands Constitutional Commission under the new Constitution.
In January 2010 he was awarded an Honourary Doctor of Divinity Degree.
265
Mr. Chris Williams
Did Slavery Really Matter in the Cayman Islands? Confronting Roy
Bodden’s Anti-Slavocratic Sentiments
Mr. Christopher Williams received his BA with highest honors from the University of the West
Indies, majoring in English literature and minoring in history. He also holds an MA in
colonial/postcolonial history from the University of Manchester, United Kingdom, and a teaching
diploma from Mico Teachers' College, Jamaica. Mr. Williams is currently a doctoral student at
the Centre for Caribbean Studies at the University of Warwick, United Kingdom, and a lecturer
in the Department of Social Sciences at the University College of the Cayman Islands. Mr.
William's doctoral research explores the extent to which various modern Caymanian identities
locate their continued thrust within antecedent counterparts. His research interests also include
Caribbean nationalism, comparative cultural studies, fictive and actual representations of New
World identities, and the interpenetration of Sub-Saharan African and European histories
towards New World histories and philosophies.
Mr. Geddes Hislop
A New Opportunity and Approach to Conservation Education in Cayman
Mr.Geddes Hislop originally hails from Trinidad & Tobago. He has a degree in Wildlife
Biology and training in environmental education. He brings years of experience in
fieldwork and conservation education in Trinidad, Tobago and Grand Cayman. Geddes
at the time of presentation was curator of terrestrial and education programmes at
Boatswains Beach/ Cayman Turtle Farm.
Mr. Bryan Andryszak
An Overview of Green Sea Turtle Release and Shark Education
Programmes at Boatswain's Beach / Cayman Turtle Farm, Ltd.
Mr. Bryan Andryszak is Assistant Curator of Marine & Research at Boatswain's
Beach/Cayman Turtle Farm, Ltd. His M.S. degree in Fishery Biology is from Louisiana
State University. He studied at the Gulf Coast Research Laboratory, Pigeon Key Field
Station, and Harbor Branch Foundation. Bryan is an Aquarist, Educator, and Operations
Manager.
Mr. Peter Borg
Reintroducing Captive-bred White-Crowned Pigeons, Patagioenas
leucocephala, into the Wild Via Soft Release
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Mr. Peter Borg has a master of science degree in biology, specialized in ecological
zoology and a master of education degree. He works at Boatswain's Beach/Cayman
Turtle Farm as Assistant Curator for the Terrestrial and Education Department. Peter
collaborates with other institutions like St. Matthews University, Cayman Wildlife Rescue
and the Department of Environment.
Mrs. Heather-Ann Cahill
Identifying an Appropriate Human Resource Information System to
Maximize Human Capital within an Organization
Mrs. Heather-Ann Cahill joined UCCI in January 2007 as Deputy Registrar and an adjunct
Lecturer, arriving from the UK with experience as a small business owner, trainer, teacher,
magistrate and project manager of capital projects across all sectors.
She has a Master's Degree in Leisure and Recreation and another in Human Resource
Management.
Mr. John Locke
How the Use of Computers Can Change the Culture of Math and Science
Teaching in the Caribbean
Mr. John Locke’s past experiences include military service; atmospheric physics with
the Geophysical Institute, Fairbanks Alaska; project manager of ST Radar
development; departmental chair, including chair at a PhD-granting institution, as well
as a stint as acting dean, and extensive overseas experience. He was also involved in
establishing new universities and working with accreditation bodies. He has extensive
past consulting experience with governmental bodies and industry.
Current interests (long-term) are in theoretical physics, specifically General
Relativity and Gravitational theory, application of computational techniques to solve
equations that are intractable to analytical solution in several areas of physics such
GR, orbital mechanics and fluid mechanics. Additional interests include applied
mathematics in general and differential geometry. Past research interest included
nuclear physics.
Dr. Art Bukowski
The Culture of Mathematics and How to Teach College Students with Poor
Math Skills
Dr. Art Bukowski received his doctorate in mathematics at the University of New Mexico in
Albuquerque, NM. He retired as Professor Emeritus as a faculty member of the Department of
Mathematics at the University of Alaska Anchorage. As the department chairman for 12 years,
he managed 40+ fulltime and part-time faculty. As a faculty member at the University of Alaska
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Anchorage, he received multiple grants to educate and direct secondary teachers to become
effective teachers of mathematics.
Additionally, he has consulted with several universities for development and refining of
effective mathematics programs focused on expanding and improving student success and
mathematical skills.
Working primarily with students and staff, he has also developed and led new programmes
for faculty at universities in Kuwait, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Currently he is teaching at New
Mexico Institute of Mining and Technology.
Dr. Donna Hope-Marquis
From Boom-bye-bye to Chi-chi Man - Homophobia in the Dance Hall Music
Dr. Donna P. Hope-Marquis is Lecturer in Reggae Studies in the Institute of Caribbean
Studies, at the University of the West Indies, Mona, and former host of the daytime radio talk
show, Disclosure, on Hot 102 FM. She holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree with First Class
Honours in Mass Communication and a Masters of Philosophy (M. Phil.) in Government from
the University of the West Indies, Mona.
A Jamaican Fulbright Scholar for 2002-2004, Dr. Hope completed her Ph.D. in Cultural
Studies at George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia, in 2006. Her extensive research in
Jamaican music and reggae and dancehall culture over the last fifteen years has resulted in
several publications, including her first book published by the University of the West Indies
Press in 2006, Inna di Dancehall: Popular Culture and the Politics of Identity in Jamaica. Her
next single-authored book titled Man Vibes: Representations of Jamaican Masculinities in
Dancehall Culture was anticipated to be published by Ian Randle Publishers in 2010.
She has presented numerous academic papers, conference presentations, and engaged in
discussions in the print and electronic media in Jamaica and abroad, on Jamaican music in
general and dancehall culture in particular. Dr. Hope delivered the annual Bob Marley Lecture
at the UWI, Mona, in February 2008, under the title "The Full has Never Been Told: Exploring
Dancehall’s Moral Conscience", and was the organizer and host of the Annual Bob Marley
Lecture in 2009. Dr. Hope continues to engage in on-going teaching and research on Jamaican
music and popular music culture. Her areas of research interest include Jamaican music and
dancehall culture, youth development, black masculinities, black popular culture, gender,
identity, and power. Her current projects include spearheading the upcoming International
Reggae Conference at the UWI, Mona, in February 2010, and finalizing the report of her study
conducted on popular music consumption and violence in Jamaica.
Mr. Glen Inanga
Genre Theory, Western Classical Music and the Caribbean Musical Arts
Mr. Glen Inanga graduated from Clare College, University of Cambridge, as a British Council
Scholar. There he read for the Engineering Tripos, receiving his Master of Arts degree in 1998.
Following this, he studied with Martin Roscoe at the Royal Academy of Music, London, UK,
where he won several awards, including the prestigious Overseas Research Students Scheme
(ORS) Award. He now holds the M.Mus degree from the University of London, with distinction in
Piano Performance, and he was elected an Associate of the Royal Academy of Music (ARAM)
in 2003. He also holds the Diploma of Advanced Studies with Merit in Piano Performance and
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Licentiate of the Royal Academy of Music (LRAM), the exclusive teaching diploma of Britain’s
most senior conservatoire.
Mr Inanga joined the University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI) in 2007 with the task
of developing a music programme at UCCI. As Senior Lecturer in Music, he has developed
music courses for the associate degree, certificate and continuing education programmes.
As an international concert pianist soloist, he made his New York debut in September 2000,
performing Gershwin's Rhapsody in Blue to a capacity audience in Alice Tully Hall, Lincoln
Centre, receiving rave reviews. In addition, his piano duo partnership with Jennifer Micallef (the
Micallef-Inanga Piano Duo) is reputed to be amongst the most outstanding piano duos
worldwide and continues to make an increasing impact on an ever-widening international
audience. In addition to successful debuts at the BBC Proms with the BBC Philharmonic
Orchestra in July 2006 and January 2010 in the Musikverein, Vienna (with the Radio Orchestra
of Vienna) , the duo's disc, Robin Holloway's Gilded Goldbergs, on the Hyperion label, was
selected as the Record of the Month, Editor's Choice, Gramophone Magazine, in February
2003. In February 2004, the Micallef-Inanga Piano Duo, as artistic directors successfully
launched the first-ever Cayman Arts Festival in the Cayman Islands, currently held biennially.
As an educator, Mr Inanga is in constant demand as a specialist coach for piano duos and
provides adjudication for piano duo competitions at leading international music conservatoires.
In addition, he has presented Lecture Recitals at international symposia in the UK and Asia and
works on special research projects relating to rarely performed and recorded works in the piano
duo repertory as well as other genres.
He was due to complete an MBA specializing in Finance and Marketing, from the Open
University, UK.
Mr. Louieco Lewis
i)
Calypso and Reggae and the Decline in Literacy and Learning and
ii)
A Comparison of Income Distribution, labour Force Spread, and
Educational Attainment of African-American and African Caribbean
Sample Populations
Mr.Louieco Lewis is an Assistant Professor of Business Studies (Accounting and Operations
Management) at the University College of the Cayman Islands. He holds the following
academic credentials to his credit: bachelor's degree in accounting from New York University,
MBA in operations research from Baruch College (CUNY), MS in accountancy from the
University of Alabama, and ABD in Education (Statistics) from the University of Alabama. His
business background includes accounting supervisor, computer programmer, statistical analyst
and a self-employed accountant.
In addition to his academic and professional experience, he has been involved in a number
of activities: US Marine Corps combat scout (US-based), endurance swimmer and runner,
parachutist (skydiver), white-water rafter, scuba diver, steel drum player (tenor pan and cello
pan), the making of steel drums, and travel to over twenty countries (including most in the
Caribbean).
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Drs. J.D. Mosley-Matchett and Chun-Chen (Liz) Wang
Cosmopolitan and Ethnic Tensions in the Caymanian Shopping Experience
Dr. J.D. Mosley-Matchett joined the UCCI faculty in August 2009, but she is a
seasoned educator with ten years of successful teaching experience at both the
graduate and undergraduate levels. As a professor at the University of Texas at
Arlington, Dr. Mosley-Matchett taught classes in the College of Business Administration
and the School of Fine Arts.
Her educational credentials include an MBA (December 1986) and a doctorate in
Business Administration (May 1997) from the University of Texas at Arlington; a Juris
Doctor (law degree) from Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas (August 1984);
and a Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering Technology from Old Dominion
University in Norfolk, Virginia (May 1980). Locally, she has served as the Managing
Director of a Caymanian company called Words & Images and as the Marketing
Executive for the Cayman Islands Tourism Attraction Board. In the U.S., she was the
president of Sterling Impression, Inc., for more than 20 years. Her numerous clients
have included the Cayman Islands Portfolio of the Civil Service, the Caymanian Bar
Association, IBM, Texas Instruments, and J.C. Penney.
Dr. Chun-Chen (Liz) Wang earned her Ph.D. in Marketing from the University of Texas
at Arlington. In 2006, she joined the College of Business at the University of Dallas as
an Assistant Professor of Marketing. Dr. Wang’s research interests include Internet
marketing, retailing and cross-cultural consumer behaviour. Her work has appeared in
the Journal of Marketing, International Journal of Internet Marketing and Advertising,
International Journal of Electronic Marketing and Retailing and several AMA conference
proceedings.
Ms Davina Wilson
Flexible Work Arrangements and Work-life Balance: Are these Achievable without
Trust? (With special reference to the Cayman Islands workforce)
Ms Davina Wilson is a graduate of the University College of the Cayman Islands,
achieving a master’s degree in human resource management in May 2009. This paper is
an abridged version of a thesis submitted as part of the requirements for her master’s degree.
Dr. Ginnie Gardiner
Home-owner Impact of Real Estate Duty in the Cayman Islands versus
Property Taxes in the United States - Issues of Culture?
Dr. Gardiner is a seasoned business professor in the Cayman Islands, having served
on the faculty of AACSB-accredited universities and cited in top peer-reviewed journals
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in a career spanning over a quarter of a century. She served on the faculty of the
University of Southern Mississippi before pursuing her doctorate at one of the highestranked universities in the United States, the Terry School of Business at the University
of Georgia.
During her post-graduate studies, she was acclaimed throughout the state as being
the most effective real estate pre-licence instructor. Granted a teaching fellowship at
her alma mater, she subsequently joined the faculty of the largest finance department in
the US, at Northeastern University in Boston, where she taught and published in top
journals in her field, earning citations by business trade journals and the Boston Globe.
While at Northeastern, she served as area coordinator (co-chair of the finance
department) among other administrative duties.
Meanwhile, Dr. Gardiner continued to undertake small business consulting for a
liberal arts teaching college in Kansas City where, in addition to teaching all of the
finance and strategic policy courses, she started up a successful MBA programme
thereby helping to transform the college into a university. She also served on several
non-profit boards and was treasurer of a board overseeing two charter schools. Along
the way, she has taught students at four major universities, two community colleges,
and one liberal arts university, yet is proud to say that nowhere has she more enjoyed
teaching small classes of dedicated and enthusiastic students of finance as she has
here at UCCI.
Dr. Gardiner’s research interests include real estate issues, business economics,
agency theory, financial markets and derivative securities, among others. She holds a
lifetime membership in the American Real Estate Society and has published in refereed
journals such as The Appraisal Journal, The Journal of Real Estate Research, The Real
Estate Educators Association Journal, The Journal of Real Estate Finance and
Economics, and various proceedings. Her work has also published in numerous
newspapers.
Dr. Paulette Ramsay
Visual Rhetoric: Racial and Ethnic Difference in Mexico through the
Distorted Lenses of Memin Pinguin
Paulette A. Ramsay is a Senior Lecturer (Associate Professor) in the Faculty of Humanities
and Education, The University of the West Indies (UWI), Mona. She is an established writer and
researcher whose active areas of research include language pedagogy, writing theories and
Afro Hispanic literature and culture. She has published many scholarly articles in refereed
international journals such as Afro-Hispanic Review, The Langston Hughes Review, Bulletin of
Latin American Review, as well as translations of poetry and short stories from Spanish into
English. Her novel Aunt Jen has been translated into German and Italian and is currently on the
CXC CSEC reading list, as well as being included on the Caribbean Women Writer’s courses in
some colleges in the USA. She has also published an anthology of poems entitled Under Basil
Leaves, which is enjoying great popularity. Dr. Ramsay was the first coordinator of the Writing
Centre at the University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica.
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Dr. Paula Anderson-Suarez -- Voice and Values: A Unification of Form
and Content in Selected Readings from Caribbean Literature
Dr. Paula Grace ANDERSON-SUAREZ, born in Jamaica, is a graduate of the University of the
West Indies, Jamaica, and the University of Alberta, Canada. She holds a B.A. Special Honours
in English, with French subsidiary, and an M.A. and Ph.D. in English. She is also a U.S.A.
Fulbright awardee and Dissertation Fellow at the University of Alberta. She taught English at the
University of the Bahamas, Nassau, and University of the West Indies, Jamaica, and for the
past ten years, at the University College of the Cayman Islands.
Dr. Anderson-Suarez has in the past assisted with the development of a permanent
teaching and learning facility, funded by the community members of EXUMA, (sister island,
Bahamas). She has mentored adult learners from many professional backgrounds regarding the
uses of courses in literature and composition, as parts of their self-developmental journeys and
as integrative disciplines which strengthen academic and personal foundations. Dr. AndersonSuarez teaches and develops English courses for the Civil Service College of the UCCI.
Mr. Joseph Pereira
Constructs of Cayman in Far Tortuga
Mr. Joseph Pereira has lectured in Spanish at the University of the West Indies, Mona, since
1969. For many years, he served as president and chief negotiator for the academic staff trade
union, the West Indies Group of University Teachers. He has published in the areas of Cuban
literature, Afro-Mexican studies and Jamaican popular music, as well as translations of various
Cuban poets. For several years, he was Director of the Institute of Caribbean Studies at Mona,
where he introduced the postgraduate programme in Cultural Studies. He was also Dean of the
Faculty of Arts & General Studies and subsequently Arts & Education for some ten years. Since
2002, he has been Deputy Principal at the Mona Campus of the UWI. His publications include a
book of poems, Profiles & Poemics (1978).
Dr. Mark Minott, Ms Diane Campbell and Mrs. Vimala Velusamy
To What Extent Does Multicultural Education Occur in Schools in the
Cayman Islands?
Dr. Mark Minott joined UCCI’s Faculty of Education in 2007. At the University College
of the Cayman Islands he works on the Postgraduate Diploma in Education and the
Bachelor’s Degree in Education courses as Co-coordinator, Co-developer and Assistant
Professor. He is also responsible for placing and supervising students on
fieldwork/practicum.
Dr. Minott is an editorial board member and reviewer for the Journal of the
University College of the Cayman Islands and a reviewer for the Journal of Research in
Christian Education Andrews University School of Education and the Journal, Current
Issues in Education, Arizona State University. As a teacher/researcher he has published
and presented an eclectic array of articles and papers on issues relating to Teacher
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Education, Reflective Teaching, Church-school relationship and the Arts in Christian
Worship.
Ms Diane Campbell was born in Jamaica and received a bachelor’s degree in
sociology/history from the University of the West Indies and a master’s degree in multicultural education from Florida Atlantic University (FAU). Ms Campbell comes to UCCI
from FAU where she worked for several years as an international student advisor.
Before that, she worked as trainer/developer in the areas of customer service,
collections and other selected specializations for several companies, including the
Prudential Bank, Bianco Hopkins, and Assocs (Atlanta) and with the Training Arm of the
State of Georgia.
Ms Campbell also holds a post graduate diploma in library studies from the UWI
and worked for over four years with both the National Library of Jamaica and the Public
Library of the British Virgin Islands.
Mrs. Vimala Velusamy was born in India and received a bachelor's degree in physics
from the University of Madras, India. Since 2004 she has worked as an assistant
teacher at the Cayman Brac High School. Before that, she lived in Ireland for twelve
years and volunteered as a supply teacher in the local schools. In 2010 she was
pursuing a post graduate diploma in education at UCCI.
Dr. Livingston Smith
Conceptualizing Cayman Culture -- Some Theoretical Hurdles
Dr. Livingston Smith is currently an Associate Professor at the University College of
the Cayman Islands where he is also Director of Research and Publication.
He won the Jamaica Adult Suffrage Scholarship to pursue his Ph.D. in Government
between the University of the West Indies (UWI) and the Florida International University.
Dr. Smith has lectured at the Northern Caribbean University, Jamaica, where he was
also Chair of the Department of Social Sciences. He tutored course in Public
Administration and Public Sector Management at UWI and is member of the Caribbean
Studies Association. His research interests include constitutional and public sector
reform.
Dr. Smith is also the Director of the CXC Education Volunteer Programme in the
Cayman Islands.
Dr. Allan Young
Pre-Service Students' Class Standings and their Perceptions of Distance
Education
Dr. Allan E. Young received his early professional training as a teacher educator from the
University of Technology Jamaica (formerly CAST) and the University of the West Indies. He
holds a bachelor’s in management studies from the University of the West Indies, three master’s
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degrees and a PhD in educational leadership from Colorado State University, Fort Collins,
Colorado.
He is Chair and Professor of Teacher Education and serves as Professor in the College of
Business at the University College of the Cayman Islands (UCCI). He sits on the council of
chairs as a representative for his department. Dr. Young is actively involved in various college
committees and heads the quality assurance and accreditation initiatives for the University
College of the Cayman Islands.
His research agenda is broad-based and reflects a myriad of areas of interests, which
includes the following: distance education, hybrid instruction, technology effectiveness,
accounting education and other issues relating to teaching and teaching effectiveness. He
serves on the editorial board of the Journal of the University College of the Cayman Islands
(JUCCI) and has served as reviewer for several publications. Dr. Young’s last publication, coauthored with Dr. Mark Minott, was The Benefits of Employing a Hybrid Evaluation Approach,
Enacted through Evaluation Survey and Reflective Journaling in Teacher Education in the
Cayman Islands.
Mr. Claude Oakley
Why Undergraduate Students Cheat: A Synoptic Review
Mr. Claude Oakley is a doctoral candidate at Colorado State University. He is at the
dissertation stage working toward the doctor of philosophy degree in education and
human resource studies with specialization in educational leadership and a
concentration in business administration. His research interest is in academic integrity,
and pedagogical issues relating to undergraduate business students.
Until recently, Mr. Oakley worked as director of finance with a contract administrator
for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. In addition, Mr. Oakley
has had teaching experience as an adjunct faculty professor at DeVry University,
Atlanta, Georgia, and has taught in the undergraduate business school mainly in the
areas of advanced accounting, financial accounting, managerial accounting, finance,
auditing, and Federal Income Tax. In addition, he taught a semester-long course at the
undergraduate level at Mercer University, Atlanta, Georgia.
While in Jamaica, Mr. Oakley taught Jamaican taxation at the undergraduate level
at the University of Technology. As a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of
Jamaica, Mr. Oakley worked with the Urban Development Corporation, rising to the
position of deputy general manager-operations prior to migrating to the United States.
Mr. Oakley is a consultant with FACTS Corporation, a company in which he is an
equal partner offering services in individual and corporate taxation, accounting and
consulting services. Mr. Oakley plans to pursue full-time educational consulting and
research initiatives upon completion of his doctoral study.
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Mr. Martin Keeley
Marvelous Mangroves: A Curriculum–based Teacher’s Guide
Martin Keeley is currently UCCI Campus Director on Cayman Brac, heavily involved in the
day-to-day operations of that campus, in addition to teaching Environmental Science.
He is also Global Education Director of the international NGO the Mangrove Action Project.
As such he has supervised the adaptation, translation and introduction of a curriculum-based
teaching guide “Marvelous Mangroves” into seven countries around the world – the latest being
the People’s Republic of China.
Mr. Keeley’s over forty-five years of varied experience includes work as an educator,
journalist, photographer, magazine editor and publisher, marketing and sales manager,
publicist, actor, producer, and conference and workshop organizer. He has also been an active
volunteer for arts, environmental and community organizations. All of this experience has given
him a broad range of leadership, teaching, and communications skills.
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University College of the Cayman Islands