Is there a link between `Lad Culture`

Transcription

Is there a link between ‘Lad Culture’ and sexual
violence against women in the UK?
Amelia Morris
BA International Relations with Political Science
Undergraduate Dissertation
Word count: 12,571
Student ID: 1156559
Supervisor: Emma Foster
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Dedications
Emma Foster
Matthew Hall
Sarah Herries
John & Iris Hinton
Margery & Geoffrey Morris
Penny Melville
My wonderfully weird “Woo Towners”
My incredibly supportive Mum & Dad
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Abstract
This dissertation will question whether lad culture has impacted upon attitudes
towards sexual violence against women. In order to research this topic, I will conduct
several interviews and focus groups with females between the ages of 17-22 who
may have experienced lad culture. I will also run a focus group with a group of typical
‘lads’ to get an unbiased view of the subject. Finally, I will analyse the discourse and
images within popular ‘lad’ magazines such as ‘Nuts’ and ‘Zoo’ along with social
media websites like ‘The Uni Lad’ and ‘The Lad Bible.’ Despite post-feminist scholars
suggesting that ‘lad culture’ can be a form of empowerment for women, my argument
will state that ‘laddism’ represent women as dehumanized sex objects. Therefore,
‘lad culture’ conditions men to view women as items to be ‘conquered’ and thus
trivializes and normalises sexual violence and harassment. Likewise, women who
are not deemed ‘fit’ by lads face ridicule and dehumanization within magazines and
websites, often leading to sexually or physically violent threats. Furthermore, the
dissertation will argue that women who react to sexist and derogatory comments
face negative backlash and are accused of “not getting the joke” or being “uptight.”
Overall, the dissertation concludes that laddism negatively represents women and
attempts to justify and trivialize sexual violence against women.
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Contents
Introduction.....................................................................Page 7
Chapter 1: Literature Review…………........................Page 10
Chapter 2: Methodology ………………………………Page 24
Chapter 3: Analysis…………………………………….Page 28
Conclusion………………………………………………Page 47
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Introduction
The term ‘lad’ or ‘lad culture’ is defined by the National Union of Students as a
particular masculinity that promotes activities such as sport, heavy alcohol
consumption and ‘banter’ (NUS, 2001). Alongside the development of lad culture, the
UK has also experienced an increase in sexual and gender based violence. In
January 2013, the Ministry of Justice reported that 85,000 women are raped on
average in England and Wales every year. Also, 1 in 5 women have experienced
some form of sexual violence since the age of 16 (RapeCrisis, 2013). As such, this
dissertation investigates the ways in which lad culture may produce problematic
values and representations of women that justify, normalize and trivialize sexual
violence.
The literature review will discuss arguments on the topics of feminism, objectification
and personal empowerment with reference to lad culture and sexual assault. Firstly,
post-feminist scholars such as Naomi Wolf, Katie Roiphe and Camille Paglia dismiss
gains made by the “second-wave” by suggesting that women no longer need to be
“freed from the shackles of patriarchy” (Penny, 2011, p.2). Such theorists claim that
feminism needs to move away from the defeatist emphasis on victimization and
subordination (Wilson, 2009, p.83). As Wolf explains, post-feminism involves a belief
in “personal empowerment” (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p.4). Consequently, laddism is seen
as a “liberating” and “empowering” rather than a culture that belittles and objectifies
women (Barnett, 2013). Nevertheless, the literature review will agree with Susan
Faludi’s “backlash thesis” to suggest that second-wave feminists have been labelled
as the cultural oppressors of “normal” women (Penny, 2011, p.5). Similarly, the
chapter will agree with scholars such as Rosalind Gill, Laurie Penny and Ariel Levy
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that the celebration of “raunch” reinforces patriarchy rather than acting as an
instrument of female empowerment (Genz, 2009, p.97). Furthermore, Gill and Penny
argue that the hyper-sexualisation in laddism presents a ‘deodorised’ sexuality that
feeds consumerist capitalism rather than individual, female desires (Penny, 2011,
p.1). Such feminists argue that the portrayal of females as ‘decoration’ is belittling
and creates negative representations of appropriate sexual attitudes towards women
(Mcrobbie, 2007, p.1). Likewise, the literature review will discuss arguments from
feminists such as Sophie Bennett and Kat Banyard who contend that ‘lad magazines’
reduce women to dehumanized sex objects (Object, 2013) and therefore normalise
sexual harassment and ideals of hyper-masculinity (Wiseman, 2013). Similarly,
Laura Bates and Eva Wiseman suggest that the aim of many ‘lad’ websites is to
belittle and trivialize sexually aggressive attitudes (Bates, 2013) which has led many
‘lads’ seeing sexual assault and harassment as “harmless banter” (Wiseman, 2013).
The ‘Methods’ section will discuss the three tactics I will use in order to research the
link between lad culture and sexual violence; focus groups, interviews and critical
discourse analysis. The focus groups will be two sets of discussions on the subject
of ‘lad culture’ with the aim of creating a casual, non-threatening environment
(Hennick, 2007, p.6). The first focus group will be a group of males that identify with
‘lad culture’ and the interviewer is a typical ‘lad.’ I felt this was the best method in
order to get honest, unbiased results reflective of ‘lad’ mentality. The second focus
group will be five females aged 17-19 who are studying A-levels at college. The
questions will focus on the participants’ personal experiences of lad culture within an
educational environment. Finally, I will conduct one-on-one interviews with seven
females between the ages of 20 to 22 in order to discuss sexual harassment and
violence. Finally, the chapter will discuss the method of Critical Discourse Analysis in
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order to evaluate the values of websites such as ‘The Lad Bible’ and ‘Uni Lad’ and
within the magazines ‘Nuts’, ‘Zoo’ and ‘FHM.’ This will include reviewing texts and
images with a critical eye in order to discuss attitudes to women and sex. Finally, I
will discuss the limitations of such approaches. For example, CDA is often seen as
interpretation rather than factual analysis (Machin, 2012, p.208). Likewise, one
limitation of focus groups is that peer pressure may create bias answers (Hennick,
2007, p.7). Nevertheless, the section will discuss how I plan to overcome such
limitations to gain unbiased and reliable results.
The final section will analyse findings from the focus groups, interviews and
discourse analysis to conclude that the objectification and dehumanization of women
mitigates and trivializes sexual violence. Firstly, the chapter will refer back to postfeminist arguments of “empowerment” and “choice” to argue that the sexuality
perpetuated in lad culture serves the interests of capitalism and patriarchy rather
than acting as a tool to empower or express the individuality of women. Through the
analysis of photographs and text, the chapter concludes that lad culture demeans
women to objects that exist to serve male desires. Consequently, women who do not
fit traditional conceptions of beauty often face sexually violent and demeaning
threats. The analysis will then refer to the focus groups and interviews to maintain
that the ideals in lad culture have normalised and encouraged sexual violence. The
final section of the analysis will present findings that ‘banter’ is used as a disguise for
the misogyny perpetuated within laddism. For example, women who oppose sexist,
‘laddish’ remarks often face sexually violent threats and abuse. Overall, the
dissertation argues that there is a predominant link between attitudes that disrespect
and demean women within ‘laddism’ and the normalisation of sexual violence in the
UK.
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Chapter 1: Literature Review
Introduction
This chapter examines arguments regarding feminism, choice and objectification in
relation to lad culture and sexual violence against women. Firstly, the chapter
reviews literature by post-feminist scholars such as Naomi Wolf, Katie Roiphe and
Camille Paglia. Such “power feminists” arguably discard the gains made by second
wave feminism and argue that women need to stop viewing themselves as “victims
of patriarchy” (Wood, 2009, p. 86). Instead, post-feminism seeks to empower women
through sexual liberation, individuality and choice (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p. 3). Secondly,
the chapter discusses literature that critiques post-feminism. Scholars such as Susan
Faludi demonstrate how post-feminists wield the media to present feminism and
critics of lad culture as old-fashioned, ‘frumpy’ and ‘out of touch’ (Whelehan, 2000, p.
17). Similarly, feminists such as Ariel Levy and Angela McRobbie denote such
normalisation and mainstreaming of hyper-sexualisation as “Raunch culture” (Levy,
2006, p. 45). They argue that although raunch has become synonymous with
empowerment and choice, it is simply a reflection of old objectification and patriarchy
that has a direct link to lad culture (Genz, 2009, p. 97). Drawing upon feminist
studies of advertisements and magazines that would appeal to the ‘lad’ demographic,
I present the argument from scholars such as Kat Banyard and Rosalind Gill that lad
culture encourages the objectification and dehumanisation of women (Levy, 2006,
p.27). Finally, the chapter outlines previous studies that will relate to my research. I
discuss studies that have analysed lad magazines and their representations of
women. Reports such as the National Union of Students “Hidden Marks” and the
“Sexualisation of Young People Review” show how lad culture creates a culture of
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rape through the objectification and dehumanisation of women along with the
trivialisation of sexual violence.
Post-feminism
Post-feminism refers to an active process by which feminist gains of the 1970s and
80s came to be undermined (Mcrobbie, 2007, p. 1). During this development,
second-wave feminism was dismissed as irrelevant to make way for a new
generation of women who no longer need to be liberated from the shackles of
patriarchy, claiming that they have already “arrived” (Penny, 2011, p. 2). According
to post-feminists, women were therefore freed from the indecent assaults of sexual
politics which had been held to deny the sanctity of personal privacy (Whelehan,
1995, p. 185). Instead, scholars such as Naomi Wolf urged women to “stop thinking
of themselves as victims” and to capitalize on the power inherent in their majority
status (Wood, 2009, p. 86). Other theorists such as Camille Paglia and Katie Roiphe
also argue that emphasizing victimization and subordination (Willson, 2009, p. 83) is
self-defeating. For example, Roiphe criticised the “Take Back The Night” anti-rape
marches arguing that “proclaiming victimhood” does not “project strength” (Wood,
2009, p. 86).
Post-feminism evolved from the “boring” and “unglamorous” connotations of secondwave feminism (Genz, 2009, p. 97) into a return to the celebration of the ‘feminine’
and the affirmation of gender differentiation (Whelehan, 1995, p. 185). The following
quote epitomizes the goals of post-feminism:
“(…) Force feminism’s legs apart like a rude lover, liberating her from the beige suit of political
correctness” (Zeisler, 2008, p. 96)
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Therefore, the “Third Wave” or “Sex-positive” feminists strongly advocated freedom
of expression and freedom of choice for women (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p. 3). For
example, Naomi Wolf criticised second-wave feminism for being “judgemental” and
praises post-feminism for being “tolerant of other women’s choices about sexuality
and appearance” such as the choice to wear lipstick and heels (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p.
2). Thus, emphasis is placed on the right for women to pursue their own desires
(Kirkpatrick, 2010, p. 3) and the second-wave’s challenging collective programme of
equal opportunity is transformed into atomised acts and matters of personal choice
(Genz, 2009, p. 37). Quite simply, women could be whatever they wanted to be
(Whelehan, 1995, p. 191). Subsequently, as feminism is about “personal
empowerment”, the choice to be a stripper or glamour model is seen as “personally
empowering” (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p. 4). Therefore, in relation to Lad Culture, postfeminists dismiss the argument that lad magazines objectify and belittle women. For
example, Seren Haf Gibson, a former glamour model, found posing “empowering”
and “freeing” (Barnett, 2013). Other glamour models, such as Ammii Grove, echo
these views:
“Women once fought for women’s rights. Now we have them, and we’ve made our own
choices, women are trying to take them away from us.” (Greatrex, 2012)
Overall, post-feminism accuses second-wave feminism of being anti-sex, anti-porn,
anti-heterosexual and generally prudish (Zeisler, 2008, p. 136). However, Susan
Faludi demonstrated in her 1991 book “Backlash” how the successes of secondwave feminism were turned into crimes against women (Whelehan, 2000, p. 17). In
the post-feminist era, feminists have been positioned as the cultural oppressors of
“normal” women (Penny, 2011, p. 5). For example, critics of raunch culture have
been denounced as man-hating, old-fashioned, frumpy, boring and lacking a sense
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of humour (Ross, 2010, p. 20). In 2004, the Labour MP Claire Short branded Page 3
as “degrading pornography.” The Sun then launched a personal attack on Short,
branding her a “killjoy” and “jealous.” It even quoted three Page 3 models who
described Ms Short as “fat and ugly” (Byrne, 2004). The newspaper also stated:
"Page Three girls are intelligent, vibrant young women who appear in the Sun out of choice
and because they enjoy the job. Unsurprisingly, millions of our readers - men and women enjoy looking at them (Wooding, 2007)”
Nevertheless, despite the apparent power of being “in control” and “making choices”,
post-feminism has always seemed concerned with issues regarding the right to
consume and display oneself to best effect. ‘Third-Wave’ feminism does not discuss
empowerment in the worlds of work, politics or even the home (Penny, 2011, p. 4).
Similarly, despite “liberation” and “empowerment” still acting as buzzwords, they no
longer refer to going on strike against submission or adopting an untrammelled
approach to life (Levy, 2006, p. 45). For example, Rosalind Gill suggests that acts as
trivial as “purchasing a pair of shoes or eating a particular brand of cereal bar” are
now recognized as gestures of female empowerment just as surely as participating
in a demonstration or pushing for a stronger voice in politics (Gill, 2008). Therefore,
such a notion of sexual and feminine empowerment is criticised as a ‘new
arrangement of an old song’ (Genz, 2009, p. 97). The ‘freedom’ to pose for men’s
magazines or eroticize male dominance seemingly prop up patriarchy (Snyder-Hall,
2010), by claiming that a woman’s passport to success is not her brains, but her
looks and sexual allure (Walter, 2010). As this section has shown, the explosion of
post-feminist thought in the 1990’s sought to undermine the ideals perpetuated by
the second wave of feminism. The following instalment of the literature review will
further the critique of post-feminism by arguing that the hyper-sexualisation of the
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media has warped the rhetoric of ‘choice’ to promote patriarchal, capitalist ideals
rather than those of female ‘empowerment’ (Levy, 2006, p.27).
Raunch Culture
Feminist theorists such as Angela Mcrobbie refer to this hyper-culture of commercial
sexuality promoted by post-feminism as “Raunch Culture.” This has been linked to
the sub-culture of “Laddism” or “Lad Culture” (Mcrobbie, 2007, p. 259), a phenomena
built upon men objectifying women and encouraging them to objectify themselves
(NUS, 2011, p. 10). Similarly, Ariel Levy argues that Raunch Culture has determined
that all “empowered” women must be overtly and publicly sexual (Levy, 2006, p. 27).
Levy argues that this trend has seen the spread of values and aesthetics of a red
light district in mainstream culture, suggesting that society has become “one big lap
dance club” (Apolloxias, 2009). For example, women such as glamour model
“Jordan” have built a financial empire from posing in Lad Magazines. “Jordan” has
become a role model for thousands of young women who no longer see the sex
industry as a last refuge if they’re desperate but as something to aspire to (News,
2007). Another example is “Make Me a Glamour Model”, an internet based
documentary by “Nuts” magazine in which hundreds of women compete to win a
glamour modelling contract (Nuts Magazine, 2013).
However, the rhetoric of “choice” surrounding post-feminism takes focus off the ways
in which women’s choices are often determined by societal structures and cultural
traditions (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p. 2). Levy argues that when a trend becomes this
intense, it stops looking like an option and starts looking like an obligation (Apolloxias,
2009). Gill contends that this represents a “higher or deeper form of exploitation” as
it implicates women in their own subjugation and objectification, imposing male
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power not “from above or from the outside” but from within “our own subjectivity”
(Genz, 2009, p. 171). Scholars such as Laurie Penny and Rosalind Gill suggest that
it is capitalism that encourages women to engage in such a culture of monetised,
deodorised sexual transaction in the name of “choice” and “empowerment” (Penny,
2011, p. 1). For example, glamour model Natalie argued:
“At the end of the day, it sells. A lovely woman, half naked, sells a magazine” (NewsXLF,
2013)
Nonetheless, Penny argues that what surrounds us is not sex itself but the illusion of
sex (Penny, 2011, p. 8). Instead of sex referring to passion and the investment in
one’s own fantasies and sexual proclivities (Levy, 2006, p. 45), we are enslaved to a
robotic capitalist eroticism that has little to do with our own legitimate desires (Penny,
2011, p. 10). As Levy argues, "passion isn’t the point” and the “glossy, overheated
thumping of sexuality” in our culture is “less about connection than consumption”
(Penny, 2011, p. 31). Levy states:
“Sex sells. That’s our justification for everything. The sex industry has become every industry”
(Penny, 2011, p. 1)
Similarly, Rosalind Gill also notes the “extraordinary proliferation of discourses about
sex and sexuality across all media forms” (Genz, 2009, p. 174). Gill argues that the
mainstreaming of the erotic industries has led to the normalisation of sexual violence
across all media forms, especially advertising (NUS, 2011, p. 10). Many feminists
suggest that advertising has the ability to persuade, manipulate, and shape
behaviour and therefore point to empirical and theoretical bases for supposing a link
between images of women in advertisements and sexual attitudes (Mcrobbie, 2007,
p. 1). For example, in all areas of advertising, hyper-sexualised imagery has been
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used to sell products arched backs, exposed breasts and simulated orgasms are so
routine that they rarely provoke comment (Gill, 2007, p. 4). In fact, Sullivan and
O’Connor found a 60% increase since 1970 in the portrayal of women in purely
‘decorative’ roles, whereby the presence of a physically attractive woman was
unrelated to the advertised product (Mcrobbie, 2007, p. 1). In relation to lad culture,
advertising companies have been quick to capitalise on the hedonistic culture based
upon the sexual conquest of women. For example, Lynx Deodorant’s product “Lynx
Bullet” was described as “pocket pulling power” with billboards encouraging men to
“never miss an opportunity” (Banyard, 2011, p. 121). This section has demonstrated
that the hyper-sexualisation within the media has presented female sexuality as a
capitalist commodity that is not representative of individual desires. The following
instalment seeks to argue that the ‘robotic’ representation of female sexuality within
‘laddism’ treats women as objects that exist for the sexual gratification of men.
Therefore, sexual harassment and violence are normalised in nightlife and university
culture.
Lad Mags and Lad Culture
Feminists argue that “lad mags” such as Nuts, Zoo and FHM play a pivotal role in
fuelling attitudes that underpin violence against women (Cochrane, 2013). For
example, Sophie Bennett, the campaigns officer for “Lose the Lad Mags” stated:
“These publications cause real harm, reducing women to a sum of body parts rather than real
people (…) portraying women as dehumanized sex objects contributes to the creation of a
context in which discrimination and violence against women is acceptable” (Object, 2013)
Therefore, feminists argue that the normalising effect and “daily drip-drip of
objectification” creates a culture where aggressive attitudes towards women are
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more likely to happen across society (BBC News, 2013). For example, “laddism” has
had a detrimental effect on student life. The National Union of Students states that
lad culture is a subset of student life based upon the normalisation of sexual
harassment and exaggerated masculinity (Wiseman, 2013). Laura Bates also
suggests that the trend of “lad” articles, websites and events are there to sexualise,
objectify and dehumanise female students and women in general (Bates, 2013).
Similarly, Eva Wiseman argues that lad culture in universities is a cultural problem
and an environment where “rape is the punch line to a hundred shit jokes” (Wiseman,
2013). Matthew Ezzell explains that living in a rape culture does not affect men as
much as it does women, based on the staggering number of women who have been
sexually assaulted or been in a situation of attempted sexual assault (Le, 2013). For
example, a poster advertising a fresher’s week event at Cardiff Metropolitan
University prominently featured a picture of /a T-shirt bearing the words: “I was
raping a woman last night and she cried” (Bates, 2013). Another example of the
normalisation of sexual violence is a group of rugby players at university who went
out dressed as rape victims. Such “pack mentalities” are commonly associated with
lad culture and are dangerous in producing derogatory attitudes towards women
(NUS, 2011, p. 36). The word “pack” is appropriate as these young men are banding
together for the hunt, revelling in their bravado and their ability to shock (Cosslett,
2013).
Similarly, social media websites such as “Uni Lad” and “The Lad Bible” implicitly
encourage the sexual pursuit of unwilling women (Bates, 2013). Despite the pages
themselves acting as ostensibly Unisex, the tone is frequently misogynistic (Bates,
2013). For example, “The Lad Bible” stated in an article entitled “The LAD’s
Alternative Guide to Uni Housemates”:
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“The most important thing for any LAD at Uni is going out to get smashed and to get some
back doors smashed in” (Bates, 2013)
Websites such as “Uni Lad” offer readers advice on how to “get a girl away from her
protective friends…and into your bed”; reminding readers “she’s hammered. She will
believe anything.” Laura Bates also notes how across hundreds of articles about
women not a single female name appears; they are replaced with “wenches”, “hoes”,
“clunge” and “skank” (Bates, 2013). Similarly, various universities created Facebook
pages named “Rate Your Shag”, encouraging students to rate the performance of
their sexual partners (Duggan, 2013), with quotes such as “3/10” (Datoo, 2013).The
NUS suggests that such demeaning language referring to women is why sexual
harassment and violence are deemed a “normal” part of university life (NUS, 2011, p.
50). For example, the NUS report “Hidden Marks” revealed that one in seven women
will experience some form of sexual violence during their time as a student (NUS,
2010). One respondent to the survey stated:
“Almost every time me and my friends go out to a club you can guarantee that one of us will
have some kind of violence or unwanted attention forced on us by drunk men. Normally they
will just rub themselves up against you or make sexual comments (…) once one of my friends
was dancing and a man just came up behind her and grabbed her crotch.” (NUS, 2010)
Despite this, many student night advertisers are major proponents of lad culture. For
example, Bates argues that themes such as “Tarts and Vicars”, “Geeks and Sluts”
and “Gold Pros and Tennis Hoes” give male students the opportunity to dress in a
humorous way whilst girls are expected to dress sexually (Bates, 2012), reflecting an
attitude of male ownership of women (NUS, 2011, p. 50)
However, those who identify with lad culture refer to it as “harmless banter.” When
criticised by Twitter, the ‘lads’ behind “Holyland Lad Stories” responded “Get a
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fucking grip, we’re having a bit of harmless banter!” (Bates, 2013). Writers and
editors of lad mags unapologetically returned to the sexist “traditional man,” telling
readers who were not “in on the joke” and who criticized the humour to “get over it”
(Ling, 2011). On the other hand, feminist scholars argue that ideas about humour
and the notion of irony are used to minimise the negative aspects of ‘lad culture’
(NUS, 2011, p. 35). Currently, websites such as The Lad Bible and Uni Lad employ
these devices, with features such as “chubby girls: they need some loving too” and
“medley of minge” presented as inherently ironic forms of “banter” (NUS, 2011, p.
35). Another example is the case of Danny Dyer, a celebrity agony uncle for “Zoo”
magazine. In 2003, Dyer advised a 23-year-old-male who wrote to ask for advice
about how to get over a past relationship. Dyer replied:
“Cut your ex’s face, and then no one will want her” (Miranda A. H. Horvath, 2011)
As Imelda Whelehan notes, such forms of sexism have become complexly
expressed and more sophisticated allowing fundamentally violent and sexist
comments such as Dyer’s can be made under a shield of irony; if we complain, it is
ample proof that feminists have no sense of humour (Whelehan, 2000, p. 5).
Similarly, Bethan Benwell notes how irony is also a versatile device in “lad mags”
that allows a speaker to articulate politically incorrect views whilst disclaiming
responsibility or ownership for them (Benwell, 2007, p. 1). In this sense, irony is the
ability to be unapologetic for offensive behaviour (Gill, 2007, p. 212). This section
discussed how lad culture has normalised sexual harassment and violence against
women. The following piece will discuss the contribution that my research will have
on the link between lad culture and sexual violence, with emphasis on social media.
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Contribution to the literature
There have been many studies that have shown a link between lad culture and
sexual violence against women. Content analysis of lads’ mags demonstrates that
the prominent themes are of female nudity and self-centred sexual pleasure seeking.
For example, Taylor noted in his 2003 study that lads’ mags often feature strategies
for manipulating women to obtain sexual compliance (Horvath, 2013). Similar
research by Krassas suggested that lads’ magazines advise young men to get drunk,
fake sincerity and zone in on ‘vulnerable women’ for ‘sexual conquest’ (Miranda A. H.
Horvath, 2011). In April 2012, Le analysed the magazines “FHM”, “Maxim” and
“Loaded”.
Her findings show that discourses within the magazines are used to
minimize and justify sexual assault against women. Le notes references made to
being ‘obsessed’ with women for being sexy and attractive, whilst ‘stalking’ is often
taken lightly. Male dominance over females was also noticed in the language used
and women who are viewed as having any power, other than sexual power, are
referred to as ‘bitches’ (Le, 2013). Likewise, the “Sexualisation of Young People
Review” commissioned by the Home Office argued that lad mags promote an idea of
male sexuality as based on power, aggression and ownership (Cochrane, 2013).
The study concluded that the content we consume is fuelling the idea that “women
are there to be used and that men are there to use them” (Object, 2013).
A study by Reiss into laddism found that the typical “macho personality” found in lad
mags is most likely found in rape-prone societies that hold a belief in the inferiority of
females (Murnen, 2012, p. 360). This idea links with Connell’s idea of hegemonic
masculinities, which is understood as a pattern of practices that allow men’s
dominance over women to continue (R. W. Connell, 2007, p. 5). Middlesex
University also researched possible aggressive tendencies in lad magazines;
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psychologists presented men between the ages of 18 and 46 with descriptions of
women taken from lads’ magazines and comments about women made by convicted
rapists (Middlesex University London, 2011). The majority of the participants could
not differentiate between the quotes and a separate group suggested that the quotes
from lad magazines were somewhat more derogatory towards women (Middlesex
University London, 2011). One sample magazine line stated:
“A girl may like anal sex because it makes her feel incredibly naughty and she likes to feel like
a dirty slut. If this is the case, you can try all sorts of humiliating acts to help her live out her
filthy fantasy” (Cochrane, 2013)
Like the studies noted here, this study also employs critical discourse analysis to
discuss the representation of women in lad magazines. However, I will extend my
research to look at social networking websites such as “UniLad” and “The Lad Bible.”
These websites are interactive, so comments and “likes” can also be analysed.
The NUS conducted a qualitative study into the effects of lad culture on student life.
“That’s What She Said” contains analysis of data from interviews and focus groups
with 40 women students from England and Scotland, exploring how “lad culture”
affects every area of student life. The women were asked in one-on-one interviews
about their experiences of studying and campus life more generally, with the
opportunity to reflect on ‘lad culture’ and what it means to them (Lad Culture
Research, 2013). The research found that sexual harassment and violence were
very much related to ‘lad culture’. In fact, 50% of those interviewed identified with “a
prevailing sexism, ‘laddism’ and potential culture of harassment” at their higher
education institution (Bates, 2013). This included verbal harassment and ‘catcalling’,
as well as physical harassment and sexual molestation. For example, groping in
nightclubs was viewed by some as part of a ‘normal’ night out (NUS, 2011, p. 1).
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This study is similar to that research, as I investigate the effects of ‘lad culture’ on
university life. However, this study will be extending research to outside of student
life and looking at the effects of ‘lad culture’ on a wider social scale.
Conclusion
This literature review has examined the different perspectives on choice and
empowerment in relation to lad culture. Post-feminism seeks to empower women via
sexual liberation; scholars such as Naomi Wolf see lad culture as an opportunity for
women to explore their sexuality whilst freeing themselves of the ‘old-fashioned’ and
‘out of touch’ feminism of the 1970’s (Willson, 2009, p. 83). However, the “backlash
thesis” by Susan Faludi argues that the media has attacked second wave feminism
and portrayed it as frumpy and prudish. Similarly, authors such as Laurie Penny and
Ariel Levy suggest that what post-feminism view as ‘empowerment’ is actually a neoliberal, hyper-sexualisation of all media forms that objectifies and dehumanises
women (Penny, 2011, p. 5). Therefore, women are told they have “choices” but are
actually behaving in ways that reflect the deeply entrenched “Raunch Culture” (Genz,
2009, p. 97). The review also showed literature that links lad culture to the sexual
violence of women, indicating that the normalisation of pornography within lad mags
objectifies women, emphasising a sense of male ownership of their bodies (Object,
2013). Similarly, websites such as “UniLad” and “The Lad Bible” epitomize a form of
hyper-masculinity that encourages aggression and the sexual conquest of women.
For example, Laura Bates argues that rape has been normalised and trivialised via
jokes and women are often referred to as “bitches”, “wenches” and “sluts” (Bates,
2013). Imelda Whelehan notes how such “banter” is considered a huge problem
within lad culture as individuals are allowed to conceal sexist discourse as “a bit of a
laugh” (Whelehan, 2000, p. 5). Finally, the chapter has explored studies that link lad
20
culture to sexual violence against women. For example, one study noted how
language in lad mags is similar to the language of convicted rapists; both held
inferior views of women and the desire for sexual control (Middlesex University
London, 2011). A study by the NUS revealed how laddism has created a “culture of
harassment” at universities (Bates, 2013). For example, participants argued that
“molestation” and “groping” were part of “normal” nights out (NUS, 2011, p. 1). This
study will be using similar approaches to the studies discussed in this chapter when
conducting research into the effects of lad culture on sexual violence. However, I will
be looking at the impact of laddism on wider society rather than concentrating on
student life.
21
Chapter 2: Methodology
In order to conduct research into the link between lad culture and sexual violence
against women, I will be using three methods: focus groups, interviews and critical
discourse analysis. Firstly, focus group studies are a carefully planned series of
discussions designed to obtain perceptions on a defined area of interest in a
permissive, non-threatening environment (Hennick, 2007, p. 6). One major
advantage of focus groups is that they capitalize on the synergistic, snowballing
effects of group discussion (Piercy, 2005, p. 96). In order to create a permissive and
non-threatening focus group environment, I decided that I would employ a man,
named Jack, to run the male only focus groups. This is because I felt that being
identified as a feminist and a woman may work to corrupt my focus group data in
relation to the discussion on sexual violence against women. In contrast, Jack
identifies himself as a typical “lad”; he enjoys socialising, weightlifting and his parttime job as a bouncer. He has gathered a sample group of seven peers for the focus
group. I feel that their friendship will create a relaxed atmosphere and allow
conversation to flow better than if I was interviewing.
This method requires the
interviewer to ask questions face-to-face in an informal way (Bhattacharyya, 2006, p.
96). As scholars such as Nichols explain, the informal interview setting will allow me
to deal with the topics of interest in any order and to phrase questions as I think best
(Oatey, 1999). The casualness and flexibility of the interview will allow me to ask
more in-depth and personal questions where necessary (Bailey, 2000, p. 117). For
example, I will ask each participant to explain experiences they have had with
laddism and ask them to elaborate on issues regarding sexual harassment and
assault. Finally, I will use critical discourse analysis to research the effects of lad
mags and ‘lad’ social networking websites. Critical discourse analysis recognizes
22
that meaning is socially constructed via the mediation of language (Locke, 2004, p.
11) and is associated with a number of key authors such as Fairclough, Wodak and
Van Dijk (David Machin, 2012, p. 2). It seeks to develop methods and theory that can
better capture the interrelationship between language, power and ideology (David
Machin, 2012, p. 4). Therefore, my research will analyse the relationship between
language, power and women in lad magazines and social networking websites. An
advantage of testing the phenomena of lad culture three times using three very
different methods of research, also known as triangulation, is that I will collect more
robust evidence than if I used a singular method. The following section will discuss
the range of samples that I will use to get unbiased evidence relating to lad culture.
Samples
My first focus group will question “lads” on their social life and attitudes towards
women. For example, I will ask them to share experiences they have had with
women on nights out at University. However, I will not conduct the interview as the
participants may feel uncomfortable revealing personal information and experiences
to a stranger. Similarly, the participants may also alter their answers when talking to
a female interviewer. My second focus group will question females on their view of
lad culture and ask them to discuss their views of lad magazines and social
networking websites. This will be conducted at a local college with a group of five
females between the ages of 17 to 19. The one-on-one interviews will be conducted
with a group of seven females between the ages of 20 to 22. The participants will be
asked to discuss lad culture, sexual violence and sexual harassment and to share
any experiences they may have. Therefore, all of my participants are close friends
who will feel comfortable discussing sensitive topics such as rape. When conducting
critical discourse analysis, I will use samples from Nuts, Zoo and FHM as these
23
magazines
represent
mainstream
laddism
and
are
considered
successful
magazines. Also, lad magazines have recently been criticised by feminist groups for
encouraging sexual violence against women. My other sample will include social
networking websites such as “UniLad” and “The Lad Bible.” Such websites are
popular forms of laddism and are also interactive so comments and “likes” can also
be analysed.
Analysis
In order to examine my data, I will use critical discourse analysis. As McGregor
demonstrates, the texts will need to be approached in an uncritical manner and then
reviewed from a critical perspective (McGregor, 2003). Therefore, I will assess texts
from lad magazines and lad websites by noting any images, headlines or articles that
represent lad culture. Secondly, I will view the texts with a critical eye and discuss
sexist or derogatory connotations that may encourage sexual violence. Similarly, I
will review the focus groups and interviews in a critical manner by linking
experiences of the participants to attitudes propagated within lad culture. For
example, if a female participant experienced sexual harassment then I will look for a
link to ideals encouraged within lad magazines and websites. Likewise, if a male
participant has derogatory views of women and normalising attitudes regarding rape
then I will critically link their attitudes to lad culture.
Ethics and Limits
A limitation of critical discourse analysis is that it is sometimes considered an
exercise of interpretation and not analysis (David Machin, 2012, p. 208). Therefore,
other competing claims are possible regarding the same discourse. This seems like
a serious limitation until one considers that the same limitation applies to other
24
methods, including some positivist, inquiry as well (Powers, 2001, p. 64). In the case
of focus groups, structures within the group may create biased results. For example,
a more dominant or vocal member of the group may affect the other participant’s
reaction (Stewart, 2007, p. 165). Similarly, the influence of social pressure may also
cause individuals to alter their answers (Hennick, 2007, p. 7). As the members of the
focus group are friends, they should be comfortable speaking in front of one another.
Nevertheless, if there are dominant members of the group, this may provide
interesting information for my research into the way ‘lads’ behave in their ‘pack.’ A
limitation of conducting a one-on-one, in-depth interview is that interviews can be a
time-intensive evaluation activity because of the time it takes to conduct interviews,
transcribe them, and analyse the results (Carolyn Boyce, 2006). However, I feel that
this may also be an advantage as it will reveal the direct effects of lad culture on
women’s everyday lives. The participants must feel in control in the interview
situation, especially as the questions will discuss sensitive topics such as rape and
sexual harassment (Oatey, 1999). Therefore, I will meet them at a public place of
their choice to make the participants feel safe and at ease. The participants will also
be informed that they can withdraw from the study at any point and all data will be
anonymised.
25
Chapter 3: Analysis
Introduction
This chapter will analyse the research from focus groups, interviews and discourse
analysis to argue that lad culture justifies and trivializes sexual violence against
women. Firstly, the chapter will claim that the sexual objectification within lad culture
demeans women to possessions that exist for the sexual gratification of men.
Although post-feminists argue that lad culture can be ‘empowering’ for women, the
chapter will present evidence that the sexuality perpetuated by laddism is a capitalist
commodity rather than a liberating ‘choice’. Secondly, the chapter will contend that
women who are not stereotypically attractive are vilified in lad culture. Therefore,
overweight women face dehumanizing and aggressive language from ‘lads’ which
often encourages sexually violent acts. The next section will present evidence that
the reference to women as male ‘property’ and sexually violent rhetoric in lad culture
has a detrimental effect on the behaviours of young men. For example, the focus
groups and one-on-one interviews demonstrate that sexual harassment is deemed a
‘normal’ part of nightlife and women are expected to act in an accepting, passive
manner when confronted with sexual aggravation. Similarly, the following section will
discuss how lad culture has had a negative impact on university life. For example,
the findings reveal that ‘lads’ are encouraged to act as sexual predators towards
vulnerable female students and that sexual harassment is commonplace amongst
university events. The next instalment of the chapter will argue that lad culture
trivializes and normalises rape through ‘banter.’ Consequently, women who critique
sexist, ‘laddish’ remarks are considered not capable of “understanding the joke.” My
findings suggest that they often face threats of sexual or physical assault. Finally, I
26
will present evidence that lad culture creates a ‘pack mentality’ amongst groups of
men, causing them to act competitively and treat women as sexual conquests.
Overall, the chapter will present the argument that lad culture objectifies and
dehumanizes women which has led to a normalised view of sexual harassment and
assault.
Sexual objectification
My research found that lad culture legitimates sexual violence through the sexual
objectification and dehumanization of women. Although post-feminists argue that
women who model for lad magazines are exercising empowerment (Kirkpatrick,
2010, p. 4), the evidence I have collected suggests otherwise. Firstly, images in
lad’s magazines and social networking sites represent women as sexual objects. For
example, in “Nuts” magazine’s issue from the 31st May - 6th June 2013, there are 57
images of women and every featured female is semi or fully naked. In issue 477 of
“Zoo” magazine, all 47 images of women include nudity and sexual themes. In
contrast, the same magazine has 57 pictures of men in articles regarding sport, art,
comedy and film. Secondly, the imagery in lad’s magazines reinforces Ariel Levy and
Laurie Penny’s argument that “passion isn’t the point” (Penny, 2011, p.31) and that
sexuality is portrayed as a robotic, capitalist commodity for selling magazines
(Penny, 2011, p.31) rather than a tool for female empowerment. For example, all the
models are positioned in similar ways to connote the theme of male domination. The
women are either on all fours, on their knees or lying down with their backs arched
and heads tilted back in mock-orgasm. In the accompanying interviews, the models
are asked questions regarding their sex life such as “what really turns you on?” or “is
it better to give or receive?” implying sexual subservience to a male fantasy. Another
example is in issue 477 of “Zoo” magazine, the glamour model Jodie Marsh is
27
pictured topless and kneeling down on a bed. In the second photograph, Marsh is
naked in the bath with her legs open, alongside the caption: “my dildo is worn out.”
This reinforces the argument that although post-feminists believe women should
have the ‘freedom’ to pose for men’s magazines, the eroticization of male dominance
may be propping up patriarchal views of women as sexual ‘toys’
(Snyder-Hall,
2010).
Likewise, the only time a picture of women feature on ‘lad’ websites is in a
sexualised manner. For example, in the section of “The Lad Bible” entitled “Girls”
there are photo albums “Morning Glory” and “Cleavage Thursday.” All the images
are half-naked women who have sent in photographs of themselves to be featured
on the website. Post-feminists such as Katie Roiphe and Naomi Wolf may describe
the ‘choice’ by the women to upload their photographs as a sexually liberating
experience (Kirkpatrick, 2010, p. 4). Nevertheless, I agree with Ariel Levy that the
level of objectification within lad culture has become so intense that women now feel
it is their ‘duty’ to act in such a manner (Apolloxias, 2009). For example, across 70
photographs of women on ‘The Lad Bible’, all the images are of a sexual nature. This
reinforces the concept that women’s only use is to be ogled for the sexual
gratification of a male audience and therefore women are more likely to upload
sexualised ‘selfies.’ The consequence of this is that women who would not normally
take part in the practice of self-objectification are pressured into not appearing ‘frigid’
or ‘boring’ to their male peers. For example, in the female interviews, one participant
revealed that she had sent sexualised images of herself to a male peer. She stated:
“It is kind of the expected thing to do (…) This guy asked me to send him
some pictures and I didn’t really want to do it but felt like I kind of had to
28
otherwise I would look a bit (…) weird. Well, not weird but (…) like, boring or
up myself” (Interview 1)
Nevertheless, some photographs of women in lad magazines and online are not
consensually taken. For example, Nuts’ magazines photographs of female celebrities
who have had a “nip slip” in front of paparazzi and accidently revealed their breasts.
Some photos also include images of celebrities sunbathing topless in their private
gardens. The photos have been taken and printed in a magazine without the consent
of the women and is therefore not “empowering” or a “choice” but a form of
humiliation and degradation.
This suggests that lad culture gives ownership of
women’s bodies to men and that it is their “right” to objectify them without
permission.
Similarly, language is used to demean women on lad websites. For example, in an
article entitled “LADS holiday official point system”, the author does not use the term
‘woman’ once. Instead, women are referred to as ‘wenches.’ The word ‘wench’ infers
that women have secondary status to men and that they should be subordinate to
male needs (The Lad Bible, 2013). This bolsters the argument made by Bates that
not a single female name appears across any ‘lad’ articles (Bates, 2013) and that
such depreciating dialect creates a culture that accepts sexual violence as ‘normal’
(NUS, 2010). Another blatant form of objectification can be seen in the “Rating
System”; women are rated on their appearance on a numerical scale. In an article
entitled “Skinny VS Curvy” uploaded to The Lad Bible, celebrities are rated out of ten
for their body parts. For example:
“Kim Kardashian (Curvy, ARSE), Official LADbible bedroom appeal: 8.5/10”
29
“Mila Kunis (Skinny, Face), Official Ladbible bedroom appeal 7.5/10” (The Lad
Bible, 2013)
Lad magazines also take part in the rating system. On “Nuts” and “Zoo’s” websites,
the audience is encouraged to rate photographs of women on a scale of one to ten.
Similarly, “FHM” launched its “100 Sexiest Women in The World Campaign” that
placed celebrities in numerical order based on their “sexual appeal” (FHM, 2014).
Firstly, the rating system attributes value to a woman based solely on her appeal to
‘lads’ and suggests that women are nothing more than “ARSE” and “Chebbs.” This
strengthens the argument that laddism encourages sexual violence by dehumanizing
women and reducing them to “a sum of body parts” (Object, 2013). For example, in
“Skinny VS Curvy”, it is claimed that the model Georgia Salpa does not need to have
a personality “when you’ve got a pair of chebbs like that” (The Lad Bible, 2013).
Overall, the section has discussed the objectification of women as dehumanisation
that encourages sexual violence. The following part of the chapter will discuss how
lad culture works to place women in a hierarchy based on their weight.
Dehumanization of Overweight Women
The findings reveal that females who do not adhere to the standards of beauty set by
lad culture face dehumanization and humiliation. The women that are deemed
“sexy”, “babes” and “hot” are always slim, have large breasts and long hair. For
example, below is a screenshot from ‘Zoo’ magazine’s website under the title “Girl
Archives” that advertises the “sexiest” models displayed in the magazine; all four
women have similar body types and facial features.
30
In the male focus group, all eight participants agreed that typical ‘lads’ buy
magazines from the age of 14 and regularly access social networking websites such
as The Uni Lad and The Lad Bible. One participant stated that ‘lad’ magazines
taught him “everything I needed to know about women.” Similarly, another participant
stated that he was “only attracted to girls with blonde hair and big tits.” Therefore,
men are encouraged to idealize certain embodiments of women and those who do
not fulfil these stereotypes are “othered.” For example, overweight women are
dehumanized on ‘UniLad’ and ‘The Lad Bible.’ Below is a screenshot from The Lad
Bible:
(The Lad Bible, 2014)
31
Comments such as “his fucking head is about to explode”, “looks like he is having a
‘whale’ of a time” and “I wonder what the back of his neck smelt like afterwards” are
phrases designed to humiliate and degrade the woman in the photo. The evoking
imagery of animals, by specific reference to a ‘whale’, can be seen as an attempt to
dehumanise the woman based purely on her weight. Likewise, a ‘commandment’ on
The Lad Bible argues that ‘normal’ “lads” should be repulsed by overweight women
and only have sexual intercourse with them if “challenged”:
The statement “what if you are taking a dive for another lad?” implies that having sex
with an overweight woman is a “sacfrice” that a ‘lad’ must sometimes make for his
friends in order to be a good “wingman.” This mentality is reflected across many men
that identify themselves with lad culture. For example, in the male focus group, one
participant explained:
32
“There is always that fat, ugly friend that you have to get one of your mates to keep occupied
(…) you always know a lad is a good wingman if he talks to the munter whilst you are trying to
get laid by the fit one.” (Focus group 3)
Such thoughts undermine overweight women and suggest that they are not worthy of
the objectification that “fit” girls receive. For example, on a photo of an overweight
woman on ‘UniLad’, comments range from “FAT BITCH!” to “Fat cunt…she would be
a pity fuck” (The Lad Bible, 2014). Moreover, an article on “True Lad” states that “fat
girls are more grateful” (TrueLad, 2010). Therefore, my findings suggest that
stereotypically attractive women are objectified by lad culture as “bangable” or “fit”
whereas overweight women are objectified in a way intended to degrade them to
‘things’ that can satisfy the male sexual desire as a last resort or as part of a ‘joke.’
For example, in the female interviews, one participant stated that part of being a lad
involved:
“Discussing having sex with girls (…) like, how bad the sex was with girls like ‘oh that girl was
such a minger but I pulled her anyway’ (…) that kind of comment.” (Interview 2)
This section has argued that lad culture encourages the humiliation of overweight or
‘ugly’ women. The following section will present evidence that lad culture encourages
sexual harassment, with a strong emphasis on the trivialization of rape within
laddism.
Sexual Harassment and Violence
The findings indicate that the objectification of women has led to the trivialisation and
normalisation of sexual violence. Below are screen shots taken from lad websites
that illustrate specific examples of the use of language that trivialises sexual
harassment:
33
( The Lad Bible, 2013)
The caption states “a man’s shirt on the naked female body is like a flag on a
conquered fortress.” Firstly, this simile compares women to inanimate beings that
can be ‘owned.’ This epitomizes the argument that lad culture treats women as a
form of male property. Secondly, the word ‘conquered’ relates to war and therefore
entails methods of force, bellicosity and violence. Similarly, comments relating to
demeaning sexualised acts of violence are a frequent occurrence on many posts by
lad websites. For example, below is a screenshot from The Lad Bible’s Facebook
page of actress Michele Keagan:
34
One commentator states that he would “leave her with an arse like a punched
lasagne” which connotes extreme sexual violence and sexual humiliation. Secondly,
the comment implies a lack of consent and the word “punched” indicates that force
may be used. Furthermore, the statement received 163 “likes” from other Facebook
users, which normalises such attitudes. Another example of sexually violent
language can be seen in the following screenshot:
The comment “obviously I’d smash it till my nob fell off” is problematic in a number of
ways. Firstly, the word “smash” infers violence and aggression. Another comment
states “I would smash her” and “I’d fuck her till my willy fell off” which also denotes
violence and hostility towards the female. Secondly, the woman is referred to as “it”,
reiterating the argument that laddism relegates women to the status of a “thing” for
male desire rather than a person. Once again, the comment received 249 “likes”
which shows that such patterns of thinking are not uncommon. These examples
support the argument made by Rosalind Gill that the representation of women
across the media normalizes sexual violence (Genz, 2009, p.174). As Bates and
Wiseman contend, this language supports the prevailing rape culture in society
35
(Wiseman, 2013). Moreover, blatant references to rape are a common feature of
laddism. An example of this can be seen in the screenshot below:
(Uni Lad Mag evidence, 2012)
The statement trivialises and condones a ruthless act of sexual violence whilst
suggesting that it is acceptable to be aroused by rape. Furthermore, it bolsters the
argument that the images of women in lad magazines posing in degrading positions
normalize ideas of male domination and sexual subservience. Another example can
be seen in the winning t-shirt of a competition on “The Uni Lad”:
Once again, the example is a promotion of rape. The phrase “keep calm, it won’t
take long” is a play on the wartime slogan “keep calm and carry on” that makes light
of sexual violence by inferring that rape is quick, painless and serves the sexual
desires of men.
36
The results propose that the sexually violent imagery and language in lad culture
promotes sexual harassment and rape. In the interviews with females, all
participants had experienced some level of harassment whilst socializing with
friends. Below are some answers to the question “have you ever experienced sexual
harassment on a night out?”
“Pretty much whenever you go out you get verbal stuff from guys (…) a guy has come up to
me before and put his hand down my top and on the inside of my bra. I have had a guy pick
me up and then try to carry me around (…) a guy put his hand on top of my head and tried to
get me to spin in a circle for him. It’s a regular occurrence (…) any nightclub, pretty much all
nightclubs.” (Interview 3)
“Yep, there are scenarios when you are just out and dancing and guy will think its fine to just
grab your arse or touch your boobs. Sometimes a few of them surround you (…) and grab
you (…) that is so intimidating.” (Interview 4)
“I have had a guy try and force me into the toilets to try and rape me (…) luckily a friend came
to save me and he forced her into giving him oral sex (…) I think you always get sexually
harassed, every time I go out I expect to get shouted at or groped. Unfortunately, it is the
norm.”(Interview 5)
“My friend was date raped whilst clubbing on holiday (…) it has happened to a few people I
know actually. In those ‘laddy’ places like Magaluff or Zante (…) it has happened to so many
people who have gone on holiday to those places” (Interview 6)
It is clear from these accounts that sexual harassment and violence is considered a
‘normal’ part of nightlife that women anticipate from a night out. For example, all the
women stated that they saw physical and verbal abuse as a frequent occurrence in
nightclubs. This strengthens the argument made by Laura Bates that lad websites
encourage the sexual pursuit of unwilling women (Bates, 2013). Furthermore, my
findings infer that women are expected to act in a passive and complicit manner
37
when faced with sexual harassment. Below are statements from the female
interview:
“I was at an after-show party once for a show I was in (…) we were all quite drunk, it was
towards the end of the night and I was at the bar getting a drink and a man decided he would
try to touch me up really badly (…) I tried pushing him away but everyone that was at the bar
got really nasty with me, telling me to ‘get over myself’. When I pushed the bloke over, the
bouncer kicked me out for causing a scene” (Interview 2)
“You can guarantee that someone is going to assume that because you are dressed a certain
way or you are doing something that they can take advantage of that (…) one time I wore a
skirt out (…) some boy grabbed my arse then when I was like ‘get the fuck off me’, he told me
I was ‘asking for it.’ It’s so horrible.”(Interview 6)
“One time I was in a club and dancing (…) some guy just tried to finger me from behind (…)
obviously I was shocked, I started screaming at him (…) he got really aggressive and pushed
me over.” (Interview 4)
These reports show that women are expected to act in a passive manner when
faced with sexual harassment. Once again, this reinforces the argument that laddism
has created culture that accepts assault as part of “being a lad” whilst placing
responsibility on the victim rather than the perpetrator. The next section will evaluate
how such attitudes have become a prominent part of university life and have had
detrimental effects for the safety of female students.
University ‘laddism’ and Sexual Harassment
My findings show that sexual harassment is also a major part of university life. As
noted by Bates and the NUS, lad culture encourages “Uni Lads” to act in a predatory
manner towards vulnerable students. This is especially prominent in attitudes
38
towards first year students or “fresher’s” as they are referred to. For example, below
is a quote from an article posted to “The Uni Lad” entitled “How to Pull a Fresher”:
“Fresher girls are especially vulnerable; they are especially impressionable and they are
especially liable to lap up any chat that you have. So, a familiar face might be a source of
comfort to her. She might think ‘where do I know him from’. Or it might be ‘Oh I saw him in
Tesco’s earlier and I want him to give me a shafting (…) you know have a reason to do some
flirting (…) a classy girl is not likely to start sucking your cock at that exact moment but you
will have started the process to get that to happen. It’s all about the GROUNDWORK (…)
some girls might simply throw themselves at you and why not? You’re the nice boy from
Tesco’s! but most girls will just be friendly and chat to you (…) so, don’t fuck it up and she’ll
be in a taxi with you soon (…) stick it to her! BOSH!” (Uni Lad Mag evidence, 2012)
The article encourages manipulating vulnerable and impressionable first year
students who are out of their comfort zone into having sex. This reveals the
predatory nature of lad culture and advocates that the only time a male should
befriend a woman is when acting out “groundwork” that will eventually lead to sex.
Such attitudes can be seen in the male focus group, all eight participants agreed with
the statement “I have more sex during Fresher’s week because the girls are easier.”
One participant elaborated on this sentiment, stating:
“Literally, in Fresher’s week (…) I woke up next to a different girl every morning. That is not
me being big headed or anything (…) it is just that girls are genuinely really easy at the start
of Uni. They come here not knowing anyone (…) probably feeling a bit lonely and desperate
to make friends (…) it’s easy to reach that ultimate goal.” (Focus group 4)
This account bolsters the argument that emotional, vulnerable first years are seen as
“easy” targets for ‘lads’ who use manipulation to achieve the “ultimate goal” from
women. The same participant also stated that once sex with the fresher’s was over,
they were “turfed out” his house as soon as possible and he made no further effort to
39
contact them. This epitomizes the argument that lad culture manipulates first year
students at a time of insecurity and vulnerability and treats women simply as an
object to satisfy male ‘needs’ (NUS, 2011, p. 1). Similarly, all the male participants
agreed with the statement “If a girl let me buy her a drink and then came back to my
house, I would expect her to have sex with me.” This attitude reflects the idea that a
‘lad’ can only be nice to a woman if sex is the end result and those women must
reward such niceties with sexual favours. Such ideas legitimate sexual violence as it
is “expected” that “easy” first years that should obey these unwritten rules. Such
expectations may be why one in seven women at university claims to be a victim of
sexual assault (NUS, 2011, p.1).
Similarly, my findings show that ritualistic humiliation that relates to sexual
harassment is a prominent part of university life. As noted earlier, ‘lad’ websites
dehumanize overweight women and such attitudes can be seen in student
behaviour; overweight female students are often victims of sexually violent rituals.
For example, four of the male focus group admitted that they had played “Pull a Pig”,
a game where a group of men compete to have sex with the ugliest woman in a
nightclub. One participant stated:
“My mate always used to dare me to do shit like do a shot of someone’s piss mixed with tuna
or something (…) and if I didn’t, I would have to forfeit by pulling the biggest or worst looking
girl in the club (…) I know a lot of lads that play that game ‘Sharking’ (…) where you literally
just go up to the ugliest girl you can see and try to kiss her and touch her up till she gets
freaked out and runs away (…) then the one who lasts the longest wins. I know loads of
worse stuff but I don’t really want to say (laughs).”(Focus group 1)
40
This quote represents the malicious mortification that is promoted by laddism against
overweight women. Concepts such as “Pull a Pig” and “Sharking” trials are sexual
harassment created to embarrass women purely because of the way they look.
Likewise, members of the female focus group contributed to this argument. One
participant noted:
My friend Emma, she goes to Cambridge Uni (…) they ring a gong and whoever it’s aimed at
has 24 hours to have sex with the ugliest girl. And if he does he has to take this girl (she
doesn’t know what is happening) and take the girl next to the gong and bang it and all of his
friends come and then geer at the girl and be like “you were the one he got in 24 hours” or
whatever. It’s really disgusting and this goes on at Cambridge which is supposed to be a
respectable institution. (Interview 4)
The gong and the fact the group of men gather to “geer” at the woman creates a
ritualistic atmosphere aimed at intimidating the woman. However, when this account
was repeated to the male focus group, it was met with laughter and admiration for
the Cambridge ‘lads.’ One participant stated “that is quite funny” whilst another said
that the women “would enjoy the attention (…) I bet they don’t get it often.” Overall,
this demonstrates the disrespectful and dehumanizing nature of lad culture that
seeks to humiliate and demonize ‘fat’ and ‘ugly’ women.
“Banter” and feminist backlash
My results show that ‘banter’ is often used to excuse sexually aggressive and violent
language as ‘ jokes’ that have no consequences. The male focus group described
‘banter’ as “funny bullying” which implies that many of the ‘jokes’ have underlying
malicious messages presented in the form of “lads having a laugh”. The findings
demonstrate that any criticism of ‘banter’ is met with aggressive and threatening
41
‘backlash.’ This is especially problematic when women openly critique sexually
violent language as they are often confronted with aggressive backlash. For
example, all eight participants in the female focus group stated that if they were to
show their anger at sexist comments to ‘lads’, they were likely to be branded a “manhating” and “prudish.” As Whelehan argues, women who contest the sexist nature of
lad culture are seen as ‘proof’ that feminists have ‘no sense of humour.’ Below is an
example of the backlash against a woman who rejects the chauvinistic language on
‘The Uni Lad’:
The phrases “shouldn’t she be making a sandwich or something?!” and “next they
will be wanting to vote!” are sexist references to women’s historical role as
secondary citizens to men within the domestic/private sphere. As Benwell argues,
irony is used to mask such offensive views as ‘harmless banter.’(Benwell, 2007, p.
42
1). Similarly, the female focus group noted that they were often told to “get back in
the kitchen” as a “joke” in front of their male peers. The same participant explained
that if you acted offended or argued then you would be “instantly shot down (…) and
told that you shouldn’t take yourself so seriously.” Such insolences reinforce Ling’s
argument that lad culture is a return to the traditional, sexist man who wants believes
women should be kept “in the kitchen”, sexually complicit and ideologically passive
(Ling, 2011). As demonstrated in the screenshot below, the backlash is often used to
threaten and intimidate women who speak out against laddism:
The phrase “I wouldn’t hesitate in raping you, I would have to kill you first though (…)
so you didn’t struggle” is a brutally violent threat that attempts to silence any
challenge posed to lad ‘banter’. Nevertheless, such threats are still seen as
“harmless” and “just a joke.” For example, one participant in the male focus group
explained:
“Obviously they are not actually going to find that person and rape them (…) it’s just a joke to
kind of shock people as much as possible (…) that is very much a lad thing (…) I find it funny
personally.” (Focus group 5)
43
The idea that brutal rape threats are “funny” is demonstrative of how lad culture
normalizes sexual violence. The direct threat to the woman, along with referring to
her as an “ugly whore” and stating that “no one gives a fuck” about her opinions,
demonstrates the disrespect and contempt that ‘lads’ have for women who challenge
their attitudes. Therefore, rape is trivialized and is considered a ‘normal’ reaction to
women who speak their mind and disagree with men.
Pack mentality
My findings imply that ‘lads’ tend to not to act in a misogynistic manner when on their
own. Instead, evidence suggests that when acting in a large group, ‘lads’ tend to
develop a “pack mentality” that causes them to compete against one another. This
can often mean acting in a threatening and intimidating way towards women. All five
participants in the female focus group stated that the ‘lads’ at their college
congregated in the canteen and “leered” or “shouted” at passing women. For
example, one participant in the female focus group stated that:
“The lads in the dining hall are intimidating. They sit in a massive group at the back and you
feel you can’t walk past them or say excuse me to them because they will say no. they want
to be all big to their friends and they find that funny (…) they often move all the chairs over to
‘their side’ of the canteen and then when people go over to ask for one they say no or shout
something at them (…) often girls just stand up rather than going over to ask for a
chair.”(Focus group 2)
Nevertheless, three of the five participants stated that the boys were pleasant to
women individually but would act in a ‘laddish’ manner to prove themselves as “true
lads” in front of their peers. The group agreed that this includes “shouting and
catcalling” at women and pursuing “as many girls as possible.” The idea that lads are
constantly competing with each other for sex reinforces the argument that women
44
are treated as ‘conquests.’ Such attitudes are perpetuated from lad websites, which
use peer pressure to portray men who do not act in this ‘laddish’ way as abnormal.
For example, below is a screenshot of a status taken from ‘The Lad Bible’:
(Uni Lad Mag, 2012)
The rhetorical questions “what went wrong in my life?” and “do you really want to be
that person?” suggest that men who do not act in a predatory manner are abnormal
and therefore not true ‘lads’. Such sentiments may peer pressure men who may not
normally behave in a ‘laddish’ manner to treat women in a derogatory way. For
example, the statement also implies that men should seek out “sluts” with “daddy
issues.” This encourages the pursuit of vulnerable women in an emotional state who
may be easily manipulated into having sex. As Cosslett argues, the word ‘pack’ is
appropriate for these men as they are united in their common goal of hunting women
(Cosslett, 2013).
Conclusion
The analysis section has shown the negative impact that lad culture has had on
men’s attitudes and behaviours towards women. Firstly, the chapter demonstrated
sexual objectification. Although post-feminists define laddism as a liberating ‘choice’,
my findings have suggested that the culture gives ownership of women’s bodies to
45
‘lads’ through sexualised and demeaning imagery of women. As Laurie Penny and
Ariel Levy argue, the sexuality portrayed does not represent “passion” but capitalist
commodities that are far from a liberating ‘choice’ for women (Penny, 2011, p.31).
Although ‘fit’ women are objectified, my findings have demonstrated that overweight
or ‘ugly’ women face dehumanizing and sexually aggressive threats from ‘lads.’ Both
the sexual objectification and dehumanization of women has negatively impacted on
male attitudes towards sexual conduct. The focus groups and interviews
demonstrated the sexual harassment and abuse women face as part of everyday
life, especially within nightlife. The findings have also highlighted the damaging effect
laddism has had upon university life, sexual harassment is almost encouraged
during events such as ‘Freshers’ and female students are forced to act in a passive
manner when faced with ‘laddish’ behaviour. However, ‘banter’ has excused lad
culture by presenting the objectification of women and trivialization of rape as “just a
joke.” Therefore, women who critique sexist comments are labelled “prudish”,
“boring” or “frigid” and often face violent threats. The final part of the analysis has
argued that lad culture is based upon ‘pack mentality’ that causes groups of men to
compete against each other for ‘lad points’, which often involves disrespecting
women. To summarize, lad culture views women as inanimate objects that serve the
sexual drive of men. It has led to the normalization of sexual harassment and
violence and can be seen for one of the reasons behind high rape statistics in the
UK.
46
Conclusion
This dissertation has argued that laddism has a negative impact on the attitudes and
behaviours towards sexual assault. The hyper-sexualization, dehumanization and
titilation of women within ‘Lad Mags’ and social networking websites has normalized
and encouraged the sexual persuit of unwilling women. For example, the majority of
“laddish” images and articles discuss women as “things” to be “conquered” or ogled
for the titilation of men. Such values perpetrate the idea that sexual harassment and
sexual assault are a ‘normal’ practice, especially within universities and nightlife.
Overall, such standards contribute to the prevailing rape culture in the UK.
The literature review examined the various perspectives relating to feminism,
empowerment and choice. Post-feminist scholars such as Naomi Wolf, Katie Roiphe
and Camille Paglia argue that lad culture can act as a tool of sexual empowerment
and liberation (Kirkpatrick, 2012, p.4). Such scholars believe that instead of acting as
‘victims’, women should embrace their femininity and be tolerant of the choice to
partake in industries such as glamour modelling or stripping (Wilson, 2009, p.83).
Consequently, ‘Lad Mags’ and websites are considered empowering rather than
objectifying. In contrast, this dissertation argued that such beliefs have reinforced
patriarchal norms (Genz, 2009, p.97) whilst portraying sexuality as a capitalist
commodity (Penny, 2011, p.1). Scholars such as Rosalind Gill, Laurie Penny and
Ariel Levy suggest that the presentation of women as objects fuels derrogatory and
sexist attitudes (Mcrobbie, 2007, p.1).
Lad Culture sexualises and objectifies women which normalises and encourages
sexual violence. In “Zoo”, “Nuts” and “FHM” and websites such as “The Uni Lad”, all
the images of women involved sexualised themes. Although post-feminists argue
47
that glamour modelling is a ‘liberating choice’, the evidence suggests that it actually
perpetuates a robotic, capitalist commodity (Penny, 2011, p.31). For example, all the
images of the models in lad magazines are positioned in ways that connote male
domination, such as on all fours with their backs arched. Likewise, the only occasion
where women feature on ‘lad’ websites are on pages entitled “Cleaveage Tuesday”
or “Morning Glory” which depicts women as toys for the sexual gratification of men.
The participants of the focus groups revealed that women often feel pressured into
taking sexualised ‘selfies’ for fear of being considered “boring” or “frigid.” Likewise,
the critical discourse analysis revealed that many photographs within lad magazines
are taken without consent in articles such as celebrity “nip slip’s”. Furthermore, the
CDA revealed that language is used to demean and belitte women. For example,
phrases such as “wench” and “slut” are frequent references to women. Likewise,
regular articles score women on a numerical scale based on their appearance which
suggests that women are nothing more than “arse” and “tits.” Therefore, the
objectification of women encourages sexual violence by reducing them to “a sum of
body parts.” The findings also present the idea that women who do not fit the
stereotypical form of attractiveness face ridicule. For example, comments regarding
overweight women in lad articles, such as the reference to women as ‘whales’
undermine women and imply that they are not ‘worthy’ of the sexualisation that
typically “hot” women face. Therefore, overweight women receive threats of sexual
violence such as the suggestion that fat girls are more “grateful.”
The objectification of typically ‘hot’ women and the dehumanization of ‘fat and ugly’
women have lead to normalized views of sexual violence. Firstly, lad magazines and
websites refer to women as ‘objects’ to be ‘conquered’ which implies that the female
body is predominantly for male consumption and ‘use.’ The comments on photos of
48
women indicate aggressive sexual acts. For example, phrases such as “smash that”,
“arsehole like punched lasagne” and “fuck her till my willy fell off” infer violence and a
lack of consent on the part of the woman. Moreover, blatant references to rape aim
to trivialise acts of sexual violence, such as the example of the “Keep Calm It Won’t
Take Long” slogan on a t-shirt advertised on “The Uni Lad.” The interviews reveal
that the condoning of sexually violent language and imagery promotes sexual
harassment. For example, accounts from all the participants revealed that
harassment, groping and sexually violent language are considered a ‘normal’ part of
a night out. Likewise, women are expected to act in a passive manner to harassment
and can often face further aggression if they react in a defensive manner. Such
examples bolster the argument by Laura Bates that laddism encourage ideas of
male ownership of women as well as the sexual persuit of unwilling women (Bates,
2013).
The evidence demonstrates that these attitudes are especially prominent within
universities. As argued by Bates and the NUS, lad culture promotes sexually
predatory actions on vulnerable fresher’s who are seen as “easy targets” for lads.
Once again, such ideas promote the idea that women exist to satisfy the sexual
desires of men (NUS, 2011, p. 1). Likewise, ritualistic manipulation such as “Pull a
Pig” or “Sharking” represents the level of disrespect towards women via the desire to
humiliate them. Nevertheless, the results determine that ‘banter’ excuses sexually
aggressive and mysoginistic language under the disguise of “just having a laugh.” As
Benwell argues, sexist references to women and sexually violent threats can be
masked as “irony” (Benwell, 2007, p.1). Therefore, it is impossible to contest
offensive attitudes for fear of being accused of “not getting the joke” or “taking
yourself too seriously.” Finally, the dissertation has argues that ‘lads’ form ‘packs’
49
that compete against each other individually, often involving disrespecting and
“shagging” multiple women.
Overall, the dissertation has shown that lad culture has a detrimental effect on the
representation of women as sexual objects who have a ‘duty’ to serve male sexual
desires whilst dehumanizing and villainizing women who are not traditionally “hot” or
“sexy.” Such perceptions have encouraged sexually aggressive language and
actions within packs of ‘lads’ whilst excusing behaviours by claiming that they are
“just harmless banter.”
50
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55
Table of Appendices
Appendix 1: Female one-on-one interview questions
Appendix 2: Female focus group questions
Appendix 3: Male focus group questions
56
Appendix 1: Female one-on-one questions
How would you describe a typical 'lad'?
How would you describe a typical lad?
Do you purchase lad mags?
Do you follow websites such as The Uni Lad?
Have you ever experienced sexual harassment on a night out? Sexual harassment
can be defined as anything from verbal abuse, groping etc.
Have you ever experienced sexual harassment in the daytime?
If you were a victim of sexual assault, would you report it to the authorities?
Do you think that lad culture has an impact on university life?
What would you regard lad banter as?
57
Appendix 2: Female focus group questions
How would you describe a typical 'lad'?
How would you describe a typical lad?
Do you purchase lad mags?
Do you follow websites such as The Uni Lad?
Have you ever experienced sexual harassment on a night out? Sexual harassment
can be defined as anything from verbal abuse, groping etc.
Have you ever experienced sexual harassment in the daytime?
If you were a victim of sexual assault, would you report it to the authorities?
Do you think that lad culture has an impact on college life?
What would you regard lad banter as?
It is supposed to be funny but it is having a personal dig as well.
58
Appendix 3: Male focus group questions
How would you describe a typical ‘lad’?
How would you define the term ‘banter’?
Are you a member of any 'lad' websites such as UniLad, The Lad Bible etc? Why or
why not?
Do you purchase 'lad' magazines such as Nuts, FHM or Zoo? why or why not?
Recently, the campaign “Lose the Lag Mags” campaign has petitioned to get lad
magazines off the shelves based upon the argument that they objectify
women. Do you agree with this statement? Please explain your answer.
Does alcohol play a big part in your social life?
Discuss a typical night out for you and your peer group.
Do you think that 'one night stands' are a frequent occurrence at university?
If you feel comfortable, could you give an example of a one night stand you have had?
Do you think it is better to be single or in a relationship at university?
On a scale of 1 to 10, how important is physical appearance to you? Do you often go
to the gym or take part in sport? Do you think it is more important for men or
women?
59
Consent Form
Is there a link between ‘Lad Culture’ and sexual violence against women in the UK?
Please answer the following questions by circling your responses:
Have you read and understood the information sheet about this study? YES NO
Have you been able to ask questions about this study? YES NO
Have you received enough information about this study? YES NO
Do you understand that you are free to withdraw from this study? YES NO
Do you understand that you are free to withdraw from this study at any time? YES NO
Do you understand that you are free to withdraw from this study without giving a reason for
your withdrawal? YES NO
Your responses will be anonymised before they are analysed.
Do you give permission for members of the research team to have access to your
anonymised responses? YES NO
Do you agree to take part in this study? YES NO
Your signature will certify that you have voluntarily decided to take part in this research study
having read and understood the information in the sheet for participants. It will also certify
that you have had adequate opportunity to discuss the study with an investigator and that all
questions have been answered to your satisfaction.
Signature of participant:............................ Date:.................
60
Name (block letters):....................................................
Signature of investigator:........................... Date:.................
Please keep your copy of the consent form and the information sheet together.
61
SAMPLE PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET FOR THE SOCIAL
SCIENCES
What should be included in a participant information sheet?
The following issues should be addressed where relevant. This could be, but does
not have to be, in a question-answer format. You should ensure that technical and
academic terms and jargon are replaced with plain language.
Title of Project:
Opening statement [please will you take part in a study about ........]
'Why have you asked me to take part?' [Basis of selection of participants]
'What will I be required to do?' [E.g. talk about experiences, audio/visual tape]
'Where will this take place?'
'How often will I have to take part, and for how long?' [E.g. initial interview; listening
to tape/reading transcript, returning for second condition of an experiment]
'When will I have the opportunity to discuss my participation?' [Debriefing]
'Who will be responsible for all of the information when this study is over?'
'Who will have access to it?'
'What will happen to the information when this study is over?' [How long will raw data
be kept for? Will it be passed on to other people or used in other studies?]
'How will you use what you find out?' [Report, publications, presentations]
62
'Will anyone be able to connect me with what is recorded and reported?' [Statement
of confidentiality, details of coding system to protect identity]
'How long is the whole study likely to last?'
'How can I find out about the results of the study?'
'What if I do not wish to take part?' [Participation is totally voluntary]
'What if I change my mind during the study?' [Free to withdraw]
Do you have any other questions?
Details of who to contact with any concerns or if adverse effects occur after the
study.
63

Is there a link between `Lad Culture`

Transcription

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Lesson 1

Both WAVAW and SAS will support whatever decisions you make.