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THE INFLUENCE OF ST. LOUIS 1904 WORLD’S FAIR ON JAPONISME THAT
APPEARED IN PERIODICALS
_______________________________________
A Thesis
presented to
the Faculty of the Graduate School
at the University of Missouri-Columbia
_______________________________________________________
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Science
_____________________________________________________
by
LAURA KIM
Dr. LAUREL E. WILSON, Thesis Supervisor
MAY 2012
© Copyright by Laura Kim 2012
All Rights Reserved
The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the
thesis entitled
presented by Laura Kim,
a candidate for the degree of master of science,
and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance.
Professor Laurel E. Wilson
Professor Jean L. Parsons
Professor Kristin A. Schwain
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Firstly, I would like to thank Professor Laurel Wilson, who has been a supportive
advisor to me. Her intellectual curiosity and broad knowledge of World’s costume has
allowed me to complete my research on Japonisme. Her careful guidance on research
direction and method was has taught me how to be a good scholar. In addition to her
academic advice, I am grateful for her offer of an assistantship to work in the Missouri
Historic Costume and Textile Collection, where I was able to find garments related to my
thesis.
Secondly, I would like to express my gratitude to my thesis committee members:
Dr. Parsons from the Dept. of Textile and apparel Management and Dr. Schwain from the
Dept. of Art History and Archeology. It was a wonderful opportunity to meet them and
discuss my thesis.
Thirdly, I would like to acknowledge the State Historical Society of Missouri for
kindly allowing me open access to their extensive resources. I was fortunate enough to be
able to research St. Louis Post-Dispatch microfilms. If I could not access the microfilms
for free, this thesis could not have been accomplished.
Lastly, I would like to thank Jill from the 8900 writing class, and Jim from the
Asian Affairs Center, for helping me to improve my English writing for my thesis.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................ ii
LIST OF GRAPHS AND IMAGES ................................................................................. v
ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................viii
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................ 1
2. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................................................................................ 5
Japanese Art and Dress
World’s Fair in the mid 19th century to the early 20 th century
How Japan dealt with the era of World’s Fair
How Japan’s tactic could be successful in World’s Fair
Japan at St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904
3. RESEARCH METHODS .................................................................................... 21
4. FINDINGS.......................................................................................................... 27
Japonisme in Fashion Trends
National trends that appeared
Harper’s Bazaar
The New York Times
Discussion of National Trend
St. Louis Local Trends that appeared
St. Louis Post-Dispatch
Discussion on St. Louis Post-Dispatch
5. DISCUSSION ..................................................................................................... 81
6. LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTION .................................................... 87
iii
APPENDIX
1. TABLES OF HARPER’S BAZAAR 1903 .......................................................... 89
4. TABLES OF NEW YORK TIMES 1903 ............................................................ 92
7. TABLES OF NEW YORK TIMES OTHER ....................................................... 95
8. TABLES OF ST.LOUIS POST-DISPATCH 1903 .............................................. 96
BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................... 99
iv
LIST OF GRAPHS AND IMAGES
Graphs
Page
1. Harper’s Bazaar: Japan/Japanese/Kimono in general ............................................ 29
2. Harper’s Bazaar: Kimono in Authentic form ........................................................ 30
3. Harper’s Bazaar: Kimono/Kimona........................................................................ 33
4. The New York Times: Kimono in general ............................................................ 38
5. The New York Times: Kimono in Authentic form ................................................ 40
6. The New York Times: Kimono/ Kimona .............................................................. 44
7. The New York Times: Kimono Sacque/Wrapper & Kimono Robe/Gown ............. 48
8. The New York Times: Kimono Sleeve ................................................................. 50
9. The New York Times: Fabric for Kimono ............................................................ 51
10. The New York Times: Japanese Silks and Japanese Silk Waists ........................... 52
11. The New York Times: News about World’s Fair & Russo-Japanese War ............. 53
12. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Local Trend related to Japan/Japanese ........................... 55
13. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Japonisme Trend ............................................................ 59
14. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Kimono in general ......................................................... 60
15. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Kimono in Authentic form ............................................. 61
16. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Kimono/Kimona ............................................................ 66
17. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Kimono Sacque/Robes ................................................... 68
18. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Fabric for Kimono ......................................................... 70
19. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Textiles .......................................................................... 71
v
20. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Japanese Silk Waists ...................................................... 74
21. St. Louis Post-Dispatch: Accessories .................................................................... 77
Images
Page
1. “The Best Amusement on the Pike,” Advertisement, May 29, 1904, Part 3, pg.7b,
St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper
Collection) ....................................................................................................... 17
2. “Two Big Plays Open in the Downtown Theater Tonight,” Photo, July 31, 1904,
Part 3, pg.5, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri
Newspaper Collection)..................................................................................... 57
3. “Broaden Your Mind to Appreciate and You Will Find All Men Closely Akin,”
June 5, 1904, Part 3, pg.1, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society
of Missouri Newspaper Collection) .................................................................. 62
4. “The Pathetic Love Story of Aiku Kitamura,” June 19, 1904, pg.1, St. Louis PostDispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection) ..... 63
5. “St. Louis Costumes for an Approaching Japanese Tea,” March 29, 1903, magazine
pg.5, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri
6. “The Buddhist Bride and New York's 400,” March 6, 1904, magazine pg.7, St.
Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper
Collection) ..................................................................................................... 64
7. “Oriental Wares,” Japan Art Co., Advertisement, December 17, 1905 Part 3, pg.6,
St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper
Collection) ....................................................................................................... 65
8. “Oriental Christmas Presents For Everybody,” Japan Auction, Advertisement,
December 17, 1905, Part 3, pg.10, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical
Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection) ..................................................... 65
9. “A Sale of Beautiful Kimonos,” The May Co., ad, June 11, 1905, Part 2, pg.4b, St.
Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper
Collection) ....................................................................................................... 67
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10. “Women’s Dressing Sacques,” Famous, Advertisement, April 23, 1905, Part 2,
pg.12b, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical Society of Missouri
11. “The Newlyweds- A 2 A.M. Call at Their Telephone,” Cartoon by GEO.
McManus., October 22, 1905, funnyside pg.1, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The
State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection) ............................ 69
12. “$4.50 Jap Silk Waists, $2.75,” Grand Leader Stix, Baer, Fuller, Advertisement,
May 14, 1905, Part 2, pg.5b, St. Louis Post-Dispatch (The State Historical
Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection) ..................................................... 75
vii
Laura Kim
Dr. Laurel E. Wilson, Thesis Supervisor
ABSTRACT
This study is about Japonisme that appeared in newspaper and magazine advertisements
and articles from 1903 to 1905. The Japanese promoted their culture by showing its traditional
arts and crafts in World’s fairs from the mid 19th century to the early 20th century. In addition,
victories in the Sino-Japanese war and the Russo-Japanese war increased the Japanese position in
Asia. As Japan was becoming politically more influential in the world, the biggest Japanese
pavilion in the U.S. World’s Fairs took place in the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair. Because of the
Fair, St. Louis residents were exposed to Japanese arts and cultural objects including Kimono
and textiles.
To understand the possible impact of Japan’s participation in the St. Louis 1904 World’s
fair, national and regional data from Harper’s Bazaar, The New York Times, and St. Louis PostDispatch were collected from 1903 to 1905. Advertisements and articles were researched to see
the incidence Japonisme that appeared in print. The data suggest that there was some influence
on the incidence of Japonisme in St. Louis because of the World’s Fair.
Introduction
The purpose of this study is to examine how Japan’s participation in the St. Louis
World’s Fair in 1904 influenced advertisements of St. Louis women’s fashion.
Advertisements are visual by products of material culture that reflects the ideology,
society, and technology (Hamilton, 1987). The appearance of Japonisme in fashion
advertisements can represent how Japan and it culture was presented and promoted.
Japan has been a powerful influence on Western society since the mid 19th century when
the influence of Japanese arts began. Today, the country’s influence touches world
economy and politics. The St. Louis World’s Fair (April 30-December 1, 1904) was
chosen because of its importance of Japanese appearance in America and the city’s
geographical closeness to the researcher, myself, allowing me to access the local
newspaper, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
The St. Louis World’s Fair was a celebration of the Louisiana Purchase (1803) as
well as the victory in the Spanish-American War (1898). As to its importance as an
international event, the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair had the biggest Japanese exhibit
among all the World’s Fairs in the U.S. However, the relationship between World’s Fairs
and the fashion industry or fashion itself has not been thoroughly examined, even though
World’s Fairs have been regarded as important sources of exchange between the West
and the East in terms of commerce, culture and aesthetics.
World’s Fairs from the mid 19th century to the early 20 th century are referred to
both as commercial foundations of fashion for entertaining displays and contributors to
the mass production of ready-to-wear fashion. According to Lipovetsky (1994), World’s
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Fairs as well as department stores and indoor galleries, were regarded as established
forms of modern commerce based on displaying merchandise, fancy advertisements, and
appeals to desires for possession. Also, according to Green (1994), in a governmentsponsored study that included data about ready-to-wear fashion, World’s Fair reports and
fashion industry treaties regarding foreign market and manufacturers represented readyto-wear garments as embellishments of life and incarnations of fashion. Thus, the
relations between World’s Fairs and the spread of fashion is a valid research topic.
In terms of its scale of entertainment and commerce, the St. Louis 1904 World’s
Fair paralleled the most grandiose fairs in Europe in the 19th century. World’s Fairs from
the mid 19th century to the early 20th century were a means of showing a country’s
political position, economical prosperity, technological development, refined tastes and
civilized minds. The methods of demonstrating those accomplishments included shocking
and entertaining audiences using displays such as humongous sculptures or
anthropological living exhibits. In addition, the concurrent Olympic Games III likely
brought people to St. Louis who could go to the World’s Fair and the Games. Even
though the participating nations were mostly Western countries, the audience was
exposed to various international cultures represented in the fair. For the Midwest, the St.
Louis World’s Fair was the greatest opportunity to celebrate American modern times
since the Chicago 1893 World’s Fair. At the same time, in the art scene, Art Nouveau
peaked in 1904, also called the Edwardian Era1 and the Nationalism or Colonialism Era.
Although St. Louis was not a Mecca of those movements, the St. Louis World’s Fair
provided Midwestern American fairgoers’ opportunities to enjoy international culture
1
“Edwardian Era” is the era of Edward VII was a king of England; Edwardian fashion such as women’s
Gibson Girl fashion was popular (Picken, 1957).
2
representing the spirit of the time.
For Japan, the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair was a great opportunity to update their
progress and share their aesthetic ideals after Sino-Japan War (1894-1895) in which
Japan gained Formosa2. The Japanese exhibits of Manufacturing and Transportation and
“Fair Japan”, which included an Imperial Garden with Geishas, illustrated their selfrepresentation (Aso, 1997) as a developing, artful and civilized country. The scale of
Japanese pavilion was the largest among the seven acres of participating country exhibits.
Considering the concurrent impact of the Russo-Japan War (February 8, 1904- September
5, 1905), it was possible to anticipate that the people of St. Louis would be influenced by
the inclusion of Japanese arts and culture in the World’s Fair. Thus, connecting the
spread of Japanese taste shown in fashion items in St. Louis could contribute to
understanding how pervasive Japanese influence was and why it became popular even in
St. Louis, not just in trendy a cities such as Paris and New York.
Philippe Burty, the French author and collector, coined the word “Japonisme” in
1872 “to designate a new field of study of artistic, historic and ethnographic borrowings
from the arts of Japan” (Lambourne, 2005). In addition, Bartlett (2008) defined
Japonisme as Western Europe’s fascination with the Japanese aesthetic. He also argued
that Japonisme showed itself initially in one form as “a thirst for Kimonos3 and fans,
lacquer cabinets and tea services, visits from Japanese dance groups, and a growing
demand for books about Japan.” From his statement, it can be surmised that the Kimono
was one of major items when people thought about Japanese aesthetics. As well as the
Kimono, Japanese textiles were also important in representing the beauty of Japan.
2
Today, the Formosa is Taiwan.
There was no strict rule about capitalizing the word, Kimono. In this thesis, I decide to use “Kimono” not
“kimono.”
3
3
According to the Jeffrey Montgomery collection catalogue “Fashioning Kimono: Dress
and Modernity in Early Twentieth-Century Japan” edited by Van Assceh (2005), the
Kimono focused on fabric and patterns of artistic expressiveness of dress, while the West
was exaggerating women’s small waist and unnatural curvy body silhouette, indicating
that dress is different from culture to culture. Hamilton (1987) said dress is a sub-cultural
system, unique in its particular cultural manifestation but universal in its expression. It
means that dress is a visual and material mirror of a culture because it includes a micro
perspective- individuals and macro perspective- a society. Consequently, research on the
appearance of the Kimono and Japanese textiles before, during, and after the St. Louis
1904 World’s Fair can explain the spread of Japanese ideas in St. Louis women’s fashion
in terms of the arts and commercial products.
Therefore, researching the Kimono and, in a larger sense, Japanese-inspired
fashion items before and after the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair will show how St. Louis
newspapers responded to this trend and also illustrate the spread of Japanese influence
during the early 20th century. The most important part of the research was to examine
how St. Louis women were introduced to this new concept of design in dress – the result
of cultural assimilation and collision of Japonisme fashion and American fashion.
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Review of Literature
Before discussing the matter of dress in the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair, it is
necessary to understand the historical and political background concerning the rise of
Japan in the world history before and after 1904. The emphasis on Japanese Art is noted
due to its impact on the popularity of Japanese textiles, accessories, and dress (the
Kimono) in the West. In addition, the consideration of the meaning of the World’s Fair in
the early years as a place for international cultural exchanges, visual and material
displays, and anthropological exhibits will provide an interesting view of Westerners’
perspectives toward the East. Moreover, the Japanese government’s endeavor to appeal to
the West through displays in the World’s Fairs cannot be underestimated in terms of the
inevitability of Japan fever in that time period.
Japanese Art and Dress
It has been almost 160 years since Japan officially opened Tokyo Bay to U.S.
Commodore Matthew Perry in 1854. (Martin & Koda, 1994; Hoshi, 1903), Japanese art
objects including wood block prints, plays, poetry, furniture, Kimonos, and textiles
influenced many artists including European Impressionists, British Aesthetic Movement
artists and American artists. Edmond de Goncourt, a French writer and art critic, extolled
Japanese for bringing to Europe a new sense of color, a new decorative system, and a
poetic imagination in the invention of the objet d’art (Bartlett, 2008). After the Meiji
restoration in 1868, the Japanese promoted their nation as a modernized, industrialized
and civilized nation, which affected their image in the world today. At the same time,
they did not give up their traditional arts because that art became merchandise for their
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international commerce. This was a fundamental process of civilizing forces according to
Commodore Matthew Perry (Keith, 2011). For their endeavor to place themselves within
modernized Western countries, the Japanese adopted the concept of “Colonialism” and
“Nationalism” in Asia. The implementation of promoting a powerful image of Japan was
done peacefully by participating in World’s Fairs and aggressively fighting in various
wars in Asia.
In the World’s Fairs, Japan chose Kimono and textiles to construct the views of
their natural aesthetics. Goldstein-Gidoni (1999) said that single-mode Kimonos, which
were a modernized form of the Kimono in the 19th century, are still the native attire of
Japan. Goldstein-Gidoni (1999) also argued that the “Kimono” represents Japanese
uniqueness and distinguishes modern Japan from the West even today. The tea house
with Japanese girls wearing Kimonos was a popular exhibit at World’s fairs, and was
shown in the 1867 Paris Exposition as well as the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair. The
setting of the Japanese tea house with the Japanese girls in Kimonos allowed Westerners
to feel as though they were in Japan. In the St. Louis World’s fair in 1904, there were
fancy hand embroideries and woven silks as well as popular Japanese paintings and
lacquer wares in the fine art exhibits in the Art Palace. In addition to textiles as an art
form, raw silk, cotton, straw, leather, fiber, paper, bamboo, and wood were presented in
the Manufactures building (Hoshi, 1904). Showing both haute-couture level of textiles
and ready-made textiles represented Japan as a source of sophisticated arts.
During the 19th century, Japan was already well-known for its Art after the first
introduction appeared in the Crystal Palace Exhibition in London, in 1851. As time
passed, other types of art such as textiles and decorative arts had their turn to be
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highlighted. The Kimono was represented as a Japanese “robe”; however, the Kimono
had not become popular.4 On the other hand, using Japanese silk for western dress or
having a Japanese fan for use by middle-class westerners seemed no longer peculiar in
the late 19th century. After Japan’s first participation in the Crystal Palace Exhibition in
London in 1851, they participated in the Paris exposition in 1855; then in London again
in 1862 (Christ, 2000). Those continuous participations in World’s Fairs resulted in
European and American artists applying Japanese art and objects in their own art (Kirk,
2008). Claude Monet (1840-1926); Alfred Stevens (1823-1906); James Tissot (18361902); and James McNeil Whistler (1834-1903) were artists that depicted female models
with Kimonos in their paintings (Kirk, 2008 & Lancaster, 1952). Also, in the late 19th
century, companies dealing with oriental objects appeared. Among them, Liberty & Co.
in London was one of the first to introduce Oriental fabrics and Oriental-inspired
products (Lancaster, 1952). In the U.S., according to Yoshihara (2003), A. A. Vantine
was a major importer of Oriental goods including Japanese products. A. A. Vantine
moved its business from San Francisco to Manhattan in 1869. After that, the company
was perceived as a high-end genuine Oriental goods importer, while Gorham Company in
Rhode Island, a manufacturing company of Japanese-style products, was regarded as a
mass producer of Oriental-style products (Yoshihara, 2003).
When the Kimono was brought into the West after 1854 (Martin & Koda, 1994),
it became a form of aesthetic dress among artists. In American society, wearing them was
significantly scandalous although artists who sought new concepts saw the Kimono as an
alternative and reformative concept of dress representing idle Japanese females that
appeared in Japanese arts (Blanchard, 1995). Martin & Koda (1994) demonstrated that
4
Further definition about Kimono is referred in the Research Methods section.
7
considering the history of assimilating global dress in the West as well as body
differences, racial intolerance, and exploitation stemming from colonialism, the Kimono
could have easily been unappreciated during the late 19th century. However, it is more
probable that the Kimono was not an approachable dress for all Westerners at first. Even
though Martin & Koda (1994) mentioned that “the West had tested Eastern materials and
ideas in dress and had approved and immediately assimilated them, often faddishly,”
their interpretations of the phenomena of the West receiving the Eastern cultural objects
were probably limited to a small group of people such as artists who were more likely to
accept new concepts. In this respect, the Kimono was firstly not considered an alternative
replacement for traditional, mainstream western dress, which was accustomed to corsets
and bustles. Aesthetic dress5, including the Kimono, was defined by advocates of
Aestheticism as a dress of “art for art’s sake.”6 It is important because the aesthetic dress
was related to the uncorseted body, achieved by wearing Japanese dress, Kimono
(Blanchard, 1995). Women in an uncorseted gown seemed to be regarded as women that
did not conform to the traditional image of domestic women, which sometimes brought
about social controversies. In addition, according to Cunningham (2003), in 1903, two
publications from Leipzig represented the cause of the dress reformation movement
which was about women’s physical improvement through not relying on corsets and
5
Blanchard (1995) defined the aesthetic dress as a form derived from the wrapper or dressing gown, an
indoor garment. In the 1880s, the tea gown and “Mother Hubbard” dress began to refer as the aesthetic
dress.
6
Aestheticism, “art for art’s sake” in other words, the expression for “the truth and the
beauty”(Blanchard,1995) become influential among the Western women. Blanchard (1995) argued that in
the 1870s and 1880s, some educated women wore aesthetic dress to be against to the morally implied
domesticity and to suggest cultural agency in women’s society, which means that women began to express
individual self. In the public level, she mentioned that there was a resurgence of the decorative arts for
house decoration among the middle class. She also argued that Aesthetic dress appeared in both rural and
urban America, judging from two aesthetic dresses. One was worn by Annie Crank Richards, who was from
the rural town of Oregon. And the other was worn by Helen Hohlfeld of Madison, Wisconsin, who was a
wife of a German scholar teaching at the University of Wisconsin and traveled often with her husband.
Both garments were researched by Judith Ann Fuller from Wisconsin collections.
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adopting loose garments such as Japanese Kimono at home. Thus, Japanese art and dress
in the context of Aestheticism resulted in more than just an object of beauty.
In addition to the reception by artists, those eager to assimilate a new culture into
the main stream appeared in public. Yoshihara (2003) introduced that A. A. Vantine, the
major Japanese product importer in NY, led the way in how to incorporate Oriental items
into their homes and fashion. In the tea house of A. A. Vantine, there were tea sets, and
white women servers dressed in Kimonos. Customers could enjoy the tea service and
learn about tea making. The Kimono again, played an important “Japonisme” role in the
context of Japanese tea serving. However, as Yoshihara (2003) argued, women in the
West did not want to be overwhelmed by Oriental goods. For example, they wanted to
have an “additional” aesthetic in their houses by having Oriental furnishings; however,
they did not want to transform their houses to look like a realm of Oriental products. In
addition, the Japanese Kimono was not worn by Western women in its original way. It
appeared as an in-door tea gown or dressing gown not to be worn outside the home as the
Japanese women did.
In the 1900s, the term “Kimono” was frequently used in publications such as
Harper’s Bazaar and Sears, Roebuck, and Co., (Van Asshe, 2005). The Kimono images
appearing in 1902 Sears, Roebuck, and Co., are different from the original Japanese
Kimono; only the border along with the front and sleeve made them look like Kimonos.
They were made of lawn and came with various colors such as white, pink, blue, and
gray (Sears, Roebuck, and Co., 1902, pg.1069). Although the Kimono was not accepted
for its original use and appearance, it is a fact that the Kimono was worn as a tea gown, a
dressing gown, and even sometimes as a fancy dress by certain bourgeoisie in British and
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French Society. Later altered versions became popular as fashionable items among the
middle class (Kirk, 2008). However, it is difficult to say that the traditional Kimono from
Japan had the same meaning in the Western context.
Despite the fact that the Kimono lost its original shape in the West, the
contribution of the Kimono to the reformation of the dress silhouette in the West cannot
be overlooked. The popularization of Japonisme in dress was supported by retailers.
Britain had Liberty & Co. for the major Japanese textiles and garment company. The U.S.
had A. A. Vantine who imported fancy Japan-made Kimonos for high society. Farrellbeck & Parsons (2008) mentioned that Chinese and Japanese cultures would influence the
alteration of the shape of American Women’s dresses. Martin & Koda (1994) illustrated
that the fashion industry would produce copies and adaptations of Kimonos later. Thus,
the absorption of the Kimono in the West was not so much about embracing the dress as
it was about incorporating its aesthetic into the pre-existing context.
Consequently, aesthetic Japanese arts and dress as well as less fancy crafts and
textiles could be spread and sold through World’s Fairs throughout the Western World.
World’s Fairs offered a good chance for Japan to advertise their culture through textiles
and Kimonos, which were the most representative pieces of Japan. The Japanese displays
at World Fairs were enough to satisfy Westerner’s fantasies about Japan and, as a result,
Japanese arts and aesthetics were on the scene when the Western world leaped into the
world of Modernism.
World’s Fair in the mid 19th century to the early 20th century
The “World’s Fair”, or “World Exposition”, was the event where Japan received
the most attention from the West. The World’s Fair was a place exhibiting civilization,
10
modernization, and technologies as well as the participants’ progress and their cultures.
World’s Fairs during the 19th century and the early 20th century were valued since they
contributed to globalization, or universalism, as well as nationalism (Yengoyan, Lecture,
April 11, 2011). Invited countries were selected because either they wanted to
demonstrate their progress or because they were a part of anthropological exhibitions.
Participants of non-anthropological subjected countries, such as European countries and
America, were either the fair holding country or countries having political power in the
Western world where civilization, modernization, and industrialization had already
occurred. However, invited people such as Filipinos and Ainus, the indigenous people of
North Japan, did not have any authority for organizing their own display. These people
were often used as a part of a popular concept of the World’s Fairs that was called “the
anthropological museum.” Despite the objective of globalism, the early World’s Fairs
received criticism that the tradition of colonialism was still behind the scene.
Although competitions among nations and the anthropological exhibitions seemed
to be the main visual settings for visitors, World’s Fairs were assessed as a visible market
of other various objects. Arts and architecture were the major forms of visual
entertainment in World’s Fairs. Rydell (1984) stated that because fair visitors made the
fairs a part of their lives, their experience with those visual or material displays would
last for the rest their lives as the only measurement for seeing other cultures. In this
respect, in the late 19th century, visual presentations became powerful communication
tools of the consumer culture. Just as department store displays made retail business more
fanciful and entertaining, similarly, World’s Fairs lured people to entertain themselves
and feel a desire for new goods (Lipovetsky, 1994). Munro (2010) also mentioned that
11
World’s Fairs were places where the public could see a variety of products in addition to
national museums and department stores. He raised the point that the shift of visual
representation was changing from private, closed displays of arts, scientific specimens,
and archaeological artifacts to larger, open displays of “exhibitionary culture.” Of course,
people could buy souvenirs from the fair. In St. Louis’ 1904 World’s Fair, Japan opened
a Fair Bazaar where people could even purchase Japanese products (Hoshi, 1904).
Among all the materials, dress most easily captured people’s attention. Dress
from other cultures might not be difficult for the fair audience to understand because of
its universal functionality; however, the distinctive aesthetic could be the interesting part
of dress. According to Lipovetsky (1994), the World’s Fairs included fashion in a
spectrum of a modern material exhibition; The World’s Fair of 1900 in Paris displayed
twenty houses of Haute Couture, including Worth, Rouff, Paquin, and Callot Soeurs. In
addition, Martin & Koda (1994) argued that clothing is one of items that the West has
most joyously appropriated from the East. In addition, fairs and expositions, and
commercial displays have consistently sought to bring the East to the West in one of its
most portable and persuasive forms, clothing. For example, the Geisha wearing Kimonos
received guests and entertained them at the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair. The idea of a
live experience with the Geisha looked like a promotion of department stores, which is
explained as “seduction for commercialization of the new styles” in The Empire of
Fashion (Lipovetsky, 1994).
How Japan dealt with the era of World’s Fair
The Japanese created a display that was fresh, enjoyable and artistic to fairgoers
rather than an anthropological exhibition that people might find strange or disturbing.
12
Also, considering that new scientific inventions were displayed, not only for competition
but also for sale, the fair gave people the opportunity to make cultural objects from Japan
a part of their experience. Because Japan realized that Europe and America had become a
huge market for their art products, satisfying customers’ needs came naturally for the
country newly absorbing capitalism.
Although Martin & Koda (1994) avoid dragging colonialism or international
commerce in Orientalism into fashion, it is necessary to mention the West’s view of
Japan in the 19th and the early 20th century. Japan, had an advantage of being a part of the
anthropological museum in the World Fairs because it was a country actively progressing
toward Westernization. Asians were already placed just below Anglo-Saxons in a racial
map of White Americans; and, Japan was considered as superior among the Asian
countries (Keith, 2011). This was related to Japan’s colonialism over Asia. In the 19th
century, due to the pressure of Western colonialism, China, once respected as the leading
nation, suffered from political and economic stagnation due to defeats in a series of
Opium Wars (1839-1842; 1856-1860). On the other hand, Japan made a different choice
than China when the country enthusiastically accommodated Westernization through the
Meiji restoration in 1868, including industrialization and modernization (Christ, 2000).
By bringing indigenous people, the Ainus, to the St. Louis World’s Fair, the Japanese
built their own anthropological map corresponding to the map of white Americans.
Consequently, Japan’s countermeasure, which could be called Occidentalism, capitalized
on the opportunity to replace China as the leading nation in Asia.
Japan’s approach to appeal to Western countries substantiated its promotion of
Japanese Art. In the early 20th century, Asian art started to receive attention in several
13
museum exhibits such as Tenshin Okakura’s (Japan, 1862-1913) and the 1904 exhibit at
the Boston Art Museum (Yamaguchi, 2003). In 1904, the Boston Art Museum opened its
East Art section curated by Tenshin Okakura. Okakura wrote “The Ideal of the East”
(1903), “The Awakening of Japan” (1904), and “The Book of Tea” (1906) that increased
Westerners’ understanding of Oriental Arts and Aesthetics (Blank, 2003) and conveyed
the major roles of Japanese Art. Okakura even described Japan as “a museum of Asiatic
civilization” and “Greece of the East.” By cultivating and educating Westerners’ tastes,
he would become one of the most important Meiji scholars and educators of Eastern
Aesthetics. Japan would make its own particular image as the country of new arts and
aesthetics.
After noticing the demands of Westerners, the Japanese took action to satisfy their
needs by actively organizing a fair display. As mentioned, the fair display was a visual
presentation of a culture. In World’s Fairs, Japan changed its identity from an Asian
country with distinctive arts to the next leader of East Asia with original arts and culture.
Westerners regarded Japan as being far behind them but respected Japan as a country
trying to be westernized. Also, during the 19th century, the Japanese, as well as other
Asians, were ridiculed by Westerners who considered them feminine and incapable of
developing modern technology and culture (Keith, 2011). However, during the same year
of the St. Louis World’s Fair, this belief was overturned by the Russo-Japanese war. The
war’s influence cannot be minimized nor could the impact of Japanese arts and aesthetics
after 1904. In sum, the cultural victories during the World’s Fairs and the martial victory
in the Russo-Japanese war resulted in Japan’s rise in the context of nationalism and
globalism in the late 19th and the early 20th century.
14
How Japan’s tactic could be successful in World’s Fair
As explained, Japanese influence from the mid 19th century to the early 20th
century was attributed not just to Westerners’ admiration of the East but to Japan’s
eagerness to be a part of the political world; but, how well this mutual interest was
matched in the Eurocentric anthropological world is a question. According to Dr.
Yengoyan’s lecture (2011), “World’s Expositions held in from 1851 to 1940,”
participating countries adopted a cultural model that is called Nationalism in a context of
Universalism. In other words, each county’s “own” culture presented either its modern
culture or its traditional culture in World’s Fairs where all the countries exhibit their
individual cultures.
The modern cultural display was represented by new technological inventions and
new forms of art and architecture shown by the British, French and Americans.
Traditional cultural display was presented through ethnic or regional cultural materials
including local arts and architecture (Yengoyan, 2011). However, Japanese art was not
regarded as a form of masculine and barbarian expressions; rather, Japanese art was
appreciated as a feminine, or half-civilized (Lancaster, 1952) form of art, which became a
Western fantasy of Japan.
Moreover, interestingly, Japan did not emphasize their developed technology in
Western World’s Fairs, although other scientific World’s Fairs held in Japan dealt with
their technological development and anthropological research. It might have been a wise
decision to position themselves as a new leader of the East by satisfying Westerners’
fantasy of Japan. Munro (2010) mentioned that the interaction between cultural objects
and fairgoers was intended by fair organizers to represent the dominant cultures and
15
political powers. That meant in the World’s Fairs, the discrepancy between the original
meaning of cultural objects and the images each country presented could exist side-byside. The discrepancy was probably intentional by fair organizers in terms of
emphasizing the competitive images of countries (Munro, 2010; Mizuta, 2008).
As a result, Western countries chose to display objects such as art and inventions;
on the other hand, Japan cunningly chose to display their traditional art and architecture,
which might be regarded as civilized but feminine cultural objects. This approach
allowed the Japanese to be free from a discussion about their culture as anthropological
subjects but at the same time, satisfied Westerners’ fantasies about the East. For example,
Japan brought into the World’s Fairs their own cultural objects including art, architecture,
crafts, textiles, Kimonos and other objects. Above all, the Geisha were the perfect
representative of the feminized image of Japan, including sentimental images of the Old
Japan (Mizuta, 2006).
Consequently, Japan became successful in advertising its culture as artistic and
distinctive among technological, industrial European exhibitions. Moreover, in this
respect, the St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904 could seen as important as the Pennsylvania
World’s Exposition of 1876 and Chicago World’s Fair in 1898 in terms of Japonisme
because of the scale of the Japanese pavilion. The appearance must have been powerful
enough to impress Missourians.
Japan at St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904
The St. Louis World’s Fair is also called as “the Louisiana Purchase Exposition” due
to its objective as a centennial commemoration of the 1803 Louisiana Purchase, even
though it was held a year after of the actual centennial. It was one of most memorable
16
World’s Fairs because of its scale and was the largest of ten to open in the first five years
of the century (Blank, 2003). Forty-three nations participated and nineteen million people
visited the St. Louis World’s Fair (Blank, 2003). It is probable that the development of
railroads and the popularity of tourism contributed to the large crowd at the Fair.
The St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair is considered important for its theme: “living
anthropological exhibits” (Blank, 2003). Since Darwinism was accepted as a key concept
for human development, having living human displays was allowed and even regarded as
a major “entertainment” for fairgoers. At the St. Louis World’s Fair, many native tribes,
including Native Americans and Filipinos, were presented as “barbarians” and as counter
to “civilians” from Europe and the U.S. The Ainu from Japan were invited because they
were a part of the anthropological museum, although Japan as a nation participated as a
“civilized” country with it original art. China, the other Asian participant, presented a less
powerful display than Japan. This might have been because of the lack of government
support (Christ, 2000).
Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
“The Best Amusement on the Pike”, ad, May 29, 1904, Part 3, pg7b,
The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection
17
At the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair, Japan opened an unprecedented exhibition.
The Japanese exhibit was named as “Fair Japan” due to its uniqueness and variety of
materials exhibited (Mizsuta, 2008). According to the book “The Universal Exposition of
1904 Vol. I&II” (Rowland & Louisiana Purchase Exposition Co., 1913), it was three
times the size of the 1898 Chicago World’s Fair Japanese exhibit and twice the size of the
Japanese exhibit in the 1900 Paris Exposition. In the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair, the
cost of the Japanese buildings was $880,000; on the other hand, China spent $450, 000 on
their buildings. Japan alone received over 130,000 square feet for their display
installation. However, according to the table in Aso’s dissertation (1997), compared to
the scale of its fairground, the attendance of the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair was less
than a half of the 1900 Paris Exposition, and two-thirds of attendance of the Chicago
Exposition of 1893. This might reflect the demographic of cities and adjacent regions.
Regardless of the number of attendance, it can be stated that the St. Louis World’s Fair of
1904 was important to St. Louisians and Midwesterners.
Japan seemed well-treated by fair organizers; since, on the opening day, Japanese
commissioners and representatives marched first among all the other foreign
representatives. In the Art Pavilion, Japanese art was hung with other works of “civilized
nations.” On President’s Day, President Roosevelt visited the Imperial Japanese Garden
and received a tea serving from “dainty maidens in native costume”—the Geisha
(Rowland & Louisiana Purchase Exposition Co., 1913). Later, on behalf of the Emperor,
Japan sent Prince Sadanaru Fushimi, who arrived in November. In sum, they showed
80,000 exhibits from 2000 individuals or firms.
The inclusion of textiles and the tea ceremony supported the fact that Japan
18
prepared their exhibitions to be not only interesting but also stimulating for future
commerce between American and Japan. Japan distributed maps of the fairgrounds
featuring the Japanese pavilion, garden and other exhibition areas (Christ, 1996). In their
handbook, they included not only the contents of Japan’s exhibits but also reports of
Japan’s economy and industry along with participating manufacturers’ advertisements.
This advertising effort might have resulted in raising more public attention toward Japan.
Their effort of expanding business into the U.S was shown in the magazine, “The
World’s Work” (Aug, 1904) when Isaac F. Marcosson wrote about his trip to the St.
Louis Fair. He mentioned that:
Every Japanese exhibitor at the Fair, from the rich Tokio
manufacturer and ship-owner to the modest carver who puts a lifetime
of effort in a single piece of work, is a member of the Japan Exhibit
Association. This association is an example of the new Japanese
business sprit……A business organization was made whose objects
were to consolidate the exhibits and to provide a fitting appointment
for them…. (The World’s Work, August, 1904, p.5147)
In addition to Japan’s effort to become a leading country in business, both
America and Japan appeared to define their common interest. The increasing commerce
between Japan and the U.S. was noted in the handbook (Hoshi, 1904). Among the major
items recorded, trade of over 1,000,000 yen included green tea, raw silk, Habutai silk,
silk handkerchiefs, matting, and porcelain and earthenware. Interestingly, trade between
Japan and the U.S sharply increased between 1893, the year of Chicago World’s
Exposition and 1894. In 1902, trade doubled from that in 1894. This means that trade
between Japan and the U.S. became larger, requiring a constant and more stable
production chain including shipping. The Panama Canal under construction in 1904 was
expected to provide direct commerce between St. Louis and Yokohama (St. Louis Post-
19
Dispatch, “The Panama Canal will make St. Louis Greater,” February 8,, 1903, Part 3,
pg.1), The St. Louis World’s Fair might have had more meaning for both Japan and the
U.S in terms of expanding their venues into or from the Midwest.
In this respect, it is interesting to see how Japan was received at the St. Louis
World’s Fair in 1904 and how fairgoers interpreted the Japanese display in the exposition.
Since the success of the Japanese display in the Chicago World’s Fair of 1893,
Americans could expect to see a grand scale display again. Japan did open the biggest
display in the St. Louis World’s Fair, succeeding in positioning Japan as the leader of
Asia in terms of civilization, the theme of the World’s Fair of 1904. In their display,
geishas wearing Kimonos represented the performing arts and theater culture, resulting in
the most memorable display. Kimono, silks, handkerchiefs, and screens were displayed in
manufactures exhibits showing a long heritage of hand work done by artisans. Dyed silks
with symbolic figures gave picturesque effects to the audience (Marcosson, 1904).
Although, the St. Louis World’s Fair has not been emphasized as often as the
1876 Pennsylvania World’s Fair or the Chicago World’s Fair of 1898, when it comes to
Japonisme in America, the St. Louis Fair was the exposition where Japan became an
important and special part of the whole fairground, not just one exotic country (Meech &
Weisberg, 1990). Therefore, examining Japanese influence in the St. Louis World’s Fair
would illustrate how St. Louis women were exposed to Japanese aesthetic in their
material culture, the dress.
20
Research Methods
The goal of this research is to examine whether people in St. Louis were exposed
to Japonisme in the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair and in advertising, and to determine if
the degree of influence became more prominent after the St. Louis World’s Fair.
Women’s fashion is the focus of the study. Before starting to collect data, it was
necessary to understand the concurrent fashion trends related to Japonisme around 1904.
Therefore, this study conducted preliminary research on Japanese styles, fabrics, and
motifs that appeared Harper’s Bazaar of 1904 and Les Modes from 1903 to 1905.
Twelve issues of Harper’s Bazaar in 1904 confirmed that adaptations of Japanese
Kimono design elements and Chinese robe designs were trends in 1904. Les Modes, a
French magazine, was also researched in terms of the influence of Japonisme because in
the early twentieth century, American fashion was influenced by European, especially
French, fashion trends. Eight issues from 1903, ten issues from 1904, and eight issues
from 1905 were researched. 7 French-written articles in Les Modes were skimmed.
However, except for magazine headings and articles such as Manteau de forme japonaise
(Les Modes, June, 1904, pg.14), there was no apparent adaptation of Japanese dress or
fabrics. Even though there was a lack of Japanese-inspired styles in Les Modes, there
were some adaptations of the Japanese aesthetic in Harper’s Bazaar. Even though Paris
fashion trends seen in Les Modes did not include obvious assimilation of Japonisme, the
connection to American fashion trends cannot be ignored. However, to narrow the range
of outside influences, I reviewed the Paris influence in Les Modes but did not collect data
7
Data were retrieved from Gallica, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb32817646w/date.r=les+modes.langEN
21
in detail. Because this study more clearly focuses on the influence of Japan’s
participation in the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair shown in St. Louis Post-Dispatch’s
advertisements of women’s fashion, items related to Japan and Japonisme were collected.
Before starting to collect data, it was necessary to define Japanese influenced
fashion. In the early 20th century, the loose-fitting Oriental dress shapes and designs were
broadly adapted in tea gowns and breakfast coats, which had been created from the
Westerners’ perspective of home dress (Kirk, 2008; Martin & Koda, 1994). Moreover,
according to Fukai (2005), it was difficult to distinguish Japonisme elements from other
Orientalism elements in general dresses from the period of 1903 to 1905 because
Westerners had not differentiated Far East Asia from the Oriental countries they had
known, such as the Middle East and India. Fukai (2005) also argued that Paul Poiret, who
introduced his “Kimono coat” in 1903, was unclear about the difference between
garments from Japan and China and between other Oriental countries including the
Middle East and the Near East.
Among all possible Japanese-inspired pieces from the preliminary research,
“Kimono” or “Kimona” was the most evident term referring to Japonisme in fashion,
regardless of its applications including kimono sleeve and kimono dressing sacque.
“Kimona” seemed a common miss spelling of “Kimono.” Also, Japanese silk was the
second prominent subject indicating Japanese influence. Japanese silk waists also
commonly appeared in newspaper advertisements. In order to determine Japanese
influences, any fashion items referred to as “Japan” or “Japanese” were recorded. In
addition, this study collected information that appeared in the newspaper about Japanese
current events to determine if there was an increased awareness about Japan in general.
22
In addition, as the result of the preliminary research of twelve issues of 1904
Harper’s Bazaar, this study found that in terms of Japanese influence, considering
national trends and comparing them to the regional trends was important. Also, by
comparing both national and regional trends, this study demonstrated how national trends
likely influenced St. Louis women’s fashions before the St. Louis World’s Fair and how
the regional trends changed after the fair. However, the impact of the St. Louis World’s
Fair’s on fashion trends at the national level was not covered in this research since the
topic is about Japonisme appearing in St. Louis newspaper articles and advertisements.
In order to examine national women’s fashion trends related to Japanese influence,
more thorough research of Harper’s Bazaar from 1903 to 1905 was conducted. However,
since Harper’s Bazaar targeted middle-high income women (Farrell-beck & Parsons,
2007), it is possible that the public in the U.S. had different ideas about Japonisme among
different social groups. To understand the national perspective, issues of The New York
Times from 1903 to 1905 were reviewed through the database, American Periodical
Series Online. Also, because New York was the center for wholesale and showrooms
(Farrell-beck & Parsons, 2007), for America’s national fashion trends, The New York
Times data will be important comparative data for the research.
In Harper’s Bazaar, every editorial article, advertisement, and illustration was
reviewed. The data from Harper’s Bazaar represents how middle to high income women
were exposed to Japonisme in terms of dress and lifestyle, for instance, at a tea party. In
The New York Times, solely “Kimono(s)” or “Kimona(s)” was researched since Kimono
was the most representative assimilation of the Japanese aesthetic. Japanese silk and
shirtwaist was also broadly shown; however, articles that mentioned them were not
23
individually reviewed, although the total number of items through an electronic search
(American Periodical Series Online) is provided for numerical trend analysis 8. For
example, “Japanese silk(s) OR Jap silk(s)9” is one search category as well as “Jap waist(s)
or Japanese waist(s)10,” referring to the usage of Japanese silk for ready-to-wear
shirtwaists and home-made garments or household textiles. “OR” indicates any items
including either keyword. Since the national trends were used as a comparative for the
regional trends, the most prominent resources, Harper’s Bazaar and The New York Times
were used.
In addition to national fashion trends, this study examined regional fashion trends
by documenting women’s dress related to Japonisme that appeared in the St. Louis PostDispatch from 1903 to 1905. Every Sunday issue was reviewed. In terms of data,
advertisements, illustrations, photographs, and society sections were researched as well
as articles. According to Hamilton (1987), the visual images of products including
advertisements, illustrations, and photographs are a byproduct of material culture and
technology. The visual images of materials are closely related to almost all the
mechanisms of culture that Hamilton (1987) suggested. Considering the time period, the
appearance of words, such as “Kimono” in advertisements is enough to demonstrate the
existence of Japonisme in fashion as much as Japanese images or illustrations do.
Furthermore, any written articles mentioning ‘Japan’ or ‘Japanese’ were used to
draw a timeline of Japan’s appearance in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Several fashion or
8
Because The New York Times data collection is only focused on advertisements, it could be superficial.
Also, the numerical data of Japanese silks and waists as well as news about Japan and World’s fair would
be more superficial due to the lack of qualitative analysis of the data.
9
It was found that “Jap silk” was referring “Japanese silk” from the data. Also, the word “the Japs”
indicated “the Japanese” and was used in articles dealing with the Russo-Japanese war from the data. Thus,
“Jap” was an adjective of “Japan” in the early 20th century.
10
As the same reason as footnote 9, “Jap waist” was considered.
24
World’s Fair related articles were collected in order to interpret relations between culture,
society, and dress. Moreover, it was expected that the data from the Society section in the
St. Louis Post-Dispatch would represent the middle to high income classes’ lifestyle of St.
Louis; the middle to-high class society could have a better chance to absorb new ideas.
On the other hand, they might be more conservative than other groups such as artists. The
review of the society section is expected to generate an interesting result about the
material culture phenomena in terms of social structure in St. Louis culture. However,
since the review of the literature covered extensive information of the cultural milieu, this
study focused primarily on “Kimono (Kimona)” and other “Japanese” fashion products.
There were a number of factors that affected the ways in which data was collected.
All “Japanese” products were collected from Harper’s Bazaar and the St. Louis PostDispatch; on the other hand, this study used only “Kimono(s)/Kimona(s)” from The New
York Times. Also, differences in each of the types of sources affected the kinds of data
collected. The magazine, Harper’s Bazaar, had verbal descriptions as well as graphic
illustrations, so the information from the illustrations was also included in the data.
“Kimono(s)/Kimona(s)” was chosen as the main criterion that indicated Japanese
influence. Kimonos, textiles, textile products, accessories, and information from other
products were also included. For the Kimono items, more detailed information was
necessary. According to the definitions from “The Fashion Dictionary” by Mary Brooks
Picken (1957), “Kimono” has three definitions. The first is “Negligee cut in manner of
Japanese kimono.” The second is “Garment typical of Japanese costume, made as loose,
wide-sleeved robe, fastened around waist with broad sash.” The last is “The national
25
Japanese costume of two styles, Furisode and Kosode11.” This three definitions suggest
that the analysis needs to done separately. In this respect, the range of Kimono-related
items includes: Kimono in authentic form, Kimono/ Kimona12, Kimono
sacque13/wrap/jacket, Kimono robe/gown, Kimono sleeve, and fabrics for Kimono. The
names of the item categories come from the data collection. Further explanation and
definition are provided in the analysis section. Information about other items such as
mattings and lanterns was collected to observe trends relating to Japanese influences.
In addition to fashion products, articles referring to Japan were also collected. The
four major topics of the articles are: Japan’s World’s Fair participation, the RussoJapanese war, theaters and plays, and Japan’s news. Because there were a large number
of articles about the Russo-Japanese war in the St. Louis Post Dispatch, this study
investigated the number of articles about the Russo-Japanese war and Japan in the St.
Louis World’s Fair found in The New York Times from 1903 to 1905.14
In addition to the quantitative analysis, a content analysis of advertisement texts
was conducted. The classifications for quantitative analysis remained a guideline. It is
important to analyze visual images such as illustrations and photographs and the written
contents of articles and advertisements. The addition of the qualitative analysis to the
quantitative analysis provided more complete data for interpreting the influences of
Japanese design.
11
Furisode is a long-sleeve formal Kimono; Kosode is a short-sleeved informal kimono (Picken, 1957).
“Kimono/Kimona” was used for referring Kimonos in assimilated form to differentiate them from
Kimono in authentic form which is the Japanese Kimono.
13
“Sacque” is a French word indicating “sack” in English (Picken, 1957). In this thesis, “sacque” is used;
the term was chosen from the data collection.
14
These were collected through American Periodical Series Online by searching “Japan AND Russia AND
war,” and “Japan AND World’s fair,” and “Japan AND exposition.” “AND” indicates any item including all
keywords.
12
26
Findings
Japonisme in Fashion Trends
This study found that Americans knew about Japan and had enjoyed Japanese art
since the mid 19th century. Above all, it was found that the Kimono was known as
Japan’s representative cultural object and that the kimono received the Westerner’s
attention as an artistic completion of Japanese aesthetics. The woodblock prints of
Japanese women in Kimonos helped the West’s understanding of “who are the Japanese?”
and “what is Japan?” The West’s view of Japan might include the Eurocentric world’s
view or a fantasy of the Far East Buddhists’ nation.
Due to the cultural differences, the Westerner’s did not wear and use Japanese
Kimonos and other Japanese cultural products in the same way they were worn by the
Japanese. Kopytoff (1986) argued that the adoption of alien objects is significant not
because they are adopted, but they are culturally redefined and used in a different way. In
this respect, adopting the Kimono as a dressing sacque was a possible and acceptable
interpretation or assimilation of the West, considering the radical differences in the dress
pattern. Although Orientalism in the late 19th century to the early 20th century did not
include the original form, Westerners, in this thesis, the Americans did adopt, purchase,
and enjoy Japan’s cultural objects for their fashion.
Since this thesis is about the potential influence of the 1904 St. Louis World’s
Fair on the Japonisme in St. Louis women’s fashion, this study examined the American’s
trend of Japonisme in fashion. With the comparison to the national trend shown in
Harper’s Bazaar and The New York Times, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch data was used to
27
find out individual trends of Japonisme in St. Louis women’s fashion.
National trends that appeared
Harper’s Bazaar and The New York Times from 1903-1905 showed that the
Kimono, a Japanese product, was adopted in the Western fashion world. Total of 36
issues of Harper’s Bazaar were researched15, and through American Periodical Series
Online, 1095 issues of The New York Times were researched16. In Harper’s Bazaar, this
study attempted to examine Japonisme in fashion in terms of aesthetics and designs.
Using The New York Times data, this study focused on the numbers of Kimono products
in advertisements, which is one of the representative cultural assimilations of Japonisme.
Harper’s Bazaar
In a total of 36 issues of Harper’s Bazaar data, there were changes in the total
number of items that made reference to either Japan or Japanese from 1903 to 1905. In
1903 there were 26 items relating to Japan that appeared in 12 issues. In 1904, 37 items
mentioned Japan in 12 issues and in 1905 there was an increase to 55 references
indicating an interest in Japan and Japanese. There were also seasonal differences in each
of the years. April included the most references to Japan and Japanese products in 1903,
whereas August was the peak in 1904. In 1905, January had the largest volume of
Japanese products. There was no particular seasonal pattern when Japanese products were
featured in Harper’s Bazaar.
1) Kimono
15
16
12 issues in each of three years
365 issues over three years
28
60
50
Japan/ Japanese
40
Kimono in general
30
Kimono in Authentic
Form
20
Kimono/ Kimona
10
0
1903
1904
1905
References to the Kimono in general were the most common Japanese reference
seen in the Harper’s Bazaar. The total number of all types of Kimono references of all
types increased slightly from 18 in 1903, to 19 in 1904, and to 23 in 1905. Although the
increases are very small, there was an increase in each of the three years. However, there
was no dramatic growth from 1903 to 1905 despite Japanese involvement in the St. Louis
World’s Fair and the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. There was the same seasonal trend
seen in of all Japanese products. April of 1903, August of 1904, and January of 1905
included the most Kimono references. However, the numbers in each of the categories of
Kimono products were different from year to year. In April of 1903, Kimono in authentic
form had the largest number. In August of 1904, Kimono/Kimona appeared most often.
Then in January of 1905, Kimono in authentic form appeared most often again. The
results show that although the total number of Japanese items in 1904 was fewer than
those found1903 and 1905, the large number of Kimono references could indicate that
1904 was the year that Americans assimilated the Kimono into fashion rather than as a
costume. It also can be stated that the Kimono in the Western fashion context was more a
fad than a classic and was most often used as a robe or dressing gown. An article titled
29
“Japanese Wraps” in Harper’s Bazaar of the 1904 August issue shows that the Kimono
was featured during 1904.
Kimono in Authentic form
60
Japan/
Japanese
50
40
Kimono in
general
30
Kimono in
Authentic
Form
20
10
0
Kimono/
Kimona
1903
1904
1905
There are several categories of Kimono, each having individual patterns. The
Kimono in an authentic form can be defined as Kimono worn by the Japanese or others in
the original form representing “Japanese Kimono,” not an adaption or transformation.
The Kimono in authentic form was referred to as a Japanese costume and Japanese
clothing simply because it had the original shape of the Japanese Kimono rather than
“Kimono” or “Kimona” worn as a fashionable item as a part of Western fashion. The
reason why appearance of the Kimono in authentic form is important to consider is
because it distinguishes an interest in Japanese clothing as anthropological evidence or
the national costume of a country. Also, the interest in Japanese and Japan was expected
to influence the appearance of the Kimono in its authentic form.
The Kimono in its authentic form appeared the most often of all Japanese
products in Harper’s Bazaar from 1903 to 1905. There were 15 appearances in 1903,
only one in 1904, and there were 17 in 1905. Some of the Kimonos were worn by the
30
Japanese as a reference of their nationality; and others were worn by Americans as
costumes for social events. The article, “Japan’s Leading Women and the War” written
by Shige Nagai Uriu, wife of Admiral Uriu of the Japanese navy (Harpers, Bazaar, no. 1,
Vol. XXXIX, January, 1905, pg.20-24), introduced western readers to Japanese women
who were actively involved in the war effort--the Japanese women in the photographs
were wearing Japanese Kimonos. On the other hand, because Japan was progressing
toward Westernization, there were photos of Japanese women wearing western clothing,
although their nationality was emphasized by also showing them wearing a Japanese
Kimono. For example, the Imperial Princess Mori pictured in one of the photographs was
wearing a 1890s black dress fashionable in the West.
In addition, an article, “The Correct Thing” written by Anna Wentworth Sears
(Harper’s Bazaar, no. 1, Vol. XXXIX, January, 1905, pg.72), detailed a plan for a social
party. One example was a winter tea party inviting some Japanese and Chinese ladies. In
the article, it seemed that the Japanese women were expected to come wearing the
“picturesque dress” of their land. The praise of Westerners for Japanese women who
were wearing their national costume while appearing in western society seemed right and
expected. There is an interesting example in Harper’s Bazaar of an American lady who
wore a Japanese Kimono in Japan to learn the ‘original’ Japanese way of flower
arrangement. In the photographs included in the article “Japanese Art in Flowers
Arrangement” written by Euphemia Holden (Harper’s Bazaar, no. 2, Vol. XXXIX,
February, 1905, pg.138-142), Miss Averill, an American lady, appeared in a Japanese
Kimono while taking lessons in flower arrangement and tea ceremonies in Yokohama,
Japan. The authentic form of the Kimono appeared in Japan in the context of Japanese
31
cultural traditions, thus representing the American fashion editors’ interest in the Kimono
and the Japanese culture.
On the other hand, the Japanese Kimono as a costume was apparent in the
Western context of social events related to Japanese themes. A 1905 Harper’s Bazaar
article, “Good Form Entertainment” (Harper’s Bazaar, no.5, vol. XXXIX, May, 1905,
Appendix, pg.32), recommended that, “The attendants must be dressed in kimono and
Japanese costumes, of course” for the Japanese tea party. Another article about a
Halloween party said “A ‘geisha party’ if suitably given in the autumn when
chrysanthemums are abundant, at one from which the suggestion is taken the guests were
invited to come in Japanese dress” (Harper’s Bazaar, no. 11, vol. XXXVII, October,
1903, pg.977). These kinds of costume party culture in the West appeared to help spread
Orientalism including Japonisme.
The trend of the Kimono in authentic form seen in Harper’s Bazaar from 1903 to
1905 can be analyzed further by distinguishing wearers and source types. There are
examples of authentic Kimonos worn by Japanese and by Americans. There were no
authentic Kimonos worn by the Japanese in the 1903 or 1904 issues, but 10 in 1905. The
Kimono in authentic form worn by Americans included one in 1903, none in 1904, and
six in 1905. The relatively large number of the authentic Kimonos worn by the Japanese
women suggests that the interest of Japan and its people suddenly increased after 1904
when Russo-Japanese War broke out.17 For example, the article, “Japan’s Leading
Women and the War” written by Shige Nagai Uriu, wife of Admiral Uriu of the Japanese
17
Although the St. Louis World’s Fair was also held in 1904, in Harper’s Bazaar from 1903-1905, there
was no article including both “Japanese” and “World’s Fair” at the same time. It could be stated that St.
Louis World’s Fair could influence on the sudden increase of the numbers of the authentic Kimonos worn
by the Japanese; however, the Russo-Japanese war seemed more influential to do with the appearances of
the Japanese Kimonos worn by the Japanese in Harper’s Bazaar.
32
navy (Harpers, Bazaar, no. 1, Vol. XXXIX, January, 1905, pg.20-24), is a part of this
number. As an interest in Japanese in international politics grew, the interest of Japanese
culture seemed to grow too. The relatively large numbers of the authentic Kimono worn
by both Americans and Japanese had increased after 1904, indicating the spread of
Japanese aesthetics and culture in American society. For the Japanese, it was a
representation of their nationality; for the Americans, it was an anthropological costume
for their costume parties and those doing a Japanese tea ceremony. In addition, particular
sources, graphic images in articles, showing Japanese women in Kimonos appeared in 15
illustrations of the 1903 Harper’s Bazaar issues, suggesting that Japanese aesthetics and
visual images in the West had been popular. However, as the number of authentic forms
of Kimonos actually worn by Americans increased in 1905, it appears that some
individuals wore Japanese Kimonos for some occasions.
Kimono/ Kimona
60
Japan/
Japanese
50
40
Kimono in
general
30
Kimono in
Authentic
Form
20
10
0
Kimono/
Kimona
1903
1904
1905
The Kimono or Kimona’s appearance in Harper’s Bazaar varied by year: There
were two in 1903, 13 in 1904, and five in 1905. The greatest number of references, 13, to
Kimono/Kimona appeared in 1904, is much larger than the lowest number of Kimono in
33
authentic form in1904, only one. This difference could mean that in 1904, there was an
increased interest of Kimono as a fashionable item.
Before I go into detail, the definition of Kimono/Kimona and its difference from
the Kimono in authentic form must be clear. The definition can be drawn from an
explanation of the Kimono in a 1903 Harper’s Bazaar.
Some new kimonos are of French challie, lined with mandarin-yellow
China silk. They differ from the usual kimono in being shirred in at the
belt and cut plain over the shoulders. The sleeves, which are wide and
flowing and about elbow-length, are also set in plain, and the entire
garment takes on a fluffy effect from a narrow ruching of the challie
pinked at both sides, which edges it all around. To some of the
garments is added a sailor collar, while others have a monk's hood
lined with yellow silk. The kimono effect is retained by keeping the
garment open at the throat and showing no fastenings down the fronts,
which latter are cut straight. If preferred, they may be bound with
broad satin ribbon matching the lining of the hood….. (Harper’s
Bazaar, “Girls,” No. 6, Vol. XXXVII, May, 1903, pg.476)
Latest Paris Kimono of cream-color Japanese crepe, with red flowers;
bands of cream guipure turned back over bands of fuchsia-red
taffeta…(Harper’s Bazaar, “Simple Fashions For Old and Young,” No.
3, Vo. XXXVIII, March, 1904, pg.298)
New Model Kimono: A variation of the ever-useful and ever-popular
kimono has what is called in Paris, where it originated, a stole effect.
There is a seam on each shoulder, and low on the shoulder is a seam
which continues down the front and back to the front of the garment,
thus giving the stole shape. An extra piece is set in at the side. The
seams are corded with black satin or a color, as is preferred, for the
trimming bands. The shape of these bands is one of the novelties of the
garment….. (Harper’s Bazaar, “The Bazaar’s New Pattern Sheet,” no.
11, Vol. XXXVIII, November, 1904, pg.1149)
From these examples, Kimono/Kimona can be defined as a stole-like garment
with a straight cut front opening with bands or borders as well as wide sleeves. In
addition, it was said that sometimes it came with no shoulder seams. The actual pattern of
34
“Kimono” was confirmed. The “Women’s Kimono” pattern found in the 1905 November
issue of Harper’s Bazaar consists of gathers at bust line and the back shoulder blade line,
a bordered neckline, wide sleeves with gathers at the shoulder, and an optional belt or
sash. In the accompanying visual, it does not look like an original kimono at all except
for the distinctive borders. The pattern is also very different and deviates from the
authentic Kimono. According to Dalby (1993), a Japanese Kimono has a straight body
(mihaba) with overlapping panels (okumi), neckband or collar (eri), straight wide sleeve
(sode), and sash (obi). Therefore, the “Kimono/Kimona” shown in Harper’s Bazaar was
not an authentic Japanese Kimono, but an assimilated form of the Kimono. In this respect,
the high number of Kimono/Kimona found in 1904 would suggest that the assimilated
Kimono was successfully promoted to the American audience.
Qualitative data of Kimono/Kimona include a feature of a “Japanese Wrap” as a
fashionable item (Harper’s Bazaar, No. 8, Vo. XXXVIII, August, 1904, pg.792-795).
The article described Kimono/Kimona as a tea-gown, dressing gown, combing-sacque,
house gown, opera cloak, and a medium-length wrap. Other than an opera cloak which
was a luxurious loose garment for theater-visiting (Picken, 1957), the occasions of
wearing Kimono/Kimona seemed restricted to indoor space. Still, the tea-gown and house
gown were also worn in indoor space but the wearers were allowed to meet people inside
of their houses. This indicates that “Kimono/Kimona” retained its Japanese style and
cannot be defined as American clothing even though it was worn by Americans. Also, the
clothing descriptions seemed to emphasize a certain Kimono type as its function.
However, the Kimono/Kimona was also sometimes considered a style of those garment
categories.
35
The adjectives referring to Kimonos in the “Japanese Wrap” articles were “sweet,”
“seductive” and “fancy.” Above all, “comfort” was the most representative adjective
found in magazine articles that focused on the Kimono. Also, the use of American and
Parisian textiles for Kimono styles was cited in the articles indicating that assimilation of
the Japanese inspired style was occurring.
In addition, the use of the term “Kimono” for Chinese costumes (Harper’s Bazaar,
“Japanese Wrap,” No. 8, Vo. XXXVIII, August, 1904, pg.792-795) was another
interesting finding. The article even compared Chinese Kimono and Japanese Kimonos in
terms of material, decoration, and shape. While the Chinese Kimono was made of rich
silk with colorful embroidery and wider, loose sleeves, the Japanese Kimono was made
of the heaviest satin, silk, or thinnest crepe with contrasting decoration and un-decorated
textiles. This suggests that the American editors knew about the differences between each
country’s garments although they do not differentiate them. Also, this description
suggests that the “Kimono” that had front openings with borders and loose sleeves
seemed to be used to represent most of the Asian countries’ garments.
The kimono craze has extended to wraps, and now not only are to be
seen the most gorgeous of kimonos, the real Japanese ones themselves,
but silk embroidery, and lace made in kimono shape and style, with
bands of Persian embroidery. The open work all over embroidery or
lace over an India-silk lining makes up charmingly in this model, and
is certainly a very novel fashion. (Harper’s Bazaar, “Coats and
Wraps,” No. 8, Vol. XXXIX, 1905, pg.738)
The Kimono style seemed to be introduced as a fashion fad as well as a luxurious
fashion item. The luxurious style of Kimonos appeared in the context of Parisian
influence on using Parisian materials such as French Challie (May, 1903; August, 1904),
an appearance of a new Parisian Kimono (November, 1905), and an advertising comment
36
stating “no prettier design” (November, 1905). This could also be stated that the
“Kimono/Kimona” was simply designed and mass-produced in the West, which could be
interpreted as adaptation of clothing from a different culture.
Kimono Sacque/Jacket/Wrapper & Kimono Robe/Gown/Negligee
The quantity of Kimono-related items was: one in 1903, five in 1904, and one in
1905. The definitions of Kimono can be deduced from the qualitative data. A Kimono
sacque/jacket/wrapper/wrap is a short, waist-length Kimono emphasizing the function as
dressing sacque/jacket or wrapper/wrap18. Even though it might be pointless to
distinguish the Kimono sacque from Kimonos in general, it is necessary to understand
that either the Kimono/Kimona was regarded as a style of dressing sacque or as an
individual fashion item. The Kimono/Kimona’s function as an indoor garment or
bedroom garment did not change, but the popularity of the style deviates from the general
term, dressing sacque. In Harper’s Bazaar, it was confirmed that Japanese dressing
gowns and wraps had features of the Kimono: an open front with border and wide sleeves.
The Kimono robe/gown/negligee 19 was a long, floor length Kimono that was more lavish.
One appeared in 1903, two in 1904, and one in 1905.
2) Other
18
“Sacque” is defined as “Loose-bodied garment of Watteau type, popular in end of 17th, early 18th
century,” and “Loose-blouse-like garment, often of light color and worn with dark skirt; Sacque, the form
most commonly used, is a pseudo-French spelling from French word sac.” “Dressing sacque” has similar
definition that is “loose, wrist-length blouse” and “short, loose jacket.” In addition, “dressing jacket” is
defined as an English term for dressing sacque. “Wrap” is defined as “Loose outer garment; originally, one
intended to be folded about the person; (plural) Outer garments in general, worn in addition to regular
clothing.” “Wrapper” is defined as “Originally, loose, informal garment for casual wear at home; Revived
in 1939 as a new fashion growing out of the monastic silhouette; Made in all fabrics and for all occasions,
usually with belted or girdled waistline”(Picken, 1957).
19
“Kimono dress” is defined as “Dress made with kimono sleeves.”(Picken, 1957) “Negligee” is defined as
“soft, feminine, decorative dressing gown, generally with flowing lines, worn indoors by women;
Sometimes, called kimono, which, however, has distinctive style features of its own; also, any informal
attire.”(Picken, 1957) In this respect, Kimono robe, gown, negligee also could be regarded as each form
with kimono sleeves.
37
In Harper’s Bazaar, textiles rarely appeared. There were none in 1904, four in
1904, and none in 1905. Japanese crepe was used in a Paris gown (April, 1904) and a
negligee (October, 1904) and Japanese figured crepe with a satin facing for a Kimono
(November, 1904) was featured. April, October, and November issues in 1904 only
included Japanese textiles used for garments, suggesting that, again, 1904 was the year of
spread of Japonisme in fashion. Additionally, accessories included fans, umbrellas, lace
work, bags, and embroidery. Mattings, lanterns, and Japanese arts and crafts were also
found in Harper’s Bazaar.
The New York Times
300
Kimono in
general
250
Kimono in
Authentic Form
200
Kimono/Kimona
150
Kimono Sacque
100
Kimono Robe
50
Kimono Sleeve
0
1903
1904
1905
Fabric for Kimono
The focus of this section of the study was on Kimono items that appeared in
advertisements in The New York Times from 1903 to 1905. This was to examine whether
Japonisme was supplied to the marketplace. The New York Times had a large number of
references to Kimonos in general. The total numbers referring to “Kimono(s)” are: 241
(1903); 216, (1904); 280 (1905). Even though the number of references to all kinds of
Kimonos declined in 1904, there was an increase in 1905 that was greater than that seen
38
in 1903. There was less difference in numbers of references to Kimono in general when
all types of sources, including articles and special features, were included in the analysis.
When all source types were included there were 292 references to all types of Kimonos in
1903, 284 in 1904, and 310 in 1905. Even though the larger increase in 1905 resembles
that seen in the advertisements only, the gap in the numbers of references between 1903
and 1904 is smaller than that seen in the advertisements. This suggests that in 1903 and
1904, the exposure of The New York Times readers to Kimono in general was similar
from year to year. However, this also suggests that the commercial interest in every kind
of Kimono was not necessarily connected to the similar degree of interest of Kimonos in
general.
In all three years, the word “Kimono” appeared in more than 50% of the
newspapers examined per year. The percentage of The New York Times, including all
types of sources that made reference to “Kimono” is 80% in 1903, 78% in 1904, and 85%
in 1905, meaning that people had the possibility to read the word, “Kimono,” more than
three times in four days. Also, readers were exposed to “Kimono” that appeared in 66%
of advertisements in 1903, 59% of advertisements in 1904, and 77% of advertisements in
1905. The number and percentage is enough to suggest that the “Kimono” was introduced
as a popular fashion item for women.
There were some seasonal differences seen from year to year in The New York
Times. In June 1903 the paper included 36 items referring to Kimonos of all kinds.
October 1904, had the most references to Kimonos at 33. In 1905, the month of May had
the largest number, 43. Even though the month of the largest number of references to
Kimono of all kinds is different each year, the larger number of references followed a
39
pattern. In all three years, July and October were the months having larger numbers of
Kimono references. May, June, and July of 1903 and 1905 had the most number of items
compared to other months. The results show that Kimonos of all kinds appeared most
often during the summer and the fall. July and October are the middle of summer and
winter when two seasonal fashion items coexist- summer and fall; fall and winter. The
large number in December might be because of Christmas sales.
1) Kimono
Kimono in Authentic Form
300
Kimono in general
250
Kimono in
Authentic Form
200
Kimono/Kimona
150
Kimono Sacque
100
Kimono Robe
50
Kimono Sleeve
0
1903
1904
1905
Fabric for Kimono
The number of Kimonos in general shown in advertisements from 1903 to 1905
slightly decreased in 1904; however, Kimonos in authentic form in advertisements
showed an opposite pattern. The number sharply increased in 1904 and slightly decreased
in 1905. In 1903, there were three items. In 1904, the number of items increased to 17,
but it decreased to eight in 1905. This might suggest that the interest in Japan as a rising
nation in the world during and after 1904 led to the more importation of Japanese
products including Japanese Kimonos.
Japanese Kimonos imported from Japan were sold in A. A. Vantine & Co., Fifth
40
Avenue Auction Rooms, The Wanamaker Store, Simpson Crawford Co., and American
Art Galleries. They appear to have been regarded as artistic pieces. Their prices were
more expensive than Kimonos produced in America as dressing sacques. The average
price throughout three years was $37.15, the maximum price was $175 and the minimum
was $3. Kimonos were considered an art form like Japanese porcelain and lacquer ware.
They sold in auction rooms, which support the idea of seeing the Kimono as an art form.
In addition, the data showed that because of the elaborative decorations on garments,
Kimonos seemed to be worn as tea-gowns, which is still an indoor garment that might be
exposed to the guests in house. This means that even if a woman in a Japanese Kimono
did not show up in public, she might be considered to look decent enough to greet a
female guest in her house.
The Wanamaker store was one of big department stores in New York interested in
oriental goods including Kimonos from Japan. As well as selling Kimonos as dressing
sacques, Kimonos imported from Japan through its Paris store were featured in
advertisements.
Everybody knows there a good deal of difference between the Kimonos
that come from Japan and other kimonos. But most of us have a secret
thought, that many of the Japanese one, though far the prettier, are just
a little bit cold for our winters. But there are- in our Little French
Store, by a strange chance Kimonos from Tokio, silk-lined in some
cases stuffed. Japanese prints, the strange crinkled prints like idealized
paper, with sprays of wisteria, cherry blossoms and the rest; silk-lined,
12.50; Japanese veilings in riotous pattern of fans and
chrysanthemums; silk -lined for 17.50; And magnificent Silk Kimonos,
hand-embroidered, quilted or lined for 22.50. And every gown has its
"real Japanese” sash. (The New York Times, The Wanamaker Store,
ad, October 5, 1904, pg.4)
This article confirmed that an American department store used its connection to a
Paris store for importation of Oriental goods. And, for the Oriental novelties, it also
41
suggested that Americans have been influenced by the Parisian’s choice because of
Europe’s earlier contact with the East including the Middle East, India, China, and Japan.
Also, the quote “just a little bit cold for our winters,” indicated that American’s thought
Kimonos were adequate for a warm weather. However, the new importation of warm and
quilted Japanese Kimonos suggest that Americans’ interest in the Kimono extended to
more types of Japanese Kimonos as well as the Parisian influence.
[Japanese kimonas, or lounging robes] The rage for all things
Japanese is not induced alone by sentiment for the war in the Far East.
Long ago Europeans were quick to admire the people of Japan for
(their simplicity of custom and dress) and their proficiency in certain
of the art. (The New York Times, Simpson Crawford Co., ad, November
3, 1904, pg.3)
An advertisement by Simpson Crawford Co. specifically said that the long
history of European’s admiration of Japan resulted in the interest in Kimonos. The
reference to “European” acceptance of Japanese customs and art illustrated the
Eurocentric world in the early 20th century as well as American’s dependence on the
European view. The statement about “the war in the Far East” shows the American’s
attention to the Russo-Japanese War. Also, it represents the war’s contribution to the
recognition of Japan in the Eurocentric world. In addition to the comment about the
Russo-Japanese war, the description about the Japanese seemed to romanticize the arts
and aesthetics of traditional Japan.
The Kimona belongs by rights to the brown-eyed tiny-footed women of
Japan; it is the native garb of men and women alike (according to
station), being fashioned in rich, gleaming satins or the cheap
tawdriness of cotton.
From the favorite queen in the harem (to the youngest of the
"forbidden ladies"...) the kimona is the only attire, and they tie it in at
the waist with the obi or sash. Since it is shaped on the lines of
absolute comfort and ease (allowing throughout freedom to the body),
42
it has quickly been adopted as an unrivaled negligee or dressing gown,
and placed among legitimate styles without departing from its original
form.
The kimona is quaint and bizarred (just like it short-statured brownskinned wearers), in that remote land; the mandarin sleeves and
pagoda sleeves, both borrowed from the same home of the plum
blossom and Fugiyama, the Sacred Mountain, are familiar features.
(The New York Times, Simpson Crawford Co., ad, November 3, 1904,
pg. 3)
This advertisement also explained what a Kimono is, how to wear Kimono, and
how Americans could wear them. Considering the educational role of advertisements,
this advertisement suggests that either the textiles used for Kimono were “rich, gleaming
satins “or “the cheap tawdriness of cotton,” Kimono were made in various qualities, too.
Although the authentic layered-Japanese formal Kimono is not an example of “absolute
comfort and ease” in this advertisement, Westerners seemed to be more impressed by the
Japanese Kimono’s open front and breadth of sleeve, than its confined body if worn in
the Japanese way. In this respect, the phrase in this advertisement, “styles without
departing from its original form,” is significant evidence indicating that the Kimono was
assimilated into fashion in the West, contributing to its spread to the mass market.
We've some gorgeous gay-patterned ones in Oriental silk, apple green
wrought over with brilliant scarlet, black and yellow devise; there's the
same thing for you in lavender (pink or blue), if you wish it. Silk bands
of contrasting color form the trimming bands. Whether for the privacy
of the bedroom (for the convalescent for lounging purposes), or the
stateroom in the Pullman or the Ocean liner, a kimona has numerous
advantages over the elaborate tea-gowns. Then, too, being simply
constructed, it can be rolled up into the most economic space. (The
New York Times, Simpson Crawford Co., ad, November 3, 1904, pg.3)
Like this advertisement’s description, in general, Kimonos were made of silk,
have a border/band made with simple construction, and are worn in private spaces. This
corresponds to the definition from the Harper’s Bazaar, which means that a Kimono has
43
a clear definition in terms of material, pattern, and function. The definition made it sound
like “Kimono” was no longer used as a term for “Japanese clothing”. It was rather a term
for a new indoor garment inspired by Japanese costume.
The data from advertisements show that some Japanese Kimonos were provided
as a comparison for assimilated Kimono products. For example, the Wanamaker Store’s
advertisement said “Women have to thank the artistic Japanese for the original form of
the kimono, but these Handkerchief Kimono Dressing Sacques, we think are an eminently
Occidental device” (The New York Times, The Wanamaker Store, ad, February 26, 1904,
pg 14). This one sentence indicates that the retailers selling Kimonos not only thought
that Kimonos were an artistic creation of Japan but that the Kimono dressing sacque was
an Occidental interpretation or creation of the Japanese Kimono. This shows, again, that
“Kimono” without the adjective “Japanese,” in the Western context indicates a Western
Kimono was assimilated and localized as a part of American dress.
Kimono/ Kimona
300
Kimono in general
250
Kimono in
Authentic Form
200
Kimono/Kimona
150
Kimono Sacque
100
Kimono Robe
50
Kimono Sleeve
0
1903
1904
1905
Fabric for Kimono
In The New York Times, “Kimono/Kimona” appeared the most in advertisements:
44
124 in 1903, 93 in 1904, and 129 in 1905. Kimono as an assimilated form appeared the
most in May, June, August, October, and December in 1903. February, July and
December scored the most in 1904. May, June, July, and December had the most in 1905.
In sum, the summer (June, July, and August) and the month of December had the most
Kimono/Kimona references that appeared in advertisements. It means that a
Kimono/Kimona as an American ready-made product was favored in the summer and
winter.
The average Kimono/Kimona price in 1903 was $2.62; the maximum price was
$16; the minimum was $0.19. The average price in 1904 was $2.90, the maximum was
$12.75 and the minimum was $0.17 in 1905, the average price was $2.26, the maximum
was $9.50; the minimum was $0.18. The average price of Kimono/Kimona s from 1903
to 1905 seemed stable as well as the minimum prices. However, the decrease of the
maximum price might indicate that the price was becoming equalized as the quality and
design became standardized.
The materials for Kimono/Kimona were silk, lawn, silk/cotton crepe, crepe de
chine, crepe, crepon, mercerized crepe, dotted Swiss, Shantung poplin, organdie lawn,
handkerchief, Dimities, Percale, Flannelette, Albatross, Challie, Flannel(French/German),
Eiderdown, and fleece-down Flannel. Regardless of season, a variety of materials seemed
to be used for Kimono/Kimona; however, during the winter, the thicker fabrics such as
flannel and eiderdown seemed to be preferred. Kimono/Kimona s also came in short or
long lengths. The short Kimono/Kimona could be seen a lot because the western
women’s dress shape in the early 20th century accentuated their small waists and full hips,
resulting in the popularity of short jackets to show their figures. This means that
45
assimilation style of Kimono was done somewhat loosely by making the Japanese
Kimono shape to fit into exiting Western style.
In addition to various textile uses, as the Kimono/Kimona become popular, its
shape and design became more varied. It was definitely not the form and function of the
original Kimono. One interesting finding from the data is The Wanamaker Store’s
advertisement of their Kimono/Kimona.
[Women's Kimonos] Probably the most comfortable sort of lounging
garments ever invented, although their use as such is a sad perversion
from their original purpose. More women are growing to like them,
and styles are growing prettier. Here are some of the newest- intended
for warm weather: at $1 - of figured lawn; yoke front and back;
kimono sleeves. (The New York Times, The Wanamaker Store, ad, May
4, 1903, pg.4)
Its description “their use as such is a sad perversion from their original purpose”
suggests that the retailer in New York recognized a major difference of the
“Kimono/Kimona” from its original function as a national costume. However, retailers
did not talk about the difference in the design and pattern of the Kimono/Kimona from
the original form. This could suggest that they and manufacturers did not seriously study
how to make a Kimono/Kimona in the original way. The assimilation seems to have
happened without knowing the original construction, meaning that the assimilation
process adapted the style rather than adopt the Japanese Kimono’s original construction.
Also, considering the American’s dependence on Parisians fashion, the ardent
assimilation of Japanese clothing might have happened among the Europeans first and the
Americans followed the fever.
Even though there was deviation from the original Kimono style, comfort was
certainly a value American women liked about Kimono/Kimona. As the first sentence of
46
the Wanamaker Store advertisement said “Probably the most comfortable sort of
lounging garments ever invented” (The New York Times, The Wanamaker Store, ad, May
5, 1903, pg.4). Many of the advertisements specifically mentioned “comfort”: “The
comfort of the Kimono makes Japanese of us all- of all women” (The Wanamaker Store,
ad, August 7, 1903, pg.4); “Special in Warm and Comfortable Kimonos” (Simpson
Crawford Co., ad, October 29, 1903, pg.3); “For Comfort Indoors and Out and Kimonos”
(The Wanamaker Store, ad, January 24, 1905, pg.4); “Japanese-------y, comfortable,
graceful, flowing, light and beautiful and cool” (The Wanamaker Store, ad, March 15,
1905, pg.4).
The idea of comfort also came from the suitable design for summer and winter.
During the summer, Kimono/Kimona s provided “a promise of hot weather comfort”
(The New York Times, The Wanamaker Store, ad, May 16, 1904, pg.4); Kimono/Kimona
s were made to be “at home positive, hot weather foolishness” (Simpson Crawford Co.,
ad, July 7, 1904, pg.3); And, during the winter, Kimono/Kimona s wearers had “No need
to shiver cold mornings before the fire takes the chill off” (Simpson Crawford Co., ad,
November 11, 1903, pg.3). This versatile appearance throughout out the year resulted
from the various use of different types of textiles making Kimono/Kimona s year-around
clothing for women at that time.
Kimono Sacque/Wrapper & Kimono Robe/Gown
The Kimono sacque/wrapper, which emphasizes more of the Kimono’s function
as a dressing sacque than imitating the form of the Kimono, is the second most important
finding in the data. The numbers of references to the Kimono sacque/wrapper were as
follows: 61 in 1903, 50 in 1904, and 52 in 1905. As in the other categories, these
47
300
Kimono in general
250
Kimono in
Authentic Form
200
Kimono/Kimona
150
Kimono Sacque
100
Kimono Robe
50
Kimono Sleeve
0
1903
1904
1905
Fabric for Kimono
references decreased from 1903 to 1904, and increased slightly in 1905. Seasonally, June
was the highest in 1903, and July scored the most in 1905. This means that the Kimono
as a dressing sacque and wrapper for specific functions was preferred during the summer.
Its average price changed from $2.54 in 1903, to $2.50 in 1904, to $1.09 in 1905. The
maximum price changed from $25 in 1903, to $20 in 1904, then to $5.50 in 1905. The
minimum price also had changed from $0.25 in 1903, to $0.24 in 1904, then to $0.21 in
1905. This suggests that the price range of the Kimono sacque became wider during the
1903, which also suggests that there was a wide variety of dressing sacques 20.
However, the “Kimono” as a dressing sacque replaced the “Kimono dressing
sacque” in vocabulary suggesting that the word “Kimono/Kimona” started to be
recognized as an individual clothing item, not a style of any other pre-existing western
garment. Also, Kimono sacques did not come with long explanations as to what they
were. Putting in the word “dressing sacque” seemed to be enough to tell the readers how
20
According to Kidwell and Christman (1974), in the 1890s, both women and men had more choices of
fashion due to mass production and simpler styles. For women, shirtwaists and skirts were largely mass
produced. By 1910, every article of women’s clothing could be found in the stores in ready-made form.
Ready-made clothing was inexpensive and in reasonable quality, however, it was not limited to women
from the lower class. Also, simpler style of clothing allowed manufacturers to make more varieties of
designs; In this respect, in 1904, a variety of simpler designs and prices was possible.
48
to understand what this garment was. This may have resulted from the characteristics of
advertisements in the early 20th century when words were more often used than images.
Also, it could be that the dressing sacque was a rudimentary piece for American women
so they did not need more advertising or elaborate explanations.
The Kimono robe/gown21 is another assimilated form of the Japanese Kimono in a
longer shape. Its appearance pattern gradually increased from 1903: 22 in 1903; 26 in
1904; 36 in 1905. The average price of a Kimono robe/gown was the highest in 1904:
$3.29 (1903); $6.24 (1904); $2.17 (1905). The maximum prices were: $14 (1903); $35
(1904); $5.95 (1905). The minimum prices were: $0.50 in 1903; $0.69 in 1904; $0.79 in
1905. The high average price in 1904 might result from importation from Paris as well as
wide varieties of designs including Matinees22. The maximum price of the French
Kimono style negligee with embroidered satin border with China silk lining was $35, in
1904 (The New York Times, The Wanamaker Store, ad, December 21, 1904, pg.4). In
1905, a Kimono style design was adopted for bath robes, too. This indicates that the
Kimono became a kind of design used in various types of clothing.
Kimono Sleeve
The Kimono sleeve23 was another usage of the word “Kimono” in order to
illustrate the resemblance to the wide sleeve of the Japanese Kimono. The Kimono sleeve
would be one of the most important assimilations of the Kimono in Western fashion. It
was not made in the original way, nor did it have the same shape as the Japanese Kimono.
21
According to Cunnington (1937), in 1876, wearing the loose dressing-gown was regarded as having loose
morals in English Society. The dressing-gown was borrowed from France and was a tea-gown in fashion.
22
It was difficult to fine the exact definition of “Matinee” Considering the word “Matinee” is indicating
early day shows including plays and various performances, the garment “Matinee” could be understood as
a day opera cloak.
23
“Kimono sleeve” is defined as “Sleeve cut in one piece with body of garment; usually short” (Picken,
1957).
49
However, as the term “Kimono sleeve” appeared in advertisements, the sleeve shape of
the Japanese Kimono was probably easier for the Westerners to adopt, yet retaining the
American styled bodices and skirts.
300
Kimono in general
250
Kimono in
Authentic Form
200
Kimono/Kimona
150
Kimono Sacque
100
Kimono Robe
50
0
Kimono Sleeve
1903
1904
1905
Fabric for Kimono
The number of Kimono sleeves in The New York Times advertisement increased
from 11 in 1903, 13 in 1904, to 21 in 1905. Some of items were already counted as
Kimono sacques or Kimono gowns. The reason for recounting the number of Kimono
sleeves among the Kimono sacques and Kimono gowns was to see the degree of
emphasis on the sleeve of the Japanese Kimono as an assimilated design. From the data
trend, it can be explained that the interest of adopting the Kimono sleeve became popular.
The sleeve appeared in various articles of clothing including the dressing sacque, which
has been discussed many times in terms of winter coats and cloaks, negligees, robes,
gowns, and even suits. Also, the popularity of wrappers in 1904 seemed helpful for the
spread of the Kimono sleeve due to its wide open cuffs (The New York Times, Simpson
Crawford Co., ad, September 29, 1904, pg. 4; October 20, 1904, pg.3).
50
Fabric for Kimono24
300
Kimono in general
250
Kimono in
Authentic Form
200
Kimono/Kimona
150
Kimono Sacque
100
Kimono Robe
50
0
Kimono Sleeve
1903
1904
1905
Fabric for
Kimono
The fabric for making the Kimono appeared in The New York Times
advertisement throughout three years. The number decreased very little in 1904: 20 in
1903; 17 in 1904; 34 in 1905. The increased number of fabrics for making Kimonos in
1905 could be the result of the increase in ready-made Kimonos indicating that making
Kimonos at home may have increased. Although, in the early 20th century, Americans
were able to buy ready-made clothing, ready-made clothing did not replace home-made
clothing entirely.
The kinds of fabrics were similar to the sorts of textiles mentioned in the
“Kimono” section. The fabrics are: Etamine, Panama suiting, cotton Challie, silk
Foulardine, handkerchief, Habutai silk, printed batiste, crepe, Scotch Madras, silk, wool,
Flannel (American/French/German/Scotch), fleece-back Flannelettes, velvet finished
Flannel, and Eiderdown. Light-weight textiles were mostly shown during the summer,
24
The “Fabric for Kimono” section covers the advertisements that made direct reference to certain fabrics,
such as crepe, for making Kimonos. This category is different from Japanese textiles because not all
Japanese textiles were used for Kimono making. Rather, Japanese textiles appeared that some of them were
used in shirtwaist making, whose production was done in the U.S or other places than Japan.
51
and heavy-weight textiles seemed to be preferred during the winter.
2) Japanese Silks and Japanese Silk Waists
120
100
80
60
Japanese silks
Japanese silk waist
40
20
0
1903
1904
1905
Even though Japanese silks and Japanese silk waists were not the main subjects of
the data collection of The New York Times, the numbers of advertisement dealing with
Japanese silks and Japanese silk waists were necessary to be compared to data from the St.
Louis Post-Dispatch. The American Periodical Series Online searching system listed the
number of advertisement mentioning Japanese silk(s) or Jap silk(s) at: 81 in 1903; 51in
1904; 54 in 1905. The number decreased in 1904, as did the total number of Kimonos.
Also, the numbers of the representative Japanese silk varieties including Habutai silk(s),
Tokio silk(s), and Kioto silk(s) 25 were searched: 30 in 1903; 28 in 1904; 26 in 1905. The
number of advertisements including Jap waist(s)/ Japanese waist(s)/ Jap silk waist(s)/
Japanese silk waist(s) had a similar pattern as the pattern of Kimonos in The New York
Times: 97 in 1903; 68 in 1903; 94 in 1905. 26 The result suggests that even though the
25
Habutai silk, Tokio silk, and Kioto silk were found in St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Since this silk data of New
York Times was solely provided for a comparison to the local trend, the search keyword was chosen based
on the data collection of St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
26
However, the adjective “Japanese” of Japanese shirtwaist advertisements could be overused or misused
by some retailers regardless of the real origin of products because the retailers probably promoted Oriental
52
number of Japanese silks and Japanese silk waists is not as large as the number of
Kimono items, the trends of both silks and kimonos were similar. It might have been an
effect of the Russo-Japanese War since the war could have slowed down the pace of
Japanese textile production for exportation to the overseas including the U.S.
3) News about World’s Fair & Russo-Japanese War
800
700
600
500
Japan vs Russia
400
Japan & World's
Fair
300
200
100
0
1903
1904
1905
It appears that there was an impact of the St. Louis World’s Fair and the RussoJapanese War on New York society. The number of references to Japan, Russia and the
war, of course, scored the most in 1904: 159 in 1903; 707 in 1904; 557 in 1905. The
number of articles referring to Japan and the World’s Fair/Exposition also had its peak in
1904: 25 in 1903; 68 in 1904; 29 in 1905. It is inevitable to say that the Russo-Japanese
war received more attention than the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair since the Fair was
located far from New York. Because Russo-Japanese war broke out on February 8, 1904
and ended with the treaty of Portsmouth signed on September5, 1905, and St. Louis
World’s Fair ran from April 30, 1904 to December 1, 1904, it stands to reason that the
products by using “Japanese” in front of any products. Although, from the data I collected, it was difficult
to confirm Japanese silk waists were actually made of Japanese silks, there could be some possibilities that
the retailers could not tell Japanese silk waists from other waists due to mass production.
53
two events received attention in The New York Times articles. The importance of the
Russo-Japanese war in terms of the Eurocentric world could not be compared to the
World’s Fair in Midwest. On the other hand, considering commerce and retail, the St.
Louis World’s Fair could be more meaningful to Americans, especially those living in or
near St. Louis.
Discussion of National Trends
In summary, from the analyses of Harper’s Bazaar and The New York Times,
Kimonos seemed to be in fashion from 1903 to 1905. Harper’s Bazaar showed an
increased trend in the number of Kimonos as well as a trend toward Japan-related fashion
products. Even though The New York Times data decreased in 1904, overall numbers of
the appearance of Kimonos in advertisements was significant. Therefore, it could be
stated that Japan and its fashion was one that inspired American fashion in the early 20 th
century.
There were various findings in Harper’s Bazaar and The New York Times.
Kimonos in authentic form showed in both publications explaining not only Americans’
interest in Japan as a nation but also their interest in Japanese culture. The appearance of
“Kimono/Kimona” confirmed that the design of “Kimono/Kimona” in fashion of the
West was different from the original Japanese Kimono, meaning that the assimilation of
Japanese Kimono occurred. Also, in 1904, the large number of “Kimono/Kimona” items
from Harper’s Bazaar and examples of them from The New York Times showed a trend
of Kimono as an assimilated form for dressing sacques and wraps. The number of
garments with Kimono sleeves in The New York Times certainly supported the trend of
54
wraps and sacques having Japanese influence. The fabric use and wide varieties for
Kimono also helped to support the idea that Kimonos were in fashion.
St. Louis Local Trends that appeared
St. Louis Post-Dispatch
700
600
Japan/Japanese
500
400
Japan/St. Louis
World's Fair
300
Russo-Japanese
War
200
Japan news
100
Plays and
performances
0
1903
1904
1905
A total 156 issues of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch from 1903 to 1905 were
reviewed to see if there were regional trends of Japonisme in fashion. The data was
analyzed in a similar way as Harper’s Bazaar and The New York Times. The difference
was that the St. Louis Post-Dispatch data included not only Japan-related fashion items
but also news about various events. Because the goal of study is to see a possible
contribution of the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair to the reception of Japanese culture and
products in women’s fashion, the numbers and examples of Japan’s appearance in the St.
Louis’ newspaper are important. Because of this, all the findings mentioning “Japan”
were listed first.
The total number of items referring to “Japan” or “Japanese” in the St. Louis PostDispatch was 265 in 1903, 662 in 1904, and 633 in 1905. The data show that items
55
referring to Japan in general skyrocketed in 1904, compared to 1903. A slight decrease
was shown in 1905 but it did not decrease to the number seen in 1903.
It is probable that the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair had an impact on the rise of
interest in Japan. The number of articles specifically mentioning the Japanese Pavilion in
the St. Louis World’s Fair was eight in 1903, 43 in 1904, and four in 1905. It is clear that
the Japanese Geishas in the Japanese Pavilion received a lot of attention from the media.
The Geisha in the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair may have satisfied American’s idea of
docile and quiet beauty since they were tea servers and traditional art performers in the
tea house, which was another representative form of the traditional Japan. Also, the
appearance of the Japanese Commissioner at St. Louis social events suggested that
Japan’s participation in the St. Louis World’s Fair helped raise recognition of Japan in
the Midwest. Although there was a special feature of Mr. and Mrs. Goodman’s travel to
Japan (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Gossip from society section, April 19, 1903, Part 4, pg.
5b; “Jinrikshas, But No Gin Rickeys,” August 2, 1903, pg.7), it was difficult to find that
there was a fashion of traveling to Japan in articles in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. In
addition to the fair, the Russo-Japanese war was an event that received considerable
attention in the St. Louis Post Dispatch. The number of items mentioning the RussoJapanese war was seven in 1903, 198 in 1904, and 79 in 1905. These results stand out
since 1904 was the year that interest in Japan as a rising nation stood out in the St. Louis
newspaper as well as in The New York Times. Also, the number of general news stories
about Japan showed a sharp increase in 1904. There were 24 general news stories in 1903,
74 in 1904, and 52 in 1905. All of these stories indicated that public attention was
brought to Japanese culture as well as current events in Japan.
56
The St. Louis Post Dispatch also featured articles and advertisements about
Japanese plays performed in St. Louis, suggesting that there was an interest in Japanese
culture to be enjoyed by the public. The number of theater plays and performances that
had Japanese inspiration was 11 during 1903, 47 in 1904, and 26 in 1905. The large
number of articles in 1904 was due to the success of the famous Japanese play “The
Darling of the Gods.” In 1905, various Japanese story-based plays were performed in St.
Louis, possibly the result of the success of “The Darling of the Gods.”
Although the number of Japanese play-related items in 1903 was smaller than
1904, a well-known Japanese play, “Mikado” performed in 1903 at the Union Club (St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, March 8, 1903, Part 4, pg.4b). Also, during the summer, the
Japanese village in the Summer Gardens, an outdoor theater only open during the
summer was an interesting attraction run by the Japanese (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May
24, 1903, Part 3, pg.6b). This means that Japanese plays and settings for amusement
already existed and were probably in fashion in St. Louis the year before the St. Louis
“Two Big Plays Open in the Downtown Theater Tonight,” July 31, 1904, Part 3, pg. 5,
57
World’s Fair.
In 1904, at the Imperial Theater, a love story about Princess Yo-san, “The Darling
of the Gods” was presented by David Belasco, who dramatized John Luther Long’s
“Madame Butterfly,” which also was a big success with the simultaneous Japanese
exhibit at the St. Louis World’s Fair. The reciprocal success of the St. Louis World’s Fair
and “The Darling of the Gods” is illustrated by this sentence: “The World’s Fair
theatrical season is at its height, visitors to the fair being four-fifths of the through filling
the theater” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, September 11, 1904, Part 3, pg.3b). Miss Blanche
Bates was the lead actress who performed the same role (Princess Yo-san) on Broadway
in New York (Yoshihara, 2003). Miss. Bates’ endeavor to express a true Japanese woman
in the play was shown in her way of dress. She talked about the hardship of wearing “Obi”
in an interview with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The “Obi” was 11 or more inches in
width and 30 feet or less in length (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August 28, 1904, Part 2,
pg.6). The play ran from July 31 to December 3, and shared four months with the Fair.
By 1905, plays dealing with the Japanese were performed several times with their
Japanese costume and sets. “The Mayor of Tokio” was performed in August through
September at the Olympic Theater. “Mikado” was re-performed in Delmar Garden in
August (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August, 20, 1905, pg.10). “The Sho-Gun” was
performed at the Century Theater in October. “The Darling of the Gods” was performed
again in December 24 on Christmas Eve, but in a different theater, Garrick, and with
different casts (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The Playhouse Christmas Promise of the New
Year Drama and Music,” December, 24, pg.14). It can be stated that the synergy of the St.
Louis 1904 World’s Fair and the play “The Darling of the Gods” led to more varieties of
58
Japanese themed theater productions in St. Louis.
Japonisme shown in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
300
250
Japanese fashion
items
200
Kimono
150
mattings
100
other products
50
0
1903
1904
1905
The number of Japanese fashion items shown in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
during three years increased sharply: 100 (1903); 180 (1904); 276 (1905). The Japanese
fashion items included Kimonos (authentic form/Kimono/sacque& robe/sleeve/fabric),
Japanese textiles, Japanese silk shirtwaists, Japanese textiles for clothing, and Japanese
accessories. Besides Japanese fashion items, various mattings imported from Japan
showed up in significant numbers throughout the three years: 57 (1903); 66 (1904); 91
(1905). Mattings were mostly cotton warp products, with some straw or rug mattings.
Including lanterns, other miscellaneous Japanese products appeared as much as mattings:
58 (1903); 54 (1904); 105 (1905).
This sharp growth of numbers of items referring to Japan/Japanese was a different
trend from Harper’s Bazaar or The New York Times. Thus, the results from the St. Louis
Post-Dispatch seem significantly important in understanding the individuality of St.
Louis in terms of the reception of Japonisme around 1904.
1) Kimono
59
300
250
Japanese fashion
items
200
Kimono in
general
150
mattings
100
other products
50
0
1903
1904
1905
The number of all types of Kimonos also increased in three years: 46 in 1903; 69
in 1904; 92 in 1905. The increase between 1903 and 1904 followed the same trend as the
Japanese fashion items appearing in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The categories of
Kimono items were similar as the items shown in Harper’s Bazaar and The New York
Times. Seasonally, June or July had the most Kimono items throughout all three years,
meaning that the summer tended to be a season of Kimono items for St. Louis women.
However, it was difficult to find women in Kimono items in society section articles. This
suggests that the Kimono worn by Western women could be regarded as an indoor
garment that should be worn in house. Also, for formal balls and society events, people
might expect to be in traditional dress with little difference in materials and designs.
However, the high socio-economic class women wore Japanese kimonos as costumes for
their Japanese theme parties or Halloween parties.
The St. Louis Post-Dispatch had illustrations of Kimono products including
authentic forms and assimilated forms. It was easy to tell the authentic forms of Kimonos;
but, it was more difficult to distinguish the assimilated Kimono/Kimona from Kimono
dressing sacques. However, the number of illustrations was so small that it was difficult
60
to figure out the differences between the assimilated Kimono and the Kimono sacque by
appearance and design. Thus, considering the words of advertisements, the numbers of
items reported here are based on texts not images of advertisements. The images are
provided for the visual evidence of existence of Kimono items as well as for richer
explanation.
Kimono in Authentic form
45
40
35
Kimono in
Authentic Form
30
Kimono/Kimona
25
20
15
Kimono
Sacque/Robe
10
Fabric for Kimono
5
0
1903
1904
1905
The number of Kimonos in authentic form was the highest in 1904. The number
increased from 6 (1903) to 40 (1904), and then decreased to 23 (1905). The large number
of Kimonos in authentic form in 1904 resulted from the frequent appearance of Japanese
people and Geishas in the Japanese Pavilion in the St. Louis World’s Fair. Also, the
increased number of news articles about Japan contributed to a larger number of
Kimonos in authentic form. The play “The Darling of the Gods”, which showed photos
and illustrations of the actress, Miss Bates in her Japanese Kimono, also contributed to
the increase.
The Japanese Pavilion might be remembered not only for its tea serving but also
the tea servers, the Geishas. They seemed to be an icon of the Japanese Pavilion. The
61
behavior and costume of the Geishas seemed to intrigue people. Considering the fact that
all the articles dealing with the Geishas and their stories accompanied either photos or
illustrations, their visuals were probably very interesting to St. Louisians.
Herewith is presented a scene in the Japanese colony drawn to St.
Louis in connection with the World's Fair. The quaint Japanese
maidens in the picture are serving the after the native fashion , and the
scene is one that will become familiar to World's Fair visitors,
although now curious in its unlikeness to occidental customs.(St. Louis
Post-Dispatch, “World’s Fair Tea Girls,” New & Strange things in
and about St. Louis, May 29, 1904, magazine pg. 9)
In addition, a sad love story about the Geisha whose man was in the battle field,
“The Pathetic Love Story of Aiku Kitamura” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 19, 1904,
pg.1), appeared in the first page of the Sunday newspaper. It shows that journalists were
interested in the Geisha and their stories since their story appeared on the first page of
that issue.
While Japanese tea was served by the Geishas in the Japanese Pavilion in the St.
Louis 1904 World’s Fair, throwing a Japanese theme party with tea appeared in 1903.
“Broaden Your Mind to Appreciate and You Will Find All Men Closely Akin,” June 5, 1904, Part 3, pg.1,
62
Top: Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
“The Pathetic Love Story of Aiku Kitamura,” June 19, 1904, pg.1,
Bottom: Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
“St. Louis Costumes for an Approaching Japanese Tea,” March 29, 1903, magazine pg.5,
63
“The Buddhist Bride and New York's 400,” March 6, 1904, magazine pg.7,
For the Baptist Orphans’ Home, Mrs. F. E. Kauffman with some West End society
members threw a Japanese tea party on April 3 and 4. Young girls in the society wore
“the costumes of Madame Butterfly” and served a tea to the people attending the party (St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, “St. Louis Costumes for An Approaching Japanese Tea,” March 29,
1904, magazine pg.5)
In addition to the Geishas at the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair, Japanese women in
America received attention from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. For example, the marriage
of George D. Morgan, J. P. Morgan’s nephew, and Yuki Kato, a daughter of a Samurai
sword maker in New York caught the attention of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The article
noted that Yuki Kato wore “the native dress,” even though she got married with one of
most well-known American men in New York Society (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The
Buddhist Bride and New York’s 400,” March 6, 1904, magazine pg.7).
Moreover, in 1904, the play “The Darling of the Gods” helped increase the
attention to the Kimono since 16 of 43 items referring “The Darling of the Gods”
64
mentioned or showed Japanese Kimono costumes in the play. The story of “Obi” (St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, August 28, 1904, Part 2, pg.6) used Japanese costumes and exotic
settings that seemed to capture the audience’s attention.
…As a presentment of alien habits of thought, strange social customs,
half-bar-baric splendors of household decoration and personal
adornment, "the Darling of the gods" is a work of interest and
magnificence… (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The Local Drama,” August
21, 1904, Part 3, pg. 4b)
Although this comment certainly is a Eurocentric anthropological statement, it
directly shows how Japanese aesthetic would be projected to Americans. Also, another
comment “It is an actual representation of Japanese life, customs, character, feeling and
thought, and its historical references….” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, August 14, 1904, pg.5)
explains the possible influence of the play “The Darling of the Gods” on St. Louisians’
perception of Japan.
In 1905, after the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair, the Japan Art Company at 1010
Olive Street sold imported Japanese products such as Kimonos, Lacquer ware, silks, and
Left: Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Japan Art Co., ad, December 17, 1905, Part 3, pg.6
Right: Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Japan Auction, ad, December 17, 1905, Part 3, pg.10
65
dolls (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, December 10, 1905, pg. 1; December 17, 1905, Part 3,
pg.10). In addition to the Japanese import store, Japanese auctioneers came to St. Louis to
sell Japanese products from 1905 Portland World’s Fair (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The
Yellow Peril In St. Louis,” June 11, 1905, magazine pg.6), and Japan Auction at 917
Olive St (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Japan, Auction, December 17, 1905, Part 3, pg.10).
Kimono/Kimona
60
50
Kimono in Authentic
Form
40
Kimono/Kimona
30
Kimono
Sacque/Robe
20
Sum of Kimono and
Kimon sacque
10
Fabric for Kimono
0
1903
1904
1905
The number of the Kimono/Kimona found in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch was 26
in 1903, 15 in 1904, and 31 in 1905. The number greatly decreased in 1904; however, if
the numbers of the Kimono/Kimona and Kimono sacques/robes are combined, the
decrease is not significant: 29 in 1903, 27 in 1904, and 51 in 1905. There was a definite
increase in Kimono references between 1904 and 1905.
Many of the Kimono/Kimona garments were advertised in the “Muslin
Underwear” or “Undergarment” corner (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The Meyer Store, ad,
July 5, 1903, Part 2, pg. 11; Famous, ad, September 20, 1903, Part 2, pg.12). The number
of the Kimono/Kimona that appeared in underwear/undergarment section was six in 1903,
two in 1904, and two in 1905. The average price changed during this stage: $1.48 in 1903,
66
Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The May Co., ad, June 11, 1905, Part 2, pg.4b,
The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection.
$0.66 in 1904, and $0.62 in 1905. The change in prices of the Kimono/Kimona suggests
that in 1904, St. Louis women could find reasonable prices for a Kimono. Also, the price
differences might have resulted from variations in the design of Kimonos shown in the St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, which seemed not to be as exquisitely decorated or embroidered as
authentic Japanese Kimonos (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 11, 1905, Part 2, pg.4b). The
most expensive Kimono/Kimona was $5.50 of “All-Wool Ripple Eiderdown Kimonas”
from the Grand-Leader Stix, Baer & Fuller (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, ad, October 11,
1903, Part 2, pg.5).
The stores that sold Kimono/Kimona were big dry goods stores. These were The
Meyer Store, Crawford’s (after December 13, 1903, it became The May Co.), Grand
Leader Stix Baer & Fuller, Schaper Bros., Barr’s, Globe, and Famous. Kimono patterns
were sold through the St. Louis Post-Dispatch patterns during 1904. Lawn seemed to be
the favorable fabric for the Kimono/Kimona during the three years. In addition to lawn,
crepe (cotton/silk), Japanese crepe, silk, handkerchief, dimities, flannelette, eiderdown,
67
percale, and flannel (Germen). Also, Kimonos with a “Persian border” seemed to be in
fashion (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The Meyer Store, ad, April 5, 1903, Part 2, pg.3;
Famous, ad, November 20, 1904, Part 2 pg.12; The May Co., ad, February 19, 1905, Part
2 pg.4).
The comfort of Kimonos was mentioned in advertisements. For example: “You’ll
find them handy and comfortable companions these chilly mornings and evenings” (St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, Famous, ad, October 18, 1903, Part 2, pg.12). However, most of
descriptions of the Kimono/Kimona in advertisements were focused on its fabric, color,
and price.
Kimono Sacque/Robe
60
Kimono in
Authentic Form
50
Kimono/Kimona
40
Kimono
Sacque/Robe
30
Fabric for Kimono
20
10
0
1903
1904
1905
Although, the Kimono sacque and robe did not appear as much as the
Kimono/Kimona, their numbers increased from three in 1903, to 12 in 1904, and to 20 in
1905. Compared to the trends of the Kimono/Kimona, the Kimono sacque/robe numbers
gradually increased. This might mean that St. Louis women focused more on the function
of the garments than on a new type of garment. If they thought of the Kimono/Kimona as
independent items, distinguished by their distinctive origin rather than a dressing sacques
68
Top: Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Famous, ad, April 23, 1905, Part 2, pg.12b
Bottom: Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The Newlyweds- A 2 A.M. Call at Their Telephone,”
Cartoon by GEO. McManus., October 22, 1905, funnyside pg.1,
or robes, the number of “Kimono/Kimona” not “Kimono sacque/robe” might need to be
increased. However, increasing the number of Kimono sacques and robes may have
resulted from St. Louis women’s belief that Kimonos were one of many dressing sacque
designs, not a Japanese garment.
In 1903, there was no use of the word “Kimono sacque/robe” in advertisements.
The Kimono coat appeared in the society section (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 22, 1
903, Part 3, pg.4b). The coat, worn by Mrs. Hummber at Miss Rosell Mac Ree’s wedding,
was described as a, “Japanese Kimono coat with its rich embroidery of many colors
caught and held my (Marry Manner, the writer) attention…”(St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
February 22, 1903, Part 3, pg. 4b). Also, a wrap was introduced as a garment in “Kimona69
like effect” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, May 24, 1903,??27). In 1904, the Kimono sacque
was more often used and by 1905, it seemed to have been established as the Kimono
sacque the St. Louis Post Dispatch. The Kimono sacques appeared in cartoons as indoor
dressing jackets for ladies (GEO. McManus, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The NewlywedsA 2 A.M. Call at Their Telephone,” October 22, 1905, funnyside pg.1; November 5, 1905,
funnyside pg.4).
Kimono Sleeve
The number of Kimono sleeves was too small to establish a trend: there were only
three in 1903, none in 1904, and one in 1905. It can be stated that either Kimono sleeves
did not broadly appear in clothing or Kimono sleeves were not preferred by St. Louis
women. Also, there could be other possibilities. The retailers in St. Louis could not fully
notice that the Kimono sleeve was a part of Japanese Kimono or even a part of Asian
design.
Fabric for Kimono
60
50
Kimono in
Authentic Form
40
Kimono/Kimona
30
Kimono
Sacque/Robe
20
Fabric for Kimono
10
0
1903
1904
1905
27
Missing Page number on the St. Louis Post-Dispatch Microfilm from The State Historical Society of
Missouri Newspaper Collection
70
The number trend of fabrics for Kimono was similar to the one of the
Kimono/Kimona, which is decreased in 1904 and increased in 1905: There were eight
references in 1903, one in 1904, and 15 in 1905 representing a large increase between
1904 and 1905. The fabric varieties were similar to the kinds shown in the
Kimono/Kimona advertisements. There were crepe, Korean crepe, handkerchiefs, Batiste,
Flannel (domestic/French), Mikado Flannel, Kimona cloth, Kimono silk, Japanese silk,
Challie, and Flannelette. The names of fabrics indicate that many of them were Japanese
products--especially “Mikado flannel” because “Mikado” was a famous Japanese comic
opera from the late 19th century that was also performed in the Union Club, St. Louis in
1903 (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “Young Cantatrice will sing Yum Yum at Union Club
Opera,” March 1, 1903, Part 3, pg.3).
2) Textiles
90
80
Textiles
70
60
Japanese textile
products
50
40
Japanese silk waist
30
20
Other Japanese
textile products
10
0
1903
1904
1905
The Japanese textiles’ appearance trend is similar to the number of all type of
Kimonos in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch: There were 27 in 1903, 54 in 1904, and 84 in
1905. The number of Japanese textiles increased sharply, meaning that Japanese textiles
might have been more available. Seasonally, March, April, or May had the most Japanese
71
textiles from 1903 to 1905. It can be stated that Japanese textiles seemed to be mostly
used for summer clothing because if women wanted to make home-sewn clothing, they
had to buy fabrics before summer.
Most of the fabrics were silks including Habutai (wash) silk, Kioto/Kiota28 silk,
Kasaga silk, Oyama silk, and Tokio silk. The average prices of Japanese textiles were
$0.37 in 1903, $0.33 in 1904, and $0.40 in 1905. It appears that the prices of Japanese
fabrics were relatively stabilized. Along with the stabilized average prices, the increasing
number of Japanese textiles indicates that St. Louis women became more interested in
using Japanese textiles for their clothing. Also, the increase in the number of Japanese
textiles between 1904 and 1905 might be explained as the result of the St. Louis 1904
World’s Fair. In fact, there was an article illustrating the desire for Japanese textiles in
American fashion. The article, “Japanese Styles now in favor” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
September 18, 1904, magazine pg. 8) represented the trend of Japonisme in fashion.
The tendency toward Japanese stuffs is most pronounced. The fad for
all things Japanese invades the realm of dress and is becoming more
and more pronounced.
It is altogether likely that the Japanese stuff always was in
existence, but it is only lately that their beauties became apparent to
western eyes. Today one sees the great Japanese wisteria vines
embroidered and stamped upon dress materials. There are wonderful
dresses, all gay with cherry blossoms, while the Japanese quince and
Japanese flowers of all kinds from tiny painted and wrought, stamped
and etched, outlined and indicated upon nine out of ten of the summer
dress material.
The Japanese silks were never so fashionable, and there are
countless silk and other stuffs that feel and look like silk and which
come from the Japanese looms to be made up into summer and autumn
gowns for the American women to wear……(St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
“Japanese Styles now in favor,” September 18, 1904, magazine pg. 8)
The article indicates that Japanese fashion products were popular in American
28
Both Kioto and Kiota appeared in St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Like Kimona was a typo of Kimono, Kiota
seemed a typo of Kioto.
72
fashion due to a better understanding of Japanese aesthetics. The detailed illustration of
Japanese summer fabrics indicates that the decorations of cherry blossoms and flowers
seemed to be the most representative image of Japan. Also, the continuous desire for
Japanese textiles during the autumn months is important because it shows that Japanese
textiles came in a variety of patterns suitable for all seasons.
In addition to the number of Japanese silks that appeared in the St. Louis PostDispatch, there were many Japanese “washable silks” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The
Meyer Store, ad, February 8, 1903, Part 2, pg.3) or “wash silk” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
Globe, ad, March 29, 1903, pg.3). Its features were described as “wash like linen” (St.
Louis Post-Dispatch, July 24, 1904, The May Co., ad, Part 2, pg.4). The wash silk
included Habutai silks as well as other Japanese silks. In 1903, 12 of 27 silks listed in
advertisements were washable Japanese silks (45%). In 1904, 27 of 55 Japanese silks
were listed as washable (49%). In 1905, 27 of 86 were washable Japanese silks (31%).
Although the percentage of “washable” Japanese silks decreased in 1905, the high
percentage in 1903 and 1904 showed that a variety of companies were offering washable
silks of St. Louis women.
Advertisements for washable Japanese silks also stated that this type of silk was
“suitable for waists” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, March 15, 1903, Famous, ad, Part 2 pg.12).
Similar advertisements listed Japanese silk’s use for shirtwaists in all three years. As well
as its usability for shirtwaist, Japanese textiles were used for dresses, negligees, dressing
sacks, and Kimono/Kimona. This illustrates the possibility that Japanese textiles were
widely used in American fashion.
3) Japanese Textile Products (Shirtwaists & other)
73
Japanese textile products were another important form of assimilation of Japanese
products in the Western fashion world. From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch data, I was able
to find a large number of Japanese silk shirtwaists and some miscellaneous fashion
products made of Japanese textiles. The total number of Japanese textile products
including shirtwaists increased between 1903 and 1904: There were 11 in 1903, 45 in
1904 and 45 in 1905. From 1903 to 1904, there was an increase in the number of
Japanese textile products that may have resulted from Japan’s participation in the St.
Louis 1904 World’s Fair.
Japanese Silk Waists
90
80
Textiles
70
60
Japanese textile
products
50
40
Japanese silk waist
30
20
10
0
Other Japanese
textile products
1903
1904
1905
The number of Japanese silk shirtwaists seen in the St. Louis Post Dispatch grew
between 1903 and 1904: There were 10 in 1903, 37 in 1904, and 41 in 1905. The increase
between 1903 and 1904 could have been caused by the increased interest of Japan in
general. Seasonally, in 1903, July had the most Japanese silk shirtwaists. And in 1904
and 1905, April had the greatest number of silk shirtwaists, which means that Japanese
74
Retrieved from St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Grand Leader Stix, Baer, Fuller, ad, May 14, 1905, Part 2,
pg.5b, The State Historical Society of Missouri Newspaper Collection
silk shirtwaists were usually preferred in spring and summer. 29
The average price of Japanese silk shirtwaists increased from $1.36 in 1903, to
$2.61 in 1904, and decreased to $2.38 in 1905. The maximum prices of Japanese silk
shirtwaists in all three years shows the same pattern as the average prices: They cost
$2.95 in 1903, rose to $7.50 in 1904, and dropped to $7.00 in 1905. The minimum price
for silk shirtwaists also showed a similar trend: The price in 1903 was $0.39; in 1904 it
rose to $1.49 then dropped $0.25 in 1905. In 1904, the overall price had increased and, in
1905, the price range became wider, suggesting that more varieties came into St. Louis
retail stores. In this respect, the Japanese silk shirtwaist could be getting popular after
1904 when the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair was held.
In 1903, there was an alternative name for Japanese silk shirtwaists, “Gheisa
waists” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, June 21, 1903, Part 2, pg.3). “Gheisa” seems to be a
29
As the same reason as the Japanese silk shirtwaist data from the New York Times, the one of St. Louis
Post-Dispatch could result from retailer’s loose usage of word “Japanese” to possibly give an Oriental
impression. Since it was difficult to tell the actual figure of Japanese silks from Japanese silk waist
illustrations, the possibility of misusing the word “Japanese” could not be eliminated.
75
typo of “Geisha.” This might mean that the Geisha could be already publically informed
as an icon of Japanese beauty. They also became a highlight in the Japanese pavilion in
the St. Louis World’s Fair. From 1904, “Jap Silk Waist” seemed to become the most
common term indicating Japanese silk shirtwaists. “Jap” was an abbreviation of
“Japanese”. “Jap” might be a parallel to “Chink”, which was a nickname for Chinese in
the early 20th century. Now both are considered insulting words when referring to the
people from each nation.
In 1904, for the first time, a Japanese silk shirtwaist that will “wash splendidly”
appeared (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Famous, ad, May 29, 1904, Part 2, pg.12). After that,
in 1905, more washable Japanese silk shirtwaists appeared. I have already pointed out
that Japanese textiles having washable characteristics and desirability for shirtwaists
appeared in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch throughout the three years. This might indicate
that not only were Japanese textiles used by home sewers but also used for ready-made
shirtwaists. Also, the washable characteristic was one of the individual features of
Japanese textiles30.
In 1905, there is evidence of the importation of Japanese silk shirtwaist from New
York. The article stated: “Three of the leading shirtwaist makers of New York made the
mistake of overproduction. They let their enthusiasm carry them beyond the line which
marked their selling facilities”(St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The May Co., ad, April, 30, 1905,
Part 2, pg.4). Also from the same advertisement, I found that The May Co. had a “New
York buyer” who sent products from New York. In this respect, it can be stated that St.
30
As well as the Japanese textile appearance in The New York Times, the controversy over the origin of
Japanese textiles could exist; however, considering Japanese textiles had the name of regions where the
textile mills were, the textiles’ origination seemed true. On the other hand, Japanese silk waist was hard to
tell the origin of its fabric-Japanese silk was come from Japan by only researching on advertisements.
76
Louis women’s fashion was influenced by New Yorker’s fashion.
Other Japanese Textile Products
The numbers of other Japanese textile products found in the St. Louis PostDispatch are not significant but the number grew from one in 1903 to eight in 1904, and
then dropped to four in 1905. The items included silk suits, draperies, robes, gown,
sacques, and bags.
Japanese Accessories
Accessories
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1903
1904
1905
The number of Japanese accessories was similar to the data found for the
Kimono/Kimona. The numbers of the Kimono/Kimona references found in the St. Louis
Post Dispatch were 16 in 1903; they dropped to 12 in 1904, and rose to 55 in 1905.
Accessories included handkerchiefs, scarves, Japanese silk shawls, embroideries, linen
squares, fans, umbrellas/Parasols, purses, ivory Cloisonné, straw hats, and mink sets.
There were “Thousands of Silk Japanese Flat Geisha Fans” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
Barr’s, ad, September 4, 1904, Part 2, pg.3), and “Japanese Mink Sets, Rich sable color
$19.25” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Nugent, ad, December 17, 1905, pg.3). These various
accessories could mean that the interest in Japanese products increased as well as the
77
interest in Japanese performance and decorative arts.
The leading event of the coming week will be the Japanese tea and sale
at the residence of Mrs. J. D. Basoom in Westmoreland place next
Friday and Saturday from 2until 10 o'clock. There are to be a great
many pieces of Japanese embroidery, bronzes and rare antiques to
interest collectors of such articles. The ladies have been most fortunate
in securing these things from a missionary doctor, who has spent many
years in Japan. Many of the things have been given her for her service,
and are now to be sold at moderate prices for the benefit of the Baptist
Orphan’s Home and the needy families in Japan, from whence they
came….. The companion to it sold for $1500. This one is to be offered
for $1000. Some of the beautiful antique Imari pieces will be sold as
low as $2, and all articles are genuine. (St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
March 29, 1903, Part 4, pg.4b)
This is part of an article from the society section about the West End Society’s
charity party featuring Japanese tea and selling Japanese products. The article reported
that the price range of Japanese products was as wide as its varieties. Also, in 1905, the
Japan Art Co. advertised the most Japanese accessories. Its advertisements also showed
the wide range of Japanese products including accessories such as fans, lamps, napkins,
parasols, umbrellas, and handkerchiefs (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, December 10, 1905,
pg.11; December 17, 1905, Part 3, pg.6).
In addition to Japanese textile and paper products, a Japanese mink set appeared
in 1905. The Japanese mink set was one of the fur items shown in advertisements. Its
description included words like “finest,” “genuine” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, GrandLeader Stix Baer & Fuller Dry Goods Co., ad, November 12, 1905, Part 2, pg.5b), and
“rich sable coloring” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Nugent, ad, November 19, 1905, pg.3). In
addition, according to the article, “You Can be Fashionably Furred with Only a Fur
Collar and Cuffs” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, November 26, 1905, magazine pg.9), the rise
of fur items in fashion, only 15 shown in 1905, and the interest in Japanese products
78
might have contributed to the importation of Japanese fur items.
4) Other
Newspaper articles showed that Japanese lanterns were used as decoration for
social parties. Regardless of the party theme, Japanese lanterns were preferred as
beautiful lights.
[Little Folks Gather.] …..The afternoon was passed in playing games,
after which refreshments were served. The house was beautifully
decorated with Japanese parasols, lanterns and dolls, each little girl
receiving a Japanese doll and each boy a bag of marbles as souvenirs.
Those present were :....(St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Social Affairs of the
Week, September 3, 1905, pg.9)
They were used for birthday parties(St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “Birthday Parties”
from Society, August 14, 1904, pg.4; July 26, 1903, Part 2, pg.4), lawn parties during the
summer(St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Society, September 27, 1903, Part 3, pg.4b.), garden
parties(St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Social Affairs of the Week, September 10, 1905, pg.8),
wedding anniversaries (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Social Affairs, August 13, 1905, pg. 8;
“Outing Parties” from Society, August 30, 1903, Part 2, pg.4), masquerades (St. Louis
Post-Dispatch, “Moony Masquerad Party” from The Talk of the Social World, March 12,
1905, pg.6; Social Affairs of the Week, November 26, 1905, pg.1) and Halloween
parties(St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Society, November 8, 1903, Part 3, pg.5).
Discussion on St. Louis Post-Dispatch
In conclusion, examination of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch from 1903 to 1905
showed that 1904 was the period of the most interest in Japan and its products. The
significant increase of data referring either to Japan or Japanese suggests that Japan made
a strong impression in 1904 to St. Louisians. The high interest of Japan in 1904 might be
79
not only because of St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair but also the Russo-Japanese War. Also,
concurrent Japanese plays such as “The Darling of the Gods” cannot be ignored.
In fashion, the gradual increase in the number of Kimono items suggests that the
St. Louis women as well as the city’s retailers were exposed to clothing originating from
Japan. Other than Kimonos, the growing number of Japanese textiles and textile products
shown in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch from 1903 to 1905 suggest that retailers hoped to
capitalize on interest in Japan. Japanese silk shirtwaists from New York were sold in St.
Louis. Even though the St. Louis society women sometimes wore Japanese costumes,
there were no other assimilated items such as Kimono/Kimona or Kimono dressing
sacque shown in the society section other than Japanese lanterns. It is probably because
Kimono/Kimona seemed to be largely regarded as indoor dress in St. Louis.
Thus, the St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904 could be one cause for a growth number
of Japanese-related products after 1904. Although the reception of Japonisme in St. Louis
could not be determined by researching newspapers, the relatively significant numbers of
various Kimono-related items and Japanese textile products suggests that in 1904 when
St. Louis hosted the World’s Fair was a city that had commercial interest in Japonisme.
80
Discussion
This discussion is based on both national and regional data from Harper’s Bazaar,
The New York Times, and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. The comparison is only based on
the findings of Japanese fashion products including Kimono items, textiles, and
shirtwaists, which are related to the goal of the study. From Harper’s Bazaar, editorial
articles, advertisements and illustrations were collected. From The New York Times, only
advertisement data were collected. Thus, the comparison is mostly about Japanese
fashion items as commodities.
The growth of the number of Japanese fashion items in 1905 compared to 1904
was found in both national and regional data. This might be the result of an increase in
reports about Japan’s involvement in the Russo-Japanese War and in the St. Louis 1904
World’s Fair. In the St. Louis Post-Dispatch data, there was a gradual increase in
Japanese fashion items including Kimono items, Japanese textiles, Japanese textile
products, and Japanese accessories from 1903 to 1905. This was a different trend from
the national data sources. It suggests that St. Louis women were more exposed to
Japonisme, taking advantage of the Japanese Pavilion at the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair.
Since the Russo-Japanese War was reported to all Americans, the St. Louis 1904 World’s
Fair was probably more influential to St. Louisians than other Americans a distance from
St. Louis.
Among the fashion items in Japonisme, Kimonos appeared the most in 1904.
“Kimono” was classified in two forms: Kimono in authentic form and Kimono in
assimilated form. Except for the Harper’s Bazaar data, Kimonos in authentic form
81
showed up the most. Japanese Kimono was worn by the Japanese by showing their
nationality. When Japan’s own cultural objects captured Americans’ attention, it was
worn by the American upper class as indoor tea-gowns and as costume when they
performed a version of the Japanese tea ceremony as entertainment. Publically, the
authentic Kimono was worn as costume in Japanese plays such as “The Darling of the
Gods.”
The number of the adapted Kimonos including the Kimono/Kimona, and the
Kimono sacque/robe increased in 1904 in Harper’s Bazaar; however, the number
decreased in 1904 in The New York Times and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. This
incongruent trend in national data sources might be due to the absence of fabric
information for Kimono items in Harper’s Bazaar. It could be that Harper’s Bazaar’s
characteristic as a national magazine dealt with recent fashions more than newspapers
that usually focused on retailer’s advertisements.
However, considering Kimono as different from traditional western dress, all
numbers of Kimono items in three periodicals could be meaningful. It is because the
direct assimilation of Kimono is sometimes stated as one of the results of dress
reformation that happened in the late 19th century through the early 20th century. The
loose fitting Kimono, which was regarded as aesthetic dress, was sometimes adopted as
an alternative indoor garment to be worn without corsets. The mass production of simple
designs of ready-made clothing may have been responsible for the frequent appearance of
assimilated Kimono items in advertisements. Thus, the assimilated Kimono as an
aesthetic dress could be easily produced and purchased due to the mass production
system and the interest in loose fitting indoor garments.
82
For the description of the Kimono as a type of dressing sacque, “comfort” was the
word that frequently appeared in both national and local data. This result also could be
understood as an aspect of dress reformation a contrast to the corseted and uncomfortable
conventional dress. Descriptions related to seasons such as cool during the summer and
warm during the winter showed in the national data; however, those descriptions did not
appear as much as the national data in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch data. There is a
possibility that the geographical location of New York and St. Louis could make a
difference in descriptions of Kimono items. However, a similar preference trend for
Kimonos was found in The New York Times data and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch data.
The summer had the most number of Kimono items as well as the fall. The fabric
varieties for Kimonos were similar to each other. The fabrics for Kimono items included
light and cool textiles such as crepe and silk and heavy and warm textiles such as flannel.
Interesting fabric names such as “Mikado flannel” (September 17, 1905) were found in
the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, which might represent the growing interest about Japan in St.
Louis. The word “Mikado” also shows the interest of the representative play “Mikado,”
which was also performed in St. Louis in 1903.
Japanese textiles and textile products were other important fashion items in terms
of Japonisme. The number of Japanese silks including Habutai silk, Tokio silk, and Kioto
silk appearing in The New York Times decreased from 1903 to 1904. On the other hand,
the number of Japanese textiles including Japanese silks shown in the St. Louis PostDispatch sharply increased. Also, the number of Japanese silk shirtwaists in The New
York Times data decreased in 1904 and rose in 1905, while the number of Japanese silk
shirtwaists shown in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch significantly increased. This suggests
83
that St. Louis retailers expected that women would become more interested in Japanese
textiles and Japanese silk shirtwaists. Although the number trends were different from
each other, the most appealing characteristic of Japanese silk was the same. It was its
washable convenience.
The number of Japanese accessories from Harper’s Bazaar and the St. Louis
Post-Dispatch from 1903 to 1905 was too small to see a significant trend. The most
common Japanese accessories appearing in both data sources were fans and umbrellas.
However, the sharp increase in the number of Japanese accessories shown in St. Louis
Post-Dispatch in 1905 needs to be considered. The major cause of the increase was a
store named Japan Art Co. This might indicate that imported Japanese goods became
more available to St. Louis women.
In sum, it was confirmed that in 1904, in St. Louis, people started to be more
directly exposed to Japanese culture because of St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair. The use of
Japanese lanterns as decorations in social parties in 1903, suggests that St. Louis women
were already informed about Japanese products in beauty and appeared to enjoy them.
The growing number of the products shown in St. Louis Post-Dispatch from 1903 to
1905 suggests that a greater number of St. Louis women became more exposed to
Japonisme. The St. Louis World’s Fair may have introduced St. Louis women to the
authentic Japanese cultural objects. In the exhibit “Inventing the Modern World:
Decorative Arts at the World’s Fair 1851-1939” at the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art
(April 14- August 19, 2012), a lot of Japanese vases were found including Miyagawa
Kozan’s vase shown at the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair. The exhibit specially dealt with
“cross-culturalism” with the comment that the World’s Fair was a place people could see
84
objects from any place without traveling31. This exhibit suggested that the exposure to the
new cultural objects caused interest in other cultures. In addition, the Russo-Japanese war
brought more attention to Japan. This growing interest and experience could be satisfied
by going to the theater to see plays about Japan and the Japanese.
Because of the direct experience among the Japanese commissioners, the Geishas
whose tea serving was highlighted the most, and other Japanese workers at the Fair, the
St. Louis public could recognize who the Japanese were more closely. By participating in
the Fair, Japanese were successful in self-fashioning their cultural objects to future
markets. They provided sentimental and traditional beauty with their arts and products.
St. Louis local newspapers and retailers responded to the Japan’s culture by writing about
the Japanese and selling assimilated Kimonos and Japanese textiles. Moreover, the play
“The Darling of the Gods” opened at Imperial Theater seemed to enhance a growing
interest in Japan. This does not mean that other states did not have experience with the
Japanese. But, for some people of St. Louis who had not traveled, the Japanese pavilion
at the St. Louis 1904 World’s Fair was their first “real” experience with the Japanese and
their culture. Before the fair they might have been excited to see the Japanese. During the
Fair, they liked the iconic Geishas in the Japanese tea house. The Russo-Japanese war
news, which occurred simultaneously with the Fair, helped St. Louisians to sympathize
with the Japanese.32 After the fair, they retained their interest in the war news as well as
31
Retrieved from “Inventing the Modern World: Decorative Arts at the World’s Fair 1851-1939” at
Nelson-Atkins Museum website: http://www.nelson-atkins.org/art/exhibitions/WorldsFairs/exhibitionthemes-cross-Culturalism.html
32
Colonel Melvin Grigsby, who was the original Rough Rider, publicly argued that he “wants to go to the
assistance of Japan with a couple of regiments of rough riders,” and he said “Japan is weakest in cavalry,
and it is here that Russia is strongest.” Moreover, the article included “Grigsby’s sympathies are all with
Japan and he would like to see a considerable force of rough riders over there, caring the gonfalon of the e
Mikado and showing the Cossacks of the Romanoff’s what a really fighting man is like.” (St. Louis PostDispatch, “Grigsby would go to aid Japan,” February, 14, 1904, pg.4) Additionally, Count Cassini who was
85
in enjoying Japanese fashion. Therefore, the increased number of Japanese fashion
products throughout the three years I studied appear to indicate a growing interest in
Japan that was assisted by Japan’s participation in the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair.
a Russian ambassador of the U.S said that “I cannot understand why there should be any sympathy for
Japan in the United States. The war was unprovoked and unnecessary.” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “Count
Cassini defends Russia’s Course in the War in the East, by James Creelman, March 20, 1904, Part 3, pg.1)
These articles mean that the U.S’ sympathy for Japan seemed not be just from a person but could be a
public idea of Japanese Empire against Russian Empire.
86
Limitations and Future Direction
From the research, some limitations were found. The decreased number of trends
of Kimono items in 1904 shown in The New York Times and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
require other sources to find out possible causes of the trends. Because the collected data
was not enough to confirm the results, further research on actual production of Kimono
items (not Japanese Kimonos) in America is needed.
Also, the research could be richer if more primary sources related to St. Louis
World’s Fair were used because researching trends in newspapers does not show St.
Louis women’s rejection or acceptance of Japonisme in their fashion. For example,
personal documents including diaries and photos could be helpful to understand what St.
Louisians thought about the Japanese culture. In addition to that, primary sources about
the personal experiences of visiting the Japanese pavilion at the St. Louis World’s Fair
could offer a direct reaction to Japanese culture. Moreover, the primary research in St.
Louis business directories could indicate those retailers that sold fashion items related to
Japonisme throughout the years.
Moreover, more research and analysis on prices of data could generate more
quality quantitative data. For instance, comparing Japanese silk prices to other American
produced prices could generate the monetary value of Japanese silks. As for silks,
comparing prices of Japanese silk waists and American silk waists would be interesting,
too.
Also, the retailers’ routes of buying Japanese products would be interesting to
study. The article “the Panama Canal Will Make St. Louis Greater,” reported the distance
87
from St. Louis to Yokohama, Japan; 6740 miles (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February, 8,
Part 3, pg.1). Before the Panama Canal, it can be assumed that St. Louis retailers had to
depend on bigger city importers for imported Japanese goods. It might be interesting to
see the change of Japanese importation patterns before the Panama Canal was built and
after it was built. In this respect, when examining how Japonisme became important in
the Midwest, a wider range of time could provide more data to generalize the trend. To
do the research, advertisements in newspapers should be examined; however, researching
individual major stores’ register books could be another interesting resource.
To extend the research area further, it would be meaningful to do more research
on Japonisme in 1980s fashion with a comparison to the first Japonisme in the mid 19th
century to the early 20th century’s Orientalism. Because this topic can provide the
characteristics of Japan’s tactic of expanding their scope to the world, the research will be
helpful in understanding Japanese culture. Also, finding common elements in the
historical and economical background of both time periods will be interesting because the
result might provide an idea into why the West and the World could not help but embrace
and enjoy Japonisme in fashion.
88
89
1903 Kimono Authentic
Kimono
Kimono Sacque
Kimono Robe
Sum (kimono)
Textile
Matting & Rug
Accessories
Embroidery
Other
Sum
January
Harper's Bazaar 1903
1
1
1
0
0
February March
0
0
April
3
19
2
14
14
May
1
1
1
June
1
1
0
July
1
1
0
August
0
0
1
1
1
September October
1
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
November December SUM
15
2
0
1
18
0
0
2
0
6
26
90
Kimono
Kimono Sacque
Kimono Robe
Sum (kimono)
Textile
Matting & Rug
Accessories
Embroidery
Other
Sum
January
0
1
1
0
1
1
February March
1
2
1
1
April
1
0
1
May
3
2
1
1
June
0
0
July
0
0
August
3
16
1
1
8
2
1
12
0
0
September October
5
1
2
1
1
1
4
2
1
1
2
2
4
1
1
2
1
13
3
2
19
4
4
2
0
8
37
91
Kimono
Kimono Sacque
Kimono Robe
Sum (kimono)
Textile
Matting & Rug
Accessories
Embroidery
Other
Sum
0
4
4
4
7
11
1
11
11
January February March
10
4
April
0
0
May
6
9
3
2
1
June
3
3
0
July
1
1
0
August
1
2
1
1
3
3
0
September October
4
10
1
1
1
1
4
0
0
0
1
3
17
5
0
1
23
0
1
2
0
29
55
92
Kimono
Kimono Sacque
Kimono Robe
Kimono Sleeve
Fabric For Kimono
Sum (kimono)
other source type #
January
New York Times 1903
16
2
8
4
3
1
February
7
5
5
2
March
24
1
13
9
1
1
April
14
6
4
7
3
May
3
3
24
3
17
1
June
36
5
19
10
6
1
July
8
34
2
8
11
7
August
1
16
12
14
1
3
15
4
2
10
September October
3
26
5
1
1
12
2
1
17
4
1
2
15
5
14
8
4
3
124
61
22
11
20
241
51
93
1904
Kimono Authentic
Kimono
Kimono Sacque
Kimono Robe
Kimono Sleeve
Fabric For Kimono
Sum (kimono)
other source type #
New York Times 1904
January
1
12
6
6
3
2
1
27
7
4
18
4
February
March
17
10
3
13
1
April
1
9
5
6
2
May
19
8
7
9
3
June
7
5
3
1
3
July
1
25
9
14
8
2
August
2
4
6
2
2
2
2
4
12
3
2
September October
5
6
8
4
5
5
33
3
1
5
5
8
1
2
22
3
29
3
2
15
6
2
4
17
93
50
26
13
17
216
68
94
1905
Kimono Authentic
Kimono
Kimono Sacque
Kimono Robe
Kimono Sleeve
Fabric For Kimono
Sum (kimono)
other source type #
January
New York Times 1905
12
1
11
1
February
3
1
2
1
March
1
17
4
7
5
4
April
17
10
12
1
1
3
May
43
3
27
9
5
2
June
15
7
7
5
2
36
3
July
40
1
22
12
5
1
August
5
6
3
1
1
16
2
3
10
1
2
3
2
September October
9
1
1
6
17
34
0
8
20
1
5
3
4
8
14
2
3
3
2
32
3
8
129
52
36
21
34
280
30
95
97
Jap waist/ Japanese waist/ Jap
silk waist/ Japanese silk waist
Japan And World's Fair/exposition
25
159
30
Habutai/Tokio/Kioto Silk
Japan And Russia And War
81
Japanese silk/Jap Silk
1903
68
707
68
28
51
1904
New York Times other data (1903-1905)
29
557
94
26
54
1905
96
January
Kimono Authentic
Kimono
Kimono Sleeve
Kimono Sacque/Robe
Fabric for Kimono
Sum(kimono)
Textiles
Jap Silk Waist
Jap Textile Products
Accessories
Mattings
matting(cotton)
rugs
straw
Lanterns
others
World's Fair X Japan
Russo-Japanese War
Theater
Japan News
Sum
kimono
1903
St. Louis Post-Dispatch 1903
6
3
1
29
2
3
19
2
11
2
9
5
3
3
2
4
1
1
4
2
2
1
1
March
7
1
0
1
February
April
2
2
30
5
1
2
4
4
6
8
2
May
2
3
29
1
1
1
16
1
1
2
2
1
June
2
1
27
1
4
1
1
8
2
7
1
6
1
July
2
18
1
2
2
1
2
2
1
2
3
1
1
August
2
21
3
3
2
2
6
2
1
2
4
1
14
1
1
4
1
1
1
3
2
2
September October
4
20
3
1
1
2
8
1
6
2
2
14
1
4
2
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
33
16
4
5
3
2
2
2
6
26
3
3
8
46
27
10
1
16
48
2
7
7
51
8
7
11
24
265
97
1904
Kimono Authentic
Kimono
Kimono Sleeve
Kimono Sacque
Fabric for Kimono
Sum(kimono)
Textiles
Jap Silk Waist
Accessories
Mattings
matting(cotton)
rugs
straw
Lanterns
others
Russo-Japanese War
Theater
Japan News
Sum
kimono
January
2
4
34
8
61
6
1
7
3
24
2
3
3
1
1
5
February
1
1
1
4
1
3
March
14
77
4
1
23
4
46
1
2
10
9
3
6
10
1
2
1
5
12
6
1
1
10
1
April
3
1
May
6
76
2
6
27
13
1
6
6
9
1
5
June
1
45
1
1
6
5
1
9
7
6
8
1
2
4
July
6
7
21
5
6
76
1
3
6
11
10
1
6
4
August
3
24
10
4
55
1
1
2
8
2
1
6
1
8
4
23
12
6
68
5
1
7
1
1
4
5
15
11
11
65
1
6
2
1
7
5
7
4
8
8
11
44
5
1
25
6
1
5
1
4
1
2
4
1
3
September October
7
4
3
2
1
40
15
0
12
2
69
54
37
8
12
64
1
1
2
52
43
198
47
74
662
98
1905
Kimono Authentic
Kimono
Kimono Sleeve
Kimono Sacque
Fabric for Kimono
Sum(kimono)
Textiles
Jap Silk Waist
Accessories
Mattings
matting(cotton)
rugs
straw
Lanterns
others
Russo-Japanese War
Theater
Japan News
Sum
kimono
January
10
34
5
2
15
1
0
1
7
1
5
47
9
1
4
10
3
4
6
4
4
28
March
3
4
1
2
4
1
1
7
February
April
3
85
6
1
10
2
51
6
6
8
1
3
1
7
13
8
3
1
7
19
14
25
1
2
May
1
2
June
3
54
4
5
2
4
20
7
1
1
2
9
2
14
July
6
61
6
3
18
6
1
10
1
1
9
2
4
August
19
9
7
64
4
9
1
5
1
1
7
1
2
3
2
7
3
1
1
2
5
49
1
5
3
33
3
2
43
2
1
3
2
5
2
84
18
September October
1
1
11
5
1
1
2
1
3
3
4
5
1
7
7
10
15
8
7
13
3
1
1
2
4
5
39
8
2
6
1
1
1
1
1
23
31
1
20
17
92
84
41
4
55
83
8
0
18
87
4
79
26
52
633
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102

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