The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop: HC Strache`s Xenophobia Gets

The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop: HC Strache`s Xenophobia Gets

The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop:
HC Strache’s Xenophobia Gets Dissed
BERET NORMAN
B OISE S TATE U NIVERSITY
In August 2006, a youthful, proudly conservative politician in Austria, HeinzChristian (or HC) Strache, the new face of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs
(FPÖ), employed the medium of hip-hop music to get his party’s nationalistic
message out to voters before the Nationalrat elections on October 1. The text
to «HC-RAP: Österreich zuerst» foregrounds his party’s antiestablishment
and antiimmigrant platform, and the song presents this politician’s obvious
artistic limitations, but it marks a bold step into the arena of younger potential voters.
In a prompt and unexpected riposte, more than fifty Austrian rappers (or
MCs) responded within three weeks in August and September 2006 to the
call to «diss» or show disrespect to Strache and his song. This appeal and its
results were published by the online Austrian newspaper derStandard.at and
by the online newsmagazine hiphop.at. At the finale for this HC Diss Contest
on September 22, 2006 in the club Planet Music, a crowd of approximately
500 cheered on the winning rapper, a twenty-year old Viennese man with the
MC name Koryphaios. With the finale’s slogan, «Hip Hop Gegen Rechts,»
and the many levels of disrespect the rappers showed Strache and his xenophobic statements, these artists clearly spoke up for the positive influence of
multiethnic integration in contemporary Vienna.
HC Strache presents a notable figure for discussion. His antiforeigner focus – evident in the main slogan on his website, «Sozialstaat statt Zuwanderung»1 – augments his self-proclaimed stance as populist and straight-talking rebel. His party currently holds fourth place in the parliament behind the
Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ), the Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) and Die Grünen, after narrowly losing votes to Die Grünen
in October 2006. Yet before this electoral loss, Strache’s campaign managers
were very busy. In addition to using the medium of hip-hop music, HC used
another tool in his campaign, one that materialized in HC-Man, a cartoon
super hero in Strache’s likeness and also a take-off on Superman.2 This figure
shows Strache as a fighter for ordinary people. As with the rap song, Strache
includes his party’s clear antiforeigner policies in these cartoons, a subject to
which I return below.
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Born in Vienna in 1969 and educated at a commercial school and later as a
dental technician, Heinz-Christian Strache chose to enter politics, as his website proclaims, because he «[war] im roten Wien aufgewachsen,»3 and thus his
voice was underrepresented. He is proudly not red or left-leaning, rather he
upholds his party’s conservative and nationalistic ideas. After quickly moving
upward within Vienna’s local and regional politics since 1991, Strache became
the FPÖ’s Bundespartieobmann in April 2005 – after the controversial former
FPÖ chairman, Jörg Haider, left the FPÖ to create a new party, the Bündnis Zukunft Österreich (BZÖ). Soon thereafter the FPÖ won a surprising
14.9% of the votes in Vienna’s elections in October 2005. Foreshadowing the
later song, Strache’s widespread poster campaign for that election touted such
antiimmigrant slogans as «Daham statt Islam,» «Arbeit statt Zuwanderung,»
and «Wien darf nicht Istanbul werden.» 4 One year later in October 2006, as
Strache had reached an apex in the party as the FPÖ Klubobmann,5 he had to
watch as his party barely maintained its twenty-one seats in the Nationalrat,
with only 11.04% of the votes; the FPÖ had slipped to the position of the
fourth party behind Die Grünen6 by a mere 0.1% of the votes (Wahlkarten).
Turning to the summer of 2006 and Strache’s campaign for his party’s
standing in the Nationalrat, there is at least one possible reason Strache expanded his campaign into the musical arena: to be in front of a political rival
in the BZÖ party. Because the FPÖ und the BZÖ are close rivals, it is a safe
assumption that Strache’s campaign managers would have had an idea that
the BZÖ’s campaign included a song. In fact this rival, Peter Westenthaler,
released a song entitled «Wir halten ’zam» at the end of August – a week or so
after Strache’s song.7 In its repeated refrain and simplistic melody, Westenthaler’s song is reminiscent of a pop folk song; through it, as one journalist ironically noted, Westenthaler «hat sich der österreichischen Seele erinnert und in
Austro Pop-Manier einen Song produzieren lassen» (Schulz). Like Strache,
Westenthaler displays limited musical abilities and need not fear losing his
political position to a singing career.
The two rival politicians produced similar themes in their songs. Wiener
Zeitung journalist Andreas Rauschal states, «Bei allen Gegensätzen verbindet
Strache und Westenthaler eines: Das Beschwören eines Wir-sind-Wir-Gefühls
auf Basis der neuen alten Werte.» Westenthaler bases the «wir» in his song on
those Austrians who cherish the surrounding landscape of mountains, rivers,
forests and lakes:
Wir Österreicher leb’n im schönsten Land der Welt
Schaut’s euch um, wir haben all’s was zählt
Berge, Flüsse, Wälder und die klaren Seen
Dieser Fleck der Erde ist doch wunderschön. («Wir halten ’zam»)
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On the surface this song appears inclusive, in that anyone who lives in Austria
appreciates the country’s natural beauty. Yet based on campaign statements
that Westenthaler made at the time, specifically his call for the deportation
of 300,000 foreigners (Klenk) – at least those foreigners who are reluctant to
integrate («Bleiben nicht mehr viele übrig») – one finds his communal celebration of place to be exclusionary; it is a coded appeal only to those Austrians who find their identity based in this connection to location. A parallel
in Strache’s song arises not in the first-person singular pronoun, «I» in his
lyrics, but rather the underlying «wir» in the opening and closing voiceover
supports Strache in his battle for Austrians’ right to «be a master in one’s own
home.» The words of the closing voiceover clarify this: «HC Strache kämpft
dafür, dass wir Österreicher / Herren im eigenen Haus bleiben. / Deshalb ist
er unsere Wahl» (Strache, «HC-RAP»). Thus, whereas Westenthaler excludes
non-Austrians in his song by focusing on a subtle connection to the Austrian
landscape, Strache excludes foreigners through a strengthened position of
Austrians’ sense of place and self-government. It is clear that Strache taps into
an already existing mindset in this manner, but other statements in his song
turn the «wir sind wir» feelings into nationalistic and xenophobic demagoguery. Strache’s website clearly reinforces this position, as the «neue alte Werte»
(Rauschal) on which he focuses are populist and antiimmigrant issues: jobs
for Austrians (not for asylum seekers), checks and balances in government to
protect workers’ pensions (not the fraudulent «fat cats»8), and policies that
are Austrian-centered (not looking to Brussels and to the European Union
for guidance).
Despite the similar themes, the candidates used two very different musical
genres. But why did Strache choose the medium of hip-hop? Oddly enough,
one could view Strache’s use of hip-hop as justifiable. Hip-hop, as Michael
Putnam describes it, is a distinct mouthpiece of those who feel underrepresented and marginalized within a given culture (69) – and Strache makes clear
that he felt marginalized growing up in «red» or left-leaning Vienna. Yet the
use of hip-hop seems paradoxical, because, while he and the FPÖ demand
more restrictive deportation measures of foreigners, Strache uses «ausgerechnet [ein] der afroamerikanischen Kultur entsprungene[s] Stilmittel – d[as]
Rap» (Rauschal). The paradox remains: Strache, with the complaints of social
ills in a localized forum in his song (Putnam 70), has technically used the genre
of hip-hop appropriately; but Strache discharges his xenophobia through a
genre of music that has always spoken for those against whom his majority
culture’s xenophobia rages.
The introduction to Strache’s song replicates the image of this youthful
politician as a lone fighter against all other, inherently fraudulent, politicians.
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A booming voice, «[eine] sonore Erzählstimme im Stile des ‹Asterix›-Prologs
als moralische Instanz» (Rauschal), announces that in 2006, only one politician does not support the Machtrausch of the ÖVP; and yes, this solitary
politician is Strache, in his «unbeugsame Partei,» the FPÖ («HC-RAP»). As
Strache takes up the microphone after the introduction and in the first of two
lengthy verses with a chorus in between, he reveals his three main topics: the
country is in trouble because current politicians are corrupt, he is the plainspoken rebel who can make a difference for Austria’s future, and the immigrants in Austria who refuse to integrate should leave.
Strache lists the problems he sees in Austria in the first verse: «Skandale,
Bestechung, Korruption und Verrat / das sind die Eckpfeiler in unsrem Staat»
(«HC-RAP»). One example of corruption can be seen in the BAWAG (Bank
für Arbeit und Wirtschaft und Österreichische Postsparkasse AG) scandal that was revealed in March and April 2006.9 The president of the Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund (ÖGB), Friedrich «Fritz» Verzetnitsch, is a
member of the SPÖ, and thus Strache’s FPÖ and the ruling ÖVP party could
locate the corruption in the SPÖ. In a poster, Strache’s campaign specifically
labels Alfred Gusenbauer of the SPÖ, the new Chancellor of Austria since
January 2007, and Verzetnitsch as «Arbeitnehmerverräter» and identifies
their collaboration as «SPÖ/ÖGB Raubtierkapitalismus» that exists within
the SPÖ.10 Thus Strache’s claim of scandal in government is well documented,
and his party remained unblemished by this biggest recent incident.
The second verse introduces Strache’s xenophobia. Strache sets this discussion into the context of losing one’s own culture with the arrival of immigrants, as he purportedly speaks for others: «Ich sag nur das, was sich alle
denken / Wir wollen unser Land nicht mehr verschenken, / an Menschen, die
unsre Kultur / nicht schätzen» («HC-RAP»). His lyrics follow an illogical
line by immediately connecting this purported lack of integration among immigrants to unemployment and to an increase in crime:
Wer sich nicht integrieren will, für den
hab’ ich ein Reiseziel:
Ab in die Heimat, guten Flug! Arbeitslose
haben wir hier selbst genug.
Einbruch, Raub und Überfall, Verbrechen
steigt schnell und überall. («HC-RAP»)
With Strache’s advice to foreigners – «go home if you don’t like it here» – he
adds to his populist and antiintellectual position. Perhaps most disturbing in
the illogic of these few central lines in Strache’s lyrics is the direct association
of foreigners with crime, which is also one of Strache’s main campaign themes
for the FPÖ, as one can easily find stated (without supporting documentation)
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213
on his website: «Straffällige Ausländer abschieben! Kriminelle sind sofort abzuschieben. Dafür wollen wir ein Staatssekretariat für Rückführung und eine
Fremdenpolizei. Wer als Eingebürgerter straffällig wird oder die Inte-gration
[sic] verweigert, muss die Staatsbürgerschaft wieder verlieren.»11
In his song, Strache also provides solutions to these problems – solutions
that lie in his personal strengths and his political resolutions. He will be a watch
dog for the people («aufpassen»); he will speak the truth («aufschreien»); he
will not complain and thus will not add to the «Jammertal» of politicians; he
will not wear rose-colored glasses («keine Heile Welt vorgeben»); but he will
represent the ‹little guy› («der bei dem kleinen Mann steht») («HC-RAP»).
The conclusion of the song is worth repeating, because Strache so heavily
claims this portrayal of «Retter» or savior who will help Austrians keep what
is good about their culture and their country. To repeat the words of the closing voiceover, «HC Strache kämpft dafür, dass wir Österreicher / Herren im
eigenen Haus bleiben. / Deshalb ist er unsere Wahl.» This nationalistic refrain
calls for further self-determination for Austria’s politicians, i.e., a lessening of
a focus on Brussels and on the EU, and thus rings patriotic.
Strache simplifies the situation of immigrants, as well as the aggregate composition of «Austrian culture» in the Viennese population, thereby forgetting
that at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century, one third of Vienna’s population
(e.g., more than 500,000 people) came from the non-German speaking regions
of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy (John 138). Vienna has long enjoyed
this multilingual and multiethnic mixture within its population, as a quote
from the Ostdeutsche Post in 1858 regarding the restructuring of Vienna into
a Weltstadt – a city that would correctly represent the many nations within
the Kaisersstaat – shows: it states that «italienisch[e], ungarisch[e], slawisch[e]
[und] griechisch[e] Viertel» would have to be included in the city (John 137).
Such historical elements of internationalization contradict Strache’s unclear –
while unstated – definition of what integration means to him or to the FPÖ.
Statistics from 2001 show that Vienna’s population of immigrants remains
high: 23.6% of the population (1.2 million) was born outside of Austria; this
number represents an increase of about 8% since 1988 (John 142).
Austrian rappers responded to this ostentatious politician by using their art
aggressively. Michael Eric Dyson, a well-published U.S. scholar of the hiphop genre and the culture that surrounds it, provides an apt comment to begin this discussion: «hip-hop is neither sociological commentary nor political
criticism, though it may certainly function in those modes through the artists’
lyrics. Hip-hop is still fundamentally an art form that traffics in hyperbole,
parody, kitsch, dramatic license, double entendres, signification and other lit-
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erary and artistic conventions to get its point across» (xii). Similarly in her
thorough discussion of the evolution of rap music, Cheryl Keyes clarifies
the background of hip-hop and also bases hip-hop in art. Keyes notes that
hip-hop began in the Bronx, New York, during the early 1970s and became
a «youth arts mass movement» involving four elements: «disc jockeys (DJs/
turntablists), emcees (MCs), breakdancers (b-boys and b-girls) and graffiti
writers (aerosol artists)» (1). Additionally Keyes mentions a hip-hop attitude
rendered in the form of stylized dress, language, and gestures associated with
urban street culture (1).
It was on August 23, 2006, that two media outlets, derStandard.at and
hiphop.at, called on rappers to reclaim their genre and to show disrespect to
Strache’s «übles Machwerk»: «[a]ls Anfänger fehlt es ihm dabei recht gewaltig
am sogenannten Flow, der Wortfluss holpert wie eine Pferdekarre über Kopfsteinpflaster.» This call for a «große Disserei» of Strache’s song was a success.
More than fifty rappers in Austria sent in their battle songs of response to
«HC-RAP.» From these submissions, the jury selected twelve finalists – up
from the originally planned eight («RapperInnen wehrt euch»).
The jury itself did not include any voices from Strache’s FPÖ party, but
there was an attempt to make it a fairly representative panel of knowledgeable persons from the music scene. The six judges in the jury included four
connected to the media: two representatives from both the online newspaper
derStandard.at and two from the online hip-hop website, hiphop.at. Joining
these four were two from the music scene: one representative from the host
club, Planet Music in Vienna, and one representative from a local Viennese
hip-hop recording studio and music distributor, Goalgetter. The last three
votes were given to the public at large: one vote each from the online voting
at both websites, derStandard.at and hiphop.at, and one audience vote at the
finale («RapperInnen wehrt euch»).
In my discussion of the songs written and performed by the twelve finalists,12 it becomes apparent how these artists – half of whom are located in
Vienna – successfully rebuke Strache’s feeble attempt to use the art form of
hip-hop to his political advantage. And in these twelve songs, Keyes’ larger
discussion of an urban street consciousness plays a role; Keyes paraphrases
U.S. rap artists in the following central sentiment: «rap is from the streets. If
you don’t know what’s going on out there, you can’t do rap» (5). Certainly
the streets of hip-hop may refer to its origins in the streets of New York’s
City’s borough, the Bronx, where hip-hop and rap began. But I find the description by social activists’ on this grassroots British website useful in this
discussion: «[t]he street, at best, is a living place of human movement and
social intercourse, of freedom and spontaneity» (Reclaim the Streets!). Al-
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though the proof of what Strache or any of the finalists «know» about the
streets of Vienna or the social intercourse thereupon cannot be verified here,
one may infer from the quick and negative response by rappers to Strache’s
performance that Strache and his DJ apparently do not «know» the streets of
Vienna; they do not participate in the youth culture or in the social interactions that take place amidst people on the streets, and they do not understand
or appreciate the urban arts of the Viennese hip-hop scene.
The finalists’ songs include many items from Dyson’s list of how hip-hop
lyrics «traffic in hyperbole, parody, kitsch and artistic conventions to make
a point» (xii). The traditional disrespect of hip-hop battles13 appears in these
songs, as Strache’s (poor) singing skills and the song itself are criticized. But
the rappers also respond to Strache’s political ideas and comment on how politicians should behave; one group called RapAddicted sings: «wir brauchen
ehrliche Menschen, die gerne Barrieren durchbrechen.» A critical reading of
the twelve finalists’ song lyrics finds responses to specific and central issues of
Strache’s political campaign – especially about the integration of immigrants
in Vienna.
In keeping with Keyes’ sense of street consciousness in rap, the lyrics in
several of the finalists’ songs function as a critical reflection on contemporary,
localized problems in Austria. In his comparative article about hip-hop in
Frankfurt am Main, Germany, and in Newcastle on the Tyne, England, Andy
Bennett discusses hip-hop’s evolution into a global and local form; Bennett
admits that the commodification of hip-hop has «facilitated its easy access
by young people in many different parts of the world», yet he says this is
how hip-hop gets reconfigured «in ways that engage with local circumstance»
(180). The finalists of the HC Diss Contest have reworked their expressions
of hip-hop into a localized engagement that disputes Strache’s alleged truths
about their city and country. The MCs address the problems immigrants face –
even though merely three of those in the finalists’ count are immigrants – but
overall they contradict Strache as they sing about the diversity and the tolerance that exist in Austria. And in a nod to the localized reflection, one of
the two online media sponsors, hiphop.at, specifically mentions how political the rap songs are: «Mit über 50 Einsendungen gibt der politische Rap ein
kräftiges Lebenszeichen von sich» («HC Diss Contest: Der Rap ging nach
hinten los»). This upholds Bennett’s discussion of «glocalized» hip-hop moving away from the African-American beginnings to today’s worldwide use of
hip-hop to take on controversial issues of local topics (180).14
The finalists represented different areas of Austria and all sang in German.15
All of the finalists were male (with the exception of Anais, the eight-yearold daughter of Topoke who sang one verse of his song). The twelve finalists
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were more precisely 24 MCs and DJs: ten from Vienna, seven from Upper
and Lower Austria and four from Tirol. And three of the 24 were «Ausländer» living in Austria. The rappers all rapped in German – except for several
stanzas in English by the reggae band Shakadelix; this use of German and of
Austrian dialect speaks to Bennett’s reading of how rappers «glocalize» hiphop and make it their own (180).
Five common themes appear in the twelve finalists’ songs in response to
Strache’s «HC-RAP.» The first, a curt discussion of what is bad in the song,
upholds the tradition of a battle in hip-hop: one rapper puts another down
by pointing out the weaknesses and by doing the skill better. Second, several
rappers mention their lack of political interest before they heard Strache’s rap
and state that this song made them become political. And the third, fourth
and fifth subjects specifically counter Strache’s antiforeigner sentiments by
calling Strache a Hetzer or rabble-rouser and by connecting him to ideas of
Aryan supremacy, Hitler and the Nazis, and then by showing the diversity
that already exists in Vienna.
Overall the rappers reveal a level of political satire in all of the four subjects
above. They highlight Strache’s follies both in his own political field and especially as he stepped into the rappers’ territory, as the winner, Koryphaios,
sings:
Du hast von allen Musikarten, die Falsche gewählt.
Willkommen! Du hast dich nun auf unser Schlachtfeld bewegt.
MC HC, dieser Schuss ging nach hinten los.
Denkst du dass du so nur eine einzige Stimme holst? («Ich muss gestehen»)16
Koryphaios, whose MC name references the main speaker of a chorus in a
Greek tragedy, deftly presumes another battle might follow this rap attempt
by Strache; and Koryphaios thus includes Alfred Gusenbauer as he sings this
comical verse:
HC, pass auf! Ich will dich nicht belügen,
an deine Stelle würde ich mich vor den anderen Politikern hüten.
Die wollen auch sicher so cool sein und nicht tatenlos herum hocken.
Vielleicht battelt dich der Gusenbauer demnächst in moonwalken! («Ich muss gestehen»)
Eleven of the twelve rappers describe the shortcomings of the «HC-RAP».17
These eleven MCs take a typical hip-hop battle position and show disrespect
by putting down the other rapper’s song. Several use clever means of telling Strache how inferior his song is. The Viennese group Fat Poets Society18
picks up on the term Strache’s song uses to describe Austria’s current situation, «Jammertal»; but Fat Poets Society instead claims that the «HC-RAP»
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adds to a «musikalisches Jammertal» («HC-Rache»). The MC Koryphaios
ironically points out the song’s medicinal potential by calling it a «musikalisches Brechmittel» which Strache should patent; and he insultingly adds that
Strache’s posters also provide a type of relief: «Ich liebe deine Wahlplakate.
Glaub nicht, dass das ein Schmäh wäre, / seitdem sie da sind brauch ich kein
WC mehr» («Ich muss gestehen»). The quartet from Tirol, LA Splisz,19 in an
indirect approach to their disrespect, takes literary license and raps a psychological fairy tale about Strache as a young boy who was not loved and who
thus learned to hate «fremde Menschen» («Heinz-Christian»). This attempt
to explain Strache’s xenophobia does not try to cover up the problematic issues; rather the rappers in LA Splisz base their psychological reading within
their belittling by citing Strache’s deficiencies as a man based on a dysfunctional upbringing. Such displays of disrespect are expected on this musical
«battlefield,» and the singers have done their job well.
A second commonality in the songs lies in the rappers’ admission of a lack
of direct interest in politics until they heard Strache’s rap song. One MC in
Fat Poets Society sings of his reluctance to be politically active, but this song
left him no choice: «Ich gebe zu, ich habe mich politisch nie engagiert / […]
Was hat es mich interessiert? Mir war das alles zu hoch / Bis ‹Österreich zuerst› kam und jetzt frag ich mich wieso» («Strache Diss»). In the midst of his
disrespect, the MC Kugelblitz sarcastically thanks Strache for getting him to
be more politically active: «du solltest niemal wiederrappen / doch ich danke
dir, denn du weckst mein politisches Interesse» («H.C. Stache»). RapAddicted transforms a line in Strache’s refrain: «du [Strache] bist höchstens unser
Untergang.» And finally, in the high point of the finalists’ satire, the MC Javar steps into a fake policy debate, as he suggests a Swiftian proposal: «Wir
brauchen ein Gesetz das Ausländermord erlaubt / Dann werden alle meine
Sorgen […] abgebaut» («0-8-15 v. Javar»).
In addition to such obligatory rebukes and the necessity of a political response, several groups address the misinformation and hype within Strache’s
antiforeigner rhetoric. Fat Poets Society and RapAddicted, another group
from Vienna,20 direct their criticism toward the inflammatory nature of
Strache’s lyrics: RapAddicted lists the offenses and admonishes Strache for
spreading hate through his weapons – the campaign posters and this song:
Du bist ein Ausländerfeind
Hetze und Aufständerei sind die Eckpfeiler und Headlines
der Blauen Partei […]
Doch anscheinend ziehst du es vor
zu den Waffen zu greifen und Hass zu verbreiten
statt ein bisschen Klasse zu zeigen. («HC»)
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Fat Poets Society also criticizes Strache for how he riles people up using antiforeigner rhetoric: «Ich hasse Hetze gegen Minderheiten, denn es ist leicht /
so wie 1933 damals schon im Dritten Reich […]» («Strache Diss»). The duo
Appletree & Krizzfader, the latter of whom labels himself a «Frankreich Export,»21 intertwines a pun with Krizzfader’s French background and claims
that Strache is so xenophobic that he would be able to find «Rassenkonflikten
in einer Café Latte» («Abgeschoben»). Such comments display the rappers’
understanding that Strache’s ideas increase the sense of dislike and mistrust of
foreigners within the Austrian population.
These rappers also connect Strache and his antiimmigration bandwagon
more specifically to the Nazi propaganda of the Third Reich. The three
MCs of Fat Poets Society reference the Third Reich three times in their song
«Strache Diss» when they refer to the years 1933 and 1938, and when they
mention Strache’s «Arische Neigung» as his «beständige Zeuge.» More confrontationally, Appletree & Krizzfader question Strache directly in their song,
«Abgeschoben»: «Denken Sie nicht, dass die Leute informiert sind / über das
Geschehen und die Zeit von 1945?» RapAddicted accuses Strache of still living during the times when such racial discrimination was allowed, «du lebst
anscheinend in den 30er Jahren» («HC»). Employing piercing irony, the MC
Javar speaks as though he is Strache as he sings the praises of Hitler – someone
whom Strache would have apparently admired:
Warum muss Österreich so viele Ausländer rein lassen?
Sie stapeln sich mit Dreck und man muss sie einfach hassen.
Ich wünsche, ich hätte gelebt als Hitler an der Macht war.
Der war ein wahrer Führer, der genau wie ich gedacht hat. («0-8-15 v. Strache»)
And Roman Ticker, in his satiric love song to Strache, «Lieber Heinz,» points
out how other people talk about Strache: «Die Leute reden zwar, du bist ein
dreckiger Bastard, ein Nazi […], aber ich teile mit denen keine Meinung.»
The last common theme is integration. Fat Poets Society, RapAddicted, and
Topoke & Anais clearly state how they view integration as successful and ongoing in Vienna. Fat Poets Society describes how diverse Vienna is: «Wir sind
ein Becken für Kultur und Pluralismus / Multi-kulti ist mir lieber als ein Kult
des Rassismus» («Strache Diss»). And RapAddicted sings, «wir brauchen
ehrliche Menschen, die gerne Barriere durchbrechen» («HC»); such barriers would most likely include racial discrimination. For Topoke & Anais,
the former an MC, the latter his pre-teen daughter, Strache’s xenophobia lies
close at hand; the biographical information Topoke provides for himself says
he is «sowohl aus dem Kongo, als auch aus Frankreich und Österreich.»22
In their duet entitled «Dass ich nicht lache,» Anais raps directly to Strache:
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219
«Mein Vater und ich, wir mögen dich nicht / denn unsere Blut ist dir nicht
rein genug;» Topoke continues and points out how present-day Vienna and
the future of Austria will remain diverse, while he also criticizes Strache’s
campaign policies:
Schau her! Auch ich bin ein Sohn dieses Standes.
Meine braune Haut: Zukunft. […]
Du sollst nicht lügen und auch nicht betrügen
und schon gar nicht Minderheiten für deine billigen Tricks benutzen
denn Österreich ist seit jeher ganz bunt. («Dass ich nicht lache»)
Another MC, Der Diener, questions Strache’s humanity: «Andere Kulturen
zu diskriminieren / Nennen Sie das Integrität? / Ein guter Mensch kennt
keine Rassen, mein lieber HC Strache» («HC Strache Diss»).
Beyond these five common themes in the finalists’ song lyrics, what is of interest is that so many of the songs are so similar. Only two finalists, the group
LA Splisz, who placed fifth with their psychological «reading» of Strache in
their «Kindermärchenstunde,» and the second-place winner, Roman Ticker,
show Strache disrespect in distinct forms: a farce and a love song respectively.
Ticker’s song won the most votes from three of the six music representatives
on the jury – more votes from these members than any other finalist – thus
raising Ticker’s musical value.23
Although he was not present at the Planet Music finale, Roman Ticker won
second place with his seemingly positive yet ironically critical reply to Strache
in the love song, «Lieber Heinz.» Taking what on the surface appears as an
opposite stance from that of all the other MCs, Ticker praises Strache for his
widespread poster campaign, as well as for his appealing manner of speaking,
«wie du lachst, wenn du da stehst,» and for his ability to pack such a message
into his rap. As part of his ironic strategy, Ticker repeats negative comments
others make but refutes such sentiments: «Die Leute reden […], du bist ein
Nazi, […] ich teile mit denen keine Meinung.»
The song’s most apparent element of disrespect lies in its declaration of love
for Strache, because it is not just any one who is in love with Strache, but a
black man, a «schwarzer Häftling»24 who cannot even vote: «Hey, Heinz, vielleicht verstehst du mich nie, aber Heinz, in dich ist ein Neger verliebt.» As if
he expects a backlash, Ticker adds this bit of explanation to his refrain: «Liebe
ist stärker als Demokratie.» In other words, the love Ticker feels for Strache
makes him overlook politics, as he sings at the end, «Vergiss die Politik! Wir
zwei könnten glücklich sein. Und für ein Kind mit dir würde ich mich auch
integrieren.»25 Alluding to the problem of immigrants’ lack of integration,
which Strache points out in «HC-RAP,» Ticker uses sarcasm in his clarifica-
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Beret Norman
tion. Ticker’s means toward this goal of integration take the form of «MozartTaler essen, Lederhosen tragen, Bier trinken und Kampagnen gegen Drogen
starten.» As Strache does not mention (in his song nor on any campaign or
policy information on his website) how he envisions the «proper» integration
of immigrants, Ticker’s road to Strache’s potential ideal of integration may
not be so far-fetched: look and act more like (white) Austrians.
Ticker concludes his pronouncement of love by pointing out deficits in society and in politicians and asking for honesty from Strache. It is in this last
verse and last refrain that Roman Ticker summarizes a majority of the finalists’ views but also remains true to his «love song» as he submits to Strache’s
suggestion in «HC-RAP»:
In diesem Staat hier fehlt es an Courage.
Es fehlt an Demokraten, die noch leben was sie sagen.
Es fehlt an Demokraten, die auch geben was sie haben.
Politik gibt es doch in allen Regenbogenfarben.
Aber Heinz, ich bin schwarz, und du weißt, du bist weiß, ich bin schwarz, ich bin
arm, du bist reich.
Aber Heinz, bitte sag es mir gleich, weil wenn ich keine Chance habe, dann fliege
ich gleich heim.
(«Lieber Heinz»)
The final line of the song references Strache’s solution to the problem of immigrants who do not integrate, yet this statement reverberates in irony, since
this relatively anonymous (and in the entire contest, faceless26) MC, Roman
Ticker, shows in his song how well he has integrated himself into Viennese
urban street culture and into the art form of hip-hop. He also shows his «glocalized» situation: he portrays the experience of a dark-skinned man in a predominantly white society that ostracizes him based on his appearance.
And yet it is Ticker’s skill of folding many layers of critique into seemingly
petty comments that distinguishes his from the other finalists’ songs. After
praising Strache’s magical blue eyes in the numerous election posters, Ticker
says Strache is only missing «ein ordentlicher Schnauzbart / Ja, ein Schnauzer
direkt unter der Nase.» This comment, along with the description of Strache’s
manner when he stands in front of a crowd with a speech, «in dem [Strache]
jede Menge Message verpackt ha[t]», imply a reference to Hitler. Certainly
other rappers in the contest mention Hitler’s name directly, but this and other
subtle comments by Ticker reach a larger level of commentary, even though
they appear as ostensibly inconsequential quips in his song.
A further comment raises the technical meaning of integration, as Ticker’s
sarcasm strikes an absurd balance. By following his extreme comment, «für
ein Kind mit dir würde ich mich auch integrieren,» with the obtuse «solu-
The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop
221
tion» of eating Mozart chocolate, wearing Lederhosen and drinking beer,
Ticker illustrates how outrageous Strache’s premise of integration is. By using a tourists’ version of «all things Austrian» to describe a likely method
for immigrants to integrate into Austrian society, Ticker shows the absurdity
therein and also shows how Strache misuses the term «integrerien.» The more
correct terms for Strache and his party’s goals would be «assimilieren» or «anpassen.» As other rappers state, Austria is already quite integrated because of
the diverse ethnicities represented in its population. One can quickly imagine
how even Strache would appreciate the existing integration in cuisine – for instance, eating various ethnic foods – and in consumerism. Thus Ticker points
out the absurdity of Strache’s ideas of integration by reaching the extreme
conclusion: starting a family with Strache would be an incentive for Ticker
to «integrate,» or rather, assimilate. In other words, Ticker’s show of disrespect surpasses the other finalists because he also disses Strache’s policy by
pointing out the fallacy in his notion of integration. If Strache’s real goal is
for immigrants to integrate, then he already has his success: immigrants live
and work in Austria – they have integrated themselves into Austria in so far as
they combine together with other members of the society to make it whole.
Ticker’s song points out this verbal distinction in two absurd images: first the
idea of starting a family with Strache; and second that of assimilating (not integrating) into Austrian society by upholding inaccurate stereotypes.
The cover image on his rap CD reveals Strache’s other unorthodox step into
youth culture; it displays a comic book superhero-like figure, HC-Man.27 As
Strache’s likeness or alleged alter ego, the HC-Man uncovers «problems» in
Austria – problems that are local and national. These cartoons continue to
foster the image of Strache as the citizens’ savior from failing local and national leaders who do not protect Austrians’ rights – at least Strache’s ideas of
Austrians’ rights. Leaders whom HC-Man faces are Vienna’s liberal mayor,
Dr. Michael Häupl, and the former Chancellor, Wolfgang Schüssel (ÖVP).
Strache views the local problems to be the Viennese mayor’s rose-colored
view of integration, and national problems center on Schüssel’s actions within
the European Union.
The HC-Man cartoons that focus on Vienna’s Mayor Häupl attack his proimmigration policies. In these, Häupl is often depicted as pro-Turkish, as the
Häupl cartoon figure wears the color red of liberal Vienna, but also of the
Turkish flag. In the backdrop of several cartoons, the Turkish flag’s emblems
of a half-moon and a star appear and allude to Häupl’s ostensible affinities.
In the three panels of one cartoon entitled «Wien ist anders» (a parody of
one of the city’s tourism slogans),28 the caricature displays an overweight and
222
Beret Norman
sweating Mayor Häupl in a too-tight red spandex suit talking to the media –
his yellow cape around his neck appears to make his breathing difficult. In
the cartoon the Häupl figure maintains that, as the mayor, he makes sure that
integration happens in Vienna. In the second panel and as if to prove his point,
the Häupl figure points at a Viennese apartment building. But the irony is
visual: there are two Turkish restaurants in the lower, commercial level, and
on the residential balconies above, there are seven Turkish flags, two Austrian flags and one Ethiopian or Senegalese flag (green, yellow and red stripes),
along with nine satellite disks. In front of the building is a pile of trash on
which a large rat and a calico cat sit. The depiction of garbage becomes a motif
in the cartoons, as whenever foreigners are implied, garbage is shown. HCMan, carrying an Austrian flag, flies into the third panel and states, «Genau
verkehrt, Herr Bürgermeister. Die Ausländer und nicht die Wiener sollen sich
anpassen.» This cartoonist (who is unnamed on the website) apparently prefers traditional flowerboxes to satellite disks on balconies, and HC-Man evidently desires that all immigrants wave only Austrian flags, i.e., give up their
previous national identity.
In another cartoon with a specific target, HC-Man uncovers the dangerous
vanity of former Chancellor Wolfgang Schüssel. The Schüssel figure, a tiny,
older man in a gray spandex suit, is shown to care most about his own image
and his legacy, according to the cartoons entitled «Schüssels Größenwahn»
and «Schüssels Gesetzlosigkeit»29 – the latter refers to Austria’s possible support for Turkey to enter into the European Union, a topic against which the
FPÖ remains steadfast. Seeing a larger (distorted) image of himself in the mirror, the Schüssel figure practices body building poses. This self-centeredness
is shown to spread into Schüssel’s foreign policy. Thus the apparent danger
is that what is best for Austria will not prevail, because Schüssel was only
concerned about his appearance of strength or about a reflection of a strong
legacy.
Other HC-Man cartoons further the idea that the integration of foreigners
is not functioning in Austria, which in turn is detrimental to the country. More
disturbing than the above-mentioned specific caricatures of political figures
are the depictions of foreigners as nonhuman green aliens, for example in a
cartoon titled «Wien Multi-Kulti»; the more specific title for this on Strache’s
website reads, «Inländer raus-Ausländer rein? Nicht mit HC Man!»30 In this
cartoon’s third panel a space-alien-like figure has spray-painted the cartoon’s
title onto a wall, which includes the symbol for anarchy as the «a» in the word
«Raus.» This figure is green and thus could be a reference to the members of
Die Grünen; yet with a ring in its nose, a ring in one ear and the spray paint
can in its hand – the figure resembles a rebellious and criminal youth. The
The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop
223
green color, instead of referencing the political party, could also point to extreme difference in appearance. It is the Mars-Mensch, the ultimate alien, but
it can also represent a technical alien, that is, a non-resident, an immigrant or
asylum seeker in Austria. The third panel’s bubble, which contains HC-Man’s
text, reads, «Die lieben Grünen und GrünInnen sagen doch immer: ‹Das sind
jene qualifizierten ausländischen Kräften auf die wir in Österreich nicht mehr
verzichten können.›» The cartoon shows how the green alien is not working,
as the Greens’ policy would have one believe, but rather spends his time defiling walls and does not mind the garbage or smells around him (portrayed by
an empty soda can and a pile of feces with flies next to the alien’s foot). Moreover, the term «ausländische Kräften» places individuals into a generic group –
and thus allows for a very dehumanizing effect, as in the drawing. These foreign-born workers are unknown, unidentifiable and are «all the same.» This
cartoon exhibits a level of racial discrimination that offends; the dehumanized
alien is clearly not Austrian and is involved in a criminal activity (defilement
of property).
Such a prejudicial depiction remains very problematic on a website that
lacks any thorough discussions of Strache’s party’s policies toward the topics of asylum seekers, of immigration or of steps toward integration; rather Strache’s website limits policy information to more than 20 varieties of
posters and magazine inserts, 19 radio spots and one video for the (2006)
campaign. And of course there are pictures of the smiling politician. One
questions to what end such a xenophobic super-hero status is helpful to a
politician in a well-educated population in the middle of Europe, where international dialogue has been firmly established since the days of Chancellor
Kreisky.
But Strache’s ostensible super-hero status is being questioned. Recently published pictures of Strache show him at age eighteen with three men who are
officially recognized as right-wing extremists. In the photographs, which
were released in mid-January 2007, young Strache and his then companions
are shown participating in a purported game of Paintball or Gotcha in the
Carinthian forest, and they are wearing army fatigues. Due to the clothing,
some journalists questioned if the pictures did not instead depict military-like
practices, and thus the journalists raised the possibility of Strache’s involvement with a neo-Nazi faction in Austria.31 The media frenzy around these
pictures was certainly exaggerated and appeared most interested in selling
newspapers; but the possibility of Strache being connected with known ultraconservatives remained in Austrian newspapers, radio and television for five
weeks. Strache’s main line of defense remained, «Ich war nie ein Neonazi und
224
Beret Norman
werde nie einer sein,» and that he is a «leidenschaftlicher Demokrat» (Zimmermann).
In conclusion, the clever riposte by those in Austria’s hip-hop community
to the «HC-RAP» uncovers various aspects of Heinz-Christian Strache’s xenophobia and thus of course that of the FPÖ. Strache is not without critics,
yet it is important to think twice about his appropriation of the cultural vehicle of hip-hop. His use of this musical form, along with his attempts to tuck
his xenophobia into the seemingly harmless use of clever graphics, evident in
the HC-Man cartoons, prove dangerous; they oversimplify complex issues,
they incite mistrust and even a palpable dislike of immigrants and foreigners
in Austria, and they simplistically allege that these immigrants are solely to
blame for many social and economic problems in contemporary Austrian society. But, as the twelve finalists show us, at least Strache’s musical distortion
has been properly dissed.
Notes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
HC Strache’s website. «Home.» n.d. 4 Nov. 2006 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.
php?style=12>.
Superman™© 2006. DC Comics.
Hcstrache.at «Vita.» n.d. 25 Jan. 2007 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.php>.
HC Strache’s website «Kampagne.» n.d. 9 Oct. 2007 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.
php>.
FPÖ website. n.d. 25 Jan. 2007<http://www.fpoe.at/index.php?id=407>.
Die Grünen also have twenty-one seats in the National Council.
The BZÖ’s website maintains a link to the podcast for this song, which was first aired
28 August 2006: <http://bzoe-podcast.podspot.de/post/westenthaler-song-wir-haltenzamm/> 9 Oct 2007.
See footnote 9 about the BAWAG scandal, as an example.
This scandal centered on BAWAG’s speculation deals and high risk financial transactions in the Caribbean and its involvement in a bankrupt U.S. brokerage house, Refco, in
which many millions of employees’ dollars were lost (Lomas).
This poster, «Gusenbauer und Verzetnitsch sind Arbeiterverräter,» can be seen on HC
Strache’s website, under «Kampagne.» <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.php?style=7#>.
There are no dates provided for any campaign posters on the website, but due to the
content, the poster follows the BAWAG scandal revelations and thus would have been
created after March or April 2006.
HC Strache’s website. «Themen.» n.d. 8 Mar. 2007 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.
php?style=12&ID=7>.
The participants in the HC Diss Contest provided limited biographical information
and were not required to submit written lyrics or texts to accompany the MP3 files that
placed them in the running for the contest <http://www.hiphop.at/hc_voting.php>.
The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
225
The tradition of a battle in hip-hop, in which one puts another down by pointing out
the weaknesses and by performing the skill better, can be done in any of the four areas of
hip-hop: breakdancing, graffiti, DJing and MCing. See Gächter 53.
See also the Oxford University Press «Word of the month» definition for «glocalization:
AmE […] the fact of adapting products or services that are available all over the world to
make them suitable for local needs. […]» and «glocalize , -ise verb: [v] We need to find
ways to glocalize, to do it our own way.»
The names of individuals and groups are listed from first to last place in Appendix B.
«HC Diss Contest Voting.»
Only one MC, Roman Ticker in his song «Abgeschoben,» does not cite Strache’s deficits
because the entire song is in the form of a love letter written by a fan of Strache’s.
Only limited biographical information was submitted by the rappers. Three rappers
make up Fat Poets Society: Chef Koch, Junes and Vin Gogh. The band submitted the
following information about themselves: «Die Band kommt aus Wien» («HC Diss Contest Voting»).
LA Splisz, from Tirol, consists of two DJs, Testa and Chrisfader, and two MCs, Staffolo
and Dirty Sanchez («HC Diss Contest Voting»).
«Aus dem 2. Bezirk», Rap Addicted has four MCs and one DJ: Scoddy Flippin, L.A.R.,
SCT, Evade and DJ Dickes («HC Diss Contest Voting»).
Only Krizzfader has this label of «Frankreich Export» on the artists’ information page.
Appletree provided no information («HC Diss Contest Voting»).
«HC Diss Contest Voting.»
«HC Diss Contest Voting.»
This comment is perhaps meant metaphorically, as the picture he provides shows him
standing not in a prison but in a public street or store with his face concealed under a bag
(«And the nominees are …»).
Ticker’s song begs the question of homophobia in hip-hop, i.e., if that would make this
song more disrespectful. A U.S. filmmaker, Byron Hurt, recently aired a documentary about the issue of manhood in [U.S.] hip-hop called «Hip-Hop: Beyond Beats and
Rhymes» (aired on PBS in February 2007), in which Hurt makes clear how misogyny
and homophobia are part of the extreme masculine projection of many male rappers.
Although it is interesting, this topic goes beyond the framework of this paper.
Roman Ticker did submit a photograph of himself, but in it a brown bag covers his face.
Thus his identity remains masked. Roman Ticker «Image.» HC Diss-Contest Voting.
Hiphop.at <http://www.hiphop.at/hc_voting.php>.
The image on the CD cover is seen at these two FPÖ sites: n.d. 9 Oct. 2007 <http://
www.fpoe.at/index.php?id=477&backPID=1741&tt_news=7843> and n.d. 9 Oct. 2007
<http://www.fpoe.at/index.php?id=477&backPID=1741&tt_news=10673>. Here the
«new» articles state that HC Strache’s rap song has been downloaded up to 65,000 times
as of 1 Sept 2006.
HC-Man cartoon: «Wien ist anders» n.d. 25 Jan. 2007 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.
php?style=13&pageNum_RS_hcman=5>.
HC-Man cartoon. «Schüssels Gesetzlosigkeit». On the web as: «Wie sich Schüssel &
Co. ganz ungeniert über Gesetze hinwegsetzen.» n.d. 25 Jan. 2007 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.php?style=13&pageNum_RS_hcman=0>.
HC-Man cartoon: «Inländer raus – Ausländer rein? Nicht mit HC-Man!» n.d. 25. Jan
2007. <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.php?style=13&pageNum_RS_hcman=4 >.
ÖRF Radio report. 19 Jan. 2007. 21 Jan. 2007 <http://oe1.orf.at/inforadio/72237.html >.
226
Beret Norman
Works Cited
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voting.php>.
Der Diener. «HC Strache Diss.» Hiphop.at <http://www.hiphop.at/hc_voting.php>.
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Strache, Heinz-Christian. «HC-RAP. Österreich Zuerst.» hcstrache.at 20 Aug. 2006,
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Westenthaler, Peter. «Wir halten ’zam.» By Clark Kent and Lisa Simpson. BZOEPodcast 28 Aug. 2006. 19 Feb. 2007 <http://bzoe-podcast.podspot.de/post/westenthaler-song-wir-halten-zamm/>.
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177–200.
«‹Bleiben nicht mehr viele übrig.› Zu den fünf Sommergespächen.» ÖRF. Summer
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news.orf.at%2F060901-3439%2F3092txt_story.html>.
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191–214.
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Murray Forman and Mark Anthony Neal. New York: Routledge, 2004. xi–xiv.
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«HC Diss Contest Voting.» hiphop.at n.d. 12 Dec. 2006 <http://www.hiphop.at/hc_
voting.php.>.
«HC Diss Contest: Der Rap ging nach hinten los.» hiphop.at 18 Sep. 2006. 4 Nov 2006
<http://www.hiphop.at/artikel/news/hc-diss-contest-der-rap-ging-nach-hintenlos/260.htm>.
HC-Man. Cartoons. n.d. 25 Jan. 2007 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.php?style=13 >.
–. «Schüssels Großenwahn» n.d. 4 Nov. 2006 <http://www.hcstrache.at/index.
php?style=13&PHPSESSID=3f79f1047e11d5ad655aee3a957a0298#>.
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Rauschal, Andreas. «Tanz den HC Strache! Sowohl HC Strache als auch Peter Westenthaler bestreiten ihren Nationalratswahlkampf mit politischen Songs.» Wiener Zeitung 20 Sep. 2006. 19 Feb. 2007 <http://www.wienerzeitung.at/DesktopDefault.
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Appendix A. Heinz-Christian Strache’s «HC-RAP: Österreich zuerst»
Wir schreiben das Jahr 2006. Alle Politiker
haben sich mit der herrschenden Regierung
abgefunden oder sind bereit, die
ÖVP in ihrem Machtrausch zu unterstützen.
Alle Politiker? Nein, ein von einer
unbeugsamen Partei, der FPÖ, aufgestellter
Mann hört nicht auf, Widerstand zu leisten.
Ich bin HC, ein Volksvertreter, vielleicht
sogar Überzeugungstäter.
Hier traut sich keiner, die Wahrheit zu sagen,
darum tu’s ich, bitte darf ich’s wagen?
Was viele schon wissen,
bringe ich zu Papier
und diesmal ist der Text
bestimmt von mir.
Skandale, Bestechung, Korruption und Verrat,
das sind die Eckpfeiler in unsrem Staat.
So sehen das die Herrschaften im Parlament.
Es wird Zeit, dass da jemand dagegen anrennt,
der aufpasst, der aufschreit, Missstände aufzeigt
und nicht wie gewohnt
heile Welt vorgeigt,
der Dinge anspricht,
die die Menschen betreffen!
Dafür sind wir da,
ich und meine Effen.
Ich weiss, das gefällt den Mächtigen nicht,
dass ein Rebell die Dinge ausspricht.
Am Liebsten sähen sie mich stumm mit Knebel.
Aber aufgepasst, ich habe mehr als meinen Säbel!
Es geht um die Zukunft, um Österreichs Sache.
Ich bin dabei, Dein HC Strache!
HC – das ist unser Mann!
HC – der Österreich retten kann!
HC Ihr alle habt jetzt bald die Wahl,
wer macht Schluss mit diesem Jammertal?
HC – er ist unser Mann.
HC – der uns noch retten kann!
HC – einer der sich nicht versteckt
sondern Klartext spricht und Missstände
aufdeckt!
Ich lass’mir den Mund nicht gern verbieten,
auch wenn die Gutmenschen noch so wüten.
The Politics of Austrian Hip-Hop
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Die Wahrheit kommt irgendwann ans Licht,
da nutzt es nichts, wenn der Kanzler spricht:
«Böse Menschen, rechte Recken!»
Gibt’s hier vielleicht etwas zum Verstekken [sic]?
Statistiken schönen, Berater einkaufen
und dann die Leute für blöd verkaufen!
Ich sag nur das, was sich alle denken:
Wir wollen unser Land nicht mehr verschenken,
an Menschen, die unsre Kultur
nicht schätzen,
sich über unsre Gesetze wegsetzen!
Wer sich nicht integrieren will, für den
hab’ ich ein Reiseziel:
Ab in die Heimat, guten Flug! Arbeitslose
haben wir hier selbst genug.
Einbruch, Raub und Überfall, Verbrechen
steigt schnell und überall.
Die Ostöffnung ist eine «tolle» Sache. Es
grüßt Dich herzlich Dein HC Strache.
Die Wahrheit kommt irgendwann ans Licht.
Eure Lügen, die brauchen wir hier nicht.
Keiner fragt, und man zweifelt nie.
Ich frage mich, ist das Demokratie?
Ich bin fürs Volk, bin für Solidarität.
Ich bin der eine, der beim kleinen Mann steht.
Das und sonst nichts ist unsere Sache.
Das sagt nur Euer HC Strache.
HC Strache kämpft dafür, dass wir Österreicher
Herren im eigenen Haus bleiben.
Deshalb ist er unsere Wahl.
Source: Hcstrache.at 20 Aug. 2006. 4 Nov. 2006 <http://wirgebendentonan.fpoe.at/
index.php?style=21>.
Appendix B: List of HC-Diss Contest Finalists
The finalists are listed in order, starting with the winner. The limited biographical information is drawn from two sources: «And the nominees were …» 23 Sep. 2006. 14. Apr.
2007 <http://derstandard.at/Kultur/Musik/HC-Diss-Contest> and «HC Diss-Contest Voting» 23 Aug. 2006. 12 Dec. 2006 <http://www.hiphop.at/hc_voting.php>.
1. Koryphaios, 20 year old winner from Vienna.
2. Roman Ticker, lives as a foreigner in Austria; he did not perform live at the finale.
Beat by toysRfuct and recording by Scheibsta.
3. 17-year-old from Vienna, MC Appletree, and his DJ, Krizzfader, is French but
lives in Vienna. Beat produced by DJ Dickes & Select.
230
Beret Norman
4. Fat Poets Society, three rappers from Vienna: Chefkoch, Junes and Vin Gogh.
5. LA Splisz, two DJs, Testa and Chrisfader, and two MCs, Staffolo and Dirty Sanchez, from Tirol.
6. Johvi, from Upper Austria. Beat by Whizz Vienna.
7. RapAddicted, consists of five men from Vienna’s Second District: Scoddy Flippin,
L.A.R., SCT, Erade and DJ Dickes.
8. Kugelblitz, from Lower Austria.
9. Javar (no details given of where he lives). Beat by Koryphaios.
10. Shakadelix, a group of four men from both Upper and Lower Austria.
11. Der Diener, Nikolaus Königsberger from Lower Austria (tied with Topoke &
Anais).
11. Topoke & Anais. Topoke «comes from the Congo as well as from France and Austria.» Anais is his eight-year-old daughter (tied with Der Diener).