Die Grünen zwischen Macht und Ideologie

Transcription

Institut für
die Wissenschaften
vom Menschen
Summer 2001
Institute for
Human Sciences
A-1090 Wien
Spittelauer Lände 3
Tel. (+431) 313 58-0
Fax (+431) 313 58-30
iwm@iwm.at
www.iwm.at
POLITISCHE DISKUSSION
Die Frage, ob den Grünen der Spagat zwischen alternativem
Politikentwurf und Regierungsverantwortung gelingen kann,
diskutierten am 22. Mai auf Einladung des IWM und der Grünen
Bildungswerkstatt Kerstin Müller, Ralf Fücks, Alexander Van der
Bellen und Cornelia Klinger.
Contents
3 Symposia
Memory and Politics
5 Adversity and Violence in Liberal and
Democratic Society
7 Fest
Dieter Simon neuer Präsident des
IWM
8 Workshop
Testing Democracy at the Margins
10 IWM Summer School in Political
Philosophy 2001
22 Projektbericht
Reinhard Engel über Luxus aus Wien
23 Notes on Books
Shlomo Avineri on memory and
national identity
Lindsay Waters on literary criticism
Herlinde Pauer-Studer über soziale
Gerechtigkeit
27 Guest Contribution
Mykola Riabchuk on Media and
freedom of speech in the Ukraine
Die Grünen zwischen
Macht und Ideologie
WAS IST IN DEUTSCHLAND GEBLIEBEN vom grünen Projekt
nach gut zwei Jahren Regierungsbeteiligung? Wie unterscheiden sich die Grünen noch von den anderen Parteien?
Kaum mehr durch ihre einst ureigene Domäne, die Umweltpolitik – sie ist inzwischen Bestandteil aller Parteiprogramme. Andererseits scheinen die deutschen Grünen davor zurück zu schrecken, die geschlossen in die Mitte gerückte Sozialdemokratie zu beerben und eine neue Linke
zu formieren.
In Österreich haben die Grünen durch den Regierungswechsel im Jahr 2000 unverhofft an Popularität gewonnen. Doch wie lange können sie sich auf ihr Image der
unverbrauchten, integren Oppositionspartei stützen? Wie
bereiten sie sich darauf vor, eines Tages selbst Regierungsverantwortung zu übernehmen?
Das Schicksal der Grünen in Deutschland scheint ein
lehrreiches Beispiel für Österreich zu sein. Auch dort waren
die Erwartungen an das grüne Bündnis hoch, als es als
kleinerer Partner in die Regierungskoalition eintrat. Nun
scheiden sich aber die Geister über das „grüne Projekt“ in
Regierungsverantwortung.
Grünsein als Gemeinplatz
Kerstin Müller, Fraktionsvorsitzende von Bündnis 90/
Die Grünen im deutschen Bundestag, sieht die Ursachen
der Krise der deutschen Grünen vor allem darin, dass es
bisher nicht ausreichend gelungen sei, in der Öffentlichkeit die Grundpfeiler grüner Politik – ökologische Erneuerung der Gesellschaft, soziale Modernisierung, BürgerInnen- und Menschenrechte sowie zivile Konfliktlösungsmodelle in der Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik – und die
politische Umsetzung dieser Werte glaubhaft darzustellen.
1998 seien die Grünen bereits geschwächt in die Regierungskoalition eingetreten, da schon in der vorangehenden öffentlichen Auseinandersetzung um das Magdeburger Wahlprogramm 1997 die Visionen und Grundwerte
nicht deutlich gemacht werden konnten. Darüber hinaus,
Ralf Fücks, Cornelia Klinger,
Alexander Van der Bellen,
Kerstin Müller (von links nach
rechts).
The tension between
power and ideology,
between alternative
politics and the
pragmatic limitations of
a governing party was
the topic of a public
debate between Kerstin
Müller, chairwoman of
the Green parliamentary
party in Germany, Ralf
Fücks, chairman of the
Heinrich Böll Foundation,
Alexander van der Bellen, leader of the
Austrian Greens, and
philosopher Cornelia
Klinger, IWM Permanent
Fellow.
Politische Diskussion DIE GRÜNEN ZWISCHEN MACHT UND IDEOLOGIE
2
so Müller weiter, sei vor allem die Forderung nach einem radikalen Ausstieg aus
der Atomenergie unrealistisch gewesen. Dass dieser
nun langfristig erfolgt, werde von aber keineswegs als
Erfolg, sondern vielmehr als
Niederlage der Grünen gewertet. Die Betonung ökologischer Anliegen ist heute
Kerstin Müller
zum Gemeinplatz der Programme aller Parteien geworden. Müller
sieht hier aber nach wie vor eine konkurrenzlose Stärke der Grünen: „Ich halte das
bei den anderen für aufgesetzt und realitätsfern, im Grunde sind das nur Lippenbekenntnisse.“
Eine Belastungsprobe stellte die Abstimmung über den NATO-Einsatz im
Kosovo dar: „Wenn uns das jemand vorher gesagt hätte, hätten wir gesagt, über
ein so unrealistisches Beispiel diskutieren
wir doch gar nicht.“ Ihre Pro-Entscheidung wurde den Grünen von vielen als
Preisgabe pazifistischer Werte angekreidet,
andere wiederum hätten die Professionalität der Entscheidung zu schätzen gewusst. Müllers Fazit: das Glas sei halbvoll,
man halte sich angesichts der Herausforderungen recht gut.
Österreichs Grüne sind lernfähig
Im Fall einer grünen Regierungsbeteiligung in Österreich sei man, nicht
zuletzt durch die Erfahrungen der deutschen Schwesterpartei, besser gewappnet,
ist der grüne Bundessprecher und Fraktionsvorsitzende Alexander Van der Bellen
überzeugt. Mittlerweile sei
klar, dass die Erwartungen
– sowohl die der Parteimitglieder als auch die der
SympathisantInnen
–
bewusst gedämpft werden
müssen: „Je unrealistischer
die
Erwartungshaltung
beim
Regierungsantritt,
desto mehr Probleme hab
ich dann. Man muss klar
machen, dass die Welt mit
Ralf Fücks
einem Regierungsantritt
nicht neu beginnt – von den Gesetzen
ganz zu schweigen.“
Ein Wechsel von der Oppositionszur Regierungspartei wäre zweifellos für
alle, die der Partei nahestehen, „ein Kulturschock“. Aufgrund der Neutralität,
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
hofft Van der Bellen, werde es aber
Zerreissproben wie einen „Fall Kosovo“
hierorts in nächster Zukunft nicht geben.
Van der Bellen betonte schließlich,
dass eine Position zwischen Macht und
Ideologie nicht möglich sei. Macht verlange vielmehr nach Ideologie, da jede Partei ansonsten bei den WählerInnen an
Glaubwürdigkeit einbüße. Die Grünen
stünden freilich sowohl rechts – mit ihrem
Umweltschutzgedanken als „konservative“, bewahrende Kraft – als auch links, als
Kritiker der entfesselten Marktwirtschaft.
noch stehen die Grünen in einem Spannungsverhältnis zum Status quo. Fücks ist
sich der Gefahr, dass die Grünen vom
Pragmatismus und der medialen Inszenierung aufgefressen werden könnten, bewusst. Zentral für den weiteren Erfolg sei
aber die fortwährende kritische Auseinandersetzung mit den eigenen Entwürfen,
sind es doch sie, die die Grünen von anderen Parteien unterscheiden.
Die Mütter der Grünen
Cornelia Klinger, Permanent Fellow des
IWM, plädierte in Abwandlung von HeDie grüne Metamorphose
gels Diktum, dass der Baum der Freiheit
Den beiden grünen Spitzenpolitiker- alle zwanzig Jahre mit Blut zu begießen
Innen aus Österreich und Deutschland sei, für die permanente Erneuerung der
widersprach Ralf Fücks, Vorstand der Partei durch die Integration sozialer BeweHeinrich-Böll-Stiftung und ehemaliger gungen. Aus ihrer Sicht sind die sozialen
grüner Senator in Bremen, in seiner Ana- Bewegungen die „Mütter“ der Partei. Den
lyse. Die Metamorphose,
Grünen sei dieses Kunstdie „radikale Häutung“
stück bislang ganz gut geder Grünen, so Fücks, halungen.
be schon lange vor dem
Klingers theoretisches
Regierungsantritt begonInteresse an den Grünen
nen, und dennoch: „Jebegründe sich aus den Vermand wie Petra Kelly
änderungen des Naturwürde die Partei heute
begriffs. Der Machtzunicht wiedererkennen.“
wachs der Gesellschaft
Seit die Grünen im Bund
über die Natur im 20. Jahrregieren, sei Basisdemohundert habe ein neues ReAlexander Van der Bellen
kratie zu einer reinen Phrase
flektieren des Spannungsverkommen, tatsächlich
verhältnisses von Natur
werde grüne Politik von oben nach unten und Gesellschaft notwendig gemacht.
definiert. Parteitage würden zunehmend
Anders als Van der Bellen beurteilt
zu medialen Inszenierungen, was freilich Klinger das Verhältnis von Macht und
als Professionalisierung wahrgenommen Ideologie: ideologiefreie Macht sei heute
werde.
die Regel. Politisch agiert werde heute
Die heutige Situation sei natürlich nach Sachzwängen und Notwendigkeiauch Resultat einer veränderten Gesell- ten. Sowohl die Nationalstaaten als auch
schaft. Der Ort, von dem aus sich die Grü- die national organisierten Parteien verlönen definieren, habe sich völlig gewan- ren in der globalisierten Welt ihre Bedeudelt: „Wir definieren uns nicht mehr ‚anti- tung.
‚, sondern als Reformkraft mitten in der
Aus der Position einer Wählerin erGesellschaft.“
kennt Klinger daher die Notwendigkeit,
Die Herausbildung einer sozial sensi- den Politikbegriff im Verhältnis sowohl
blen und gebildeten derartigen Mittel- zur Natur (im weitesten Sinne) als auch
klasse, die das grüne Projekt jetzt trägt, zur Globalisierung zu verändern.
machte eine Professionalisierung, eine InWenn die Grünen diese Positionen
stitutionalisierung und letztendlich eine aufgäben, verlören sie ihre Einzigartigkeit.
Regierungsbeteiligung der Grünen über- Den Spannungsbogen von der Basis der
haupt erst möglich.
sozialen Bewegungen einerseits und zum
Die Selbsttransformation der Grü- Ideenhimmel andererseits, so Klinger
nen bestehe somit nicht in einem Wandel müssten die Grünen unbedingt aufrechtder Grundwerte, sondern in einem Wan- erhalten.
del deren programmatischer Umsetzung.
Dieser Wandel habe sowohl zu Gewinnen
als auch Verlusten geführt, aber immer
SYMPOSIUM
In collaboration with the Austrian National Committee of the European Cultural Foundation the
Institute for Human Sciences hosted a symposium on the politics of memory – as part of a long-term
series on politics and culture – on 14 May.
Memory and Politics
BERLIN AND VIENNA both during the last years saw
controversial public debates arise as soon as plans to
erect memorials for the victims of the Holocaust
became known. The Austrian National Committe
of the European Cultural Foundation asked
(former) politicians and intellectuals to analyze and
discuss the recent developments as regards the politics of memory.
Michael Naumann, publisher and editor-inchief of the German weekly Die Zeit and former
German Minister for Cultural Affairs, openened
the discussion with “Some Remarks on the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin”. Peter Marboe, former
Viennese City Councillor for Cultural Affairs and
Charles Taylor, Professor Emeritus of Philosophy
at McGill University and Chairman of the IWM
Academic Advisory Board, were invited to comment. Lord Weidenfeld (publisher, London)
chaired the event.
The discussion focussed on the controversial
arguments surrounding the planned Holocaust
memorials in Berlin and Vienna, and went on more
generally to consider the importance of historical
memory in politics and in the search for identity in
Europe. The artistic commemoration of heinous
acts committed by a nation in the past – rather than
heroic deeds – is a new phenomenon. However, it
has quickly become a precondition for peaceful coexistence in multicultural or multiethnic societies in
which there is a history of oppression of minorities.
Why not improve existing museums?
Michael Naumann remembered that when he had
first been asked about his thoughts on the idea for
the Holocaust memorial in Berlin, he had considered the plan an aesthetic gesture which had no
precedent and therefore should not be attempted.
Instead Naumann had suggested that the
money (DM 27 million) should be used to renovate, update and sponsor existing memorials and
museums in East Germany, which had been
turned into memorials for their own purposes by
the East German régime.
Naumann’s averse position to the Holocaust
memorial in Berlin had two reasons. Firstly, he felt
the need to improve the museological and didactic
situation of the former German concentration
camps, especially in the former German Democratic Republic, but also in the West. Secondly, in
Naumann’s view, it is not possible for Germans to
properly commemorate the “Kulturbruch” (cultural fracture), the most horrific event that ever
happened, by artistic representations or architectural attempts. How should it be possible to commemorate anything on the scale of the Holocaust
with an aesthetic gesture?
The capital of regret
The Mayor of Berlin did not want the city to become the “capital of regret”. Naumann’s impression
was that the Mayor saw this kind of commemoration as an attempt to relieve the whole nation of the
memory of what happened. “The more you think
about the Holocaust and its official commemoration, the more it becomes clear that one of the
founding truths on which German democratic existence is based is the Holocaust and the attempt to
cut with the past. This in itself is a very difficult
raison d’état. To build and be part of a nation on the
memory of this horrible crime is an enormous challenge to the ordinary person, as well as to many
politicians,” said Naumann.
Naumann wanted to overcome this problem,
agreeing with Musil that the dilemma of every
monument is that it becomes invisible with time
and therefore loses its purpose. As a consquence, he
suggested building a museum underneath the
planned monument to teach the story of the Holocaust.
Kann ein Kulturbruch wie
der Holocaust überhaupt zum Gegenstand
von Denkmälern werden? Die Debatten und
Kontroversen in Berlin
und Wien zeigten, wie
vielschichtig und kontrovers diese Frage ist. Auf
Einladung des Österreichischen Nationalkomitees der Europäischen Kulturstiftung und
des IWM diskutierten
unter der Leitung von
Lord Weidenfeld Michael
Naumann, Peter Marboe
und Charles Taylor – mit
Blick auf eigene Erfahrungen und kulturpolitische Positionen.
Names, faces, families – all forgotten?
To maintain the delicate balance of commemorating and educating a whole nation fulfills an old
platonic demand – the anthropological-philosophical insight that the human being’s consciousness is determined by his or her ability to remember.
However, and this Naumann finds very disturbing, the remembering of events of the Holocaust is done abstractly: individual suffering is lost
from sight. Only few memorials point out individual cases – names, faces, families. “The abstractness of politically motivated and supported
memory becomes useless. How can one possibly
induce in a nation of 80 million people the continuous memory of individual suffering and death?
The answer is that one cannot, and history will
show this. The next generations of both the perpetrator and victim nations will have to come to terms
with this.”
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
3
Symposium MEMORY AND POLITICS
Peter Marboe
4
Michael Naumann
Charles Taylor
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
HIgh-flying plans and underground museums
Peter Marboe followed Michael Naumann in commenting on his experiences with the Viennese Holocaust memorial as Viennese Councillor for Culture at the time. The decision to build a memorial
on the Judenplatz in Vienna was made soon after
Simon Wiesenthal suggested the idea. Although it
was immediately controversial, the governing Social
Democratic party made the decision to go ahead
with the idea of building the memorial on the very
location. Nine artists were invited to present their
proposals, and a jury unanimously decided on
Rachel Whiteread’s plan.
Only then did the substantial discussions begin, and a movement which was very much in opposition to the project gained support. In the summer of 1996, only months before the Viennese
municipal elections, the same government stopped
the project. After the elections in October 1996,
Peter Marboe himself called an 11-month ‘thinking
break’.
There was, however, no alternative to building
the memorial on the Judenplatz – even though
there was strong opposition from locals and from a
large part of the Jewish community. Rachel
Whiteread’s memorial would either be on the
Judenplatz – or nowhere.
A new concept for the project was developed.
It consisted of a pedestrian zone, access to the excavations of the medieval synagogue through the
Mizrahi House, an information center and a museum. So from a position of strong opposition and
fluctuating political will to realize it, the project on
the Judenplatz was in the end carried through successfully.
Commemoration of the Negative
Charles Taylor spoke of a turn in history – the commemoration of negative events or deeds in works of
art being a new phenomenon, which is nowadays
required of a great number of societies. This must
be seen in the context of the central role that building a collective memory plays, partly through various means of commemoration and partly through
the teaching of history in schools, especially in
democratic societies in which a sense of legitimacy
and belonging must be constructed.
World public opinion is now so effective that
even very powerful states or persons cannot ignore
it. The turning point, so Taylor, was the First World
War – grand tombs were built for the unknown
soldier, heroes were honored, but there was deep
disconcertment with war and its glorification. It
was impossible to view the War from the national
framework alone; after the Second World War this
was even clearer.
Summer 2001
Lord Weidenfeld
Taylor remarked that it is therefore not just a
matter for the Japanese Prime Minister what Japanese history textbooks say. National traditions of
commemoration are irreducibly, irreversibly embedded in a larger space.
Multiculturalism has forced politics in modernity to change – minorities are now more present;
the fact that many of these minorities were mistreated in the past can no longer be ignored. Taylor
explains that nowadays their position cannot be
recognized without a certain amount of negative
commemoration – real politics of inclusion in the
modern polities of Europe, America and the new
democracies is absolutely incompatible with silence
or denial of what happened.
The main thrust to negative memorialization
comes from a mixture of the broader context of
society and the need that everyone has to see oneself
positively, which was the reason for positive
memorialization in the first place. Seeing oneself as
a perpetrator of terrible deeds is paralyzing and cannot be lived with. Taylor considers this one of the
reasons that there is some understanding for people
who wish to cover up their history.
Negative memorialization can take the form of
an attempt to recover a sense of affirmation of oneself, as a nation and society, by building a new identity. One wants to be part of the kind of people for
whom this act is absolutely unconscionable, to
think that it could not be done by us today. “But
you can’t become that if you pretend that it never
was done by us, because you would not change
identities. It must be done through the very painful process, hence the tremendous difficulties concerning Holocaust memorials,” explained Taylor.
In the context of formerly authoritarian societies that have gone through the democratization
process and have found it impossible to simply forget history, there has been understandable desire to
move towards amnesty. What can be seen in all
these cases, especially in the case of South Africa, is
the attempt to carefully balance the need for amnesty with the need for truth. In no way can a
peaceful future be secured if one attempts to deny
the suffering and injustices that have been inflicted: the building of a new society would constantly be frustrated. The solution was maximum
amnesty (reconciliation) with the maximum revelation of truth.
In his final remarks, Charles Taylor emphasized
that negative commemoration is becoming an absolutely dimension of democracies, but it remains unclear to most what its purpose is.
Michael Bugajer
SYMPOSIUM
On 18 May, the Erasmus of Rotterdam Chair at Warsaw University and the Institute for Human
Sciences jointly organized a symposium in Warsaw to explore the sources of violence. It was held
within the framework of the Robert Bosch Network Program.
Adversity and Violence
in Liberal and Democratic Society
MANKIND AND VIOLENCE – throughout history human thinking has dealt with this problem extensively but without conclusion. Can we really accept the assumption that what is ‘human’ is not
‘violent’ and vice versa? Does human ‘progress’
mean that there is less violence than in the past, that
‘civilized’ societies are less violent than those that
have remained ‘uncivilized’?
Within the framework of IWM’s Robert Bosch
Partner Network a public symposium on Liberal
and Democratic Concepts of Adversity and
Violence was held in Warsaw on 18 May. The
symposium brought together academics from Eastern and Western Europe to discuss this highly topical issue.
Charles Taylor, Professor of Philosophy at
McGill University and Chairman of IWM’s Academic Advisory Board, began by giving a lecture on
the Sources of Violence, Perennial and Modern. James Gilligan, Professor of Psychiatry at
Harvard Medical School and Director of the Center
for the Study of Violence, spoke about Shame,
Pride and Violence. Next, Marcin Krol, Professor of the History of Ideas and Member of the
Erasmus of Rotterdam Chair, University of Warsaw
and Editor-in-Chief of Res Publica Nowa, lectured
on the Concept of Enemy in a Liberal Society.
Finally John Gray, Professor of Philosophy at the
London School of Economics, spoke about Democracy and Anarchy. Krzysztof Michalski,
Professor of Philosophy at the University of Warsaw and Boston University and Director of IWM,
hosted and moderated the symposium.
Solid historical evidence shows that violence
has appeared in many forms throughout human
history right up to the present. The concept of
‘violence’ is not just confined to physical brutality
governing relations among people with different
aims, values and interests. It also means inflicting
intellectual or psychological harm, which can lead
to grave cultural and social consequences. Despite
numerous theories analyzing its impact and the
possibilities of preventing it, violence still performs
certain social functions in specific cultures and certain circumstances. It has a stable position in human society and can therefore be seen as an attribute of human nature.
Locating the evil
Violence needs breeding soil (source of violence) for
its genesis and further growth, an essential motive
(cause of violence) and at least two opposing sides
(concept of subject enemy). Charles Taylor pointed
out that the problem with categorical violence is the
difficulty in explaining its origin. Some people seek
explanations in biology: because young men often
perpetrate violence, hormones are blamed as the
cause. Others see socio-biological explanations:
people are aggressive with outsiders and bond with
insiders. Supposedly, Taylor said, this had an evolutionary pay-off; such reasoning, however, makes
‘meaning’ irrelevant.
Scapegoats and outsiders are created because
we define ourselves in terms of our beliefs, ideals,
orders or way of life and so must place evil outside of
ourselves. In Taylor’s view, seeing oneself as evil, or
in moral chaos, is too disabling and paralyzing: “We
can’t admit it. So we project the evil onto agents of
‘pollution’.” To see evil or disorder as external naturally requires a contrast.
Historically, Taylor continued, contrast was often provided by ‘barbarians’, ‘savages’, distant
peoples mostly beyond contact. The contrast defined evil as external – we’re not barbarians. Without contact, so Taylor, this was relatively harmless,
although it licensed cruelty when contact did occur.
Reversal of fear and purification of human society
are modern and perennial sources of violence. The
circumstances we live in lead us to identify the
problem alongside its source. We thus manage to
identify our enemy – someone responsible – so we
have a reason to punish. Since we are morally entitled to do so, we are pure and purifying.
Taylor argued that the most terrible violence
arises when the outsiders are seen as polluting from
within, as the implication of this is that these outsiders need to be purged or expelled: we see this in
the terrible history of European anti-Semitism.
In some societies, the rise of modernity even
exacerbated this. Jewish emancipation was seen by
some as allowing the ‘enemy’ to infiltrate. This reasoning culminated in Nazism, which fused a warrior ethic with the mythology of expelling evil: holy
rage and sacred massacre simultaneously. Taylor
emphasized that the dangers of such thinking are
extreme: a minority automatically threatens society
merely by virtue of its existence.
Gewalt wird oft als ‘inhuman’ etikettiert. Gleichwohl ist Gewalt auf allen
Ebenen, von der Prügelei
zwischen Jugendlichen
bis hin zum Völkermord,
Realität in allen Gesellschaften – demokratischen wie autoritären.
Geschichte und Theorie
dieser Phänomene
diskutierten im Rahmen
eines vom Erasmus von
Rotterdam-Lehrstuhl an
der Universität Warschau und dem IWM im
Rahmen des Robert
Bosch Netzwerks organisierten Symposium
Charles Taylor, James
Gilligan, Marcin Krol und
John Gray. Moderator
war Krzysztof Michalski.
5
Charles Taylor, Krzysztof Michalski, Marcin
Krol, John Gray (from left to right)
James Gilligan (left) and Charles Taylor
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Symposium THE LIBERAL AND DEMOCRATIC CONCEPT OF ADVERSITY IN VIOLENCE
6
Humiliation generates violence
To insult someone culminates in that
person’s humiliation. In James Gilligan’s
words, “the most effective way of making
even the most peaceful people react violently is to insult them.” Gilligan contended that conceptions of violence have
changed. Violence has obtained the role
of “social tuberculosis” – nothing sacred or
morally justifiable, but an illness damaging the basic functions and substance of
society and breaking any social compatibility.
Discrimination and poverty create an
environment for feeling inferior (being in
an inferior social role), accompanied with
the lack of social success and recognition.
According to James Gilligan, the only effective way to prevent violence is to implement universal political democracy, guided by the removal of poverty and inequality among different social classes.
Strengthening fundamental social certainties reduces social clashes that result in violence.
Political democracy at least offers
a chance to be heard and allows the possibility for a movement from the extreme
edge of society to come closer to the
middle. Nevertheless, the dissemination
of a democratic and liberal political order
and the establishing of social equality are
not possible without a sufficient level of
mutual communication within and/or
with various more or less interactive social
classes of human society.
Enemies as scapegoats
Paradoxically, violence can achieve a certain social cumulative function, namely
when the whole society unites against a
predefined danger. In such cases, violence
takes the position of permitted aggressiveness against a common target – specified
enemy – whether initiating such
a reaction (deserving enemy) or not (victim of violence, aggrieved person). The
enemy is the scapegoat in society, an individual kept out of relevant public discussion and public concern (Marcin Krol).
Reconciliation of society means the
elimination of violence. Machiavelli suggests that perhaps (seen within the framework of economic categories) the most effective solution is the total liquidation of
enemies. Such an outcome, however, does
not adhere to any developed concept of
democracy guaranteeing fundamental
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
human rights to every human being; it neglects the possibility of a mistake or of
simple human weakness.
Another solution focuses on the integration of enemies into liberal society, their
inclusion into public dialogue and general
social concern. Marcin Krol propounded
two basic questions in this connection: Is
such incorporation actually possible?
Does society want to include its enemies?
Human society is perhaps (among
others) based on the vital requirement of
having enemies whether assigned to a specific purpose or not. Marcin Krol mentioned that there are enemies in all liberal
societies. A solution for how they could be
removed does not exist.
Nevertheless, it should not be overlooked that certain individuals and/or
groups of individuals label themselves as
the enemies of a certain society, thus disqualifying themselves from being integrated into the society and participating
in public dialogue. They make it difficult
to achieve social consensus or compromise.
Violence is not an isolated social issue
that has no impact on the fundamental
operation of democratic society. It brings
along a large scope of social changes and
sources for later hostility and revenge.
Violence lays a footpath for disorder, anarchy and social chaos.
Superpowers becoming enemies of
democracy
The growing weakness of modern state
sovereignty does not automatically mean
that a state loses its power. On the contrary, modern states try to reassert their
power of control – John Gray specifies it as
control of the movement of people. The
most powerful modern states, the world
superpowers, are slowly but surely becoming the biggest enemies of liberal democracy.
Institutions warranting liberal values
do not have any further sense, and society
is continually being replaced by liberal
democratic anarchy. According to John
Gray, seemingly democratic regimes with
a high potential of narrow economic purpose and various forms of corruption,
have deeper effects on liberal freedoms
and are much more illiberal in their final
impact than the most brutal mass violence.
John Gray pointed out the abovelisted feature as the first change to take
place in a modern society. The second
change should be defined as the overall
revolution of the nature of war. Loss of
state sovereignty continues alongside a
transfer of focus from the state itself to entities and/or organisations existing irrespective of any state structures. Such political, religious or cultural movements initiate and realise contemporary wars, disregarding the general public opinion or the
will of states (state representatives). They
inflict aggression mostly by means of terrorism or other more or less organised
forms of violence, often contrary to the
interests of states.
As violence increases worldwide,
there are more and more calls for international agreements to suppress violence.
The problem is that we need and depend
on strong, sovereign and modern states to
co-establish, support and attend to supranational structures and institutions.
However, John Gray argued that
strong states do not care enough for such
agreements and institutes since these states
do not consider them as falling within the
range of their political or economic priorities. Such agreements and institutions
necessarily interfere with national jurisdiction and control over own interior matters
(and foreign issues as well), and thereby
restrict national sovereignty.
Violence can cause mass human destruction and therefore it is a matter of vital importance to the entire human race.
Human knowledge has disclosed its other
side. Enlightenment not only serves as a
tool for universal progress and peace but
also as necessary knowledge for surveillance, humiliation and mass murder. Modernity itself has made killing and aggression much more available, effective and
cheaper than ever before.
Alena Mikudova / Michael Bugajer
FEST
Am 18. Juni stellte sich Dieter Simon, Präsident der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften und kürzlich neu gewählter Präsident des Instituts für die Wissenschaften vom
Menschen, Fellows, Mitarbeitern und Freunden des IWM vor. Mit einer ironischen Ansprache zu
Formen und Funktionen des “szientifischen Kryptonetzwerks” eröffnete er sein Einstandsfest.
“Netzwerker” Dieter Simon ist neuer Präsident des IWM
Jyoti Mistry (li) und eine
Freundin
Julia Huang (li) und David
Theil
Dieter Simon, President of the Berlin-Brandenburg
Academy of Sciences, succeeded the late Jozef
Tischner as President of the Institute for Human
Sciences. On June 18, he introduced himself to the
fellows, staff and friends of the IWM.
Georg Lennkh, Janos M. Kovacs und John Smith (von links
nach rechts)
Klaus Nellen (li) mit Junior Visiting Fellows
DAS INSTITUT FÜR DIE WISSENSCHAFTEN VOM MENSCHEN wird von einem Verein getragen, dessen
langjähriger Präsident Jozef Tischner im Vorjahr
nach schwerer Krankheit verstorben ist. Der Vereinsvorstand wählte im März dieses Jahres aus seiner Mitte Dieter Simon, Präsident der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, der
dem IWM bereits seit mehr als einer Dekade verbunden ist, zu Tischners Nachfolger.
Dieter Simon lud nun im Juni zu einem Antrittsfest in die Räume des Instituts, um sich denjenigen vorzustellen, die „ihn nicht gewählt hatten“,
den Fellows, Mitarbeitern und Freunden des
IWM. Dem kleinen, freundschaftlichen Rahmen
entsprechend entschied er sich gegen einen akademischen Vortrag und amüsierte die Zuhörerinnen
und Zuhörer stattdessen mit Reflexionen über akademische Netzwerke.
Damit meinte er keineswegs die Netzwerke,
von denen man sich heute die Panazee der „Synergie“ erhofft – nichts anderes als der zum Terminus
gefrorene Stoßseufzer, dass die anderen die Administration erledigen mögen.
Vielmehr konzentrierte sich Simon auf das old
boys network, für das er als Alteuropäer und bekennender Humanist den auratischen Begriff eines
„szientifischen Kryptonetzwerks“ prägte.
Mit analytischer Präzision lieferte er dann die
entscheidenden Merkmale, die die unsichtbaren
Fädenzieher im Wissenschaftsbetrieb sichtbar werden lassen. Denn die Identifikation der Akteure erfolge, so Simon, in der Manier der Entlarvung einer
Bande von Schmugglern und Terroristen: Kriegt
man einen zu fassen, hat man sie alle.
Entlang seines Kriterienkatalogs – soziales
Grußverhalten spielt dabei ebenso eine Rolle wie
der Umgang mit dem Terminkalender – arbeitete
sich Simon zur Vorstellung seiner eigenen Person
vor. Es blieb ihm nichts anderes übrig, als sich als
Mitglied einer „ausländischen szientifischen Kryptonetzwerk-Organisation“ zu outen. Man hatte so
etwas erwartet.
7
Dieter Simon bei seinem Outing
Christoph Chorherr und Gerhard Rainer (re)
Krzystzof Michalski (li), Dieter Simon und
Freunde des Präsidenten
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
WORKSHOP
JVF CONFERENCE
Each term approximately 10 Junior
Visiting Fellows from Europe, East and
West, and the United States are
awarded scholarships to pursue their
studies at IWM. At the end of their
stay the results of their research are
discussed at a conference which for
the first term of 2001 took place on
June 7th.
Jedes Semester bietet
das IWM etwa 10
NachwuchswissenschafterInnen die Möglichkeit, en
selbstgewähltes Forschungsvorhaben in
Zusammenarbeit mit den
Permanent und Visiting
Fellows zu verfolgen. Der
Aufenthalt wird mit einer
Konferenz abgeschlossen, auf der die Resultate zur Diskussion gestellt
werden.
Junior Visiting Fellows’
Conference
I. History, Methodology, Politics, Chair: Anita Traninger
Alessandro Barberi
New Methodologies in Historiography: Historical
Epistemology and Discourse Analysis
Reviewer: Georg Kö
8
Round-table discussion
Michal Kopecek
Communism in Central Europe and Intellectual History:
Rethinking Marxist Revisionism
Reviewer: Janos M. Kovacs
II. Cultural Preconditions and Political Borders.
Chairs: Anita Traninger, Klaus Nellen
Kamila Kulik
Daimon – the Citizen (Arendt and Plato’s Socrates)
Reviewer: Abigail Gillman
Meike Schmidt-Gleim, Mieke Verloo and
Abigail Gillman (from left to right)
Andrew Bove
Hegel’s Notion of “Bildung” and the Question of
Culture in Politics, Reviewer: Edwad Findlay
Meike Schmidt-Gleim
Racism and Democracy, Reviewer: Cornelia Klinger
Veronika Wittmann
Protocols of (Planned) Failures and (Unplanned)
Enlightenments, Reviewer: Cornelia Klinger
Andrew Bove, Veronika Wittmann, Michal
Kopecek (from left to right)
Tatiana Zhurzenko
“Language Politics” and Formation of National Identity
in Contemporary Ukraine
Reviewer: Alexei Miller
Inna V. Naletova
The Orthodox Church in Russia on Relations with the
Modern State
Reviewer: Janos M. Kovacs
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
On 28-29 June 2001 the United States
Embassy Vienna together with the
Diplomatic Academy and the Institute
for Human Sciences held an
international conference on the
question of extremism in democracy.
Testing Democracy at
the Margins
THE CONFERENCE brought together 25 panelists
from 15 countries in Europe and North America to
facilitate a transatlantic dialogue on sensitive questions concerning “extremism” in democracy. In the
words of the conference program, the aim of the
debate was “to focus on threats to human rights and
human dignity within democratic societies,
whether those threats emanate from the streets or
from the ballots, and on ways to prevent democracies from turning ugly”. The conference attracted a
large audience throughout the two-day event held
at the Diplomatic Academy.
Six panel sessions included a broad range of
expertise from academia, government, journalism,
business and non-governmental organizations.
Contributions were offered from across a wide
spectrum of relevant actors, including Richard
Thornton, FBI Civil Rights Program, Hate Crimes
Unit, Britta Lejon, Swedish Minister for Democratic Issues, and Reverend Toshiki Toma, Pastor for
Immigrants in Reykjavik, Iceland. The panel sessions sought to reflect the multi-faceted strategies
for coping with the increasing diversity of cultures
and minority populations in modern democracies,
and the social and political tensions that emerge.
Following an opening speech by the US Ambassador to Austria, Kathryn Hall, a keynote presentation was given by Marcus Mabry of Newsweek
International. Drawing upon his work as Newsweek
bureau chief and correspondent in Johannesburg
and Paris respectively, and his own personal experience as a black American at home and his living for
several years in Europe, he compared his “multiethnic experience” on both continents and challenged many conventional wisdoms concerning
the progress of ethnic relations and minority rights.
His speech highlighted a theme that would run
through this transatlantic dialogue i.e. what each
continent could learn from their respective histories
and experiences of ethnic and racial tensions and
political extremism.
The conference sessions addressed six interlocking themes. The first session on “Liberal Democracy and the Tyranny of the Majority” ques-
tioned how much intolerance a democracy should
tolerate, with speakers addressing case studies such
as the activities of the Anti-Defamation League,
and the work of the peace process in Northern Ireland. Next, a session focussed on “Restricting Civil
Liberties in the Fight against Extremism” with emphasis on the limits of freedom of speech at various
national levels, and the related implications of new
technological developments, in particular, the
Internet. A third session on “Extremist Parties and
the Electoral System” considered how “constitutional engineering” and/or electoral system reform
might prevent political extremism. Debate centred
on whether electoral systems make a difference, and
the merits or not of altering the “rules of the game”
to try to exclude fringe political parties.
On the second day, the opening panel session
on “Political, Social and Economic Strategies against
Extremism” shifted the focus on to the level of the
individual at the workplace or in everyday social
life. Speakers addressed the need to invest in “diversity training” in business and professional life, and
voluntary activities to foster education and awareness aimed at breaking down barriers of prejudice
in communities. On the political level, the fifth session considered the issue of “Co-opting and/or
Marginalizing the Extremes” through debating in
the comparative context of North America and
Europe how mainstream political party systems
have dealt with extremist/radical platforms. The final session on “Transatlantic Values and Liberal Democracy: Past and Future” posed the question of
whether there could
emerge a transatlantic
consensus on how to
deal with extremism in
democracy. The debate
focussed on the need to
strengthen
“values”
(whether Transatlantic
or European) through
the “deepening” of institutions (broadly deLaszlo Kurti, Jan Jarab, John Smith, Hansfined to include naGeorg Betz and Anton Pelinka
(from left to right)
tional and international
governmental bodies,
political parties, business enterprises etc.)
through policies and
actions that gave full
recognition to the increasingly multi-cultural nature of modern
democracies and the
enhanced requirements
to protect minority
Giancarlo Bosetti, Marcus Mabry, Helga
rights.
Nowotny, Erhard Busek, and Britta Lejon
(from left to right)
Workshop TESTING DEMOCRACY AT THE MARGINS
While the conference provided many examples of achievements, and the challenges facing
the work of governments, NGO’s and business, it
was agreed that the reduction of intolerance and
the engendering of a greater sense of inclusiveness
in modern democracies depended largely on political leadership and an active and engaged citizenry.
In this complex topic field, shaped by historical and
political developments in each country, an understated theme running through all the sessions was
that long-term investment in education and awareness-raising which reflected and took account of
the cultural diversity of modern democracies, from
formal education through to the workplace and
life-long learning, provided one of the surest way to
tackle intolerance and extremism at its roots.
Wieviel Intoleranz kann
eine liberale Demokratie
tolerieren? Eine internationaler Workshop der
amerikanischen Botschaft in Österreich in
Kooperation mit der
Diplomatischen Akademie und dem Institut für
die Wissenschaften vom
Menschen von 28.-29.
Juni hatte die Auslotung
der Grenzen der Demokratie zum Thema.
Panel session speakers
and moderators
Brendan O’Leary, Professor of Political
Science, London School
of Economics and
Political Science, London
Anton Pelinka, Professor of Political Science,
University of Innsbruck
and member of the IWM
Academic Advisory
Board
Hans Rauscher,
journalist, Der Standard,
Vienna
John Smith, Executive
Director, IWM
Richard Thornton,
Federal Bureau of
Investigation, Civil Rights
Program, Washington,
D.C.
Ingrid Thurnher, ORF
journalist, Vienna
Reverend Toshiki Toma,
Pastor for Immigrants,
Reykjavik
Helen Turnbull,
President, Human
Facets, Fort Lauderdale
Hans Winkler, Head of
the Legal Office and
Legal Adviser, Federal
Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Vienna
José María Beneyto
Pérez, Professor for
European Law, International Law, and International Relations, Institute
for European Studies,
University of San PabloCEU, Madrid
Hans-Georg Betz, Professor of Political
Science, York University,
Toronto
Giancarlo Bosetti, editor
of Reset, monthly journal,
Rome
Erhard Busek, Austrian
Special Representative
on EU Enlargement,
Vienna
Jean-Yves Camus,
political scientist,
European Center for
Research on Racism and
Antisemitism, Paris
Hubert Feichtlbauer,
freelance contributor to
Die Presse and Die Furche, Vienna
Andreas Føllesdal,
Professor of Philosophy,
University of Oslo, and
Senior Researcher at
ARENA
Lothar Höbelt, Professor
of History, University of
Vienna
Kenneth Jacobson,
International Director,
Anti-Defamation League,
New York
Jan Jarab, Czech Human Rights
Commissioner, Prague
Lonnie Johnson,
Executive Director of the
Austrian-American
Educational Commission
(Fulbright Commission),
Vienna
Laszlo Kürti, Professor of
Political Science,
University of Miskolc
Claus Leggewie, Professor of Political Science,
Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen
Britta Lejon, Minister for
Democratic Issues,
Public Administration,
and Consumer Policies,
Swedish Ministry of
Justice, Stockholm
Marcus Mabry, Global
Affairs and European
Affairs editor, News
week, New York
Helga Nowotny, Professor of Philosophy and
Social Studies of
Science, Swiss Federal
Institute of Technology
(ETH), Zurich and
member of the IWM
Academic Advisory
Board
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
9
SUMMER SCHOOL
“Liberalism, Democracy, and their Troubled Relationship” was the theme of
Within the Robert Bosch
Network Program, the
Institute for Human
Sciences collaborates
with 6 Partner Institutions
Erasmus of Rotterdam
Chair, University of
Warsaw
Collegium for
Interdepartmental
Studies, University of
Warsaw
New Europe College,
Bucharest
Center for Theoretical
Study, Prague
Institute for
Contemporary History,
Prague
The Society for Higher
Learning, Bratislava
10
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
IWM’s 9th International Summer School in Political Philosophy, held at Cortona,
Italy, July 8-20, 2001. Over 40 students from Europe and North America attended
the school, which is organized in cooperation with IWM’s partner institutions in
Warsaw, Prague, Bratislava, and Bucharest.
IWM Summer School in Political
Philosophy 2001
STUDENTS ATTENDED FOUR COURSES that dealt in different ways with the internal doubts and uncertainties of both old and new liberal democracies.
Marcin Król of the University of Warsaw and John
Gray of the London School of Economics taught a
seminar on contemporary critiques of liberalism
that originate from within liberalism. The problem
of liberty and utility in the philosophy of John
Stuart Mill provided the point of departure. Król
then turned to the liberal-communitarian debate,
while Gray discussed the conservative liberalism of
Isaiah Berlin, Friedrich von Hayek, and Karl Popper.
Pierre Hassner and Aleksander Smolar, respectively of the Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches
Internationales in Paris and the Stefan Batory
Foundation in Warsaw, co-taught a course on the
recent revolutions in Eastern and Central Europe.
Key issues of the course were what, if anything, was
novel about these revolutions, and how attention
to events in the East might improve the self-understanding of the Western democracies. The concerns
and opinions of the many Eastern and Central European students enlivened the classes, and Hassner
and Smolar eagerly continued the discussion each
day over the lunch and dinner table.
The philosophical approach of Król and Gray
and the historical approach of Hassner and Smolar
were supplemented by the more sociological approach of Professors Claus Offe (Free University of
Berlin) and Ulrich Preuß (Humboldt University,
Berlin), whose topic was liberal democratic constitutionalism. Offe and Preuß enumerated and analyzed the characteristics of constitutionalism as developed over the past two centuries, placing special
emphasis on the ways in which rights become effective in the modern state. Throughout the course
they built a case for constitutional sociology as a
modest alternative to political philosophy in a postmodern era of uncertainty.
The progress and problems of the European
Union – especially with respect to its democratic
legitimacy – were an important topic both in and
outside class in Cortona, and discussion was fueled
by the visits of former Italian Prime Minister
Giuliano Amato and Italian politician Filipo
Summer 2001
5 of the 4r participants
Pandolfi. Both spoke on the challenges and difficulties of ensuring that European integration proceeds
democratically. Amato compared his current activities to the efforts of Hamilton and Madison to “sell”
the U.S. constitution to the American people in the
eighteenth century, and announced his intention
to travel through Europe explaining the urgent
need for increased political cooperation.
Finally, IWM Director Krzysztof Michalski
held four classes on sections of Nietzsche’s
Zarathustra. The central question was how human
societies can face up to the problem of radical otherness following the Nietzschean diagnosis of nihilism in the modern world. The discussion proved
lively as several students struggled to find liberal
and democratic intimations in Nietzsche’s prescient
radicalism.
Marcin Krol, Krzysztof Michalski, Giuliano Amato,
Aleksander Smolar, Pierre Hassner (left to right)
IWM TUESDAY LECTURES
Every Tuesday evening the
IWM hosts a speaker, often a
current fellow or monthly
Tuesday Lectures
guest, who holds a public
lecture related to one of the
Institute’s projects or research
fields. An e-mail information
service on upcoming events is
available on IWM’s website
www.iwm.at
Jeden Dienstag ist die Bibliothek des IWM
Schauplatz eines öffentlichen Vortrags,
gefolgt von einer informellen Diskussion.
Fellows und Gäste des Instituts sowie internationale Wissenschaftler und Intellektuelle
werden eingeladen, ihre aktuellen Forschungsergebnisse zu präsentieren.
Einen e-mail-Informationsservice zu bevorstehenden Veranstaltungen bietet die
Website des IWM, www.iwm.at
8 MAY
Alexei Miller
Nation-Building Projects in
Late Imperial Russia
IN THE 19TH CENTURY all the European and
semi-European empires were dealing with
the problem of consolidation of their imperial cores into a nation. Also in the
Romanov Empire many politicians and
ideologists distinguished between the
Russian core of the Empire, which had to
be transformed into a nation, and the imperial borderlands, which were not considered to be an object for a wholesale
Russification within this concept. Those
ready to acknowledge the fact that the
Russian
nation was
less than
the Empire inevitably had
to answer
some precarious
questions:
What is
Russianness?
Where are the territorial, ethnic and/or
cultural borders of the Russian nation in
the making? What were the answers and
what were the results of the Russian nation-building project?
Alexei Miller is Senior Research Fellow of the
Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow
and was an IWM Visiting Fellow from
February to June 2001.
,
)
15 MAY
Sorin Antohi
Ethnic Ontology:
The Metaphysical Foundations
of Nationalism
SCHOLARS OF NATIONALISM routinely disregarded (for being reactionary, delirious,
and potentially or directly murderous) authors and discourses aimed at the indigenization of universal concepts such as
space, time and being. Entangled in
speculations about history, language, destiny, and culture, such complex efforts to
construct what Antohi terms ‘ethnic ontologies’ have formed the core of both
nationalism and local high-cultural can-
ons. Endowing the ethnie/nation with its
own ontology allows for its emancipation
from the tyranny of symbolic geography,
its rescue from the ‘terror of history’, and
an exclusive protective vertical relationship to a divine or transcendental principle. Based on the analysis of Romanian
and German examples, Sorin Antohi’s
presentation offered a critical introduction
to ethnic ontology and to the study of nationalism.
Sorin Antohi is Professor of History at the
Central European University in Budapest
and was guest of IWM in May.
29 MAY
Werte in der Gesellschaft von
heute IV
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde
Wieviel Staat braucht die
Gesellschaft?
BRAUCHT DIE GESELLSCHAFT überhaupt
Staat, kann sie sich nicht selbst und
herrschaftsfrei organisieren? Das ist zu verneinen, warum? Wenn die Gesellschaft
aber Staat braucht, wie viel Staat braucht
sie? Gibt es ein Prinzip, nach dem dies bestimmt und abgegrenzt werden kann?
In seinem Vortrag ging Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde diesen Fragen nach. Er
entwickelte das Freiheitsprinzip als
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
11
Grundlage für die Begründung und Begrenzung der Staatsmacht und staatlicher
Aufgaben und zeigte auf, welche Konsequenzen sich daraus in der Gegenwart,
nicht zuletzt für die Diskussion um den
Sozialstaat, ergeben.
voke some ‘metaphysical’ dimension? I believe this latter direction of search is indispensable. Following René Girard, I look at
the religious sources of violence in human
history. I want to argue that in a transformed mode, these are still operative in
our day.“
Eine Kurzfassung des Vortrags ist unter dem
Titel “Die Alchemie der Gewalt” am 16.
August in Der Standard erschienen. Der Text
ist Teil der Serie “Worldly Philosophers” die
Project Syndicate und das IWM gemeinsam
konzipieren und betreuen.
In Zusammenarbeit mit der Politischen
Akademie
12
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ist Professor
für öffentliches Recht, Rechts- und
Verfassungsgeschichte und
Rechtsphilosophie emeritus an der
Universität Freiburg i.B., ehemaliger Richter
des Bundesverfassungsgerichts in
Karlsruhe und Mitglied des
wissenschaftlichen Beirats des IWM.
Charles Taylor is Professor of Philosophy
emeritus at McGill University, Montreal, and
Chairman of IWM’s Academic Advisory
Board.
12 JUNE
Vladimir Tismaneanu
Communism, Fascism and the
Lessons of the 20th Century
COMMUNISM (in its radical, LeninistStalinist) version, and Fascism (in its extreme, Nazi incarnation) represented the
Charles Taylor
The Sources of Violence,
Perennial and Modern
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Vladimir Tismaneanu is Professor of Political
Science and Director of the Center for the
Study of Post-Communist Societies at the
University of Maryland. He was guest of IWM
in June.
19 JUNE
Was ist soziale Gerechtigkeit? I
John E. Roemer
Equality of Opportunity
“WE
PROPOSE
A
of equality of
opportunity that formalizes the idea of leveling the playing field.
Our theory enables us
to compute, given the
data, what policy intervention will equalize
opportunities,
among a constituency, for the achievement of a given objective. We apply the
theory to ask, to what extent does redistributive taxation serve the function of
equalizing opportunities among a citizenry for the achievement of income? Absent redistributive taxation, the income a
person eventually earns is correlated to the
socio-economic status of the family in
which he or she grew up. Were opportunities for income to be entirely equalized, a
person’s income would be independent of
his social background. We can therefore
ask, to what extent do fiscal systems in advanced democracies make it the case that
the (post-tax and transfer) income of citizens is independent of the social status of
the families in which they grew up?“
THEORY
5 JUNE
„WHAT ARE THE SOURCES of violence? I
mean systematic, organized violence, as in
war, civil war, ethnic cleansing. Some of
this may be explained ‘rationally’ e.g., certain wars of legitimate defense. But much
contemporary violence seems to go beyond any rational explanation.
Even
where some forceful
action seems rational,
the violence inflicted
often goes beyond
this, killing civilians,
bystanders, committing terrible atrocities.
Is there a sociobiological or a ‘psychological’ explanation for all this? Or do
we have also to in-
The lecture explored the legitimacy
and implications of the comparisons between the two versions of radical evil in
the 20th century.
two main challengers to liberal values, institutions, and practices in the 20th century. In the same vein, anti-Fascism and
anti-Communism were significant ideological passions that inspired strong emotions, attachments, and loyalties with enduring effects in contemporary intellectual and moral debates. Valdimir
Tismaneanu, in his paper, attempted to
define the similarities and differences between these ideology-driven systems by
focusing on their origins, intentions, inner
dynamics, and affinities with other doctrines.
In Zusammenarbeit mit dem Renner-Institut
John E. Roemer is Elizabeth S. and A. Varick
Stout Professor of Political Science and
Economics at Yale University.
26 JUNE
Abigail Gillman
Freud’s Art of Memory
THE FOCUS OF THE IWM conference The Memory of
the Century held this past March was the range of
political and cultural strategies currently being devised to remember, to commemorate and to work
through
the
events of the
past century.
Yet much
of our current
memory
discourse
originated in notions
about memory
which crystallized a century
ago, when artists and thinkers
responded to a
late nineteenth-century “crisis of memory” by developing new ways of mediating between past and
present, between memory and identity. The rhetorical strategies common to Freud’s writings on
cultural figures – Leonardo da Vinci,
Michelangelo’s Moses statue, and the Biblical
Moses – exemplify how this thinker sought to develop a new idiom of cultural memory; these strategies parallel in striking ways the innovations occurring simultaneously in Viennese modernism.
13
Abigail Gillman, Assistant Professor of German and
Hebrew at Boston University, was completing a book
entitled Inventing Memory in Turn-of-the-Century
Vienna while she was a Visiting Fellow of IWM from
April to June 2001.
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
FELLOWS AND GUESTS
Visiting Fellows
Zoltán Halasi
The following Visiting Fellows have begun their stay at the IWM:
Die folgenden Wissenschaftlichen Mitglieder haben ihren Aufenthalt
am IWM angetreten:
Length of Stay:
IWM Project:
Jodi Dean
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Associate Professor of Political
Science, Hobart and William
Smith Colleges, Geneva/New
York
July – December 2001
Feminist theory, contemporary political theory
Feminist Theory in Global
Technoculture
Aliens in America, Cornell University Press 1998;
Feminism and the New Democracy, Sage 1997 (ed.);
Solidarity of Strangers, University of California Press
1996
Publications:
Filip Karfik
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
Reinhard Engel
14
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Writer and Journalist, Vienna;
Milena Jesenská Visiting
Fellow
July – September 2001
Foreign direct investment in
the Central East European
Countries (CEECs); industry
and banking
The Economic Chances of
Latecomers in the CEECs (Balkans)
Schöne neue Wirtschaftswelt. Reportagen über Gewinner
und Verlierer, Wien 2000; Der harte Weg nach Europa.
Reportagen und Analysen aus Polen, Tschechien, der
Slowakei, Slowenien und Ungarn, Wien 1999;
Sklavenarbeit unterm Hakenkreuz (mit Joana
Radzyner), Wien 1999
IWM Project:
Publications:
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Assistant Professor, Institute of Philosophy and Religious
Studies, Charles University, Prague; IWM Research
Associate
July – October 2001
Ancient and modern philosophy, especially phenomenology
Patocka Project: The Other Way into Modernity
„Seelenlehre und Kosmologie in Platons Phaidon“,
in: A. Havlícek and F. Karfík (eds.), The Phaedo of
Plato. Proceedings of the 2nd Symposium Platonicum
Pragense, Prague 2001 (forthcoming); “La
philosophie de l’histoire et le problème de l’âge
technique chez Jan Patocka“, in: Études
phénomenologiques, 23-30, 1999; “Die Welt als das
‘non aliud’ bei Jan Patocka“, in: Internationale
Zeitschrift für Philosophie, 1998/1
Fatos Lubonja
Edward Findlay
Postdoctoral Research Fellow
in Political Science, Boston
College; IWM Research
Associate
June – August 2001
Political theory and
comparative politics
Patocka Project: The Other
Way into Modernity
Caring for the Soul in a Postmodern Age: Politics and
Phenomenology in the Work of Jan Patocka (forthcoming, SUNY Press); “Classical Ethics and Postmodern
Critique: Political Philosophy in Vaclav Havel and
Jan Patocka”, in: The Review of Politics, Summer 1999
Translator, Poet and Essayist, Budapest; Paul Celan
Visiting Fellow
Johann Gottfried Herder: Kleinere Schriften. Vier
Studien, Übersetzung ins Ungarische
“Heartviolin,“ (an essay about Robert Walser) in:
Robert Walser: A séta, Budapest 1998; “‘Three Facets
of Time.’ A Comparative Study of the Autobiographical Works of Elias Canetti, Witold
Gombrowicz and István Vas,” in: 2000, July-August
1995; „‘Hier kann ich mich fügen‘. Kafka in Zürau“,
in: Átváltozások, Budapest 1991
Length of stay:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Writer and Journalist,
Tirana; Editor-in-chief of
the cultural journal
Përpjekja (“Endeavor”);
Fellow
Research on the collapse
of the pyramidal schemes
in Albania in 1997
Threatened Freedom (a collection of essays and
articles on the transition in Albania 1991-1997),
Tirana 1999; The Second Sentence (a documentary
novel), Tirana 1996; The Final Slaughter (a novel),
Tirana 1994 (all in Albanian)
FELLOWS AND GUESTS
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Kiril Miladinov
Maria Todorova
Translator, Zagreb; Paul
Celan Visiting Fellow
Geschichte der Philosophie;
Systemtheorie
Niklas Luhmann: Die
Wissenschaft der Gesellschaft –
Übersetzung ins Kroatische
Ulrich Beck: Die Erfindung
des Politischen – Übersetzung ins Kroatische
Pronalazenje politickoga, Zagreb 2001; Donald
Davidson: Inquiries into Truth and Interpretation –
translation into Croatian: Istrazivanja o istini i
interpretaciji, Zagreb 2000
Professor of History, University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign
Modern Balkan history
Bones of Contention: The Making and
Meaning of Vasil Levski as National Hero
Imagining the Balkans, Oxford 1997;
Balkan Family Structure and the European
Pattern: Demographic Developments in
Ottoman Bulgaria, Washington 1993; England, Russia
and the Tanzimat, Sofia 1980 / Moscow 1983
Miglena Nikolchina
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Associate Professor, Department of Theory and
Literature, Sofia University;
Andrew W. Mellon
Visiting Fellow
Feminist theory; literary
utopianism; Julia Kristeva
The Seminar: Mode
d’emploi. Critique and
Utopia in the Light of
Late Totalitarianism
Meaning and Matricide: Reading Woolf via Kristeva,
Sofia 1997; “Julia Kristeva: The Polylogic Wager”, in:
Tessera, vol. 21-22 (Winter 1996 – Summer 1997);
The Utopian Human Being, Sofia 1992
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
The following Visiting Fellows have been continuing their stay at
the IWM:
Die folgenden Wissenschaftlichen Mitglieder setzten ihren
Aufenthalt am IWM fort:
Mieke Verloo
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Mykola Riabchuk
Length of Stay:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Journalist, Kyiv; Deputy
Editor-in-Chief of the
political journal Krytyka;
Fellow
Not So Free at Last: Mass
Media in Post-Communist
Countries – The Perilous
Way to Freedom
“Culture and Cultural Politics in Contemporary
Ukraine”, in: Taras Kuzio and Paul d’Anieri (eds.),
Nation Building, Identity and Regionalism in Ukraine,
Austin 2001; “Historia najnowsza na lamach
ukrainskiej prasy”, in: Piotr Kosiewski and Grzegorz
Motyka (eds.), Historycy Polscy i Ukrainscy wobec
problemow XX wieku, Cracow 2000; From ‘Little
Russia’ to Ukraine: Paradoxes of Delayed NationBuilding, Kyiv 2000 (in Ukrainian)
Lecturer in Political Science and Gender Studies at the
University of Nijmegen, the Netherlands
January – July 2001
Gender equality policies, feminist movements
Gender mainstreaming in Central and Eastern
Europe
(with Y. Benschop, S. Eyckmans, H. van Roost)
“Gender in Balance: an action research to integrate
gender in the personnel policy of the Flemish
government administration”, in: S. Nelen & A.
Hondeghem (eds.), Equality oriented Personnel Policy
in the Public Sector, Amsterdam 2000; “Gender
Mainstreaming: Practice and Prospects”, Council of
Europe 1999; (with C. Roggeband) “Global Sisterhood and Political Change. The unhappy marriage of
women’s movements and national contexts”, in: C.
van Kersbergen, R. Lieshout & G. Lock (eds.),
Expansion and Fragmentation. Internationalization,
Political Change and the Transformation of the Nation
State, Amsterdam 1999
The following Visiting Fellows ended their stay at the IWM:
Die folgenden Wissenschaftlichen Mitglieder haben ihren
Aufenthalt am IWM beendet:
Catalin Cioaba
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Doktorand an der Universität Bukarest; Paul Celan
Visiting Fellow
January – June 2001
Philosophie, Phänomenologie im 20. Jahrhundert
Übersetzung von Heideggers „Prolegomena zur
Geschichte des Zeitbegriffs“ ins Rumänische
Timp si temporalitate, Bukarest 2000; „Die
mannigfache Bedeutung des Begriffs Eigentlichkeit“,
in: New Europe College Jahrbuch, Bukarest 2000;
Übersetzung der Monographie Der Denkweg Martin
Heideggers von Otto Pöggeler, Bukarest 1998
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
15
FELLOWS AND GUESTS
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Abigail Gillman
Galia I. Valtchinova
Assistant Professor of German and Hebrew, Boston
University
March – June 2001
Viennese modernism; German-Jewish literature and
thought
Inventing Memory in Turn-of-the Century Vienna
Between Religion and Culture: Mendelssohn, BuberRosenzweig, and the Enterprise of Biblical Translation”, in: Biblical Translation in Context, forthcoming
2001; “Ich suche ein Asyl fuer meine Vergangenheit:
Arthur Schnitzler’s Poetics of Memory”, in: Arthur
Schnitzler: Contemporenaities/Zeitgenossenschaften,
forthcoming 2001; “Hofmannsthal’s Jewish Pantomime”, in: Deutsche Vierteljahresschrift fuer
Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 1997
Research Fellow Senior at the Bulgarian Academy of
Sciences, Institute of Thracology; Associate Fellow of the
I.S.T.A – University of Franche-Comté, Besançon,
Andrew W. Mellon Visiting Fellow
April – June 2001
Women’s Ways to Religion in the Balkan Context:
The Christian-Orthodox Patriarchal Setting
Local Religion and Identity in Western Bulgaria (in
Bulgarian, extensive French abstract), Sofia 1999;
Généalogie de l’Europe, Paris 1994
Alexei Miller
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
16
Publications:
Research Fellow at the Russian Academy of Sciences;
Research Fellow at the Russian State Humanitarian
University; Guest Professor at Central European
University, Budapest
February – June 2001
History of ideas
Nationalism in Eastern and Central Europe in the
19th Century; National and ethnic stereotypes in
post-Communist European countries
Imperial Authorities, Russian Public Opinion and the
Ukrainian Question in the Second Half of the 19th
Century (in Russian), Moscow 2000; Nation and
Nationalism (ed., in Russian), Moscow 1999
Length of Stay:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Junior Visiting Fellows
Junior Visiting Fellows for the second half of 2001 and their research
topics:
Die Junior Visiting Fellows der zweiten Hälfte 2001 und ihre Projektthemen:
Dobrochna Maria Bach
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Todorka Mineva-Pramatarova
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Lecturer of French at the Sofia University Kliment
Ohridski; Paul Celan Visiting Fellow
January – June 2001
Translator of contemporary French philosophy and in
the field of the history of religion
Translation of Emmanuel Levinas’ Autrement qu’être
ou au-delà de l’essence into Bulgarian
Several translations from French into Bulgarian
(Bachelard, Levinas, Derrida, Bergson, Eliade,
Lyotard, Sartre, Comte; Perrault, A. Dumas, St.
Exupéry, Camus)
Charles Taylor
Length of Stay:
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications
(selection):
Professor emeritus of Philosophy, McGill University,
Montreal; Chairman of the IWM Academic Advisory
Board
April – June 2001
Philosophy of social science, philosophy of language,
philosophy of history and epistemology, philosophy
of action
The Sources of Violence
A Catholic Modernity, New York 1999; Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition, Princeton
1994; Hegel and Modern Society, New York 1979
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy and Sociology
at the Graduate School of Social Research of
the Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw,
Robert Bosch Junior Visiting Fellow
Public international law, administrative
law, Catholic social teaching
Democratic Governance in Public
International Law
“The Holy See as a Subject of International Law”, in: Przeglad Zachodni, nr.
300, 2001 (in Polish: “Might and Right in Relations
Between the Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia,
Estonia) and Russia”, in: Thesaurus Acroasium.
Annual Courses of the Institute of International Public
Law and International Relations of Thessaloniki, vol.
XXVIII, 1999; “Remarks on the Advisory Opinion
of the ICJ in Case Concerning the Legality of the
Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons”, in: Panstwo i
Prawo, nr. 9, 1997 (in Polish)
Colin Heydt
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston
University
Ethics and political philosophy
Aesthetic and Moral Education in the
Philosophy of John Stuart Mill
FELLOWS AND GUESTS
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Pinhas (Piki) Ish-Shalom
Darrin McMahon
Ph.D. candidate in Political Science and International
Relations, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Political science and international relations
Statesmen, Theoreticians and Ideologues: The
Theoretic Construction of Democracy
in American Foreign
Policy, during the
Cold War and After
Postdoctoral research fellow in history,
Remarque Institute, New York
University
European intellectual history (18th
century to present); History of
European political thought; History
of modern France
In Pursuit – A History of Happiness in the West
Enemies of the Enlightenment: The French CounterEnlightenment and the Making of Modernity, New
York 2001; Florence Lotterie and Darrin McMahon
(eds.), Les Lumières européens dans leurs relations avec
les autres grandes cultures et religions du XVIIIe siècle,
Paris 2001
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Slavica Jakelic
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Religion, Boston
University
Sociology of religion
Religion and Collective Identity
Slavica Jakelic and Lori Pearson (eds.), The Future of
the Study of Religion (forthcoming, Brill N.V.); “The
Public Role of Religious Institutions and the Privacy
of Faith” (in Croatian), in: Svjetlo Rijeci, February
1999; “Faith and Reason: The Two Faces of Responsible Christianity” (in Croatian), in: Svjetlo Rijeci,
November 1998
The following Junior Visiting Fellow has been continuing her
stay at the IWM:
Die folgende Junior Visiting Fellow setzte ihren Aufenthalt am
IWM fort:
Meike Schmidt-Gleim
Patrick Kernahan
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Ph.D. candidate in Political
Philosophy, Boston College
Political philosophy and
American politics
Plato and the Sophists
Carla Lovett
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Ph.D. candidate in
European History, Boston
University
Social and religious history
of modern Europe
Front Altars and Back
Alleys: Religion and
Society in Late Nineteenth
Century Vienna
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
The following Junior Visiting Fellows have ended their stay at the IWM:
Die folgenden Junior Visiting Fellows beendeten ihren Aufenthalt
am IWM:
Alessandro Barberi
Specialization:
Elissa Mailänder
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Doktorandin (Romanistik, Germanistik), École des
Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris;
Stipendiatin im Rahmen des Doktorandenprogrammes
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus und
Geschlechtergeschichte
Der kulturelle Aufbau der Grausamkeit: Die SSFrauen in den Vernichtungslagern
Doktorandin am Institut für Philosophie der Universität
Wien; Stipendiatin im Rahmen des Doktorandenprogramms der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften
Political Philosophy
Grenzlogiken und Europa
„Ich will Teil einer Antirassismusbewegung sein“, in:
Agenda 2000; „Das Unpolitische am Rassismus“, in:
Kulturrisse 1999; „Die Demonstration der
Demokratie“, in: Springerin 5, Heft 4 (1999)
IWM Project:
Publications:
Doktorand der Geschichtswissenschaften, Stipendiat im
Rahmen des Doktorandenprogramms der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften; Lektor
am Institut für Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte der
Universität Wien
Historische Epistemologie, Diskursanalyse und
Mediengeschichte
Nietzsche, Freud, Saussure. Eine historischepistemologische Transformation des Historischen
rund um 1900
Historische Epistemologie & Diskursanalyse.
Österreichische Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaften (hg.), 11. Jg. Heft 4/2000; Clio
verwunde(r)t. Hayden White, Carlo Ginzburg und
das Sprachproblem in der Geschichte, Wien 2000
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
17
FELLOWS AND GUESTS
IWM Project:
Publications:
Andrew J. Bove
Inna V. Naletova
Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston College
Political Science
How is Universal Education Possible? Hegel’s
Critique and Reconception of the Idea of Culture
Reviews of Franco: Hegel’s Philosophy of Freedom and
Pinkard: Hegel. A Biography, in: Review of Metaphysics,
March 2001
Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Religious Studies,
Boston University
Religion und Culture in Russia
Religion in Contemporary Russia: The Orthodox
Church and its Impact on Russia’s Political and
Cultural Life
Hermeneutics (a textbook for graduate students),
Novosibirsk 1995; Changing Values of the Modern
World, Novosibirsk 1995; Hermeneutics and
Rhethoric, Novosibirsk 1994 (all in Russian)
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Chien-yu Julia Huang
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Ph.D. candidate in Anthropology, Boston University
Anthropology of Religion; Gender; Transnationalism
and Globalization; Chinese Cultures
Gender, Ethnicity, and Globalization in a Taiwanese
Transnational Buddhist Movement
“Charitable Women’s Movements in 19th-Century
Western Societies and 20th-Century Taiwan” (in
Chinese), in: H. H. Michael Hsiao and Kuo-ming
Lin (eds.),Taiwan de shehui fuli yundong (Social
Welfare Movements in Taiwan), Taipei 2000; (with
Robert P. Weller), “Merit and Mothering: Women
and Social Welfare in Taiwanese Buddhism”, in:
Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 2, May 1998
Tatiana Zhurzhenko
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Michal Kopecek
18
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Ph.D. candidate in International Relations, Charles
University, Prague; Robert Bosch Junior Visiting
Fellow
Contemporary history of Central Europe; political
philosophy
“Revisionism” in Marxist Thought and its Political
Role in Central Europe in the 1950s and 1960s
Several articles in the Czech historical journals
Several articles in the Czech historical journals
Soudobé dejiny (Contemporary History) and Dejiny a
soucasnost (Past and Present)
Veronika Wittmann
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Publications:
Kamila Kulik
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Ph.D. candidate at the Graduate School for Social
Research, Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the
Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw; Robert Bosch
Junior Visiting Fellow and Jan Patocka Junior
Visiting Fellow
Contemporary philosophy
The Problem of Truth in the Philosophy of Hannah
Arendt
Jyoti Mistry
Specialization:
IWM Project:
Filmography:
Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Cinema Studies,
New York University
Cinema Studies and Film Policy
The Use of Cinema in Imagining a New National
Identity in a Post-Apartheid South Africa
anOther ny story (USA/SA/A 2000), co-production
commissioned by South African Broadcasting
Corporation (SABC-TV); paw-paw (USA/A 1998);
B.E.D. (USA 1998)
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, V. Karazin
Kharkiv National University, Ukraine
Gender studies, Social Theory, Philosophy of
Economics
Ukrainian Feminism as a Political Project: from
Importation to Domestication
“Free Market Ideology and New Women’s Identities
in Post-Socialist Ukraine”, in: European Journal of
Women’s Studies, 8.1, 2001; “Gender and Identity
Formation in Post-Socialist Ukraine: the Case of
Women in the Shuttle Business”, in: R. Anderson, S.
Cole, H. Howard-Bobiwash (eds.), Feminist Fields:
Ethnographic Insights, Broadview Press 1999;
“Ukrainian Women in the Transition Economy”, in:
Labour Focus on Eastern Europe 60, 1998
Doktorandin der Soziologie, Universität Linz;
Stipendiatin im Rahmen des Doktorandenprogramms
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
Gender Studies und Politik in Afrika
Gender Empowerment im Transformationsprozess
der Post-Apartheidgesellschaft Südafrikas
Nehandas widerspenstige Töchter. Eine Analyse
zimbabwenischer Frauenorganisationen, Linz 1999;
„Kritik am tanzanischen Modell des UjamaaSozialismus“, in: From Ujamaa to Structural Adjustment, Linz 1997
FELLOWS AND GUESTS
Guests
Vladimir Tismaneanu
Month of stay:
Publications:
Professor of Political Science and Director of the
Center for the Study of Post-Communist Societies at
the University of Maryland
June 2001
Vladimir Tismaneanu and Sorin Antohi (eds.),
Between Past and Future: The Revolutions of 1989
and Their Aftermath, Budapest 2000; Fantasies of
Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism and Myth in
Post-Communist Europe, Princeton 1998;
Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to
Havel, New York 1993
Upcoming
events,
calls for
applications,
job openings, ...
... welcome to the
IWM Newsroom!
Jan Hartman
Month of stay:
Publications:
Associate Professor,
Department of Philosophy
and Bioethics, Jagiellonian
University Cracow
July 2001
Techniques of
Metaphilosophy, Cracow
2001; Philosophical
Heuristics, Wroclaw 1997 (both in Polish)
www.iwm.at
19
Lothar Probst
Month of stay:
Publications:
Direktor, Institut für kulturwissenschaftliche
Deutschlandstudien, Universität Bremen
August 2001
Von der Staatspartei zur Regierungspartei. Die PDS in
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Hamburg 2000; Bündnis
90/Die Grünen: Eckpunkte künftiger Politik (hrsg.),
Köln 1994; Ostdeutsche Bürgerbewegungen und
Perspektiven der Demokratie, Köln 1993
Patocka-Project
ON JULY 4 AND 20, 2001, Patocka Research Associates Filip
Karfik (Prague / IWM), Edward Findlay (Boston / IWM)
and Ludger Hagedorn (Berlin / Prague) met at IWM with
James Dodd (Adjunct Professor for Philosophy, Boston
College) and Klaus Nellen (Permanent Fellow, IWM) to
discuss the interim results of IWM’s Patocka-Project “The
Other Way into Modernity” and the options for preparing
the main texts for editions in German, Czech and English.
So far 51 manuscripts have been transcribed and 33 excerpted; 3 key texts have been translated into English.
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
20
Publications
Travels and Talks
Alessandro Barberi (Hg.)
Junior Visiting Fellow, 2001
Historische Epistemologie &
Diskursanalyse. Österreichische
Zeitschrift für
Geschichtswissenschaften
11. Jg. Heft 4/2000
Julia Huang
Vladimir Malakhov
The Discrete Charm of Racism.
Essays on Racism, Nationalism and
Multiculturalism
(in Russian) Moscow 2001
Speech “Crying and Silent Melody:
Structure of Emotions in a Buddhist
Charismatic Movement” at the Institute
of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Taipei,
Taiwan (8 June).
Darrin McMahon
Enemies of the Enlightenment: The
French Counter-Enlightenment and
the Making of Modernity
New York 2001
Cornelia Klinger
Klaus Nellen
Permanent Fellow
„Das Institut für die Wissenschaften
vom Menschen. Eine Skizze“,
in: Solidarnosc / Solidarität: Ein Rückund Ausblick nach 20 Jahren, hg. vom
Polnischen Institut Wien, 2001.
Anita Traninger
Program Associate
Mühelose Wissenschaft. Lullismus
und Rhetorik in den
deutschsprachigen Ländern der
Frühen Neuzeit
München: Fink 2001 (= Humanistische
Bibliothek, Reihe I, Abhandlungen 50)
Siehe Seite 21
Lecture “Religion, Ethnicity, and
Identity in Ciji Transnationalism” at the
Institute of Anthropology, National
Tsing-Hua University, Hsin-chu, Taiwan
(29 May).
Permanent Fellow
Statement zur Podiumsdiskussion
„Feministische Forschung zwischen
Main(streaming), Praxis und Peripherie“
am Institut „Peripherie – für praxisorientierte
Genderforschung“ in Graz (26. Mai).
Vortrag „Frauenbewegung – neue
Fragen, alte Probleme“ in der
„Frauenhetz“ Wien (7. Juni).
Kompaktseminar „Themen ästhetischer
Theorie im 20. Jahrhundert: Die
wiederkehrende These vom Ende der
Kunst“ am Philosophischen Seminar der
Universität Tübingen (28. bis 30. Juni).
Vortrag „Subjektkonzeptionen in der
feministischen Theorie“ beim Workshop
„Subjektkonzeptionen im Diskurs“ des
Sonderforschungsbereichs „Reflexive
Modernisierung“ in München (20. Juli).
panel on South African Television at the
“Consoling Passions Conference” held in
July at Bristol University.
Inna Naletova
Junior Visiting Fellow, 2000/2001
Presentation: “The Russian Orthodox
Church and its Role in Modern Society”
at the Institut für Recht und Religion,
Universität Wien (19 May).
Presentation: “The Theological Foundation of the Russian Church’s Social
Teaching”, Institut für Ostkirchenkunde,
Universität Wien (23 May).
Klaus Nellen
Permanent Fellow
Participated in a meeting of cultural
journals, organized by BERC in Genoa
(14-16 July).
John H. Smith
Executive Director
Visited the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences and the Central European
University, Budapest, on the invitation
of Professor György Enyedi (9 May).
Acted as moderator of panel session on
“Extremist Parties and the Electoral
System” at an international conference on
“Testing Democracy at the Margins”
organised by the United States Embassy
Vienna in cooperation with the Diplomatic Academy and IWM (28-29 June).
Michal Kopecek
Vortrag “Die tschechische politische
Tradition und Visegrad” im
Tschechischen Zentrum in Wien (3. Mai).
Charles Taylor
Chairman of the IWM Academic Advisory
Board
gave the François Furet Memorial
Lecture in Paris at the Ecole des Hautes
Etudes en Sciences Sociales (22 May).
Jyoti Mistry
Paper “Setting the limits: Rape as political
crisis in South Africa” at the conference
“Women’s Bodies as Battlefields – Sexual
Violence against Women in Wartime”,
Institut für Sozialforschung, Hamburg.
Paper “Film/TV arm-in-arm” at a special
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Galia V. Valtchinova
Andrew W. Mellon Visiting Fellow, 2001
Vortrag „Une mémoire suspendue entre
passé et présent: le vécu d’une
communauté à la frontière bulgaroserbe“ im Rahmen der Tagung „Histoire
Varia
et mémoire. Roumanie et Bulgarie depuis
les années ’30 : une comparaison“,
Centre de Recherches Historiques à
L’Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences
Sociales (EHESS), Paris (29 May).
Participation, as a discussant, in a
conference «Macedonia – Macedonias»,
at the School of Slavonic and Eastern
European Studies (SSEES), University
College London (14-16 June).
Mieke Verloo
Visiting Fellow, 2001
Vortrag „Gender Mainstreaming &
Frauenpolitik“, Wiener Interventionsstelle gegen Gewalt in der Familie / GO
Frauen-Plattform (9. Mai).
Commented on the OSCE Action Plan
for Gender Issues at the Meeting of the
Gender Equality Group at the OSCE in
Vienna (11 May).
Veronika Wittmann
Presentation “Reflections on Women’s
Empowerment: Activities in the Townships of Cape Town”, Adult Education
Centre, Vienna (9 May).
Talk “Stories from the In- and Outside.
Analyzing Societies in so-called Developing Countries”, University of Linz,
Institute for Sociology, Department of
Political Science and Development
Studies (28 June).
Tatiana Zhurzhenko
Paper “Women and Social Reproduction
in Ukraine: Nationalism and Politics of
Family” at a Workshop on the Role of
Women in Transitional Societies,
organized by the Kennan Institute,
Washington (1 April).
Paper “Ukrainian Feminism(s): Between
Nationalist Myth and Anti-Nationalist
Critique”, at the Institute for Eastern
European History, University of Vienna
(18 June).
Mary Ann Glendon (Learned Hand
Professor of Law at Harvard Law School),
Claus Offe (Professor of Sociology and
Social Policy at the Faculty of Social
Sciences at the Humboldt-Universität zu
Berlin) and Ulrich Preuss (Professor of
Political Science at Freie Universität
Berlin) joined the IWM Academic
Advisory Board.
Lubica Hábová was awarded the Prize
of the Slovak Literary Foundation for the
translation of Richard Rorty’s Philosophy
and the Mirror of Nature, which she
established as a Paul Celan Fellow in
1997.
Joan Avery has been working as an
editorial assistant at IWM since April.
Joan will continue writing her dissertation the poetry of the Bukovina while
working part-time at the institute.
Anita Traninger
Mühelose Wissenschaft
Lullismus und Rhetorik in den
deutschsprachigen Ländern der
Frühen Neuzeit
Humanistische Bibliothek, Bd. 50
Wilhelm Fink Verlag, München 2001
DM 68,00/ATS 496,00, kart.
ISBN 3-7705-3579-0
Michael Bugajer, who is studying
International Relations at the University
of Wales, worked as an intern at the
IWM in the months of July and August.
Nadja Lobner, die im April ihr Studium
der Politikwissenschaft und der Slawistik
(Russisch) an der Universität Salzburg
abgeschlossen hat, war von Anfang Mai
bis Ende Juli 2001 am IWM als
Praktikantin im PR-Bereich tätig.
Seit dem Frühjahr ist Martina Pfeifhofer
als Juniorsekretärin im IWM tätig. Nach
der HBLA für wirtschaftliche Berufe
besuchte sie das ein Kolleg für Kunsthandwerk & Design in Tirol. Vor ihrem
Einstieg ins Berufsleben verbrachte sie
ein Jahr als Au Pair in den USA.
Susanne Froeschl and Anita
Traninger have been appointed
Managing Directors of the Institute.
Susanne is responsible for event management, the fellows program (with
Katharina Coudenhove-Kalergi) and the
contact with IWM’s boards, while Anita
is in charge of program coordination and
public relations as well as the Institute’s
finances (with David Theil) and human
resources.
Gelehrte in den deutschsprachigen Ländern werden im 16. und
17. Jahrhundert von einem
regelrechten Lullismus-Fieber
erfasst: Die von Ramon Llull im
13. Jahrhundert entwickelte
sogenannte Ars, eine auf der
Kombination bestimmter Begriffe
beruhende universale Erkenntnismethode, wurde für neue,
rhetorische Zwecke adaptiert.
Eine Sehnsucht zieht sich dabei
wie ein roter Faden durch die
Jahrhunderte: die Ermöglichung
der Rede ex tempore über jedes
erdenkliche Thema.
Die Studie nimmt dieses
Bemühen um eine Diskurstechnik
mit Erfolgsgarantie – anders als
die ältere Forschung – ernst und
fragt unter Einbeziehung vieler
bisher unbeachteter Quellen
nach seinen Kontexten. Damit
liegt erstmals eine Funktionsgeschichte dieses Phänomens
zwischen Enzyklopädie und
Polyhistorismus, Topik und
Kombinatorik, akademischer
Disputationskunst und praxisorientierter Reformrhetorik vor.
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
21
PROJEKTBERICHT
Die weltberühmte Wiener Luxusgüter-
IWM Working Papers
Produktion der Jahrhundertwende
verdankte sich Zuwanderern aus
Osteuropa. Reinhard Engel, derzeit
IWM offers its guests the possiblity
to present their work for discussion
on the Internet. Since 1996, IWM
Working Papers have been
published regularly on IWM‘s
Website ww.iwm.at.
Milena Jesenská Fellow des IWM,
gibt in seinem neuen Buch einen
historischen Überblick über Glanz und
Elend der Branche und stellt die
wichtigsten Unternehmen in
Einzelporträts vor.
22
Mykola Ryabchuk
Milena Jesenská
Visiting Fellow 2001,
works as a journalist
in Kyiv; he is Deputy
Editor-in-Chief of the
political journal
Krytyka.
Another Battlefield
Russia’s Cultural Influence in the “Near
Abroad“: The Ukrainian Case
The Soviet republics represented the
inferior, peripheral parts of the imperial
culture created in Russia, especially in
Moscow. What are the consequences of
Russia’s prevailing influence for the
process of Ukrainian nation building?
Grzegorz Ekiert
IWM Guest in
December 2000, is
Professor of
Government, Harvard University.
The State after State Socialism
Poland in Comparative Perspective
Communism left behind not a powerful
bureaucratic Leviathan but a weak and
inefficient state. Is there a relationship
between the extent of state reforms and
successful economic transformations?
Mieke Verloo
IWM Visiting Fellow
2001, is Lecturer in
Political Science and
Women’s Studies,
KUN – School of
Public Affairs,
Nijmegen.
Another Velvet Revolution?
Gender Mainstreaming and the Politics of
Implementation
Gender mainstreaming is seen by many
as an innovation in gender equality
policies. What is different, what is better
about this new policy?
Tatiana Zhurzhenko
IWM Junior Visiting
Fellow 2001, is
Associate Professor,
Department of
Philosophy, Kharkiv
National University.
Ukrainian Feminism(s)
Between Nationalist Myth and Anti-Nationalist Critique
What is the role of women in the nationbuilding process in contemporary Ukraine? The paper discusses the
ambivalence of the recent shift from
imported, western-centered feminism to
the invention of a new feminist myth – the
myth of the “matriarchal” roots of
Ukrainian culture.
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Luxus aus Wien/
Luxury from Vienna
CARTIER, GUCCI, HERMÈS – die großen europäischen Luxusmarken sind mittlerweile global bekannt, ob auf der New Yorker Fifth Avenue oder in
den exklusiven Flughafenboutiquen von Dubai
und Singapur. Wenige wissen, dass auch Wien einmal ein bedeutendes Zentrum der Produktion luxuriöser Stoffe, Kleider und Accessoires war. Am
Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts verdiente jeder fünfte
Arbeiter sein Geld in der Seidenfabrikation, ob als
Weber, Stoffdrucker oder Posamentierer. Die Meister und Arbeiterinnen, die Gesellen und Lehrlinge
brachten aus ihren Heimaten in anderen Gegenden
des Vielvölkerstaates ihr Können und auch ihre
Sprachmelodien in die Werkstätten der Kaiserstadt:
Ungarisch und Tschechisch, Polnisch, Ruthenisch,
Slowenisch und Jiddisch. Der Reichtum des Hofes,
das aufstrebende Bürgertum, das diesen imitierte,
und auch die Elenden der industrialisierten Vorstädte – sie alle fanden ihr Medium in den blitzenden Auslagen der Hoflieferanten und in den üppigen neuen Warenhäusern der Kaiserstadt.
Zwei Katastrophen brachten diese gewerblichindustrielle Stadt-Ökonomie beinahe zum Verschwinden. 1918 zerbrach die Donaumonarchie,
das ehemalige Hinterland Wiens war durch rigide
Zollschranken abgeschnitten. Der Adel verarmte,
die Bürger kämpften ums wirtschaftliche Überleben. 1938 begann die Vertreibung und Vernichtung der österreichischen Juden, die sowohl als
Kunden wie auch als Hersteller, Designer und Anbieter der edlen Waren eine riesige Lücke hinterließen. Nach 1945 war Wien wohl noch trister als so
manche andere europäische Stadt.
Und doch haben zahlreiche Qualitätsunternehmen überlebt, in Nischen, die sie in langen
Jahrzehnten zäh und beharrlich ausweiten konnten
– freilich nie zu internationalen Konzernen wie dies
in Paris gelang. Aber die Köcherts und Knizes, die
Horns und Scheers, die Maternas, Liskas, Reiters,
Lillies und Kayikos spielen heute im wiedererlangten Glanz der europäischen Kulturstadt Wien eine Rolle. Es sind nicht
nur die nostalgischen älteren Damen aus
Triest, die sich über die zurückhaltende
Eleganz der hiesigen Taschner freuen.
Auch deutsche Opernbesucher und internationale Manager, die von hier aus ihre
Unternehmen Mittel-Osteuropas betreuen, sind zu neuen Kundenschichten der
Schuhmacher,
Maßschneider
und
Schmuckdesigner geworden.
„Luxus aus Wien/Luxury from
Vienna“ gibt einen historischen Überblick über Glanz und Elend dieser Branchen. Die wichtigsten Unternehmer, die
heute noch in Wien Maß nehmen, entwerfen und erzeugen, kommen in 30
Einzelportraits zu Wort. Großformatige
Fotos von Johannes Ifkovits zeigen sowohl
die Handwerker als auch einzelne Arbeitsschritte und Werkstücke.
Reinhard Engel studierte Politologie, Literaturwissenschaft und Ökonomie und
lebt als Wirtschaftsjournalist und Autor in
Wien. Er berichtet aus den Ländern Mitteleuropas, zuerst für trend und EuroBusiness, derzeit vor allem für Newsweek
und das Industriemagazin. Engel arbeitet
momentan als Milena Jesenská-Stipendiat
im IWM an einem Projekt über die ökonomischen Chancen der Balkan-Länder.
Reinhard Engel
Luxus aus Wien/Luxury from Vienna.
Handgemachtes von heute aus der einstigen Kaiserstadt
Mit Fotos von Johannes Ifkovits
Czernin Verlag, Wien 2001
Notes on Books
Memory and National Identity
Shlomo Avineri
YO’AV KARNY IS AN ISRAELI JOURNALIST living in the US, who over the last decade has
been reporting on the developments in
the Caucasus for American publications.
He has now combined his experience with
historical research to produce a fascinating
volume, which is of interest to experts in
post-Soviet studies wishing to follow developments in the Caucasus, and to all
readers who have been intrigued by the
emergence of turbulent forms of nationalism in the post-communist orbit.
Karny’s book is multi-faceted, yet
two narratives are discernible throughout:
on the one hand it is a detailed account –
sometimes too detailed - of the complex
and convoluted ethnic and religious conflicts in the Caucasus; on the other, it tries
to follow the vicissitudes of historical
memory after more than seventy years of
Soviet rule in the region.
The Chechen revolts against Russian
rule, of course, figure prominently in
Karny’s account. He is totally nonplussed
by the Chechens’ uncompromising resistance to Russian rule: he acknowledges
that is has brought death and destruction
to their own people – yet it also has kept
their nation and its identity alive. Other
smaller Caucasian nations, like the Balkars,
have given in to Russian pressure and
avoided suicidal heroism because of what
benevolent outside observers may call rational considerations – and have virtually
disappeared.
Who has ever heard of the Balkars? In
a generation or two they will totally disappear, and nobody will ever remember that
they were peaceful, moderate and rational.
Karny is aware of the dilemma and is far
from judgmental. He leaves the reader
pondering about the complexities – moral
and existential – of the fate of small
people. Perhaps his Israeli background
makes him even more sensitive to the issues involved.
One can learn more from his book
than from many learned tracts, replete
with methodological and bibliographical
apparatuses. One finds out about the
heroism and self-destruction of the
Chechens, the depth of enmity between
Armenians and Azeris, the baffling kaleidoscope of Daghestan, or the various
trends within resurgent Islam now reappearing on the ruins of the Soviet empire.
The book includes fascinating accounts of the three autonomous Circassian republics within Russia, of the Farsispeaking “Mountain Jews” (whom the Soviets viewed as a separate nationality, distinct from the Jews, and about whom the
Nazis had some doubts whether to include in the “Semitic” race because of their
“Aryan” Indo-European dialect). Karny
even traces down “Judaising” Russian Orthodox sects (the “Sobotniks”), who managed to survive Soviet rule to find themselves now in a total void.
Karny is obviously ambivalent towards the reawakened nationalism in the
post-Soviet Caucasus regions. He is a liberal universalist, and some of the obscure,
and in many cases very recently invented,
ethno-centric narratives mentioned by
him do not sit well with him; but at the
same time he cannot help admiring the
way even minute ethno-linguistic groups
insist on surviving.
He is well aware how pliable and dynamic historical memories are (no primordialism here), yet even transparently
constructed memories always have some
anchoring in an “objective” historical reality. It is also difficult to dismiss them in the
name of some abstract universalism – especially if it is accompanied by the bayonets and massacres of an aggressive imperial drive – be it in Algeria or in Chechnya.
Karny rightly situates the present turmoil in the Caucasus in the context of the
centuries’ old Russian imperial expansion:
what is happening now in Baku, Tbilisi
and Grozny is not only post-Soviet, it is
also the outcome of centuries of Russian
imperial expansion.
Karny also shows, with some amusing examples, how Soviet presence in the
region was sometimes even legitimized
within the old Russian imperial narrative.
Yet it is the late Imam Shamil (who wasn’t
even a Chechen, but this is beside the
point) who is now the icon of Chechen
resistance to Russia.
Karny is also good at deflating the
self-serving Russian propaganda myth
that there is a vast co-ordinated Muslim
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
23
NOTES ON BOOKS
Westerweiterung?
Zur symbolischen Geographie
Osteuropas
Janos Matyas Kovacs Zur Metamorphose des Traums vom Mitteleuropa
Daniel Chirot Osteuropa zwischen Kultur und Modernisierung
Timothy Snyder Die neuen Mitteleuropäer
Jacek Kochanowicz Wie westlich ist Polen?
Alexei Miller Osteuropa neu denken. Russland, seine
westliche Nachbarn und die Grenzen Europas
Anatoly Khazanov
Russischer Nationalismus heute – zwischen
Osten und Westen
Sprachenpolitik
Peter Demetz Sprachphilosophie im Nationalitätenkonflikt.
Noch einmal Patocka, Jungmann, Bolzano
Tatiana Zhurzhenko Sprache und Nationsbildung. Dilemmata der
Sprachenpolitik in der Ukraine
Politik und Werte
Robert Spaemann
Cornelia Klinger
24
Krzysztof Michalski
Europa: Rechtsordnung oder
Wertegemeinschaft?
Gleichheit und Differenz. Von alten Sackgassen
zu neuen Wegen
Politik und Werte
21
verlag neue kritik
fundamentalist conspiracy in the Caucasus – a
myth sometimes too willingly bought by Western
observers.
Perhaps one of Karny’s most fascinating vignettes is his encounter with the Chechen Diaspora
in (of all places) Jordan. In the wake of the IsraeliJordan Peace Treaty of l994, Karny got to know the
head of the Jordanian delegation to the negotiations
with Israel over water resources. His name is Dr
Fakhr Eddin Daghestani. Karny learned that he is
one of the leaders of the Chechen Diaspora in Jordan: like many Chechens and Circassians, his family fled the Caucasus in the wake of the Russian
expansion in the l9th century and found refuge in
the Ottoman Empire. As fierce fighters, many of
them settled on the south-eastern lines of the Ottoman Empire and thus eventually found themselves
in Jordan. Amman today has a sizeable Chechen
minority, prominent in the Royal Hashemite Army
and bureaucracy, and involved in different ways in
helping their brethren in the Caucasus. Meeting in
Tel Aviv, Karny and Daghestani could certainly reflect on the vagaries of Diasporas.
This is a highly recommendable book, learned
and yet extremely readable, written with verve and
rare feeling for people who otherwise only make the
headlines if they are being massacred or are themselves being involved in massacring others. They
deserve the humane yet sceptical approach offered
by Karny.
o Ich abonniere Transit–Europäische Revue ab Heft ____
(2 Hefte pro Jahr zum Preis von DM 36,-).
Transit feiert im Jahr 2001 sein 10-jähriges Bestehen. Wenn Sie
sich bis 31. 12. 2001 für ein Transit-Abo entscheiden, erhalten
Sie als Jubiläumsgeschenk
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Ostmitteleuropas, Wien 1993.
Ich möchte meine Bibliothek ergänzen und bestelle
o
das Transit-Paket Nr. 6-10 zum Preis von DM 30,(plus Porto).
o
aus dem Paket die Nr.____ zum Heftpreis von DM
10,- (plus Porto).
o
aus den Heften 11-19 die Nr.____zum Heftpreis
von DM 20,- (plus Porto). Für Abonnenten DM 18,-.
Yo’av Karny
Highlanders: A Journey to the Caucasus in Quest of
Memory
New York, Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2000, 436pp.
ISBN 037 42 26 024
Shlomo Avineri is Director of the Institute for
European Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and member of the IWM Academic Advisory
Board.
o Senden Sie mir bitte kostenlos Ihr Gesamtverzeichnis.
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IWM NEWSLETTER 73
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The Literary Absolute Reworked
Lindsay Waters
THERE ARE MANY SIGNS that students and some professors in the United States are becoming tired with
the sort of literary and cultural analysis practised by
those who style themselves as progressives and conservatives, that reduces the text to a sequence of
words to be interpreted literally in terms of the well
being of certain social groups.
Artworks have been made to wear the straightjacket of textualism. Literary criticism has become
no more complex than the children’s game of pin
the tail on the donkey, but done now as pin the
“text” on society. This really isn’t as easy as the prac-
NOTES ON BOOKS
titioners of New Historicism make it out to
be. The words on a page are not as easy to
catch and pin down as literary studies of
the last 15 or so years has claimed.
One of the supposedly great achievements of literary scholars such as Terry
Eagleton in the 1980s and after was to
have shown that the claim that literature
was autonomous was just a ruse, a trick of
the capitalists to keep the lower classes under control. Therefore all art produced
under the regime of the capitalists from
Proust and Pound to Hollywood movies
was suspect because central to the capitalist plot to manipulate the working classes.
Roberto Calasso ignores the scholarly
debates about the complicity of literature
with capitalism. When he mentions the
vogue for literary theory, it is to pour scorn
on it. His book is as eccentric to mainstream scholarship about literature as
Walter Benjamin’s dissertation, On the
Concept of Criticism in German Romanticism, was.
But his book is a contribution, if I
might so label it. He makes masterful use
of the very same body of literature and
philosophy that inspired Walter Benjamin
and later Paul de Man – the Jena Romantics such as Hölderlin, Friedrich Schlegel –
to show that even a literature held in
bounds can provide the opportunity for
the sort of revelatory experience that disrupts the society of the spectacle that the
West has been living in for two hundred
years.
Literature may be autonomous, but it
is now powerless. It has now in these secular times, uniquely, the power to awaken
us from our dogmatic slumbers. Calasso
has written a book that could make the
reader much more familiar with the tradition of dissenting critics and artists who
have complained, bitterly perhaps, but
then resigned themselves to living in a
world where art makes nothing happen.
The heroes of this book are Hölderlin,
Baudelaire, Lautremont (who sounds like
the Johnny Rotten of the 19th century),
Proust, Nabokov.
The world may have been disenchanted by the hard sciences and the social sciences, but revelations that the world
could be otherwise than the way humans
have made it happen in our interaction
with literature (defined broadly to include
all human artefacts). Calasso has reworked
the German Romantic idea of the literary
absolute to make it a force in our times.
Calasso’s book links up with new voices of
young scholars trying to reinvigorate literary studies.
Roberto Calasso
Literature And The Gods,
translated by Tim Parks
New York: Knopf, 2001
ISBN 037 54 11 380
La Letteratura e gli dei
Milan: Adelphi Edizioni, 2001
Lindsay Waters is Executive Editor for the
Humanities with Harvard University Press.
Zwei Neuerscheinungen zur Frage der
sozialen Gerechtigkeit
Herlinde Pauer-Studer
KENNERN DER zeitgenössischen politischen Philosophie ist G. A. Cohen durch
scharfsinnige Analysen des politischen Liberalismus, insbesondere der Theorien
von Rawls und Dworkin, bekannt.
Cohens Schriften sind nicht zuletzt deshalb so anregend, da Cohen die intellektuelle Verbindung zweier Welten verkörpert, die nicht gut miteinander verträglich
sind: Marxismus und analytische politische Philosophie. Cohen versteht sich als
Marxist (mit mittlerweile unvermeidlichen Transformationen), aufgewachsenen
im jüdisch-kommunistischen Milieu im
Montreal der Nachkriegszeit. Cohen ist
aber auch analytischer Philosoph, ausgebildet in Oxford während der Hochblüte
der ordinary-language philosophy und bestens geschult in der analytischen Problemanalyse.
An Cohens Denken sind auch interessante Verschiebungen der neueren politischen Philosophie zu beobachten. Nach
dem üblichen Rechts-Links-Schematismus gilt der egalitäre Liberalismus von
Rawls, Dworkin oder Nagel als links oder
linksliberal, der radikale Liberalismus von
Hayek und Nozick hingegen als rechts.
Sowohl Hayek und Nozick betrachten
Umverteilungen zur Herstellung sozial
gerechter Verhältnisse als unzulässig.
Wenn Güter auf legalem und rechtem
Weg erworben wurden, d.h. infolge eines
Prozedere, dessen Regeln nicht als ungerecht zurückweisbar sind, dann haben Individuen nach Nozick klar einen Anspruch auf diese Güter.
Egalitäre Liberale sehen in Nozick,
abgesehen von einer Wertschätzung seiner
philosophischen Scharfsinnigkeit, einen
rechtslastigen Ideologen, der die moralischen Grundlagen des Liberalismus nicht
hinreichend reflektiert. Cohen nimmt
(ähnlich wie J. Roemer und Ph. Van Parijs)
die Herausforderung durch Nozick wesentlicher ernster, da er Nozicks Argumentation als normativ relevant liest.
Hinter Nozicks anspruchsbegründeter Gerechtigkeitstheorie steht das seit
Locke bekannte Recht an der eigenen Person (self-ownership), das auch das Recht
auf die infolge eigener Arbeit und Leistung erworbenen Erträge einschließt.
Nozick verdeutlicht das Konzept des
self-ownership mit seinem berühmten Wilt
Chamberlain-Beispiel, dem Fall eines Basketballspielers, der ein beachtliches Vermögen erwirbt, da die Zuseher sein Spiel
so lieben, dass sie zusätzlich zum Eintrittspreis freiwillig einen Beitrag in die Privatkasse Wilt Chamberlains entrichten. Nach
Nozick hat Chamberlain einen Anspruch
auf dieses Geld, denn die Zuschauer akzeptieren mit ihrem Besuch des Spiels
auch diese speziellen Bedingungen, um
ihn spielen zu sehen.
Für Cohen ist das Konzept des selfownership bedeutsam, da es eine normative Grundlage der marxistischen Ausbeutungstheorie darstellt. Wenn arbeitende
Menschen ein Recht auf die Erträge ihrer
Arbeit haben, dann ist es geboten, ökonomische Strukturen und Arbeits- und Lebensverhältnisse so zu gestalten, dass
Menschen für ihre Arbeit angemessen
entlohnt werden. Cohen teilt aber nicht
die Konklusionen Nozicks und verknüpft
den Begriff des self-ownership mit einem
anderen Freiheitskonzept als der Sicht von
Freiheit als „Abwesenheit von Einschränkungen“ (siehe dazu vor allem G.A.
Cohen, Self-Ownership, Freedom and
Equality, Cambridge UP, 1995).
Das nun vorliegende Buch If You’re
an Egalitarian, How Come You’re So Rich?
versammelt die Gifford Lectures, die G.A.
Cohen 1996 an der Universität Edinburgh hielt. Ein ganzes Kapitel ist seiner
Kindheit und Jugend in Montreal gewidmet. Wenngleich dieser biographische
Rückblick für ein Philosophiebuch ungewöhnlich ist, so gelingt es Cohen, über
Persönliches das Politische zu vermitteln.
In den politischen Debatten seiner Jugend findet Cohen etwa die Spannungen
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
25
NOTES ON BOOKS
26
zwischen der historisierenden Denkweise
des Marxismus und der ahistorischen Perspektive der analytischen Philosophie vorweggenommen. Cohen verdeutlicht anhand von Gesprächen mit Freunden die
reflexhafte Ablehnung ethischer Argumente durch die Linke.
Mit ironischem Seitenblick auf seine
eigene intellektuelle Entwicklung legt
Cohen die Schwächen einer plakativen
„Entlarvung“ aller normativen Argumente als klassenbezogener Moralisierungsstragtegie im Dienste bürgerlicher Klasseninteressen bloß und zeigt auf, inwiefern bestimmte soziale Anliegen mit Argumenten vertreten werden müssen, die
über den Rahmen der marxistischen Philosophie weit hinausgehen und letzlich
von den Ressourcen der neueren analytischen politischen Philosophie zehren.
Die Qualität der einzelnen Lectures ist
unterschiedlich. Die Ausführungen zu
Marx und Hegel, insbesondere die Diskussion von Marx‘ Religionskritik sind lesenswert, doch Cohens Analysen sind
dann beeindruckend, wenn es um die
Auseinandersetzung mit den Grundthesen des politischen Liberalismus geht, wobei sich seine Kritik vorgeblich gegen
Rawls richtet.
Gerechtigkeit ist für Rawls bekanntlich die „erste Tugend sozialer Institutionen“. Gegenstand der Gerechtigkeit sind
die grundlegenden Institutionen der Gesellschaft, also jene sozialen Zusammenhänge und Lebensverhältnisse, die rechtlich erfasst und strukturiert sind. Rawls
versteht die Prinzipien der Gerechtigkeit
als Maßstab zur gesetzlichen Gestaltung
gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse.
Cohen macht geltend, dass diese
Theorie eine Reihe von weitreichenden
Ungerechtigkeiten übergeht, etwa die Arbeitsteilung innerhalb der Familie. Damit
greift Cohen den bekannten Einwand feministischer Philosophinnen auf, dass
etwa Phänomene wie Sexismus nicht ausschießlich über eine auf auf Rechte bezogene Theorie erfasst und thematisiert werden können.
Für Cohen ist Gerechtigkeit nicht
nur eine Tugend sozialer Institutionen,
sondern auch eine Frage der Haltung von
Individuen. Aus diesen Gründen weist
Cohen auch Susan Moller Okins Vorschlag einer gender-spezifischen Nachbesserung der Rawlsschen Theorie zurück,
der schlicht dahin geht, auch die Familie
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
zu den grundlegenden Institutionen der
Gesellschaft zu zählen.
Okins Strategie verkennt aber die
Tiefendimension der feministischen Kritik. Denn eine Familien-Gesetzgebung
kann im Einklang mit Prinzipien der Gerechtigkeit stehen, und doch lässt der
rechtliche Rahmen genügend Raum für
die konkrete Abwertung von Frauen, für
männliche Macht und weibliche Abhängigkeit. Die Idee, dass hier eine immer
konkretere Gesetzgebung diesen Problemen begegnen kann, ist schlicht illusorisch, denn andere gewichtige Prinzipien
liberaler Demokratien setzen solchen Ambitionen harte, aber nicht unbegründete
Grenzen: nämlich das Recht auf Privatheit und persönliche Freiheit.
Für Cohen ist in dem Kontext ein
Ethos gefordert – ein Bewusstsein der eigenen Verpflichtung zur angemessenen
Behandlung anderer Menschen. Cohen
betont zwar, dass ein Ethos einen sozialöffentlichen Aspekt hat und sich nicht in
einer Gesinnungsethik erschöpft. Denn
erst ein öffentliches Bewusstsein dessen,
dass bestimmte Verhaltensformen moralische Missstände reflektieren, trägt zum
Verschwinden dieser Haltungen bei.
Doch letztlich bleibt Cohens Verständnis
dieses Begriffs vage. Viel spricht dafür,
„Ethos“ auf die Summe relevanter moralischer Prinzipien zu beziehen. Doch gerade in einem gender-sensiblen Bereich müssen diese Prinzipien so formuliert sein,
dass sie Aspekten wie einer weiten Auslegung des Begriffs personaler Anerkennung gerecht werden.
Interessant sind auch Cohens Ausführungen zur Frage der distributiven
Gleichheit. Die liberale politische Theorie
der Gegenwart betrachtet Ungleichheiten
als zulässig, als unvermeidliches Nebenprodukt einer an Effizienz und Leistungskriterien orientierten Marktgesellschaft.
Eine Antwort darauf, wann Vermögensakkumulationen einzelner so groß sind,
dass die Ungleichheiten zu anderen Menschen moralisch skandalös werden, findet
diese Theorie nicht mehr. Für Cohen ist in
dem Kontext eine am Ideal der Gleichverteilung orientierte Ausgangsnorm unverzichtbar.
Cohen analysiert in einer höchst subtilen Weise die Gründe, die reiche Menschen dagegen anführen können, warum
ihnen nicht zugemutet werden kann, freiwillig einen Teil ihres Vermögens zur Ver-
fügung zu stellen, um armen Menschen
zu helfen. Cohen vernachlässigt bewusst
die Komplexität des Ineinandergreifens
von Steuergesetzgebung und wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Regelungen, um den normativen Kern der einschlägigen Argumente als
solchen zu isolieren und zu bewerten. Er
widerlegt einen Gutteil der Gründe gegen
die freiwillige Unterstützung armer Menschen (zu hohe Anforderungen an die
Willensanstrengungen einzelner, moralische Übererfüllung, mangelnde Sicherstellung einer gängigen Praxis etc.).
Doch mit der Erkenntnis, dass eine
moralische Pflicht zur Unterstützung benachteiligter Menschen besteht, die im
Wohlstand leben, ist weder ein starkes Ideal distributiver Gleichheit noch eine politische Philosophie zu begründen. Die Tatsache, dass eine abstrakte moralische
Pflicht besteht, die eklatanten materiellen
Ungleichheiten dieser Welt zu korrigieren,
wirkt angesichts des schwer auflösbaren
Zusammenspiels von kapitalistischer Effizienzlogik und starken liberalen Rechten
auf Freiheit und Eigentum wie eine blasse
Erinnerung an eine moralische Schuld der
reichen Menschen und Länder dieser
Erde.
Die Forderung zum freiwilligen Verzicht mag ein normativ begründetes Ansinnen sein. Doch – und Cohens Buch
verdeutlicht dies – die politische Philosophie der Gegenwart ist relativ ratlos, wie
dieses Ansinnen jenseits der Ebenen die
Ebenen von charity und privater Gönnerhaftigkeit umzusetzen ist.
Wenngleich die praktische Philosophie seit geraumer Zeit eine höchst interessante Phase durchlebt, scheint ein Gutteil ihrer normativ-begrifflichen Voraussetzungen zunehmend fraglich.
So beruft sich die neuere politische
Philosophie in einer Art und Weise auf
Kategorien des Moralischen, die mitunter
sowohl die Trennung der Sphären von
Moral und Politik als auch die Unterschiede zwischen der auf Gerechtigkeitsprinzipien konzentrierten Sozialmoral und der
auf subjektive Maximen und Haltungen
gerichteten Individualethik nicht genügend berücksichtigt.
Die Versuche einer genaueren Bestimmung der Relationen zwischen politischer Interessenartikulation, institutioneller Überformung und normativer Gewichtung verkomplizieren sich mittlerweile auch durch Verschiebungen der
GUEST CONTRIBUTION
Ukrainian journalist Mykola
gängigen normativen Parameter.
So scheint der lange Zeit dominante
Standard der distributiven Gerechtigkeit
von der Idee der Anerkennung verdrängt.
Der Maßstab gleicher Anerkennung motiviert jene sozialen Bewegungen, die eine
gleichwertige Präsenz unterschiedlicher
kultureller Identitäten fordern. Die Integration dieser Entwicklungen verlangt
nach einer Bestimmung des Begriffs der
Anerkennung, die mehrere Dimensionen
von Anerkennungsverhältnissen berücksichtigt – nämlich jene der Verteilung von
Chancen und Gütern, jene der sozialen
Wertschätzung im öffentlichen und privaten Raum und jene der Situierung der
Individuen als Rechtssubjekte.
Die genaue Bestimmung der Idee der
Anerkennung ist nicht zuletzt Thema von
Nancy Frasers Aufsatzsammlung Die halbierte Gerechtigkeit. Fraser greift insbesondere die Frage eines möglichen Pardigmenwechsels der politischen Philosophie
auf. Wurden die Anliegen einer Umverteilung gesellschaftlicher Güter mittlerweile
von einer Politik der Anerkennung abgelöst? Fragen der Güterverteilung scheinen
viele andere Formen der Diskriminierung
zu verdecken, die mit dem ungehinderten
Ausleben der eigenen sozialen und kulturellen Identität und Zugehörigkeit zusammenhängen.
Fraser hält die Dichotomie Umverteilung versus Anerkennung für einen unhaltbaren Gegensatz. Fehlende Anerkennung
in Form einer mangelhaften Wertschätzung spezifischer kultureller Identitäten
drücke sich auch in einem beschränkten
Zugang zu gesellschaftlichen Chancen
und ökonomischen Gütern aus. Und
ökonomische Marginalisierung kann auch
für fehlende Wertschätzung und Anerkennung verantwortlich sein.
Fraser analysiert die unergiebige Polarisierung von distributiver Ebene und
von Ansprüchen auf Anerkennung auch
mit Blick auf die feministische TheorieDebatte. Den Dualismus von Gleichheit
und Differenz kritisiert sie als hinlänglich
überholt, und die Konzentration weiter
Bereiche der feministischen Theoriebildung auf die Analyse der symbolischen
Muster der Identitätsbildung und der
Subjektformation scheint ihr die politische Aussagekraft der feministischen
Theorie zu unterlaufen.
Allerdings bleiben die Umrisse von
Frasers eigener politischer Theorie offen.
Eine oberflächliche Kritik des Liberalismus, das Bewusstsein für distributive Un-
gleichgewichte und ein gegenüber kommunikativen Prozessen offener Pragmatismus summieren sich schlicht nicht zu einer politischen Philosophie. Fraser bewegt
sich durchaus eloquent und kenntnisreich
durch die politischen Theoriediskurse der
Gegenwart. Doch im Detail unterliegt ihren Ausführungen weder eine präzise
Theorie der Privatheit noch eine genaue
Aufschlüsselung der normativen Voraussetzungen einer kommunikativen politischen Theorie, die über den gängigen
Rahmen deliberativer Demokratietheorie
liberaler Prägung hinausginge. So wird ein
Alternativmodell der politischen Theorie,
das die Ziele kritischer Theorie und feministischer Philosophie versöhnt, zwar
wortreich beschworen, doch wegen der
mangelhaften analytischen Ausarbeitung
bleibt diese Konzeption letztlich ein Projekt mit unklaren Konturen.
Gerald A. Cohen
If You‘re an Egalitarian, How Come You’re
So Rich?
Cambridge, Mass. und London: Harvard
University Press 2000, S. 233
ISBN 0674 00 218 0
Nancy Fraser
Die halbierte Gerechtigkeit.
Schlüsselbegriffe des postindustriellen
Sozialstaates
Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp 2001 (edition
suhrkamp - Gender studies), 337 S.
ISBN 351 811 74 32
Herlinde Pauer-Studer ist Professorin für
Philosophie an der Universität Wien. Ihr
Buch Autonom leben. Reflexionen über
Freiheit und Gleichheit
ist 2000 beim Suhrkamp-Verlag erschienen.
Am 6. November spricht Gerald A. Cohen
am IWM in der Reihe „Was ist soziale
Gerechtigkeit?“ zum Thema „Why not
Socialism?“
Der Dienstagsvortrag ist eine gemeinsame
Veranstaltung des IWM und des RennerInstituts.
Am 5. November findet mit G.A. Cohen
eine Diskussion zu Kapitel 8 und 9 des
hier besprochenen Buches statt. Ort:
Institut für Philosophie, NIG, 3. Stock. HS
3B. Zeit: 5. November, 17 bis 19 Uhr.
Riabchuk is currently a Milena
Jesenská Visiting Fellow at the
IWM. This article is part of a
larger project on media and
freedom of speech in
contemporary Ukraine.
Ukrainian media
and society: still
“not so free”
DESPITE THE REALLY IMPRESSIVE CHANGES
that shook and rapidly reconfigured the
post-Soviet world in 1991, some basic features of the Soviet system remained unchanged. In time, they proved to be the
main hindrance to further development
and the main source of these countries’
subsequent stagnation and social ambivalence.
To make sense of what happened in
the USSR in 1991 and afterwards, one
should probably look at the process of
perestroika as a manifold struggle between
the degrading but still strong totalitarian
state subverted by Gorbachov, and a nascent civil society striving for emancipation from the state. In the Baltic republics,
where civil society proved to be strong
enough, the revolution succeeded and
much needed systemic reforms were
implemented. In Central Asia, where civil
society was too weak or virtually
non-existent, no substantial changes have
happened. In Russia, Ukraine and other
republics of the European part of the
USSR civil society proved strong enough
to challenge the state but failed to change
essentially its institutions and to establish
new, democratic rules of the game.
From this point of view, one may
claim that Gorbachov’s perestroika – as a
painful multifaceted process of emancipation of civil society from the totalitarian-cum-authoritarian state – did not
end in 1991 but rather, continued in the
successor states throughout the 1990s
and seems far from being over today, even
though authoritarian tendencies apparently prevail everywhere. In a sense we are
still in a situation of “cold civil war,” and
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
27
GUEST CONTRIBUTION
the mass media still have to take care of this battleground.
At first glance, the Ukrainian media seem technically to be as free (at last) as their Western counterparts. Anybody can found a newspaper, a journal, a
radio or TV company; no censorship is permitted;
no media can be shut down other than by a court
decision. There are plenty of TV channels in the
capital city Kyiv, and only one of them, owned by
the state, seems to be hyper-loyal to the President.
Different opinions flourish in the Ukrainian mass
media, and some of them are very critical of the
authorities.
Ukraine is apparently not a totalitarian state,
and Ukrainian rulers never tire of emphasizing
Ukraine’s “European choice” and their commitment to democratic values. I dare to call this regime
“authoritarianism with a human face”. Such a regime never applies excessive violence; it pretends to
be democratic and usually follows democratic procedures – to the extent that these do not threaten its
political and economic dominance.
The informal “party of power” that rules
Ukraine pursues a rather subtle and sophisticated
policy towards the mass media. First of all, being
ideologically free, the party of power need not care
about ideological purity or about dogma, thus
making virtually any topic and any approach to it
permissible. The only undesirable thing is investigative reporting, focused on very concrete affairs
and touching on real names and details.
Secondly, the party of power is smart enough
to neglect those marginal publications with a low
circulation, and to focus primarily on daily newspapers with a national circulation of 100,000 or
more, and especially on a few radio stations and TV
channels which have nation-wide transmission.
Thirdly, the party of power has learned to effectively apply a wide range of sticks and carrots to
promote an obedient species and to punch out the
disobedient.
Handling the media without censorship
proved to be unexpectedly easy in a country where
civil society has a very weak economic and social
base and even weaker legal ground to stand on. The
post-Soviet economies, despite broadly trumpeted
privatization and the emergence of seemingly free
market institutions and market-style relations, still
have much more in common with the Soviet administrative system ruled by the “telephone law”
than with a really free market. Like in medieval
Europe, power is still the major source of income in
the post-Soviet republics – and this is why nobody
cares about production, their first and foremost
concern being to get into power or to make appropriate contacts with the appropriate people.
Such a perverse economic situation has a destructive impact on both the society and the mass
28
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
Call for Applications
Andrew W. Mellon East-Central European Research
Visiting Fellowships 2002/2003 in the Humanities and
Social Sciences
I Objective
The Council of American Overseas Research Centers (CAORC)
and The Institute for Human Sciences (IWM) will jointly award
Andrew W. Mellon Visiting Fellowships in the Humanities and
Social Sciences. These three-month fellowships, funded by the
Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, will enable young scholars from
Central and Eastern Europe to work in Vienna on research
projects of their choice with the scholarly support of the IWM.
II Conditions
Andrew W. Mellon Visiting Fellows are invited to spend three
months at IWM to pursue their research projects. Recipients of
the fellowships are given a stipend of US$ 8.500,— (approximately
ATS 105.000, paid in four installments); all living and travel expenses
are to be paid from this amount. Furthermore, IWM will provide
Andrew W. Mellon Visiting Fellows a guest apartment, office
space, and access to in-house research facilities as well as other
relevant sources in Vienna. Fellowship terms are from July
through September 2002; October through December 2002;
January through March 2003; and April through June 2003.
III The Jury
A jury composed of IWM Permanent Fellows and Members of the
IWM Academic Advisory Board will evaluate the applications and
select finalists.
IV Eligibility Requirements
IWM is now accepting applications from young scholars from
Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and
Slovakia for its Andrew W. Mellon Visiting Fellowships. The
candidates must not permanently reside outside the countries
concerned, they must have already obtained a Ph.D., and should
have a senior academic position or record (equivalent to
associate professor level). The fellowships are intended for
media. Since virtually all economic activity
is controlled and, if necessary, manipulated by the state, no citizen can feel free
and economically independent vis-à-vis
the authorities. This dramatically hampers
the development of civil society anywhere
beyond the capital city and some other
large urban centers, where the economic
scene seems to be more competitive and
pluralistic. Yet even here people’s right to
inform and to be informed is being vio-
younger postdoctoral scholars and, although there is no specific
age limit, preference will be given to those under 45 years of age.
Research projects which are thematically related to IWM’s fields
of research and ongoing programs will receive preferential
treatment. These are:
Political Philosophy of the 19th and 20th Centuries
Gender Studies
The Philosophical Work of Jan Patocka
European History after World War II
Social Policy
Political and Social Transformation in Central and
Eastern Europe
V Deadline and Application Procedure
The following materials should be sent together by mail by
November 15, 2001:
a concise research proposal, in English or German,
consisting of three to four double-spaced pages
a curriculum vitae and list of publications
two names and addresses (email) for references
the completed application cover sheet (please download the form from IWM’s website www.iwm.at)
VI Notification
Applicants will be notified of the decision of the jury in
February 2002;
it is not required for the jury to publicly justify its decisions.
Please send applications by post to:
Institute for Human Sciences
Attn: Katharina Coudenhove-Kalergi
Spittelauer Laende 3
A - 1090 Vienna
e-mail: kalergi@iwm.at
lated in a great variety of ways – from journalists, editors and publishers being directly threatened and blackmailed, to false
libel suits and fantastic multi-million fines
imposed by the courts on the authors and
periodicals; from stepping up “tax checks”
and “hygiene inspections” to freezing
bank accounts, asking the fire brigade to
inspect offices, and even organizing
power cuts to obstruct journalists in their
work.
Every year half a dozen Ukrainian
journalists are killed or are said to have
committed suicide under very dubious
circumstances, or merely disappear – as
happened to the opposition journalist
Heorhiy Gongadze whose affair has triggered the greatest political scandal in
Ukrainian history. The eavesdropped
conversations between the President and
his aids, that strongly implicate them in
masterminding this and many other
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
29
GUEST CONTRIBUTION
Paideia
Die Zukunft der
humanistischen Bildung
Hat die klassische Idee der
paideia (Bildung), der ganzheitlichen Erziehung zum
mündigen Bürger, noch
Geltung für die Gegenwart?
Aspekte der Diskussion:
30
- Paideia: Anachronismus oder
Notwendigkeit?
- Demokratisierung, Multikulturalismus
und paideia
- Technologie und paideia
- Wirtschaft und paideia
Tagungsprogramm: www.iwm.at
Datum: 22.-23. September 2001
Zeit: jeweils von 10-18.30 Uhr
Ort:
Institut für die Wissenschaften
vom Menschen
Spittelauer Lände 3, 1090 Wien
Konferenzsprachen: Englisch und Russisch
Um Anmeldung unter Tel. 313 58-0 oder
via e-mail: iwm@iwm.at wird gebeten.
Internationale Konferenz des
in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Paideia Project
an der Boston University
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
crimes, have neither been proved nor disproved
yet. But the way in which Ukrainian authorities
carry out (or rather, sabotage) the investigation, as
well as the general context of the events, leaves little
doubt that this regime is able to mastermind whatever it likes.
Yet paradoxically, I remain rather optimistic
about Ukraine’s future in the long run, even
though I do not expect any significant changes for
the better in the near future – at least until a new
generation comes to power. There are a number of
reasons why Ukrainian authoritarianism cannot be
as strong and rough as in neighboring Belarus or
Russia.
First, civil society in Ukraine, apart from the
capital city of Kyiv and some other urban centers,
has a very important stronghold in the western part
of the country, which was not exposed to
Russification/Sovietization until 1945.
And second, Ukrainian leaders, as long as they
want to be independent from Moscow (and they
do want that), have no choice but to emphasize
their commitment to Europe and to accept, nolensvolens, European rules. It does not mean that one
should take their words at face value and sweep
their tricks under the carpet. It only means that the
European Community has a powerful lever to influence Ukrainian politics – a lever that so far is
largely underestimated or even misused since
Ukraine is still treated as a Russian appendage and is
not considered a prospective candidate – in however remote a future – to the European community.
Mykola Riabchuk
Mykola Riabchuk ist
Journalist, Mitbegründer
und stellvertretender
Chefredakteur des ukrainischen Magazins
Krytyka, das nach dem
Vorbild der New York
Review of Books gestaltet ist. Derzeit
arbeitet er als Milena
Jesenská Fellow am
Institut für die
Wissenschaften vom
Menschen an einem
Projekt zur Rede- und
Pressefreiheit in der
Ukraine.
IWM EVENTS
IWM Lectures in Human Sciences
2001
Paul Ricoeur: The Process of
Recognition
Under the general title of recognition I want
to proceed from the stage of the problem
when someone recognizes an object as
being the same to the stage when somebody
claims to be recognized by some-one else.
At the same time the stress will be laid on the
opposite side of recognition, from factual
mistake to social humiliation.
Tuesday, 2 October, 6 p.m.
Recognition and Selfhood
The problem of self identity – Memory as the
medium of personal identity (Augustin, Lokke) – Recognition and recollection
(Bergson) – Recognition of the other – The
challenge of time – From memory to history
Wednesday, 3 October, 6 p.m.
Social and Political Recognition
That self recognition and recognition by the
other proceeds at the same pace –
Dialogical dimension of the preceding
stages – The claim to make oneself directly
recognised: success (Ulysses’s return to
Ithaca) and failure (King Lear and Cordelia) –
The institutional mediations: recognition as
political enterprise: from Hobbes’s Leviathan
(the war of each one against the other )
through the tradition of Jus Naturale to
Hegel’s “fight for recognition” (Jenenser
Realphilosophie)
Monday, 1 October, 6 p.m.
Recognition and Identification
To recognize an object – a thing or a person
– means to grasp it as a whole by
connecting together a variety of
presentations in space and time. As
recognized in this way, an object is identified.
It is the same, and not something different. –
Applications: in the theoretical field, the
judgment of perception (Kant’s concept of
“Rekognition”), the logical identity of a
meaningful topic. In the practical field,
acknowledgment of a debt, a guilt, an
authority. – Failures and limits.
15th Jan Patocka
Memorial Lecture
Edward Said
Since its founding, IWM has promoted the
work of the Czech philosopher and human
rights activist Jan Patocka (1907 – 1977). The
annual Jan Patocka Memorial Lectures
have been held since 1987.
Wednesday, 24 October, 7 p.m.
Vienna, Palais Schwarzenberg
In cooperation with the
Edward W. Said, Professor of English and
Comparative Literature at Columbia
University, is known both for his
groundbreaking research in the field of
comparative literature and his
incisive political commentary.
His writing, translated into 14 languages,
includes 10 books, among them, Orientalism
(1978), The World, the Text and the Critic
(1983), Blaming the Victims (1988), Culture and
Imperialism (1993) and Peace and Its
Discontents: Essays on Palestine in the
Middle East Peace Process (1995).
Paul Ricoeur is Professor emeritus at the
Universities of Paris and Chicago and a
member of IWM’s Academic Advisory Board.
The IWM Lectures
in Human Sciences
Last year, on the occasion of the 100th
birthday of Hans-Georg Gadamer, spiritual adviser to the Institute since its inception, IWM started its new public lecture
series “IWM Lectures in Human Sciences”. The inaugural lecture was held in
May 2000 by Charles Taylor who spoke
on “The Varieties of Religion Today: William James Revisited after 100 Years”.
The new series is carried out in collaboration with Harvard University Press,
Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt a.M., and
ZNAK Publishers, Krakow. Taylor’s lecture will be published simultaneously in
English, German and Polish in spring
2002.
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
31
IWM EVENTS
Upcoming Events
The following events will take place at the IWM at 6 p.m.
Die folgenden Veranstaltungen finden um 18:00 Uhr
in der Bibliothek des IWM statt.
18. September
Was ist soziale Gerechtigkeit? II
Stephen Holmes
Professor at the New York University School of Law and
Visiting Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
When Do the Rich Care About the Poor?
In Zusammenarbeit mit dem
22.-23. September, jeweils von 10-18.30 Uhr
Paideia - Die Zukunft der humanistischen Bildung
Internationale Konferenz in Zusammenarbeit mit
dem Paideia Project an der Boston University
Nähere Informationen entnehmen Sie bitte dem
Blattinneren (Seite 30).
32
25. September
Maria Todorova
Professor of History at the University of Illinois at
Urbana Champaign and IWM Visiting Fellow
Are National Heroes Secular Saints? The Case of
Vasil Levski in Bulgaria
1.– 3. Oktober, jeweils 18.00 Uhr
IWM - Vorlesungen zu den Wissenschaften vom
Menschen 2001
Paul Ricoeur
Paul Ricoeur is Professor emeritus at the Universities of
Paris and Chicago and a member of IWM’s Academic
Advisory Board.
The Process of Recognition
9. Oktober
Europapolitik vor der Herausforderung der
Osterweiterung I
David Simon
(Lord Simon), former Prime Minister’s Advisor on
Europe, London
Economic and Institutional Reform – How Far Can
We Go?
Commentator: Monika Vana, Spokesperson for
European Affairs of the Vienna Green Party
In Zusammenarbeit mit der Grünen
Bildungswerkstatt
IWM NEWSLETTER 73
Summer 2001
16. Oktober
Sidonia Blättler
Wissenschaftliche Assistentin am Institut für Philosophie
an der Freien Universität Berlin und Gast des IWM im
Oktober
Identitätspolitik: Nation und Geschlecht im
philosophischen Diskurs der Moderne
19. – 20. Oktober
Workshop in Prag
Memory of Communism
23. Oktober
Osterweiterung II
William Wallace
(Lord Wallace of Saltaire), Professor of International
Relations at the London School of Economics
After Enlargement: Rethinking European Order
Commentator: Ulrike Lunacek, Spokesperson for
Foreign Affairs of the Austrian Green Party
Bildungswerkstatt
24. Oktober
15th Jan Patocka Memorial Lecture
Edward Said
19:00 Uhr, Palais Schwarzenberg
In Zusammenarbeit mit dem
30. Oktober
Osterweiterung III
Jean-Louis Bourlanges
Member of the European Parliament for the Union pour
la démocratie française (UDF) and has been, together
with Daniel-Cohn-Bendit and others, a founding
member of SOS-EUROPA
Le traité de Nice et la gouvernance d’une Europe
élargie
Commentator: Johannes Voggenhuber, Member of
the European Parliament for the Austrian Green Party
Bildungswerkstatt
Impressum
Responsible for the
contens of the IWM
Newsletter:
Institute for Human
Sciences © IWM 2001
Editor
Anita Traninger
Editorial Assistance
Joan Avery, Michael
Bugajer, Nadja Lobner
Production Manager,
Layout
Iris Strohschein
Photos
IWM, U.S. Embassy,
Nadja Lobner
Design
Gerri Zotter
Address
IWM
Spittelauer Lände 3
A - 1090 Wien
Tel. (+431) 31358-0
Fax. (+431) 31358-30
www.iwm.at
The IWM Newsletter is
published four times a
year. Current circulation:
6200. Printed by Rema
Print.

Die Grünen zwischen Macht und Ideologie

Transcription

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