AD1715-23-10-8-001-jpeg - Historical Papers
Transcription
AD1715-23-10-8-001-jpeg - Historical Papers
E d itio n A n g la is e — Fra n caise 2 No. 2 F e b ru a ry , 1962 IN UNITY LIE^OUR UNITED AFRICA T N my view a united A fr ic a — th a t is the political -*• and econom ic u n ifica tio n of the A fric a n c o n ti nent— should seek three objectives. Firstly, we sh ou ld have an over-all econom ic p la n n in g on a pointed con tin e n tal basis w hich would increase the in d u strial and econom ic power of A frica . Secondly, we sh ou ld aim at the creation o f a joint M ilita ry C o m m an d . I do not see an y w isdom in our present separate efforts to build up or m a in tain va st m ilitary forces for self-defence w hich, in an y case, would be ineffective in a n y m ajor c o n flict. T h e third objective w hich we sh ou ld have in A fric a com es from the first two w hich I have just described. If we in A fric a set up a com m on econom ic p la n n in g o rg an isatio n an d a joint m ilitary com m and , it follow s that we shall have to ad op t a com m on foreign policy to give political direction to our n ation a l continental dcfence an d our n ation a l c o n tin en tal econom ic and in d u strial developm ent plan n in g. — DR. K W A M E N K R U M A H Contents • PROFILE OF THE GUILTY M E N m POSITIVE ACTION .......... • THE BLAZING FIRE OF AFRICAN STRUGGLE ..... ................. • • BRITAIN STABS AFRICA AGAIN .......... W E SHALL FIGHT TO THE LAST M A N by Kenneth Kaunda .................................... Profile of Guilty men Moise Kapenda Tshombe Roy Welensky TSH O M BE “ T r a it o r m o st accu rse d” T N the November 3, 1961 issue of the Time A magazine, Thomas V. Jones, the notorious financial tycoon, President of the Northrop Corporation, Beverly Hills, California, said in a letter that: “ Being on the cover of Time is like facing the judgment of history while you still have to live with it.” To the disgust of all decent people, Moise Kapenda Tshombe appeared on the cover of December 22, 1961 issue of Time. It is not necessary for judgment on this man to be suspended. The evidence is available for the verdict to be passed at once. In Africa, The Voice o f Africa has declared him the “ traitor most accursed” for 1961. Tshombe’s shabby approach to the realities of the African situation and his short-sightedness in an age when leadership of even a scout group demand some amount of foresight, prove how right we are to say that Tshombe has Column One Continued on next page T h is man R O L A N D W E L E N S K Y : S e m i-L ite rate B lo od staine d B ritish Pu ppe t “ R u le r " o f th e R hod e sias process of decolonisation in Southern THE Africa seems to have struck a rock in the Rhodesias and an important chip in that rock is no other than that protege of the white herrenvolk below the Limpopo — Roland Welensky. The herrenvolk of settler South Africa stoutly cling to the master-race bating propensities of the late Dr. Malan and Welensky has imbibed these from them. The South African born Welensky whose mother is a Boer and father a Polish-Jew, grew-up in Salisbury a barefooted ducktail. After completing standard IV he joined the Rhodesia Railways as a fireman and later became locomotive driver—the only rank a man of his slothful mentality could ever reach. In the Railways he acquired one other deliquent title—that of champion boxer. In the Column Two Continued on next page Tsliomlie not got the slightest touch of leadership. Long before he entered politics for the sake of filthy lucre he was known in the back streets of Elisabethville as an incorrigible rogue. In his politics today Kapenda Tshombe reflects this rancid background of his early days. Apart from his unpopular role as a confusionist and a collaborationist in the Congo, Kapenda acts as a liaison in surreptitious deals between colonialists and reactionary African nationalists. Recently, Harry Nkumbula and Bennings Lambe of the Northern Rhodesia African National Congress visited Katanga and arranged for 2,000,000 francs (about £14,000) and six Land Rovers from Tshombe to fight against the dynamic Northern Rhodesian leader, Kenneth Kaunda and the UNIP. Tshombe has paid the money through a bank in Kitwe. Every schoolboy in Africa knows that Kapenda murdered Lumumba, Okito and Mpolo. Blood does not seem to get a chance to dry in his palms. North Katanga remains littered with moun tainous piles of rubble and myriad possessions of the murdered dead. All the ineffable suffering in the Congo today stems from the greed and avarice of this mere factotum of vested interests in Katanga. Every African knows that Tshombe is running at breakneck speed towards the great cavernous emptiness of a most tenebrous future. But that he is a traitor—a nervous one at that—we are duty bound to tell the world. We hold that he is politically bankrupt. We have always emphasised that he is an arch-imperialist stool-pidgeon. His chronic nervous breakdown sums up our estimation of him. He is always haunted by the nightmarish aberration of the dark, hallucinatory underworld to which he belongs. A correspondent of the Voice who saw Tshombe recently says, he is aging shockingly. His face now haggard, lined and sallow, wears a hollow haunted look. His hands shake un controllably. It is known that he does not sleep at night. His eyes, which seem to stare at the fearful world about him have great dark pouches under them. Moise Kapenda Tshombe is ending like all traitors and murderers do. Welensky thirties he moved to Northern Rhodesia and like all other “ promising” poor whites, was assisted by business tycoons to purchase a farm at Broken Hill. In 1938 he entered the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council and was automatically made leader of the white elected members because of his donkey oratory. His donkey oratory and deep-seated hatred for the African people quickly won him favour with the giant money magnates of the British South African Company, the Rhodesia Select Trust and the Anglo-American Group. He was thus introduced to their spokesman Godffrey Huggins who was then the brain behind the plot to impose “Federation” upon the African people. In 1953 they formed the “Federation” . In 1956 Welensky was knighted and became “Prime Minister” of the “Federation.” The unusually fat for a Prime Minister, 300 lb —Welensky is a notorious tea-drinker and non-smoker. This is the fattened calf the British rentier-class have planted in Rhodesia to halt the upsurge of African nationalism both within the “Federation” and from the North. Welensky is in sinister league with that equal unholy trio Verwoerd, Salazar and Tshombe in a diabolical plot to subvert the African struggle for freedom and perpetuate the African’s enslavement. Die-Hard Colonialist; His recently exposed activities in Katanga clearly show Welensky to be a die-hard colonial ist and imperialist puppet, a lackey of the White moneyed class and an irredeemable degenerate specimen of humanity. Roland Welensky — bloodstained capitalist agent, is deeply implicated in the murder of Great Lumumba and Dag Hammarskjoeld— small wonder that he is unashamedly and irre vocably committed to backing to the hilt that notorious murderer and traitor Moise Kapenda Tshombe. Welensky, you are on Africa’s “ BLACK LIST” as Criminal Colonialist Puppet No. 1. Your “ Federation” is a time bomb that is sure to explode in your hands and smash you, your masters and your “Federation” to smithereens. Voice of Africa Vol. 2 No. 2 A February, 1962 MAGAZINE OF AFRICAN NEWS AND VIEWS Published by the EDITCIBIIAILS Bureau of African Affairs African Unity and Printed in the R EPU BLIC o f GHANA by the Guinea Press Ltd., (and reduced), Accra Subscriptions: Subscription fee is 9/- or its equivalent in other currencies per annum [postage inclusive) A copy of the VOICE costs 9d. Subscriptions should be addressed to B U R E A U O F A F R IC A N A F F A I R S P.O. Box M 24, Accra, Ghana Editor-in-Chief: KOFI BATSA p REAT ideas, if firmly believed, can become ^ as real as reality. When magnified by multitudes, they are rendered irresistible. Great ideas have conquered conquerors, routed legions, made armies invincible and sired civilisations. Like the biblical grain of mustard which grew up as the greatest among herbs and became a tree, so that the birds of the air came and lodged in the branches thereof, the great seed of African Unity which touched the soil of Africa in Accra in 1958, is growing as the years go by. Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s recent speech on African Unity before the Ghana Parliament has made the whole idea of African Unity very realistic. The fear of some African leaders that they will be swallowed in a union of Africa, has been allayed by the Osagyefo’s statement that: “ Countries in such a union will naturally maintain their own constitutions, continue to use their national flags their national anthems, and other symbols and paraphernalia of sover eignty which they don’t have to surrender.” He declared that a United Africa should seek three objectives: % An over-all economic planning on a united continental basis. 0 The creation of a Joint Military Com mand for common defence and Continued on next page © A common foreign policy to give politi cal direction. Osagyefo Dr. Nkrumah’s speech has clearly mapped out the basis of African Unity. It has clearly put forward the idea that African Unity is not an Utopia. We recommend the speech to all African leaders for study and scrutiny. The sands of time have already run perilously low; for the shape of things glaringly show the danger that awaits a disunited Africa. From Bizerta to Pretoria expensive lessons come up each passing moment. The lessons to be learnt, therefore had better be learnt in dead earnest, lest our great Africa be made to plunge into darkness instead of into the glory of the future. FORWARD TO A UNITE AFRICA! Incorrigible R ogues V V fE publish on page nine of the “ Voice” a thorough revelation of imperialist shame less manoeuvre in Katanga. The facts are accurate and the figures are true to the type. We have more facts on hand. The incorrigible rogues in this shameless plot aimed at perpetuating the present impasse in the Congo are known to us. Their activities and their movements are quite clear to us. We are strategically placed to destroy these unrepentant violators of human rights who are plagued by the monstrous alchemy of con verting human blood into gold. We know where to hit. Indeed, as if eager to accelerate still further their rapid decline, these colonialists choose to ride with the least enlightened forces: and more—to become the paladin of combatants preparing to make their mode of life prevail, not by the creation of ennobling ideals but by use of force. The African masses are advancing to a glorious future. Surely, any sane person should feel the thunderous march of the African giant racing to a bright future. The colonialist must accept the realities of the African age, however harsh they may be. The target date—December 31, 1963—will surely see Africa free. This fact has become as real as reality. It has been magnified by the action of the African masses and has been rendered irresistible. We Take the L ea d .... T \R . Samuel Johnson, famous scholar and lexigographer, added two new words to the English language: Johsonian and Johsonese, but these two do not appear in his famous dictionary. The two epithets may only seeming be rec koned as synonymous; but a close study of their context of usage will confirm the truth of the well-known aphoristic injection: “ there are no sysnonyms in the E n g l i s h L a n g u a g e ” . Johsonian refers to Johnson’s style or work at its best and Johnsonese at its worst. More important than the words themselves are their suffixes— ian and—ese. The one has clearly a complimentary meaning and the other a derogatory one. It is small wonder, therefore, that the imperialists whose guiding philosophy is: “ give a dog a bad name and hang him,” are today indulging in the favourite pastime of bandying backwards and forwards such coinages a Angolese, Katangese and Congolese. It is time that in liberation circles such coinages are replaced by such usages as Angolan, Katangan and Congoan. The Voice will in future give the lead in this matter. We Shall Fight to the Last Man by Kenneth K aunda ( President, U N I P ) \V /"E are obviously now in the ” process o f m aking and writing the m ost difficult and com plicated chapter o f o u r history. We o f the United N ational Independence Party to look at the problem squarely in the face and are prepared to meet blows as they come and give twice as much. The evidence I gathered on my recent trip o f the N orthern and L uapula provinces m akes me charge the so-called security forces o f m urder, arson, plunder and savage atrocities. F o u r cases o f rape were reported to me but I did not receive sufficient evidence because these are alleged to have taken place in Chinsali and A bercorn where I was not allowed to go. I know the charge I m ake is a serious one but it is true. W hat has been happening in these troubled areas—and is still happening in Chinsali, A bercorn, M porokoso and K asam a areas to a certain extent —I am positive the C entral G ov ernm ent does n o t possess full facts of—m uch less His Excellency the G overnor himself. In the w ords o f one prom inent chief “ I thought we were going to m eet the G overnor b u t he came and stayed w ith those E uropeans at the Bom a and w ent away.” H e was a disappointed ruler. Whole villages have been razed to the ground; food stuffs including goats, sheep and fowls have been taken away to say nothing of clothes, pots, pans and other utensils. What they could not take away they des troyed. It is either gross ignorance or downright insincerity on the part of those in authority to say those Africans who wished could complain to their District Commissioners. For instance one official was involved in a riot and has since been presiding magistrate over cases of the very people he was rioting with. How does any sane person expect Africans to take their complaints to such a man? In any case, does anyone think justice can be d jne? One o f our local dailies reports th a t I was n o t at all welcome in the N orth ern Provinces and it reports its source as G overnm ent Inform ation D epartm ent. It is no longer a secret th a t the K asam a G overnm ent Infor m ation D epartm ent has been biased against U nited N ational Independ ence P arty because o f one m an there. T o prove m y point, I was ju st coming from interviewing one o f the four chiefs organised by a certain official not to see me. The chief in fact received me very traditionally. In one place Bom a messengers rushed to shake our hands. One white cadet came out and shouted them back to their sitting places. They were punished a few m inutes later. One thing is clear, these messengers are Africans. In the same D istrict we were told no one w ould see us—vet ju st outside crowds were swelling as news spread we had arrived, chiefs received us w ith open arm s and we discussed our problem s as ‘beloved father and son.’ W herever we went our people simply p oured in to see us—who are G overnm ent agents deceiving? N o one ap art from the G overnm ent itself o f course! Because o f intim ida tion A frican businessm en and those in high scale-employment played the N icodem us. A ll these atrocities ju st help to m ake U nited N ational Independence Party m ore and m ore popular! This is the Gospel truth. O ur people simply love the p a rty ! As for the P aram ount C h i e f Chitim ukulu, I still hold him in high esteem and will always be happy to serve him. Tn his wisdom, w hat is happening today he predicted in a long talk w ith M r. Jam es Johnson, form er L abour M P for Rugby when KENNETH KAUNDA we invited him in 1957. W hen we take over, which w on’t be too long from now , he is one o f our natu ral rulers we shall long rem em ber for his courage and wisdom. He has fought against Federation and nothing can change my adm iration for him — no m atter what colonialist intrigues may try to p lan t between him and me. H e is my beloved natural ruler. The cam paign against identity cards has been so successful th a t the authorities are now so perplexed th a t all they can do is to com pel my followers to pay fines w hich they refuse and then they send messengers and others to forcibly take some property o f the persons concerned. Prisons are so full now th a t m ost o f the prisoners at certain Bomas are using their own clothes, there are, as in the one case I am sure of, as m any as three prisoners to a blanket. Savage beatings by Police go on. In view o f all this, I once m ore appeal to the British G overnm ent to send ajudicial commission o f inquiry. I have been charitable by thinking they do n ’t know w hat is happening— and I believe this. I f they d o n ’t I will have no alternative b u t to take this m atter to some August International O rganisation. Continued on page 27 Lest We F o r g e t Patrice Lumumba , first Prime Minister o f the Republic o f Congo in his Last days being Mishandled and Tortured by his Murderers, the Belgians and Tshombe .... Freedom is a Strange Feeling by H enri Allege (A n Algerian hero, who escaped from a French ja il after five years’’ imprisonment and torture and is now in Czechoslovakia, a free man). ^ O W th a t 1 am free there is an odd feeling th a t I cannot shake off. It is the strangeness, after years in prison, o f being able to walk freely in the streets, o f being able to open a window and finding th at no iro n bars obstruct the view. N ow my h eart does n o t shrink every time I meet a policem an; now I can smile at him, know ing he is a friend. 1 often think o f the prison where I left so m any friends. Particularly [ d o rem em ber the hard times in the de Barberousse Prison in Algiers. Jn a few days tim e it will be two years since we began a hunger strike which was to have lasted 12 days. My prison m ates and 1 were ju st above the death cell in which there were 120 prisoners at th a t time. We staged the hunger strike to obtain some im provem ent in the terrible conditions which prevailed in th at and all other Algerian prisons. The French colonialists refused to consider us as political prisoners. O ur people were often treated worse than the com m on crim inals who enjoyed advantages we were denied. We didn’t have beds, bed-clothes or tables. We ate from rusty pots on the floor. The prison guards beat the prison ers with keys, fists and constantly insulted them . On the slightest pretext prisoners got tw o or three m onths solitary confinement. Step Failed Them E ach m orning death awaited two or three A lgerian prisoners. At night we waited in vain to sleep. Sometimes sleep would n o t come, and when it did we hoped th a t we would not wake up in the m orning to see another o f our friends die. N o r did those sentenced to death sleep. They rem ained awake so th at they would not be surprised by the sudden arrival o f the guards and the police who w ould drag them to the gullotine hardly awake. They w anted to die fully awake and alert so th at they could shout their confidence in the victory o f their country. O r if others were to die we wanted to hearten them w ith our songs. We lived under such conditions in 1957 and 1958. T hanks to the actions organised by the prisoners and o u r hunger strikers, thanks also to international solidarity and above all the struggle o f the Algerian people, things changed. There were some im provem ents, b u t no sooner were they won than the F rench adm inistration put an end to them and our problem s started all over again. This is why hunger-strikes were held so often. A recent one lasted until the Algerian prisoners forced the F rench adm inistration to con cede to their dem ands and grant them the status o f political prisoners. This was a big victory for the prisoners who had been dem anding this for years. Patriots Their determ ination and their heroism have w on the adm iration o f the whole world. Yet it is still necessary to say th a t the conditions o f the concentration cam ps in which patriots are held, are rem iniscent of those o f Nazi prisons. The A lgerian people as a whole have suffered terribly during the seven years o f war. M ore th an a million o f their sons have been m urdered by the F rench colonialists. T housands o f A lgerian men and wom en who have been driven out o f their villages now live in camps. Negotiate In spite o f this they continue their struggle under the leadership o f their G overnm ent. But their hopes for peace are great. Peace is possible if the French G overnm ent stops m anoeuvring, if it stops talking ab o u t peace while continuing the w ar, if it ends its plans to divide Algeria, and if it sincerely wishes to negotiate w ith the provisional G overnm ent o f the Algerian Republic. This is w hat the French people themselves want. N o m atter w hat happens Algeria will becom e independent sooner or later and the people o f A lgeria will take the road o f social progress and real democracy. The Death of Central A friea Federation by Serious African T ^ H E B ritish colonies in C entral A frica were considered till recently, regions of relative tranquillity am ong her possessions on th e continent o f Africa. A fter the establishm ent o f the Federation o f the R hodesias and N yasaland, how ever, the situation there radically changed. In exam ining the situation in these extensive countries, it is better to consider the situations w hich led to th e lum ping together o f three different countries— Southern R hode sia, N o rth ern Rhodesia and N yasa la n d —against the will o f the A frican people. F o r over 20 years the industrialists and planters of Southern Rhodesia, where over tw o-thirds o f the Federa tio n ’s white population live, have fostered the idea o f setting up under their rule in C entral A frica a big state w ith dom inion status. This w ould give them hold on the two R hodesias enorm ous n atu ral resour ces o f gold, copper, chrom ite m anganese, lithium , and so on, and also enable them to utilise the labour reserves o f over-populated N yasa land, which annually provides some 70,000 w orkers for the m ines and plantations o f her m ore developed neighbours. A nalyzing th e results o f the F ederatio n ’s eight years o f existence, one sees th a t the Federation forced on the A fricans has not solved a single problem o f C entral Africa, b u t on the contrary, has only aggra vated the relationships between white settlers and A fricans, an d b ro u g h t furth er com plications to the political situation. A sober look a t the schemes o f the E uropean colonialists, n o t on the basis o f w hat they say, b u t o f w hat they do, one sees in their present efforts to strengthen the unp o p u lar Federation, the wish to consolidate their rule over one o f A frica’s richest regions. Let us consider the com position of the Federation’s white com m unity. Between 1947 and 1957 alone the num ber o f im m igrants from the U nion o f South A frica nearly doubled. The m ajority o f industria lists and planters o f the Federation are linked by origin and tradition w ith their white brethren o f the U nion o f South Africa. This un doubtedly has a great im pact on the attitude o f the white settlers tow ards the native population o f the two R hodesias. W hite d o m i n a t i o n in both R hodesias began seventy-one years ago and was linked with the nam e o f one o f the m ost shameless colonialists, Cecil R hodes, w ho, in the w ords o f Lenin, “ pursued an im perialist policy w ith the utm ost cynicism.” T hrough one o f his agents, R hodes concluded an agreem ent w ith K ing L obengula o f the M atabele tribe giving him right to mine gold in the K ing’s dom ain. A territory o f fabulous w ealth was acquired with the help o f W hisky, in exchange for a m o n th ’s rent o f £100, one thousand rifles, a steam er for tripe along the Zam besi River, which, however, the K ing never had the good luck to enjoy. A trifling incident was p ro voked and the deal started by deceit was clenched by force o f arms. A war, which cost British four men dead and the M atabele hundreds, m ade Southern Rhodesia a British colony. The South A frican Com pany, founded by a charter granted by Q ueen V ictoria, actually ruled South ern R hodesia fo r decades. H aving got its bridgehead for future advancem ents, the com pany b ought for a song the “ copperbelt” , one o f the w orld’s largest copper deposits on the upper Zam bezi— and another British colony appeared— N orthern Rhodesia. Then the British seized Nyasaland. Racialism We see Southern Rhodesia as a classic country of legalised racialism, where the colour bar embraces all spheres of public life. In 1930, the Land Apportionment Act gave all the best and most of the land to the white settlers. Figures published in the “ land in Southern Rhodesia” , a pamphlet recently published in London, show that 2.2 million Africans in the country own only 41 per cent of the land, and some million Africans have no land at all, while 50,000 white settlers possess one-and-a-half times more land—the most fertile. At the mines in Northern Rhodesias where the Africans get higher wages than elsewhere, 40,000 African receive approximately £7,000,000 a vear, while 7,000 white workers get £14,000,000. Race discrim ination bars Africans from any professions. Recently, it is true, A frican doctors and lawyers have appeared in C entral A frica, b u t they can be counted on the fingers o f one hand. The African, the legitim ate ruler o f Africa, has to suffer race discrim ina tion at every step: in the hotels, railw ay restaurant cars, in the shops, where he is served w ith inferior goods through a “ black” window. The pass system restricts his freedom o f movem ent. The Federation has a total o f 60 colour b ar laws. A nd this is all the m ore disgusting, because the doctrine o f race segre gation— apartheid—which blossoms so profusely in the U nion o f South Africa, is not the official ideology o f the Federation’s ruling circles. T oday when colonialism is disintegrating all over the world, and one A frican people after another is winning its independence, it is becoming in creasingly clear th a t the old way o f ruling cannot go on. Racial policy in the Federation has therefore, been m ade to look respectable. I t is now called “ partnership.” To believe the racialists, the Federation is destined to becom e a “ great experim ent zone.” “ The C entral A frican m an will cease to be considered as black, white or brow n,” and “ henceforth the division will be draw n between the civilised and the Colonial Instrum ent o f Torture in iV. Rhodesia These are freed om fighters in N o r t h e r n R h o d e sia Prison, F o r thre e days these men w e re told to hold the food in t h e ir hands w ith o u t eating it. Later th ey w e re transferred to an o th e r P riso n som e 5,000 m iles aw ay fro m Lusaka and w e re forced to c a rry these tin s containing food w hich w as n e ve r served on th e ir w ay to a n o th e r Prison. T h is is the m oral fibre o f the so-called B ritish “ civilizing m issio n ” in A frica prim itive.” But Cecil R hodes also advanced the principle o f “ equal rights for equally civilised people.” In his book Central African W itness published in 1959, Cypril D un, correspondent o f the influen tial British Sunday paper, the Obser ver, sarcastically ridicules the colo nialists’ n otion o f “ Civilised M an .” “ Provided a m an earns m ore than £750 a year, he is civilised even if he is barely literate. Contrariw ise if a m an’s incom e is low, his civilised state can be recognised only if his standard o f education is high.” Partnership “ P artnership” envisages the p aral lel developm ent o f b o th races and gradual bringing o f the fruits o f culture w ithin the reach o f the native population. But w hat is being done to bring this ab o u t in practice? N othing. The policy o f “ parallel develop m ent” is a gigantic fraud. In C entral Africa, every m em ber o f the segrega tion Society—which supports the apartheid policy has the vote. Their b latan t racialism receives no check from the authorities! Only the w hite m an is allowed to assert his right to rule. Every attem pt o f the A frican to defend his legitim ate right to rule his own country is im m ediately treated as a threat o f “ black racialism ” and is repressed. D espite the great publicity which has been given to the “ p artnership” policy, nothing is being done in the F ederation to ease the policy o f race discrim ination. F o r all the m anoeuvers o f the F ederation’s leaders on this question are linked w ith current political expediency and dom inated by the desire to assure public opinion th at they are n o t pursuing the racists from the U nion o f South Africa. The ruling Federal Party acts according to w hat an au th o r calls “ the businessm an’s ethic.” The proponent o f this point o f view consider th a t the A fricans m ust be granted some m easure o f freedom in the econom ic field, otherwise the whites cannot prosper. But a t the same tim e they do everything to halt the political activities o f the A frican and preserve the existing social barriers. Y ears will pass, they say, and these barriers will vanish o f themselves. But how long will this tak e? “ Even in a hundred or tw o hundred years’ tim e,” an swers Prem ier Roy W elensky, “ the A frican shall never hope to dom inate the F ederation.” The fight The peoples o f the two Rhodesias and N yasaland, however, cannot accept this geological rate o f change. They understand perfectly well th at under the w hitem an’s rule they will never be able to overcome their profound economic and cultural backwardness. D espite the flood o f loud hypocri tical phrases o f the colonialists ab o u t their “ civilising” mission, they are m ore alarm ed than pleased at the prospect o f acquainting the A fricans with education. A t any rate, they are n o t at all keen on the job. The Federation’s form er Premier, L ord M alvern, spoke quite frankly on this subject: “ T here is no need to suggest to the A frican th at we came here to help him ” , he declared tow ards the end o f 1956. “ W e came here to earn o ur living . . . A nd in tru th during the last years m ore foreign capital has been invested in the Federation’s econom y th an in any other A frican country, except the U nion o f South A frica and the Congo (form er Belgium). The situation has been made clear to us th at it is the aim o f Britain to allow the m inority white group to govern the R hodesias and N yasaland to the exclusion o f the seven million inhabitants. T he British Conservatives, still em pire-conscious, sensitive to the plight o f their fellow countrym en settled overseas, aw are th at the w hite com m unity has m ade itself rich by exploiting the A frican, feel th a t the British G overnm ent has a m oral obligation to safeguard E uro pean interests. I t is surprising th at despite the British boast th at they have faith in dem ocracy, they find it difficult to accept th a t universal adult suffrage is the first m easure which m ust be considered in guaranteeing the right o f the m any over the privileged few. Despite the arrest and im prison m ent o f A frican nationalist leaders on flimsy charges; the alerting o f troops throughout the F ederation; the threat o f Europeans to sabotage any constitution which ensures uni versal adult suffrage; the double tongue role o f Iain M acleod, the British Colonial Secretary; the num e rous raids by Roy W elensky’s Police on the hom es o f A fricans; and the tightening o f already stringent laws, the A frican nationalist m ovem ents have m ade several strides. It is the view o f some people th a t a path m ust be found in Central Africa for a m ulti-national com m unity in which the African would, o f his own free will, co-operate with the white m an, who would continue the skilled work in developing the resources o f the region. F o r en suring this co-operation an interim period o f ten—fifteen years is neces sary during which time the m etropolis is to act as a stabilizing factor between white and black. This, they say, may save us from b o th the threat o f apartheid loom ing from the South and from “ black d ic ta to r ship.” Thus have these people based their argum ent for preserving colo nialism in Central A frica. This “ positive program m e” is n o t new. It is beneath criticism and unaccep t able to the African. Such form ulas as “ m ultifarious com m unity” or “internal self-deter m ination” mean nothing. This mystification is aimed a t depriving Africa o f her rights to freedom . The Africans o f the R hodesias and N yasaland are determined to win their freedom and decide on w hat to do w ith the minority groups in their midst. The pressure of the nationalist forces has increased in the Rhodesias and N yasaland. No use o f a tte m p t ing to dam n the revolutionary tide. The British Governm ent by attem p t ing to side w ith Roy W elensky and his crazy white settlers is precipita ting the destruction o f the E uropean in Central Africa in rapids more precipitous and turbulent th an the V ictoria Falls. The nationalist leader o f N o r thern Rhodesia, M r. K enneth K aunda has sounded the w arning note: “ N ot even an inch o f A frica will be given to a foreign race. W e are determ ined to clean the entire Central Africa o f the evils o f im perialism and colonialism .” selves as brothers. F o r the first tim e in hum an history religion is conceived as a bond uniting men of different colour, language and custom . History and Civilisation by Staff Writer lV/TR. Verwoerd recently assured us ^ once again th at “ it is the W hite m an to w hom all progress m ust be ascribed o f which people all over the world at present boast.” The learned D octor obviously knows nothing or prefers to know nothing ab o u t the history o f Europe, A sia or Africa. He finds it m ore convenient to replace history by m yth ju st like his adm ired model, Alfred Rosenberg, the “ philosopher” o f Nazi Germ any. A ccording to one o f the m ost cherished myths o f the racialists Europeans created civilisation out of nothing, rather like G od creating the w orld out o f chaos. But the blessings o f civilisation are n o t the property o f any one hum an group which they can graciously distribute or rightfully keep, as they see fit. Civilisation happens to be the product o f m an kind as a whole and to its develop m ent peoples from all over the world have contributed. N o group, least of all the people from the N orth and W est o f Europe, who arrived so recently on the historical scene, can claim a m onopoly of contributions to civilisation. West Came Late One wonders where civilisation would be if Asian and African peoples had not invented the use of writing, discovered how to smelt iron and cultivate grains, created the wheel, produced m ultiplication tables and minted coins thousands of years ago before the people of Europe emerged from the most prim itive savagery. We could easily fill several issues o f Voice o f Africa if we tried to give an exhaustive list o f Asian and African contributions to civilisation because it would turn out to be practically a history o f hum an civilisation as such. W hite civilisation, in the “ purity” with which it is propagated in V erw oerd’s South Africa, does not com pare too well w ith the ancient civilisations o f A sia and Africa. Just to take one example from the m aterial sphere, it may surprise some o f the pundits o f apartheid to know th a t the elaborate drainage system o f the ancient Indian cities which flourished on the river Indus about 4,000 years ago was superior to th at provided by W hite civilisation in th a t p art o f its tow ns which it refers to as the “ location.” Moral Ideas A nd the m oral ideas o f these ancient civilisations would seem to have risen to a conception o f univer sal justice and hum an brotherhood which is far beyond the grasp o f the “ civilised” defenders o f A frikaner tribalism . “ Behold it is not to m ake for him self slaves o f any people,” stated the traditional address delivered by the Egyptian P haraoh two thousand years before the birth o f Christ. Upon assuming office, high state officials in A ncient Egypt were told: “ Forget not to judge justice Look upon him who is known to thee like him who is unknow n to thee; and him who is near the king like him who is far from his house.” The social philosophy o f A ncient Egypt reached its climax in the universal m oral doctrines of Ik h n ato n (fourteenth century B.C.). In his beautiful hymns Ikhnaton m akes no distinction between his own people and foreigners. All m en are in the same degree G od’s sons and m ust regard them Greek Learning The wisdom o f the Bronze Age civilisations o f the Ancient N ear East provided the basis for the later cultural achievements o f the G reeks who were great traders and travellers and so were able to benefit by learn ing from the A sian and A frican peoples w ith whom they came into contact. Subsequently, the barbarian invaders from N orthern Europe destroyed the old G raeco-R om an slave civilisation and m ost o f its cultural achievements. Europe entered the long period o f its D ark Ages, while the cultural heritage of the ancient w orld was productively developed by the great civilisation of the A rabs. W hen the C rusaders from W estern Europe invaded the N ear East from the end o f the eleventh century A .D . onw ards they were am azed to find themselves in the presence o f a civilisation far m ore advanced than their own. The same discovery was m ade by the Venetian traveller M arco Polo when he visited C hina in the thirteenth century and found there a degree o f culture which m ade m ost o f Europe look like a jungle. Surprise in Africa A nd a similar surprise awaited the readers o f the first reliable des cription o f the N egro civilisation of W est Africa to be published in Europe. Its author, Leo Africanus, des cribed to his astounded readers the huge libraries o f African scholars in university towns like T im buktu, the great w ealth o f the African rulers and m erchants, their efficient and peaceful adm inistration and other m atters which m ight m ake m any an inhabitant o f w ar-torn sixteenth century E urope feel envious. Civilisation has never been confined to particular hum an groups but has grow n step by step through the contribution o f people o f every race and colour. A t different historical periods different kinds of contributions have been m ade by different kinds o f people. Some Continued on page 27 K E N Y A : The old Tori/ Game iff Divide and Rule Siddon m m -J o h n T H E statem ent on Kenya by Mr. M audling, B ritain’s C olonial Secretary, shows the Tory G overn m ent is up to its old tricks again. Divide an d rule. Bolster up reaction. Play for tim e in order to give added strength to the chosen collaborators, and to allow disunity to deepen and spread. M ost people know how British im perialism has used these tactics. H indu versus M oslem in India. A rab versus Jew in form er Palestine. Catholic versus P ro testan t in Ireland. Tam il versus Sinhalese in Ceylon. A frica has been no exception to this rule. B ut in A frica further refinem ents to the m ethod have been added. Division Faced in the past decade w ith a grow ing insistence by th e A frican people th a t they be allowed to rule them selves, British im perialism has w orked hard to play on every division and backw ard-looking force. Its aim has been to m ake possible the creation o f “ federal” States in which feudal an d trib al reaction w ould play a key role, and British im perialism be left, in effect, to rule the roost from behind the scenes. I f anyone d oubts this, let him read K w am e N k ru m ah ’s au to b io graphy and learn how this trick was attem p ted in G hana. D espite the clear verdict o f the 1954 G eneral Election, w hich gave the C onvention People’s Party an overwhelming m ajority, reactionary politicians in alliance w ith semifeudal chiefs in A shanti, started a separatist agitation, hoping to secure th e establishm ent o f a federal form o f governm ent w hich w ould enable them to resist and sabotage the central governm ent’s program m e. This agitation points out N krum ah, was backed by m ost o f the Press, while the actions o f the British G overnm ent “ served as a stim ulant to the unrest.” Majority By strong decisive action, backed by the overwhelming m ajority o f the G hanaian people, N krum ah sm ashed this separatist p lo t and G h ana was thus enabled to em bark on a program m e o f advance. T hough balked in G hana, British im perialism has scored in Nigeria, m aking use of the feudalled N o rthern People’s Congress to ensure th at the leading positions are in the hands of a feudal reaction. In N orthern Rhodesia, where the “ th re a t” o f independence draws ever nearer, British im perialism has already m ade the first moves to foster a separatist agitation in B arotseland. W hile in the Congo, largely due to B ritish im perialist influence, the same classic game has been played with K atanga. Background Some understanding o f this back ground is necessary if one is to appreciate w hat M audling and the British G overnm ent are trying on in Kenya. T he present crisis arises from the re fusal o f British im perialism to accept the dem ands o f the K enya people. In the 1961 elections, deliberately held before Jom o K enyatta’s release and ap pointm ent as leader o f the K enya A frican N ational U nion, th at p arty received 550,000 votes against 150,000 votes for the K enya A frican D em ocratic Union. Y et it is not K A N U , w ith nearly 80 per cent o f the votes, w hich is the G overnm ent o f Kenya. It is the British G overnm ent w ith a Council o f M inisters com posed o f K A D U representatives together with Europeans. k / \ i s U, w ith support from all the different peoples of Kenya, stand for a united Kenya, for the form ation of a strong central governm ent which will be able to stand up to imperialism and plan the developm ent o f the country’s economy. It has called for independence by February 1962. K A D U , which is supported by the G overnor as well as by m any settlers in M ichael Blundell’s New Kenya Party, stands for a regional federation. This would give full scope to tribal, separatist and parochial ten dencies, lead to disunity and leave British imperialism in the background but with decisive control still in its hands. Regional A t t h e beginning o f O ctober, K A D U p u t forw ard a plan for a “ regional governm ent system” which would establish no fewer th a n five re gional governm ents in a land o f only seven m illion people. “ The details of the plan,” said The Times, “ were w orked o u t by K A D U ’s European associates.” Since then, kA D U has stirred up hostility in the country and. openly threatened “ civil w ar” if its plans are unheeded. K jn y a tta has rightly w arned against the dangers involved in this agitation by K A D U . “ Regionalism leads to a Congo situation,” he said, “ and we d o n ’t want th at to happen in K enya.” b u t the British G overnm ent, far from trying to dam p dow n the spreading flames, is only fanning them further, as M audling’s state m ent shows. In his announcem ent last week he gave backing to the federal scheme and refused to accept K en y atta’s proposal o f February 1962 as the date for independence, arguing th at it “ will still take some tim e” before independence. Even on the very day o f his arrival in N airobi, before he had acquainted him self w ith the situation, M audling said: “ Clearly, there could be very We Shull Fight to the Last Man by Kenneth K aunda ( President, U N I P ) X K / E are obviously now in the ’ ’ process o f m aking and w riting the m ost difficult and complicated chapter o f our history. We o f the U nited N ational Independence Party to look at the problem squarely in the face and are prepared to m eet blows as they come and give twice as much. The evidence I gathered on my recent trip o f the N orth ern and L uapula provinces makes me charge the so-called security forces o f m urder, arson, plunder and savage atrocities. F o u r cases o f rape were reported to m e but I did not receive sufficient evidence because these are alleged to have taken place in Chinsali and A bercorn where I was n o t allowed to go. I know the charge I m ake is a serious one but it is true. W hat has been happening in these troubled areas—and is still happening in Chinsali, A bercorn, M porokoso and K asam a areas to a certain extent —I am positive the C entral G ov ernm ent does n o t possess full facts of—m uch less His Excellency the G overnor himself. In the w ords o f one prom inent chief “ I thought we were going to m eet the G overnor b u t he came and stayed w ith those Europeans a t the Bom a and went away.” He was a disappointed ruler. Whole villages have been razed to the ground; food stuffs including goats, sheep and fowls have been taken away to say nothing of clothes, pots, pans and other utensils. What they could not take away they des troyed. It is either gross ignorance or downright insincerity on the part of those in authority to say those Africans who wished could complain to their District Commissioners. For instance one official was involved in a riot and has since been presiding magistrate over cases of the very people he was rioting with. How does any sane person expect Africans to take their complaints to such a man? In any case, does anyone think justice can be djne? One o f our local dailies reports th at I was n o t at all welcome in the N orth ern Provinces and it reports its source as G overnm ent Inform ation D epartm ent. It is no longer a secret th at the K asam a G overnm ent Infor m ation D epartm ent has been biased against U nited N ational Independ ence Party because o f one m an there. T o prove my point, 1 was ju st coming from interviewing one o f the four chiefs organised by a certain official n o t to see me. The chief in fact received me very traditionally. In one place Bom a messengers rushed to shake our hands. One white cadet came out and shouted them back to their sitting places. They were punished a few m inutes later. One thing is clear, these messengers are A fricans. In the same D istrict we were told no one would see us—yet ju st outside crowds were swelling as news spread we had arrived, chiefs received us w ith open arm s and we discussed our problem s as ‘beloved father and son.' W herever we went our people simply p oured in to see us— who are G overnm ent agents deceiving? No one an art from the G overnm ent itself o f course! Because o f intim ida tio n A frican businessm en and those in high scale-employment played the Nicodem us. All these atrocities just help to m ake U nited N ational Independence P arty m ore and m ore popular! This is the Gospel truth. O ur people simply love the party! As for the P aram ount C h i e f C hitim ukulu, I still hold him in high esteem and will always be happy to serve him. In his wisdom, w hat is happening today he predicted in a long talk w ith M r. Jam es Johnson, form er L abour M P for Rugby when KENNETH KAUNDA we invited him in 1957. W hen we take over, which w on’t be too long from now, he is one o f our natu ral rulers we shall long rem em ber fo r his courage and wisdom. H e has fought against Federation and nothing can change my adm iration for him— no m atter w hat colonialist intrigues may try to plant between him and me. H e is my beloved natural ruler. The cam paign against identity cards has been so successful th a t the authorities are now so perplexed th a t all they can do is to com pel my followers to pay fines which they refuse and then they send messengers and others to forcibly take some property o f the persons concerned. Prisons are so full now th a t m ost o f the prisoners at certain Bomas are using their own clothes, there are, as in the one case I am sure of, as many as three prisoners to a blanket. Savage beatings by Police go on. In view o f all this, I once m ore appeal to the B ritish G overnm ent to send a judicial com m ission o f inquiry. I have been charitable by thinking they d o n ’t know w hat is happening— and I believe this. I f they don’t I will have no alternative but to take this m atter to some A ugust International O rganisation. Continued on page 27 Collection Number: AD1715 SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS (SAIRR), 1892-1974 PUBLISHER: Collection Funder:- Atlantic Philanthropies Foundation Publisher:- Historical Papers Research Archive Location:- Johannesburg ©2013 LEGAL NOTICES: Copyright Notice: All materials on the Historical Papers website are protected by South African copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, or otherwise published in any format, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. Disclaimer and Terms of Use: Provided that you maintain all copyright and other notices contained therein, you may download material (one machine readable copy and one print copy per page) for your personal and/or educational non-commercial use only. People using these records relating to the archives of Historical Papers, The Library, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, are reminded that such records sometimes contain material which is uncorroborated, inaccurate, distorted or untrue. While these digital records are true facsimiles of paper documents and the information contained herein is obtained from sources believed to be accurate and reliable, Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand has not independently verified their content. Consequently, the University is not responsible for any errors or omissions and excludes any and all liability for any errors in or omissions from the information on the website or any related information on third party websites accessible from this website. This document forms part of the archive of the South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), held at the Historical Papers Research Archive at The University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa.