Background Guide - TJHSST Activities

Transcription

TechMUN 2015
MS United States Security Council
MS UNSC
Thomas Jefferson High School Model United Nations Conference
TechMUN 2015
Middle School Crisis Committee
Czar: Vikram Sardana
Director: Giancarlo Valdetaro
Chair: Shruti Anant
Chair: Nora Thompson
TechMUN at Stuart Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology and JEB Stuart
High School Fairfax, VA | April 10-11, 2015
TechMUN 2015
Hi Everyone!
My name is Vikram Sardana, and I’m delighted to serve as Crisis Czar for the Security
Council committee. I’ve done Model UN
since seventh grade, and I’ve been very
active in activities. Outside of MUN I
enjoy playing a variety of sports and
games, including chess and an online
capture the flag game called TagPro that I
highly recommend.
I’d like to thank those who applied
for their interest in our flagship middle
school committee. We hope to provide the
most intense, challenging, and exhilarating experience possible for a middle school delegate, the
type of committee where you look back and think “that was really fun”. With the number of
excellent delegates in the room (there won’t be a back of the room that isn’t paying attention),
we fully anticipate that everyone will be able to rise to the challenge.
Your crisis director and your chairs have worked very hard to get this committee ready
for TECHMUN on April 10. We hope to see you there!
Sincerely,
Vikram Sardana
TechMUN 2015
Director Letter
Dear Delegates,
Hello all! My name is Giancarlo Valdetaro, and I am honored to be your crisis director for
the United Nations Security Council
Committee at TechMUN 2015!
This is only the second year that we
will be offering a crisis committee
for middle schools, and as an
application is required, a high level
of debate from all of you is
expected! Having done MUN
throughout middle school and
participated in four crisis
committees while in middle school,
I’m familiar with the level of debate you are all capable of and am looking forward to helping
you all reach your potential and go beyond! I guarantee that if you invest sufficient time into this
crisis, your ingenious and creative interactions with one of the somewhat forgotten conflicts of
the 20th century will surprise all of us involved and put to shame those of the world leaders that
actually spurred on this conflict! However, this will only occur if you research! I’m talking about
steady, long-term research; anything else, and you won’t understand the conflict sufficiently!
Read the background guide and use that as a starting point for your research, not the limit. The
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more information you can gather about the history of the Middle East and the parties involved in
the Lebanese Civil War, the better prepared you will be for debate.
That being said, remember that MUN is fun! I am a sophomore at Thomas Jefferson High
School for Science and Technology. In addition to MUN, I am Senator for the Sophomore Class
Council, a member of SGA, and a student coordinator of TJTED’s Ambassador Project having
organized the visit of the Ambassador of Switzerland. In my free time, I am an avid amateur
meteorologist, a runner, tennis player, I enjoy playing FIFA on the XBOX, eating, and sleeping!
I hope that you all enjoy yourselves at TechMUN, and am looking forward to meeting you all at
some point throughout the weekend! Please, even if you usually don’t read these letters and/or
don’t pay attention to this, feel free to email me with any questions about the topic, about TJ, or
anything you can think of (within reason)!
From,
Giancarlo Valdetaro
TechMUN 2015
Chair Letters
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to TechMUN! My name is Shruti
Anant and I am incredibly excited to be one of your
chairs for the United Nation Security Council at
TechMUN this year! As a delegate in our flagship,
application-only middle school committee, expect
serious and advanced debate during committee.
Come to committee well-researched and ready to
participate actively. As your chair, I will be
especially interested in listening to speeches with substance that move debate forward, as well as
looking for delegates who respond to crisis updates efficiently and effectively. Have fun meeting
and interacting with your fellow delegates and remember to be diplomatic!
I am currently a sophomore at Thomas Jefferson and apart from being active in MUN, I
am a member of Forensics Speech, Bioengineering Club, and Medical Society. Away from
school, you can find me playing tennis, sleeping, refreshing my Twitter feed, or binge-watching
Scrubs on Netflix. I hope you have an amazing experience discussing (and changing the course
of) the Lebanese Civil War over our time together in committee. You can reach us with any
questions (about this committee, TJ, or life) by shooting us an email at
unsctechmun2015@gmail.com. I can’t wait to meet each and every one of you at TechMUN
very soon!
Love,
Shruti
TechMUN 2015
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the United Nations Security
Council, the most rigorous and in my opinion
the most exciting, middle school committee
TechMUN has to offer! Before I enter the
technicalities of committee, a little about myself.
My name is Nora Thompson and I am currently
a sophomore here at Thomas Jefferson. I have
been actively involved in MUN since I was first
exposed to the program in seventh grade and it
has been one of the most enjoyable and meaningful experiences of my life ever since. Ever since
middle school, I have been enticed by crisis committees, a love I hope to instill in each and every
one of you before you leave on Saturday. Outside of MUN however, I run cross country and
track and field, tackling some of the stranger events including the 300 meter hurdles.
Additionally, I am on the Swing Dance team, play the Ukulele, and spend my free time baking
extravagant cakes, debating with my friends about current events, and watching sappy teen
movies from the 80s.
You can expect committee to be filled with both rigorous debate and stimulating crisis
updates so I urge you to be well researched as well as to come to committee with an open mind
prepared to create innovative and in the moment solutions. I am looking for eloquent delegates
who can not only lead debate but can also propose feasible and creative solutions to whatever we
throw at you. Remember to have diplomacy because changing the world politely is the reason we
all do this right… right? I am so excited to get to meet you all and to be able to share with you
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knowledge of such an interesting and impactful part of the world. If you have any questions
about how committee will run, Lebanon and its yes, extremely complex, history, or even life at
TJ in general, feel free to email us at unsctechmun2015@gmail.com! See you in April!
Love,
Nora
TechMUN 2015
Background Information
Crisis
This crisis committee will be run as a simulation of the United Nations Security Council,
with each delegate acting as their head of state. Directives are the crisis committee equivalent of
a resolution without the painstaking writing and presenting process, as any delegate can submit a
directive at any time. There are two types of directives: committee directives and personal
directives. Committee directives in this committee will be the equivalent of a resolution of the
UNSC, meaning that you have the ability to condemn and take definitive actions. Personal
directives will be the actions of your individual nations. For example, if Australia (who is not in
the committee) would like to attack Indonesia, they would do this with a personal directive.
In addition to directives, communiques will also be used in this committee. Just like
directives, there are both committee and personal communiques. A committee communique is
like a fancy message or email sent to a group or nation not represented in committee. A personal
communique is a communique sent by an individual to an entity or government outside of
committee.
Press releases are also an integral part of crisis, with their being both committee and
personal. Committee press releases are issued when the committee as a whole would like to issue
a statement. Personal press releases are normally issued when something occurs during
committee that is directly related to your position as a delegate which calls for you to respond
personally in a public manner or personally address a response in a public manner.
The United Nations Security Council
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC), one of the six main organs of the United
Nations, held its first session in January of 1946. The council’s primary concern is maintaining
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peace by addressing and acting on global threats. The UNSC consists of fifteen members,
including five permanent members with veto powers. When compared to the other organs of the
UN, the UNSC remains distinct because it has the power to make decisions that member states
are compelled to carry out (“What is the Security Council”).
A Brief History of Lebanon
Ever since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire at the culmination of World War I in
1918, Lebanon has been a nation with diverse and complex social and political structure
(“Lebanon Profile”; “How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon”). In the aftermath of
such, the Turkish homeland was reclaimed from the allies, leaving the extensive Arab territories
lost by the Ottomans in utter dismay. It was with their success that France and Great Britain were
granted the task of redrawing boundaries in the area. Land was therefore divided between the
two nations as mandated territories by the newly established League of Nations, with the
ultimate goal of preparing them for independence. However, this proved to be daunting, as the
nationalism of Europe did not exist in the Arab world resulting from long lasting cultural
traditions and obedience towards varying kings. Much to the disapproval of Muslims, the allies
ignored historical ties and redrew boundaries as they saw fitting much based on existence of oil
and preventing German involvement in the industry.
In this controversial process, Lebanon fell under the rule of the French who, when determining
country boundaries were willing to deal with those groups with concrete demands but were
unsympathetic to those who knew less of what they wanted. In the case of Lebanon, preference
was given to the Maronite Christians who had a long history with the Roman Catholic Church
and had controlled Mount Lebanon since 1861 when France herself had aided the group. The
Maronites desired expansion and independence from Syria and thus requested the creation of
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‘Greater Lebanon,’ which included the cities of Tripoli, Beirut, Sidon, and Tyre as well as the
fertile valley of Bekaa (“How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon”). Despite the fact that
Maronites had clear majority in Mount Lebanon but were greatly outnumbered by Muslims in
Greater Lebanon, the French agreed to the proposed state in September of 1920 and subsequently
declared Beirut as the capital (“Lebanon Profile”; “How it all began - A concise history of
Lebanon”).
As a result, Maronites had firm nationalist beliefs as they comprised the only new Arab
nation created from group of people who wanted it exactly as such (“How it all began - A
concise history of Lebanon”). On May 23, 1926, the Lebanese Representative Council approved
the constitution transforming Greater Lebanon into the Lebanese Republic (“Lebanon Profile”;
“How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon”). Still, Arab nationalists believed that
Lebanon should not have separated from Syria, despised French presence, and desired a unified
Arab homeland. Of the five nations created out of the late Ottoman Empire, Lebanon became the
epitome of Arab’s distrust in European Imperialism. Throughout this Maronites remained firm in
their beliefs and were forced to increase French presence to hold their power over the state and
both the Christian run government and France remained firm in their determination to increase
nationalist morale (“How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon”). In accordance with the
League of Nations original demands, on November 26, 1941 independence from France was
proclaimed but change occurred extremely slowly due to the increasing instability in Lebanese
government (“Lebanon”).
In March of 1943, France assisted the Muslim minority in establishing an unwritten
national covenant to combat the notion that Maronites desired to hold absolute power (“Lebanon
Profile”; “How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon”). The agreement stated that the seats
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of Parliament would be distributed six to five in favor of the Christians as well as that the
President would be Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister would be Sunni Muslim, and the
Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies would be Shi’a Muslim (“Lebanon Profile”). Following
this, the French agreed to transfer power to the Lebanese government on January 1, 1944 and the
evacuation of troops was finalized in 1946 (“Lebanon Profile”; “Lebanon”).
Free from European control, Christians continued to hold an advantage due to their
increased familiarity with modern world and ability to provide infrastructure, a fact that allowed
the new nation to cover over social instability. Maronites remained unwilling to have Muslims be
equal in government, as they believed they were incapable of making sensitive decisions because
of ties in neighboring Arab nations and believed they were the cause for political instability.
From this injustice emerged two main political forces, Arabism, comprised of those who desired
a greater Arab state, and Lebanism, comprised of those who cherished the Maronite state of
Lebanon, and it was this divide in sentiments that paved the way for much of the conflicts in the
future (“How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon”).
The first civil war broke out in 1958 when Kamal Jumblat and Saeb Salam lead thw Arab
movement against the standing President Camille Chamoun (“Lebanon Profile”; “Lebanon”).
This confrontation however, was stifled quickly as the President requested the United States to
send in troops in order to preserve peace and independence (“Lebanon Profile”). On July 15,
President Dwight D. Eisenhower sent in marines to Lebanon (“Lebanon”). In 1967 with the
emergence of the Arab-Israeli war, Lebanon took no military stance of their own but was used as
a military base for Palestinian attacks on Israel (). This increase in diversification led to further
social and political tensions, contributing heavily to the civil war, which would eventually
breakout in April of 1975 (“Lebanon Profile”).
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Topic 1: Combating Political Groups and Militias
History/Background
The Lebanese Civil War has become difficult to address because several militant groups
have aligned themselves with either of the opposing factions. Unlike most militias involved in
conflict, a majority of these groups have gained support from the groups and leaders to which
they are associated (“Lebanon’s Militia Wars”). Combating these militias and political groups
connected to the Lebanese Front or Lebanese National Movement is essential, especially because
several of these groups are known for their radical tactics and a pose a serious threat to civilians.
On the Lebanese Front, the major political group is the Phalangist party, supported by
Maronite Christians. The party was founded by Pierre Jumayyil in the 1930s and calls its army
the Lebanese Forces (LF). The Tigers Militia is the armed forces of the National Liberal Party, a
five hundred man force known for their aggressive tactics (“The Opposing Forces in the
Lebanese Civil War”).
On the Lebanese National Movement, the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP) consists of a
powerful private army led by a Druze Muslim leader. In addition, the Syrian Social Nationalist
Party (SSNP) fights with leftist-Muslims, although comprised of Christian membership. The
party is split into anti-Syrian and pro-Syrian factions. The Lebanese Communist Party (LCP) is
known for its experienced militia, and has aligned itself with the Muslim-Palestinian alliance,
despite its members being mainly Christian. Palestinian armed forces and militia involvement is
also notable, with most groups controlled by the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). The
PLO, as an entire organization, is one of the most dominant armed forces, pushing for the
liberation of Palestine and rights for Palestinian refugees (“The Opposing Forces in the Lebanese
Civil War”).
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Controlling the political and militant groups is critical to ending the Lebanese Civil War
with minimal bloodshed. Particularly, some of the more extremist groups must be subdued,
because they often engage in rebel activities with little care for non-combatants and human
rights.
Current Situation
On April 13, 1975, an assassination attempt was posed on Maronite Christian Phalangist
leader Pierre Jumayyil as he was leaving church (“Timeline of the Lebanese Civil War, 19751990”). Believing the attack was at the hands of Palestinians, Phalangist gunmen shot a bus filled
with civilians in the Ayn-al-Rummanah district of Beirut, a Christian neighborhood (1, “Civil
War”). As a result 27 innocent Palestinians were killed and the war that encompasses Lebanon
today began (“Timeline of the Lebanese Civil War, 1975-1990”). Week long clashes began to
become rampant where Phalangists were pitted against Palestinian militiamen (“Timeline of the
Lebanese Civil War, 1975-1990”; “Civil War”). In May of the same year, Prime Minister Rashid
as Sulh resigned but President Franjiyah refused to do the same, retaining the controlling nature
of the Maronite faction, an action that caused fighting to spread throughout the nation (“Civil
War”).
Lebanon was soon immersed in a state of total war in a conflict commonly characterized
as Christian against Muslim but in reality, the composition of parties was much more complex.
In time, Lebanese Front came to contain Maronite militias of the Jumayyil, Shamun, and
Franjiyah clans as well as various other Christian orders while the much less organized Lebanese
National Movement came to contain various Muslim militias, leftist organizations, guerrillas,
and non-PLO Palestinian organizations. Through the remainder of the year militias sunk into the
destructive pattern of attack followed by retaliation, often shooting at unarmed citizens. Even
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with such an extended period of unrest, the increasingly unstable government managed only to
instill short and ineffective cease-fires. The Lebanese Army itself began to splinter as groups
allied with opposing factions and the impending involvement of such forces threatened to
heighten the severity of the conflict by adding complex weaponry to the fight (“Civil War”).
By the end of 1975, the conflict showed no clear winner however, the Lebanese Front
had performed much more poorly than expected, greatly worrying many foreign allies of the
Maronite rule. Syria quickly became the major proponent of acting on this sentiment, first
attempting to use diplomatic ties to restore peace but to no avail (“Civil War”). In January of
1976, as fighting had begun to destroy public buildings and state institutions, the Syrian
Government created a cease-fire and the High Military Committee in order to create negotiations
with both Muslims and Maronites (“Lebanese Civil War", “Civil War”). The success of this
allowed the nation to administer a seventeen point reform program entitled the Constitutional
Document on February 14 of the same year (“Civil War”).
The success of Syrian diplomacy lasted only briefly, as March came with the
disintegration of the army as Lieutenant Ahmad Khatib led dissident Muslim troops in creating
the Lebanese Arab Army that joined forces with the Lebanese National Movement, creating an
enigma powerful enough to force President Franjiyah to flee Mount Lebanon (“Civil War”). In
April, the Lebanese National Movement allied with the Palestinian Liberation Organization,
using their combined power to control nearly seventy percent of Lebanon (“Lebanese Civil
War"). Shortly after, Ilyas Sarkis was elected to become next President but was unacceptable to
Muslim leader, Jumblat, as he was backed by Syrians, causing a rapid divide between the ideals
of the Lebanese National Movement and the Syrian government (“Civil War”). Ceasing their
military bipartisanship, 30,000 Syrian troops invaded Lebanon with the public goal of restoring
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peace throughout the nation but their malice towards the Lebanese National Movement soon
became evident (“Timeline of the Lebanese Civil War, 1975-1990”; “Civil War”). Many believe
that the recent invasion is not just one to assist a neighboring nation but rather that Syria has the
aim to take Lebanon, because the nation never recognized Lebanon as a state since her
declaration of independence from Syria in 1943 (“Timeline of the Lebanese Civil War, 19751990”). No matter the ultimate goal of the Syrian government, the act of inserting themselves
into this conflict has resulted in an international affair, one which must be combated with caution
and timeliness by the global community.
Possible Solutions
During committee, delegates will be expected to come up with innovative solutions to put
an end to combat between political groups and militias, such as the attempted assassination of the
Katae’b (Phalange) party on the morning of April 13th, 1975 as he visited a Church and the
subsequent massacre of 27 people on a bus in the city of Ain al-Rammaneh (Makdisi). Proposed
solutions should look to fix the root of the problem as opposed to addressing the resulting issues.
For example, an international peacekeeping police force could be used, but it would have to have
a long-term aspect that would address the reasons for combat between political and militant
groups, instead of reacting to it. Examination of the role of the PLO in this war will prove key, as
not only do they increase the number of Muslims in Lebanon, but their presence in an unstable
and seemingly lawless Lebanon could also prove to spark Israeli involvement in the conflict. The
process will be long and difficult, but it is imperative that delegates focus on this in order to stop
the bloodshed occurring in Lebanon.
However, delegates must sufficiently promote the interests of the nations they are
representing, ensuring that no agreement compromises their operations and initiatives in the
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Middle East. For example, countries allied to Israel must be sure not to compromise Israeli
security by agreeing to a solution that allows the PLO to harm Israel. Furthermore, Arab nations
that have supported the PLO in the past must be sure that they do not harm the operations in the
PLO, after Jordan had already forced them to leave in 1970 (Makdisi).
Questions To Consider
1. What measures can be taken to prevent militant groups from acting out or harming
civilians?
2. How can external involvement be utilized to aid citizens while protecting the national
sovereignty of Lebanon?
3. How can nations keep their own interests in mind as they work to combat militant
factions and groups?
4. How can nations such as Syria be pacified while preventing the outbreak of a global
conflict?
5. How can the actions of terrorist organizations be identified and separated from the
actions of Christian and Muslim leaders?
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Topic 2: Demographic Tensions
History/Background
As a nation, Lebanon largely consists of Christians and Muslims. The Muslim population
of Lebanon, likely greater in size than its Christian population, includes Shi’a Muslim, Sunni
Muslim, and the Druze. The Christian population of Lebanon includes mainly Maronite, Greek
Catholic, and Greek Orthodox. On top of existing tensions between Christians and Muslims, over
four hundred thousand Palestinians reside in Lebanon. These refugees are subject to fewer rights
the rest of the population, and their presence is disliked by the Christian population of Lebanon.
Lebanese Christians believe the Palestinian refugees, who are mainly Sunni Muslim, are
overwhelming their Christian numbers (“Lebanon (Civil War 1975-1991)”). The conservative
Christian parties are often known as “rightist”, while the Muslim parties, along with Palestinian
groups, are known as “leftist” (“Lebanon’s Militia Wars”).
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In the context of the current civil war, the two opposing groups are known as the
Lebanese Front and the Lebanese National Movement (“Lebanon's History: Civil War”). The
more organized Lebanese Front consists of mainly Christian parties, including Maronite militias
(“Lebanon (Civil War 1975-1991)”). This faction is in support of existing governmental
structure and putting an end to Palestinian rights inside of Lebanon; against any reform
supporting the Muslim population (Abukhalil). In opposition is the Lebanese National
Movement, led by a Druze leader, consisting of various militias, and in support of the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) (“Lebanon (Civil War 1975-1991)”). The Lebanese National
Movement is a proponent of change and urges a remodeled Lebanese government, in support of
greater rights for Palestinians (Abukhalil). In light of Syria’s diplomatic involvement in the war,
investigating and responding to the tensions amongst the various religious groups in Lebanon is
of utmost importance to putting a stop to the civil war tearing the region apart.
Current Situation
With the emergence of a civil war religious tensions in both government and the everyday
lives of citizens have heightened, plunging the nation into a state of unrest and disunity. This has
fostered random killings in Beirut forcing civilians to stay inside as well as convinced those
residing in sectarian communities to seek asylum in locations where their sect holds power
(“Civil War”). Additionally, an estimated 600,000 to 900,000 civilians have already fled the
country as a result of unsafe conditions for civilians of all races and if action is not taken
promptly, this number can be expected to increase exponentially as fighting continues (“Lebanon
(Civil War 1975-1991)”).
Demographic disagreements have also served as the major source of government
inefficiencies as rifts between Muslim leftists and Christian rightists have paralyzed government
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productivity for months. This ultimately resulted in the divisions and inadequacies in
government that were attempted to be combated in 1943 being brought back into the light.
Following this, the government continued to be unable to reach an agreement as a result of
indecision on whether or not to involve the army, a point that became for null when the military
dissolved in March, 1976. To combat this instability, Jumblat and his leftist supporters sought to
isolate Christians who then retaliated in a more radical way, only widening the divide between
Muslim and Maronite and furthering the Lebanese people from protection (“Civil War”).
Today, a period of civil strife has been declared following the desire for increased
Muslim involvement in government since the nation remains a majority Shi’a Muslim, not
Maronite Christian (“Lebanon (Civil War 1975-1991)”). The sentiment that the core issue results
from the Maronite minority refusing to share power and economic success with the Muslim
minority is growing rapidly, fueling the Lebanese National Movement’s desire to rebel (“Civil
War”). As an international community, it is imperative that all actions consider the rich cultural
ties each faction has in the area as well as their desires for a productive Lebanon.
Possible Solutions
In committee, delegates will be expected to think up with creative and innovative
solutions to soothing and eventually resolving demographic tensions within Lebanon, tantamount
to the compromise of the composition of the Lebanese government, where the Presidency would
the held by a Maronite Christian, the Speaker of the House would be a Shi’ite Muslim, and the
Premier would be a Sunni Muslim (Makdisi). Given this, delegates are encouraged to come up
with solutions that do not stoke demographic tensions such as those created by the past agreed-to
governmental composition when population trends did not depict this balance. For example, this
can possibly be done by putting certain safeguards in place to ensure that each demographic
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group cannot be squashed out by the others, putting the safety of that group at risk. These
safeguards could either be enforced by the Lebanese government or some sort of an international
body, as the, “delicate sectarian balance led to a weak state,” and it is hopefully in the best
interests of each nation to maintain some sectarian balance in Lebanon (Makdisi).
However, delegates are also expected to protect the interests of their nation in the Middle
East, taking whatever means necessary to ensure that their nation benefits from the Lebanese
instability. Therefore, delegates are expected to be aware of their nations’ investments, both
economic and political, in Lebanon and the Middle East, trying their best to be aware of the
many intricacies and connections between the Middle Eastern nations. This for example
includes: American reliance on oil (and especially Arab oil), with 96 percent of the energy
powering America’s cars, ships, trucks, and trains coming from oil (Blair); Soviet political
interests, and Israeli interest in the use of Lebanon as a base of operations by the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO).
The situations and circumstances were messy at best, but creative solutions will be
appreciated, especially those that bring in other factors. For example, solutions such as the U.S.
deciding to institute new economic standards for all vehicles on their roads in order to reduce oil
consumption will be appreciated. Be wary of old alliances, but do not be afraid to take bold
actions.
Questions To Consider
1. What measures can be taken to reduce demographic tensions between the Maronites,
Druze, Sunni, Sh’ia, and Palestinians?
2. How can we ensure the involved parties that they will not be taken advantage of in any
peace deal that is made?
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3. What roles do Syria, Jordan, and the PLO have to play in reducing demographic tensions
in Lebanon?
4. How can state boundaries be drawn to provide a compromise between Arabists and
Lebanists?
5. How can the Lebanese government be restructured to fairly represent the desires of all
prominent demographics?
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Works Cited
Abukhalil, As'ad, and Irene Gendzier. "Lebanese Civil War." Encyclopedia.com. International
Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 01 Jan. 2008. Web. 18 Feb. 2015.
<http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Lebanese_Civil_War.aspx>.
Blair, Dennis C., and Michael W. Hagee. "Tempering Oil Dependence." The New York Times.
New York Times Company, 25 Feb. 2014. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/26/opinion/tempering-oil-dependence.html?_r=0>.
"Civil War." Lebanon's History. Ed. Ayman Ghazi. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://www.ghazi.de/civwar.html>.
"How it all began - A concise history of Lebanon." A House of Many Mansions. N.p., n.d. Web.
21 Feb. 2015. <http://almashriq.hiof.no/lebanon/900/902/Kamal-Salibi/>.
"Lebanon's History: Civil War." Lebanon's History. Ghazi, n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://www.ghazi.de/civwar.html>.
"Lebanon’s Militia Wars." Defend Democracy. Foundation for Defense of Democracies, n.d.
Web. 21 Feb. 2015. <http://www.defenddemocracy.org/media-hit/lebanons-militiawars1/>.
"Lebanese Civil War." Looklex Encyclopedia. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://looklex.com/e.o/leb_civ_war.htm>.
"Lebanon." Infoplease. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://www.infoplease.com/country/lebanon.html>.
"Lebanon (Civil War 1975-1991)." GlobalSecurity.org. GlobalSecurity.org, n.d. Web. 21 Feb.
2015. <http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/lebanon.htm>.
"Lebanon Profile." BBC News. BBC, n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
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<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14649284>.
Makdisi, Samir, and Richard Sadaka. "The Lebanese Civil War, 1975 - 1990." American
University of Beirut. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<https://www.aub.edu.lb/fas/ife/Documents/downloads/series3_2003.pdf>.
"The Opposing Forces in the Lebanese Civil War." Appendix B -- Lebanon. The Library of
Congress, n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/lebanon/lb_appnb.html>.
"Timeline of the Lebanese Civil War, 1975-1990." About News. About.com, n.d. Web. 21 Feb.
2015. <http://middleeast.about.com/od/lebanon/a/me081026e.htm>.
"What is the Security Council?" UN News Center. UN, n.d. Web. 21 Feb. 2015.
<http://www.un.org/en/sc/about/>.

Background Guide - TJHSST Activities

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