Turfolder jan-feb 2011 - dvl

192
Ellen Woo/ford
Wool ford. E. (200 I ) Case patterns. In G. Legendre, S. Vikner and J. Grimshaw (eds) Optima lily Theoretic
Synlax. 509-43. Cambridge. MA: MIT Press.
Wool ford, E. (2003) Clitics and agreement in competition. UMOP 26: Papers in Optima/ity Theory 11.
University of Massachusetts: GLSA.
Wool ford, E. (2006) Lexical case. inherent case, and argument structure. Linguistic inquiry 37 ( I ):
111-30.
Wool ford, E. (2007) Case locality: Pure domains and object shift. Lingua 117 (9): 1 591-6 1 6 .
8
Derivation of Sca n d i navi a n Object
Shift a n d remnant VP-topical izati on
Eva Engels* and Sten Vikner**
ABSTRACT Based on the examination of remnant VP-topicalization constructions.
this chapter argues for an order preservation analysis to Scandinavian Object Shili.
Reviewing rox and Pesetsky's (2003. 2005) cyclic l inearization approach and
extending the empirical data base. we show that the phenomena are better accounted
for in an Optimality Theoretic fl"amework.
KEYWORDS
1.
Object Shift: VP-topicalization
Introduction
In the Scandinavian languages, an unfocused object may move from its base posi­
tion right of the main verb to a position left of a sentential adverbial.1 This move­
ment operation is called Object Shift (OS). OS is restricted to weak pronouns in
the Mainland Scandinavian languages (MSc), but may also optionally take place
with ful l DPs in Icelandic; cf. ( I ) and (2). Note that pronominal OS is obl igatory in
Icelandic, Faroese, and Danish, (3)/(4), but optional in Norwegian and Swedish, (5).
(I)
le
(a) Af hve�ju
why
(b) A f hve1:iu
aldrei
Pctu r
Ias
never
read f>c}tur
Petur bessa b6k aldrei
I as
bessa b6k')
this book
'I
(Vikner 2005: 394)
(2) Da (a)
Engels, Eva & Sten Vikner. 2013. The Derivation of
Scandinavian Object Shift and Remnant VPTopicalisation. Hans Broekhuis & Ralf Vogel (eds.):
Linguistic Derivations and Filtering: Minimalism and
Optimality Theory, Equinox, London, 193-220.
aldrig
llvorfor la;ste Peter
why
read Peter
never
(b) * Hvorfor la:ste Peter den her bog aid rig
den her bog')
this here book
?
( Vikna 2005: 394)
*
Eva Engels, Department of Aesthetics and Communication. Section lor English, .lens Chr. Skous Vcj
4, DK-8000 Arhus C, Denmark. E-mail: eva.engels@hum.au.dk
••
Sten Vikner, Department ofAesthetics and Communication, Section tor English. Jens Chr. Skous Vej
4, DK-8000 Arhus C. Denmark. E-mai l : engsv@hum.au.dk
194
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
(3) l e (a) *Af hverju
why
(b) Af hverju
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
Ias
Petur
aldrei
read
Petur
never
Ias
Petur hana aldrei
hana?
it
?
----
(Vikner 2005: 394)
(4) Da (a) * Hvorfor
why
lreste Peter
aldrig
den?
read
never
it
Peter
lreste Peter
(b) Hvorfor
den
aldrig
?
----
(Vikner 2005: 394)
(5) Sw (a) VarfOr
why
(b) Vartor
Histe
Peter
aldrig
read
Peter
never
taste
Peter den
a1drig
den?
aldrig Irest den?
has Peter
never
read it
Irest
?
(Vikner 2005: 395)
However, the main verb does not have to undergo head movement (V0-to-l0-to-C0
movement) as in ( 1 )-{5). OS is also possible in clauses with a non-finite main verb
if the verb occurs in clause-initial position, (7). In fact, OS has to take place i n this
case, (8).
(7) Sw (a) Kysst
kissed
har
Da (b) Kysset har
kissed
le (c) Kysst
kissed
jag
have I
jeg
henne inte
her
__
not
hende ikke
(bara hallit henne i handen).
only held her by hand-the
__
(Holmberg 1 999: 7)
(bare holdt hende i handen).
have I
her
not
eg
have I
hana
(Vikner 2005: 407)
ekki -- (bara haldio i h<lndina a henni).
her
not
hef
only held her in hand-the
only held in hand-the on her
(Vikner 2005: 4 3 1 )
(8) Sw (a) *Kysst har
kissed
Da (b) * Kysset har
kissed
jag inte
have I
not
jeg ikke
have I
not
Holmberg's generalization: V0-topicalization vs. remnant
VP-topicalization
?
har Peter
(b) * Hvorfor har Peter den aldrig
2.
2.1 Holmberg's (1997, 1999) V0-topicalization approach
it
in situ.
why
is couched in an Optimality Theoretic framework. Section 4 discusses two asym­
metries related to OS during remnant topicalization: between OS of a direct object
and OS of an indirect object (section 4 . 1 ) and between remnant topicalization out of
a main clause and remnant topicalisation out of an embedded clause (section 4.2).
Section 5 summarizes the main results.
----
OS presupposes movement of the main verb; as shown in (6), it cannot cross a verb
(6) Da (a) Hvorfor
195
The above observation that the object only moves if the main verb has moved
forms the basis of Holmberg's generalization (Holmberg 1 986: 165, 1997: 208).
Holmberg's (1 997) formulation is given in (9), where 'within VP' has to mean that
only elements 'properly inside' VP (i.e. not adverbials or other elements adjoined to
VP) may block object shift.
(9) Holmberg's Generalization (HG)
Object Shift is blocked by any phonologically visible category preceding/
c-commanding the object position within VP.
The definition in (9) is vague with respect to whether precedence and/or c-command
of a phonologically visible category blocks movement. In the 1999 version of the
same paper, Holmberg formulates HG in terms of asymmetric c-command. For
reasons that will become clear in section 3 below, the first option will be pursued
here, that is, we will take HG to be the consequence of a violable condition on order
preservation (cf. Deprez 1 994; MUller 2001a; Sells 2001; Williams 2003; Fox and
Pesetsky 2005a; Koeneman 2006).
Holmberg ( 1 997, 1 999) suggests that HG is a derivational condition, not a repre­
sentational one. OS of an infinitival clause subject is possible as long as there is
no intervening non-adverbial material; cf. ( lOa) and (!Ob). A violation of HG, as
in ( lOc), cannot be repaired by subsequent operations, as in (!Od), that place the
blocking element to the left of the shifted object; in other words, HG may not be
violated at any point in the course of derivation.
henne.
her
(Erteschik-Shir 2001: 59)
hende.
her
The following sections concentrate on OS in constructions in which a non-finite
main verb occurs in topic position. In section 2.1 we argue in favor of a remnant
VP-topicalization approach, rejecting Holmberg's ( 1 997, 1 999) V0-topicalization
approach. Section 2.2 presents Fox and Pesetsky's (2003, 2005a,b) cyclic lineari­
zation approach to OS and briefly addresses some theoretical and empirical prob­
lems this approach faces. In section 3, we set out the basics of our analysis which
( 1 0) Sw (a) Jag � henne inte
I
not
saw her
inte
(b) Jag har
not
I
have
(c) * Jag har henne inte
(d) * lvP Sett [1P
arbeta]]
__
[yp - LP-- arbeta)].
work
[yp sett
LP henne arbeta]].
lvP sett
[lP
seen
har jag
her
work
arbeta)].
henne inte
(Holmberg 1997: 206)
--
Holmberg concludes that the grammatical sentences in (7) cannot involve OS
prior to remnant VP-topicalization since that would violate HG in a parallel fashion,
196
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
£va £ngels and Sten Vikner
cf. ( 1 1). Rather, they must be derived by V0-topicalization, with subsequent OS, cf.
( 1 2).
( 1 1 ) Deriving (7a) by remnant VP-topicalization
Sw (a)
b
fvr i n te lvr� henne]]))
(b) lcr
(c)
lcr
har [1rjag hen ne lvr inte lvr kysst
• X X X I
lvr Kysst _]
__
]]])
violation of HG!
har [1rjag henn e
lvr inte __ ]]]]
2.2 Fox and Pesetsky's (2003, 200Sa,b) remnant VP-topicalization
approach
As Fox and Pesetsky (200Sa) observe, remnant VP-topicalization is possible in
Swedish under certain conditions. In double object constructions, topicalization of
a non-finite main verb may pied-pipe the indirect object (10), stranding the direct
object (DO) in shifted position, (!Sa). Even though (!Sa) is not completely perfect to
all speakers, there is consensus that it is much better than stranding of an IO pronoun
on its own, (!Sb), which simply is not possible.
( 1 5) Sw (a) ?fvr Gett
henne _] har
given her
(b) *[yp Gett
( 12) Deriving (7a) by V0-top icalization
Sw (a)
b
lvr i n te lvr � henne]]JJ
lvr inte lvr
har (1rjag henne
__
henne]]]]
lvr inte lvr-- _]]]]
Note that the V0-topicalization analysis is theoretically somewhat problematic:
It is counter-cyclic and it involves movement of an xo to an XP-position.2 (See
also Broekhuis 2008: section 4.3.3 for an extensive critique of Holmberg's ( 1 999)
proposal.)
Moreover, OS is usually optional in Swedish but it is obligatory if the verb occurs
in topic position; cf. (7) and (8) above. This is unexpected under the yo-topical ization
analysis, whereas it would follow under the remnant VP-topicalization analysis,
where OS must apply to move the object out ofVP prior to topicalization.
In addition, ifV0-topicalization were possible, the sentences in ( 1 3b)/( 14b) would
be expected to be acceptable, contrary to fact. Furthermore, examples like ( lS)
below show that remnant VP-topicalization is possible in Scandinavian, as admitted
in Holmberg (2 00S: 148).
har
( 13) Da (a) Jeg
I
have
(b) * Sm idt har jeg
( 14) Da (a) Jeg
har
I
have
(b) *Stillet har j eg
__ !kn]
den
det
den
not
ikke
it
thrown
out
ud.
ikke stillet
det
not
it
ikke
ud.
put
pa bordet.
on table-the
pa bordet.
Against Holmberg ( 1997, 1 999), remnant VP-topicalization will therefore be
assumed to be possible, though it is subject to certain restrictions.
have
har
jag
I
jag
den
inte.
it
not
henne inte.
(Fox and Pesetsky 2005a: 25)
Fox and Pesetsky (2 003, 2005a) suggest that the mapping between syntax and
phonology, that is Spell-out, takes place at various points in the course of deriva­
tion (including at VP and at CP), whereby the material in the Spell-out domain D is
linearized; see also Chomsky (2000, 200 I). The crucial property of Spell-out is that
it may only add information about the linearization of a newly constructed Spell-out
domain D' to the information cumulatively produced by previous applications of
Spell-out. Established information cannot be deleted in the course of derivation,
accounting for order preservation effects.
To Fox and Pesetsky (2 005a), the fact that OS observes HG is a consequence of
their 'linearization theory'. At the Spell-out domain VP, the ordering statement ' V
precedes 0' (hencefort 'V<O') is established, (I6b). At CP, Spell-out adds informa­
tion about the linearization of the new material, ( 1 6c); this information is consistent
with the previously established information: The finite main verb moves to eo in
the main clause and the pronominal object undergoes OS, maintaining their rela­
tive order V<O.
(16) Da (a) Jeg kyssede hende ikke
not
I
kissed
her
(b) Spell-out VP:
ikke smidt
197
Ordering:
(c) Spell-out CP:
Ordering:
lvr V Q]
V<O
fer S V [JP t5 QAdv lvr ly t0lll
S<V
V<O
O<Adv
Adv<VP
Y<O
Note that the adverbial is merged outside the VP Spell-out domain. Its position
relative to the object (and the main verb) is thus not fixed until Spell-out ofCP, thus
predicting that OS can cross an adverb.
198
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shifi and remnant I 'P-topica{i:::ation
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
OS across a verb in situ as in (6b), repeated as ( l7a), gives rise to contradictory
ordering statements. The ordering statements produced at Spell-out ofCP, ( 17c), are
in opposition to the statement 'V< O' established at Spell-out o fVP, ( l7b). The state­
ments O< Adv, Adv< V and V< O cannot simultaneously be satisfied.
( 1 7) Da (a) *Jeg har
I
have
hende ikke kysset
kissed
not
her
(b) Spell-out VP:
Ordering:
(c) Spell-out CP:
Ordering:
.
__
lvr V QJ
V<O
lcr S Aux Cr ts Q Adv l vr tAux lvr V t0])]]
S<Aux
Aux<O
�
tions comprise various instances of A-movement and A-bar-movement operations,
such as Scandinavian Negative Shift (see Christensen 2005; Engels 20 1 1 , 20 12),
wh-movement, topical ization, passivization, and subject raising. The underlined
constituents in ( 19) have to move via the edge of VP, giving rise to the order O< V
at the VP-level; since the main verb remains in situ, we find the same order at the
CP-Ievel and the resu lt is therefore acceptable, as i l l ustrated in (20).
( 1 9) Da (a) Maske
har han
ingen boger solgt
sold
probably
no books
has he
(b) Hvad
har du
solgt
what
sold
have you
(c) 13ogerne
solgt
har jeg
books-the
have I
sold
(d) Maske
blev bog\!rn\!
solgt
perhaps
were books-the
sold
(e) Efter min mcning har Poul altid
set ud t i l
in my opinion
has Paul always seemed to
?
--
--
__
Thus, Fox and Pesetsky (2005a) derive HG from ordering contradictions. OS
cannot take place if it results in ordering statements at the Spell-out of CP that
contradict those established at the Spell-out of VP. For our present purpose it is
crucial to note that order preservation does not necessarily require that the main verb
undergoes V0-to-l0-to-C0 movement in all OS cases. Consistent ordering statements
can also be obtained when OS applies across a non-finite verb in situ if subsequently
remnant VP-topical ization takes place, as in (7b) repeated here as ( 1 8a).
199
(20) Da (a) Mf1ske
at va:r\! intelligent.
to be intelligent
( 19 a)
har han ingcn boger solgt __
probably has he
no books
sold
(b) Spell-out VP:
lvr Q l v r V t0]]
Ordering:
O<V
[CPAdv Aux rll' s tAll., [Nc,PQ rAII\1' tAll\ l v r to V to]]]lJ
(c) Spell-out CP:
Ordering:
Adv<Aux
O<V
=
Aux<S
S<O
( 18) Da (a)
Kysset har jeg hende ikke
kissed have I
her
not
(b) Spell-out VP:
Ordering:
(c) Spe ll -out CP:
Ordering:
O<VP--* O<V
lv r V QJ
V<O
fcp lvr V t0] Aux Cr S tA.,, lvr Q lvr Adv [yp tAux tvrll])]
V<Aux
V<O
Aux<S
S<O
O<Adv
Adv<VP
Correspondingly, the asymmetry between stranding of an 10 and stranding of a DO
by remnant VP-topicalization i l l ustrated in ( 1 5 ) above is expected by order pres­
ervation. Stranding of an 10, but not stranding of a D O gives rise to contradictory
ordering statements at the various Spell-out domains: At VP, ' IO< DO' is established,
which is consistent with the Spell-out of CP in ( l 5a) but not in ( 1 5b) .
Note that Fox and Pesetsky (2005a) predict that movement operations that do not
obey HG have to proceed successive cyclically: the underlined constituents in ( 1 9)
have to move via the edge ofVP prior to linearization of the V P domain to prevent
ordering contradictions at the Spell-out of CP; see (20). These movement opera-
Hence, the crucial difference between the various movement operations in ( I 9)
and OS is that the former may go via the edge of VP while OS cannot. Fox and
Pesetsky (2005b: 245) propose that the motivation for movement through the edge
o f VP might be connected to semantics: phrases with a feature [+negative), [+wh1.
[+topic1 or [+focus 1 cannot be interpreted in argument position and thus must
undergo movement. 'It is possible that movement to the edge o f V P is motivated by
this semantic factor, and that there is no independent feature ofv that could motivate
such movement. In the case of [negative1 phrases, it is the semantics that motivates
the movement, and in the case of OS there is no motivation' (Fox and Pesetsky
2005b: 245).
However, the ability to move across a verb in situ may be subject to cross­
linguistic variation (see also Broekhuis 2008: chapter 3). For instance, Negative
Shift across a verb in situ is prohibited in Norwegian, (2 1 a), but possible in the
other Scandinavian varieties (see Engels 20 I I , 20 I 2). In other words, movement of
a negative object through the edge ofVP is not possible in Norwegian; the semantic
factor apparently does not apply in this language. Note that in situ occurrence of a
negative phrase is not permitted under a sentential negation reading either, (2 I b);
instead, the ikke . .. naen-variant ('not . . . any') must be used, (2 l c).
200
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
(2 I) No (a) *Han har
he
(b)
ingen b0ker solgt
sold
solgt
ikke
solgt
ingen b0ker.
noen beker.
sold
any books
*Han har
(c) Han
he
--
has no books
har
has not
In addition, if movement through the edge of VP were motivated by the feature
[+negative], such a movement would be expected to be obligatory. However, this
could not possibly be the case, given that string-vacuous Negative Shift is possible
in all Scandinavian varieties, (22) . The derivation of (22) would in fact have to be
parallel to the one in (16) above; that is the object could not have gone through the
edge ofVP, since this would lead to an ordering contradiction.
their prediction cannot be checked because VP-topicalization is impossible across an
auxiliary in situ, regardless of whether or not OS out of the VP has taken place first.
However, as shown in (24), this is incorrect: VP-topicalization is actually possible
across an auxiliary in situ, but remnant VP-topicalization is not; the object can
neither precede nor follow the auxiliary in situY
(24) Da (a) lvPKysse
kiss
(b) * lvPKysse
(c) *[vP Kysse
(25) Sw (a) lvP Kyssa
kiss
he
sells
=
kiss
jeg hende aldrig villet.
have I
(b) Spell-out VP:
Ordering:
jeg
have I
aldrig
villet.
never
would
vi Ilet hende.
__] har
__] har
jeg
jeg hende
henne]
har
jag
aldrig
vel at.
her
have I
never
would
har
har
aldrig
aldrig
velat
velat.
jag
jag henne
aldrig
aldrig
villet.
henne.
no books
Fox and Pesetsky (2005b: 239-45) consider a range of options, including covert
movement through the edge ofVP, but if covert movement were possible, we would
additionally expect that a negative object may occur in situ, contrary to fact; see
(2l b).
Note also that Fox and Pesetsky (2003, 2005a,b) make an incorrect prediction
concerning remnant VP-topicalization in constructions with an auxiliary in situ.
They assume that auxiliary verbs are merged outside vP, that is, after Spell-out of
VP. As a consequence, the ordering of object and auxiliary verb is not fixed until
Spell-out of CP, which incorrectly predicts that OS across an auxiliary is possible,
(23a) (24c). This is because it is consistent with the ordering statements previously
established, none of which mention the auxiliary at all. (See also the examples in
(24) and (25) below.) 3
(23) Da (a) *Kysse har
hende] har
her
(b) ??[vPKyssa __]
(c) *[vp Kyssa __]
(22) Da (a) Han srelger ingen beger
No (b) Han selger ingen beker
201
her
never
would
lvP V Q]]
V<O
(c) Spell-out CP:
[CP [yp V to] Aux2 [lP S tA,JAuxP2 Q [A"'PZAdv[A,xPZ tAuJA�xPI Aux I fvp]]]]]]]
V<Aux2
Ordering:
V<O
Aux2<S
S<O
O<Adv
Adv<Auxl
Auxl<VP� 0
Fox and Pesetsky (2005b: 252) even go so far as to draw a tree diagram of the
problematic structure, but then they claim, following Holmberg (2005: 1 5 1) that
In order to account for the data in (24) and (25), another assumption might be
added to Fox and Pesetsky's analysis, viz. that auxiliary phrases also constitute
Spell-out domains (see also Bobaljik 2005): thus, VP-topicalization would have to
proceed via the edge of the AuxP of vi/let and via the edge of the AuxP of har at
points where OS could not possibly already have applied (as the target position of
OS is not yet present at these points). ln other words, remnant VP-topicalization
would be expected to be ungrammatical; see (26). Movement of the entire VP, still
including the object, via these two edge positions predicts that the object precedes
both auxiliaries as in case of topicalization of the entire VP, (24a)/(25a).
(26) Da (a) *[vp Kysse _] har
kiss
(b) Spell-out VP:
Orderi ng:
jeg hende
have I
her
aldrig
villet.
never
would
lvP V Q]]
V<O
(c) Spell-out AuxP I: [A"'PI lvP V Q] [AuxPI Aux I lyp]]
Ordering:
V<O
V<O
O<Auxl
(d) Spell-out AuxP2: [A"'Pz lvP V Q] [A,xPz Aux2 [A"'Pz lyp [AuxPI Aux I lyp]]]]
Ordering:
V<O
V<O
V<O
O<Aux2
O<Aux l
Aux2<Auxl
(e) Spell-out CP:
lcp lvp V to]Aux2[1P S t [A"'Pz Q [AuxPZAdv [AuxP2 lyp [A�xP2 t [AuxPZ tVP [A�xPIAux I tvP]]]]
Ordering:
V<Aux2
V<O
��
� Aux2<Aux l
O<Adv
Adv<Auxl
V<O
O<Aux l
V<O
202
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
However, with the additional assumption that auxiliary phrases also consti­
tute Spell-out domains, it would no longer be possible to derive the remnant
VP-topicalization of the grammatical sentence in (7), repeated in (27). Also here,
(remnant) VP-topicalization would have to move via the edge of the AuxP of har at
a point where OS could not possibly already have applied. Stranding of the object in
OS position during VP-topicalization as in (27) would thus incorrectly be predicted
to be ungrammatical .
(27) Da (a) Kysset har jeg hende ikke
kissed have I
her
not
__
(bare hold! hende i handen).
only held her in hand-the
(Vikncr 2005: 407)
The only way to derive (27) with the additional assumption that AuxPs also consti­
tute Spel l- out domains, would be to follow Holmberg ( 1 997, 1 999) and take it to
be a case of V0-topicalization, but that in turn would incorrectly predict not only
(27) b u t also (24c) and (25c) (as well as ( 1 3b) and ( 1 4b) above) to be grammatical.
In section 3 below we will outline an OT approach to OS and remnant
VP-topicalization that also relies on order preservation. In section 4 we w ill then
show how this approach can handle the problems d iscussed above: double object
constructions in section 4.1, and auxiliaries in situ in section 4.2.
3.
An OT approach to Object Shift and remnant
VP-topicalization
OS is motivated by the constraint SHIFT, which outranks the constraint STAY that
prohibits movement. SHIFT is satisfied if the pronoun is adjoined to the top YP (see
e.g. (33) below).
(28) SIIIFT:
A [-focus] constituent precedes and c-commands a VP (of the same clause) that
contains all V0 positions and all VP-adjoined adverbials.
(29) STAY:
Don·t move.
Differences in the ranking of STAY and STAYBRANCH relative to SHIFT account
for the cross-linguistic variation: Dominance of SHIFT over both STAY-constraints
predicts that OS is possible with both pronominal objects and full DPs, as found
in Icelandic, while the ranking STAYBRANCH >> SHIFT >> STAY only pennits weak
pronouns but not full DPs to u ndergo OS, as observed in Mainland Scandinavian;
see also Tl .6
(31) le:
Da:
>> STAYBRANCH
STAYBRANCH >> SHIFT
SHIFT
>>
>>
STAY
STAY
T1 Full DP
STAY
BRANCH
Da:
full DP
pronoun
<r
<r
a
S Y Adv ty DP-0
b
S Y DP-0 Adv ty t0
a
S Y Adv ty Pron-0
b
S Y Pron-0 Adv ty t0
SHIFT
STAY
*
(30) STAYBRANCII:
Don "t move a constituent that contains a br anching node.
ex.
(2a)
*!
•
*!
(2b)
(4a)
*
(4b)
In this and the following tableaux, only STAY-violations induced by OS are listed;
STAY-violations induced by e.g. V0-tO-I0-to-C0 movement or VP-topicalization are
left out because they do not vary between competing candidates. The same holds for
the violations of the constraint 0RDPRES, which we will turn to now.
Following Fox and Pesetsky (2005a,b), HG will be assumed here to result from
a high ranking condition on order preservation (see also M tiller 200 I ).
(32) ORDER PRESERVATION (0RDPRES):
An independently moved constituent must not precede a non-adverbial constituent
that it (or parts of it) foll owed at base level.
Dominance of ORDPREs over SHIFT predicts that OS is only possible if it main­
tains the base order of certain constituents. What is crucial for OS to be possible is
that the main verb occurs in a position to the left of the target position of OS, such
that the relative order between verb and object is preserved This is guaranteed if
the verb undergoes movement to a position to the left of the target position of OS
such as V0-to-l0-to-C0 movement or embedded V0-to-l0 movement in Icelandic (see
section 4.2). The fonner case is illustrated in T2. However, if the main verb stays in
situ, OS gives rise to a fatal violation of 0RDPRES and is thus excluded; the object
must remain in situ to the right of the main verb, as shown by the optimal candidate
in T3. (The restriction to non-adverbial constituents is necessary to pennit OS across
cla use-medial adverbials . )
.
Recall that there is cross-linguistic vanat1on as to the applicabil ity of OS,
depending on the syntactic complexity of the object. In Icelandic, both a pronom­
inal object as well as a fu ll DP can undergo OS, whereas OS is restricted to weak
pronouns in Mainland Scandinavian; see the examples in ( I )-(5) above. We there­
fore assume that the constraint STAY is differentiated as to syntactic complexity. In
addition to the general constraint STAY, there exists a more specifi c constraint that
prohibits movement of ful l DPs (see also Appendix I).
203
204
Derivation ofScamlinavian Object Shift and remnalll I 'P-topicali:::ation
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
T2 OS & V0-tO-I0-to-C movement
0RD
PRES
Da:
V in
C0
er
a
S Y Adv
b
S Y Pron-0 Adv
ty
Da
(33)
CP
----�
SHIFT
STAY
*!
Pron-O
C'
ex.
*
-------
.
lP
(4a)
ty t0
har
------- '
1
DP
(4b)
----- ----
jeg
10
T3 OS & in situ verb
V
in situ
ORD
PRES
a
rr
b
AuxP
---------
AuxP
DP
Da:
S Aux Adv Y Pron-0
S Aux
Pron-0 Adv
hende
SHIFT
STAY
•
Y t0
205
___----..._
AdvP
ex.
Spec
(6a)
*
*!
AuxP
___----..._
aldrig
(6b)
Aux'
��---------------Aux0 i
VP
lAux :
-----�
:
' Spec
However, the main verb does not necessarily have to undergo V0-to-l0-to-C0 move­
ment for OS to be possible; 0RDPRES is also satisfied if the main verb occurs in topic
position as in (7) above; see T4.
V'
----- ----
V"
'
'
kysset
))I'
to
�------------,--------
T4 OS and verb in SpecCP
0RD
PRES
Da:
V in
SpecCP
er
a
[yP Y.. t0] Aux
b
[ p y_ t0] Aux
v
S Adv Pron-O
S Pron-0 Adv
t
t
vP
vP
-
SHIFT
STAY
*!
**
**
ex.
-
(8b)
f...-(7b)
'------
As argued for in section 2, we consider occurrence o f a non-finite verb in topic
position to involve OS of the pronominal object prior to remnant VP-topicalization,
as i l l ustrated in (33). We saw in ( 1 1 ) that in Holmberg's ( 1 997, 1999) approach,
such remnant VP- topical ization is ruled out by the assumption that HG is deriva­
tional, that is it cannot be violated at any point in the derivation. The OT constraint
0RoPRES, by contrast, is representational: constraint violations are computed based
on the fi nal structure of the candidates. Hence, although the individual steps ofOS
might violate 0RDPRES, this is of no consequence as long as the verb is subsequently
placed to the left of the sh ifted object such that their original precedence relation is
re-established.
Section 2.2 showed that other types of object movement such as topical ization may
cross a verb in situ, that is they need not preserve the base order (cf. (34) repeated
from ( 1 9c) above). Under the OT approach adopted here, this fo llows if the relevant
constra int that motivates movement, for example TOPIC, outranks 0RDPRES (see T5).
(34) Da l3o!!.crnc har
jeg solgt
books-the have I
sold
(35) TOI'IC:
Elements
with
a
l+topicj
ll.:ature
occur in Spcc.CP.
TS Object topicalization
Da:
er
TOPIC
t V
s
a
S Aux
b
�+•opl Aux S V t0
Q1.,.,,1
0RDPRES
*!
***
SHIFT
STAY
*
*
*
*
The fo llowing section focuses on two asymmetries related to OS during remnant
VP-topical ization (namely, between OS of a direct object and OS of an indirect
object, section 4.1, and between remnant topicalization out of a main c lause and
remnant topicalization out of an embedded clause, section 4.2). These suppo11 the
OT approach presented here.
206
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
4
Asymmetries i n Object Shift and remnant
VP-topicalization
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
4.1 Stranding of a DO vs. stranding of an 10
As mentioned in section 2 .2 above, there is an asymmetry between stranding of an
1 0 and stranding of a DO during remnant VP-topicalization; see (36), the Danish
version of the Swedish example in ( 1 5). This asymmetry follows from the ranking
0RDPRES >> SHJFT.7
(36) Oa (a) ?[vp
(b) * [vP
Givet hende _ ] har jeg �
ikke.
given her
have I
it
not
Givet
� har jeg hende ikke.
(Fox and Pesetsky 2005a: 25)
Note that also both objects of a double object construction may be taken along, (37a),
or both of them may be stranded by remnant VP-topicalization, (37b).
Recall that ORDPREs, (32), refers to independently moved constituents. As a
consequence, the number of ORDPRES-violations (namely, one for each crossed
constituent) induced by VP-topicalization is independent of how many constituents
are included in the topicalized VP.8
As T6 and T7 show, SHIFT favors stranding of a pronoun, but this is only possible
if the pronoun is not marked [+topic], due to the higher ranking constraint TOPIC.
The asymmetry between stranding of a DO and stranding of an 1 0 is expected by the
ranking ORDPREs >> SHIFT. Remnant VP-topicalization with OS of a DO maintains
the VP-intemal ordering relations, satisfying ORoPREs (see TB). Note that it is crucial
for the remnant VP-topicalization constructions that ORDPREs refers to precedence
rather than c-command relations: While the precedence relations are maintained in
(36a), the c-command relations are not: Neither the verb nor the IO c-commands
favours the shifted DO.
T8 RemnantVP-topicalization that strands DO
Oa
ikke.
har
jeg
(37) Oa (a) [yp Gi ve t hende den]
not
given her
it
have I
jeg hende den ikke.
(b) ?[vP Givet __ __ ] har
<ir
Because of these alternatives, it is necessary to assume that it is specified in the
input which constituents are to be placed in topic position ( bold in the tableaux
below). Stranding of an element that should appear in topic position then violates
TOPIC whereas pied-piping (i.e. taking along) extra material does not violate this
constraint, see T6 and T7.
Oa
Topic: V
TOPIC
0RD
PRES
SHIFT STAY
*! *
a [yp V Pron-10 Pron-00) Aux S Adv lyp
b [yp V Pron-10 �] Aux S Pron-00 Adv lyp
c [yp V t10 Pron-00) Aux S Pron-10 Adv lyp
<ir
-
*!
*!
*
(37a)
*
*
**
d [yp V t10 t00] Aux S Pron-10 PrQn-00 Adv lyp
ex.
-
r--'-----'(36a)
�
(36b)
r--'-----'(37b)
T7 VP-topicalization that takes along both 10 and DO
Oa
<I'
Topic: V & Pron-10 & Pron-00
ORO
TOPIC PRES SHIFT STAY
**
a [yp V Pron-10 Pron-DO] Aux S Adv lyp
b [yp V Pron-10 t00) Aux S Pron-DO Adv lyp
*!
d [vP V t10t00) Aux S Pron-10 Pron-00 Adv lyp
*! *
c [yp V 110 Pron-00] Aux S Pron-10 Adv lyp
*!
*
*
*
*
*
**
...-ex.
�
(37a)
�
(36a)
�
(36b)
�
(37b)
L...
.:.--,;.,
Topic: V & Pron-10
a
[vp V �f!m-IQ Pron- OQ) Aux S Adv lyp
b
[yp V Pr!,!n-IQ t00) Aux S PrQn-OQ Adv lyp
c
lvP V t10 Pron-DO] Aux S Pron-10 Adv lyp
d
=
T6 RemnantVP-topicalization that strands both 10 and DO
207
[vP V t10 t00] Aux S Pr!,!n-IQ Pron-DQ Adv lyp
ORD
TOPIC PRES SHIFT STAY
**!
*
*!
*
*
*!
*
*
••
r--ex.
1--(37a)
(36a)
(36b)
(37b)
-
In contrast, remnant VP-topicalization with OS of an 1 0 does not re-establish
the base order relations: The topicalized VP precedes the shifted 1 0 although parts
of it (namely, the DO) followed the 1 0 at base level. The violation of ORDPRES
therefore rules out stranding of the 1 0 in OS position, see T9 below. Instead, the 1 0
has to be pied-piped by VP-topicalization, giving rise to neutralization: Despite the
different input specifications with regard to topichood, the same candidate (namely,
candidate a) arises as output in T7 and T9. (But stranding of the 1 0 is possible if it
does not result in a violation of ORDPREs, namely if both objects are stranded as in
(37b), T6.)
T9
No remnantVP-topicalization that strands 10
Da
Topic: V & Pron-00
"" a
[yp V Pr on-10 Pron-DO] Aux S Adv lyp
b [vp V Pron-IQ �0) Aux S Pron-QO Adv lyp
c
ORO
TOPIC PRES SHIFT STAY
**
*!
[vp V t10 Pron-DO] Aux S £mn:.!Q Adv lyp
d [vp V t10 t00] Aux S Pr on-10 Pron-DQ Adv lyp
*!
*!
•
*
*
*
**
...--ex.
1---(3 7a)
1---(36a)
f.-(36b)
f.-(37b)
'-----
208
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topica/ization
Eva Enge/s and Sten Vikner
More generally, the ranking 0RDPRES >>SHIFT predicts that stranding of an object
during remnant VP-topicalization is only acceptable if the object is right-peripheral
within VP. As shown in (3 8)-(40), topicalization of the entire VP but not remnant
topicalization with stranding of the pronoun is possible in constructions in which the
object is fol lowed by other elements within VP, for example in constructions with an
infinitival clause, (38), with a verb and an additional PP-complement, (39), or with
a verb and a particle, (40); see Appendix 2. Recall that the unacceptable sentence
in (38b), repeated from ( I Od), led Holmberg ( 1997, 1999) to assume that remnant
VP-topicalization is not possible.
(38) Sw (a) lvp
(b) *[vp
(39) Da (a) [yp
(b) *[yp
(40) Da (a) [yp
(b) *[yp
S ett
seen
S ett
henne arbeta]
work
her
arbeta]
Stillet
det
it
put
Stillet
har jag
have I
har jag
int e.
not
hen ne inte.
(Holmberg 1997: 206)
pa bordet]
har jeg
on table-the have I
pa bordet] har jeg
ud]
S midt
den
thrown it
Olll
Smidt
ud]
har jeg
have I
har jeg
det
ikke .
not
i kke .
As shown in (43), a full VP may be topicalized from both main clauses and embedded
clauses.
(43) Da (a) [yP
(b) lvP
spurgte hvorfo r
I
asked why
(b) *.leg s pur gt e hvorfor
(42) Da (a) Jeg
I
spurgte hvorfor
asked
why
(b) *.leg spurgte hvorfor
Peter
Peter
Peter lreste
aldr ig lreste bogen.
never read book-the
aldrig
bogen.
Peter aidr i g lres t e
Peter never read
aldrig
Peter den
den.
it
lreste
jeg
believe I
ikke at
hun
har, . ..
not
she
has
that
Set
jeg ham ikke, . ..
I
him not
... hvis jeg skal vrere helt rerlig, men jeg har talt i telefon med ham.
ifI should be totally honest but I have spoken on phone-the with him
(44) Da (a) ?[vp
(c) *[vP
__
seen
(b) * lvP Set
seen
Se t
seen
__
] har
have
] tror
hun lv• har ] ham, ...
jeg ikke at
believe I
not
that she
has
] tror
jeg ikke at
hun ham
believe I
not that she him
... men hun kan maske nok have talt i telefon med ham.
but she may perhaps well have spoken in phone with him
__
him
lv· har], ...
has
This asymmetry shows that stranding must involve OS, because OS requires the
(stranded) object to occur i n a posit ion to the left of the base position of a finite verb
(SHIFT is violated in candidate b below as the object is adjoined to a lower VP), but it
can only do so if this verb has itself left its base position (ORDPRES). In other words,
stranding is only possible if motivated independently, in this case by SHIFT, and if it
does not violate higher ranking principles (ORDPRES, STAYBRANCH).
T10 Remnant VP-topicalization out of a main clause
Topic: V
Da
a lv P V Pron-0] Aux S Adv tvP
b lvP V t0] Aux S Adv Pron-0 lyp
"'"
--
ham] tror
Topicalization of a remnant YP, by contrast, is only possible out of a main clause,
(44a), not out of an embedded clause in Danish: The stranded object may neither
follow the finite auxiliary (in its base position), (44b), nor may it precede it, (44c).
As mentioned above, HG only prohibits OS across constituents to the left. This
section has shown that the condition on order preservation is more general: OS
is only grammatical if the VP-internal ordering relations are retained. Only rightperipheral objects may be stranded during remnant VP-topical ization. In the present
OT-analysis, this follows from the constraint 0RDPRES and its dominance over SHIFT.
(41) Da (a) Jeg
Set
but she may perhaps well have spoken in phone with him
ikke.
Apart from the asymmetry between stranding of an 10 and stranding of a DO,
there is an asymmetry between remnant VP-topicalization out of a main clause and
remnant VP-topicalization out of an embedded clause in Mainland Scandinavian.
While the finite verb undergoes V0-to-l0-to-C0 movement in main clauses, it stays
in situ i n embedded clauses in Mainland Scandinavian, (41) . As a consequence, OS
is not possible in embedded clauses (ORDPRES >>SHIFT); see (42).
jeg ikke, ...
I
not
... hvis jeg skal vrere helt rerlig, men jeg har talt i telefon med ham.
ifI should be totally honest but I have spoken in phone with him
... men hun kan maske nok have talt i telefon med ham.
ikke.
4.2 Remnant VP-topicalization out of a main vs. an embedded clause
Set ham] har
seen him
have
seen him
not
den
209
c
[yp V t0] Aux S Pron-0 Adv tvP
ORDPRES
SHIFT
STAY
*!
ex.
(43a)9
*!
*
(8b)
*
(7b)/(44a)
2 10
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shiji cmd remnant VP-topicali::ation
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
(45) ep
��
C'
�
�l P
ea
har
��
;::: (43a), (8b), (44a)/(7b)
DP
jeg
��
YP
1°
tAux
��
VP
DP
ham
��
AdvP
VP
ikke
��
Spec
V'
��
•
L
. ...
1 I
I
ye
I
L.-·-
-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·
�
y
p
��-----------------·
YP
: ��
V'
;
Spec
i
'
l
�------------------------­
(46)
v��o
set
'
<Jr
ep
c
C'
�
��
lP
;::: (43b), (44b,c)
at
��
DP
hun
��
10
��
��V'
Spec
��
ea
'
p
yp
yp
��----------------'
y
p
!: Spec
��V'
.
��
DP
yo
ham
set
'
� - - - - ------------------- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
-------------------
*
I!X.
-
(43b)
*
lvr V t0 ) V S Adv eomp S Pron -0 Aux tvr
(47) Da (a ) lvr Kysse henclt:]
kiss
her
(b) * lv P Kysse _ I
(c) * lvr Kyssc _ ]
har j eg
have I
har jeg
har jcg
T12
*I
*!
*
-
(44b)
-
(44c)
....____
aid rig
v i Ilet.
never
a l dri g
hende a l d ri g
would
villct hcnde.
villt:t.
------------------�
No remnant VP-topicalization across auxiliary i n situ
Topic: V
0RDPRES
SHIFT
STAY
*
a lv r V Pron-0] Aux2 S Adv Aux I tvr
b fv r V t0] Aux2 S Adv Aux I Pron-0 t vr
c lvr V 10] Aux2 S Adv Pron-0 AlL\ I tvr
trorjeg ikke er
har
l'ron-0 J V S Adv eomp S A u x 'vr
-
YP-topicalization out of an embedded clause with finite auxil iary in situ is
completely parallel to the examples of VP-topical ization out of a main clause w ith
non-finite auxil iary in situ in (24) and (25) above, repeated here as (47). In both
cases, the presence of an auxiliary in situ means that 0RDPRES makes it impossible
to comply with SHIFT (the object would have to adjoin to the top VP to satisfy SHIFT,
where it precedes the auxil iary in situ), and there is therefore no reason for the object
to leave the VP at all (see also that Tl I and T/ 2 are completely parallel).
Da
ye
lvP V
STAY
SHIFT
b lvP V 10] V S Adv eomp S Aux Pron -0 t""
@"
y
a
0RDi'RES
'
'
L--------�
--------�
I
Topic: V
Da
- - - - - - - - - - - - ·- - - - - - - - - -
---- - -- - - - -- - - - - ·
��
..
T1 1 No remnant VP-topicalization out of a n embedded clause
I'
· - · -·-·-·-.
211
*
*I
ex.
(47a)
*I
(47b)
*
( 4 7c )
The hypothesis that OS has to take place, i.e., that (a) a stranded object has to
undergo movement to some position to the left of the finite verb, and (b) this move­
ment is only possible if the finite verb itself has left its base position, would seem
to be supported by phenomena of remnant VP-topicalization in Icelandic. Icelandic
which has V0-tO-I0 movement and therefore also OS in embedded clauses, (48),
perm its a remnant object in VP-topicalization out of an embedded clause; compare
(49) with the Danish examples in (44b,c), which are completely ungrammatical).
(48) l e (a) * l�g spuroi af hvcrju Pctur aidrei la:: si
asked
(b) Eg
why
sptm)i af hve�ju
hana.
Ptilur never read it
Pct ur la::si hana aid rei --- ---
(Vikncr 2005:
396)
212
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
(49) le ?(vP Kysst
__
kissed
]
helt
think
eg ekki ao
pu [,. hefOir] hana oft, . . .
I
not
that you have
her often
... bara haldio i hondina a henni.
( 5 1 ) le (a) [yp
eg aldrei viljao ...
Kyssa hana]
hef
kiss
have I
her
213
never would
(b) *[vp Kyssa ___] hef eg aldrei viljao hana ...
viljao ...
(c) * lvP Kyssa ___] hef eg hana aldrei
... bara haldio i hondina a henni.
only held in hand-the on her
(Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson, p.c.)
only held in hand-the on her
Stranding of the object is expected to be possible under the present approach
since SHIFT can be satisfied without violating the higher ranking constraint 0RDPREs
due to movement of the finite auxiliary: OS is order-preserving; see Tl 3 below.
(50)
��
CP
C'
�
helt eg ekki
CP
��
;::::: (49)
IP
ao
�
�
DP
/Ju
��VP
!0
hefoir
��VP
DP
t
hana
��V'
Spec
��
VP
(Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson, p.c.)
Finally, note that long-distance topicalization of a VP that contains a trace of
a wh-moved object is possible, (52). The fact that wh-movement is not subject to
order preservation indicates that the constraint motivating wh-movement (WHSPEC)
outranks ORDPREs, much like the constraint TOPIC in T5. Accordingly, stranding of a
wh-object in SpecCP is predicted to be possible under the present approach - even
if the object is non-peripheral within VP.
(52) Da (a) ? [vp Lrest � ] ved
eo
read
(b) ?(yP Smidt_ ud]
thrown
��-----------------
tAux
.-·-·-·
·-·-·-·-·-·
'
J
what for some books Poul has
ved
jeg ikke hvor mange b0ger Poul har, ...
out know I
not
how many books
Pouf has
. . . men jeg ved hvor mange han har forreret vrek.
but I know how many he has given away
1
vo
not
. . . menjeg ved hvad for nogle han har k0bt.
but I know what for some he has bought
I'
I
L
jeg ikke hvad for nogen b0ger Poul har, ...
know I
VP
��V'
!! Spec
��t
V0
o
The Mainland Scandinavian asymmetry between remnant VP-topicalization out
of a main clause and remnant VP-topicalization out of an embedded clause discussed
in the present subsection shows that stranding of an object must be motivated inde­
pendently. Only if object extraction out ofVP is required by some constraint (e.g.
SHIFT) and complies with higher ranking principles (e.g. 0RDPREs) is stranding
during VP-topicalization possible.
kysst
'
�--------------------- - - - - ----------------------------
--------------------
--
-
------------------�
5.
T 1 3 Remnant VP-topicalization out o f a n embedded clause i n Icelandic
le
Topic: V
a lvp V Pron-0] V S Adv Comp S Aux t ux lyp
A
b (yp V t0] V S Adv Camp S Aux tA Pron-0 lyp
ux
r:;r
c
lvp V t0] V S Adv Camp S Aux Pron-0 tAux lyp
ORDPRES
SHIIT
STAY
*!
*!
ex.
-
*
*
-
(49)
)-(49)
'---
As in Mainland Scandinavian, remnant VP-topicalization is not possible in
Icelandic in the presence of a non-finite auxiliary in situ, which prevents OS from
complying with order preservation.
Conclusion
Holmberg ( 1 997, 1 999) considers occurrences of a non-finite verb in topic position
such as (7) to result from V0-topicalization. He assumes that HG is a matter of deri­
vation rather than of representation, that is, a violation ofHG cannot be rescued by
some subsequent operation, and hence the non-finite verb has to move before OS
can take place, ruling out remnant VP-topicalizations altogether.
Section 2 . 1 has shown, however, that there are theoretical as well as empirical
problems with the V0-topicalization analysis. It is counter-cyclic and involves
movement of an X0 to an XP position. And it falsely predicts topicalization of a
verb in constructions with a particle, PP-complement or infinitival clause to be
grammatical.
Moreover, Fox and Pesetsky (2005a) present data from double object construc­
tions that clearly show that remnant VP-topicalization is possible, as long as it does
214
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
not involve a reversal of the base order of elements, which suggests that HG is repre­
sentational. Their approach builds on the assumption that Spell-out applies at various
points in the derivation (in particu lar, at VP and at CP) and that the information about
the l inearization of the material of a newly constructed Spell-out domain must not
contradict the cumulated information of previous applications of Spell-out. In this
way, Fox and Pesetsky (2005a) predict that OS differs radically from other types
of (A- and A-bar-) movement that can result in a reversal of the order of elements,
such as wh-movement or subject raising, in that the latter have to proceed succes­
sive cyclically via the left edge of VP while this is impossible for OS. In addition,
Fox and Pesetsky's (2005a,b) approach makes incorrect predictions as to remnant
V P-topicalization in constructions with an auxiliary verb in situ.
Based on an extended set of data concerning remnant VP-topicalization, the
present OT approach agrees with Fox and Pesetsky (2005a,b) in the assumption
that HG is to be accounted for in terms of order preservation, as required by the
violable constraint ORoPRES. The ranking ofORoPRES relative to the constraints that
motivate the various types of movement accounts for the contrast as to whether or
not a certain movement operation has to be order preserving. Hence, OS does not
receive a special treatment in the present approach; the properties distinguishing it
from other movement types result from constraint interaction.
The l inear conception of HG as expressed by the constraint ORoPRES and its
dominance over the constraint that triggers OS, SHIFT, predicts that only objects that
originate in a right-peripheral position within V P might be left behind in OS position
during remnant VP-topicalization, accounting for the asymmetry in stranding of an
10 and stranding of a DO observed by Fox and Pesetsky (2005a).
Finally, the asymmetry between main clauses and embedded clauses as to the
applicability of remnant VP-topicalization in Main land Scandinavian i l lustrates that
object stranding has to involve OS. Object stranding is only possible in sentences in
which there are no intervening verbs, something that would be expected if any object
left behind during remnant VP-topicalization would have to undergo OS.
A P P E N D I X 1 : Syntactic complexity of pronouns
The examples in ( I )-(4) repeated below have shown that in Mainland Scandinavian,
OS is restricted to weak pronouns whereas in Icelandic, also full DPs may undergo
OS. I n this connection note that not only a ful l DP like den her bog 'this book ' ,
(53), but also syntactically complex pronouns, that i s modified o r conjoined ones as
in (54) and (55), are excluded from OS in Mainland Scandinavian. I n Icelandic, in
contrast, they can undergo OS, (58) and (59).
(53) Da (a) Hvorfor lreste
read
why
(b) *Hvorfor lreste
215
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
Peter
al d rig
Peter
never
Peter den her bog aldrig
__
__
den her hog'l
this here book
?
(Vikner 2005: 394)
(54) Da (a) Hvorfor lreste
why
read
(b) * Hvorfor lreste
(55) Da (a) Han
he
(b) * Han
(56) Da (a) * Jeg
I
(b) Jeg
Peter
aldrig
den her?
Peter
never
this here
Peter den her
aldrig
sa
ikke
digog hende sammen.
saw
not
you and her
sa
ikke
dig og hende
ikke
hende.
kissed
not
her
kyssede
hende
why
read
why
Ias
ikke
--
Petur
aldrei
pessa b6k?
Petur
never
this book
Petur pessa b6k
aldrei
(b) Af hverju I as
(58) le (a) Afhverju
together
sammen.
(Diesing and Jelinek 1993: 27)
kyssede
(57) le (a) Af hverju !as
?
(Vikner 2005: 394)
Petur
aldrei pessa hema?
never this here
Petur pessa hema aldrei
?
(Vikner 2005: 4 1 7)
read Petur
(b) Af hverju
(59) le (a) Eg
I
(b) Eg
?
(Vikner 2005: 4 1 7)
Ias
pekki
ekki hann oghana.
know
pekki
(60) le (a) *Af hverju
why
(b) Af hverju
not
ekki
hann oghana
Ias
Petur
read Petur
Petur
I as
hana
him and her
--
(Diesing and Jelinek I 993: 27)
aldrei
hana?
never
it
al drei
?
(Vikner 2005: 394)
The d i fference between simple pronouns and all other DPs is that the former are
DPs that do not contain a branching node whereas the latter are DPs that contain a
branching node (compare (6 1 a) with (61 b,c) and (62a,b,c) below).10•11
(6 1 ) a. simple
pronoun
b. modified pronoun
c.
conjoined pronoun
DP
DP
DP
oo
oo
I
I
DP
�
�
pp
I
�
po
I
I
hende
hende med
her
her
with
DP
�
DP
6°
I
bril lerne
ham
glasses-the
him
&
DP
I
oo
I
og
hende
and her
216
(62) full DPs
a.
b.
DP
I
DP
I
�
oo
NP
den
N'
No
No
bog
I
I
I
bog
that
book
�
I
t
oo
I
-en
I
D'
�
oo
under remnant VP-topicalization, which was incorrectly predicted to be possible
in the SHIFTPRONISHIFT analysis (compare T/4 with T/5, where the ungrammatical
candidate d is incorrectly predicted to be optimal, as marked by L).
DP
c.
D'
D'
I
217
Derivation ofScandinavicm Object Shift and remnant I 'P-topicali=ation
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
NP
I
(65)
�
oo
NP
�0
�0
book. the
I
Peter
Peter
Stillct
det
12��ordet]
put
it
on table-the have
(b)
Stillet
(c)
Stillet
Stillet
det
p� �orde!]
I
l
har
har
har
jeg
i kk e.
I
not
j eg
det
ikke.
ikke
j eg
det
ikke
j eg
har
pa borde!.
pii bordet
T14
Da:
Thus, the ranking SHIFT >> STAYBRANCH permits OS of ful l DPs and more
complex pronouns whereas the reverse ranking STAYBRANCH >> SHIFT prohibits it.
Simultaneously, dominance of SHIFT over the more general constraint STAY predicts
OS of weak (i.e. unstressed, non-modified, non-conjoined) pronouns to be possible
even in cases where SHIFT is dominated by STAYBRANCH (STAYBRANCH >>SHIFT >>
STAY).
LvP
* [vp
* fvp
(d) *(yp
I
N'
N'
I
Da (a)
(ir
Topic: V
a
b
c
d
LvP V Pron-0 PP] Aux Su b Ad v tvP
fvP V tPmn PP] Aux Sub Pron-0 Adv tvP
0RD
STAY
PRES
13RAN('II
,....--SIIWI'
STAY
*!
lvP V Pron-0 tpp] Au:x Sub Adv PP lvP
lvP V tPmn tpp] /\u:x Sub J>ron-0 Adv PP lyp
*!
ex.
f--( 65a )
**
*
•
*
*
*!
**
I-(65b)
-
(65c)
-
(65d)
'------
ns
A P P E N D I X 2: Differentiation according to syntactic
com plexity: Stay, Sh ift, or both?
In earlier versions (see for example Engels and Vikner 2006; Vikner and Engels
2006), we accounted for the contrasts as to the applicabil ity of OS to pronouns and
fu ll DPs by a differentiation ofthe constraint SHIFT according to syntactic complexity,
SHIFT, (63) repeated from (28), and SHIFTPRONOUN, (64).
(63)
a
(VI' V
®
d
lvP V
fvP
SHIFT
PRON
Pron-0 /\dv tv p
Pron-0 tpp] Aux Sub Adv PP tvP
V tPron tpp] Aux Sub Pron-0 Adv PP tvp
STAY
*!
*!
ex.
(65a)
*!
Pron-0 PP] Au:x Sub Adv tvP
b lvp V t"'"" PP] Au:x Sub
c
0RD
PRES
*
(65b)
*
(65c)
**
(65d)
SHIFr:
1\ [-locusJ constituent precedes and c-commands a VP (of the same clause) that
contains all vo positions and all VP-adj oincd advcrbials.
(64)
Top i c : V
Da:
SHIFrPRONOUN ( SIIIFrPRON ) :
1\ [-focus] profonn that i s 'm in = max' precedes and c-commands t h e lowest VP (of
the same clause) that contains all other VPs and all VP-adjoined adverbials.
The ranking SHIFTPRON >> STAY >> SHIFT predicts that weak pronouns but not
ful l DPs can undergo OS as observed in Mainland Scandinavian, while dominance
of both SHIFT-constraints over STAY permits OS independent of syntactic complexity
as found in Icelandic; see Appendix I .
The change from the differentiation of SHIFT to the differentiation ofSTAY according
to syntactic complexity made it possible to account for the fact that OS cannot force
stranding of other right-peripheral constituents such as the PP-complement in (65)
However, a distinction between STAY and STAYBRANCH would seem not to be quite
sufficient. A lthough the cross-linguistic variation as to the mobility of pronouns and
more complex DPs might be accounted for by the d i tTerentiation of STAY suouested
00
.
111 the main text above, the distinction between SHIFT and SIIIF'rPRON would seem to
be necessary as well. In Vikner and Engels (2006), we argued that Scrambling in the
West Germanic languages should be treated on a par with OS in the Scandinavian
languages by considering both movements to be triggered by S1 liFT (and S1 IIFTPRON).
Though both pronouns and complex phrases may undergo movement in Dutch (Si ll FT
>> STAY, STAY BRANCH), they d iffer in their abil ity to scramble across an interveninn
0
.
argument, that 1s, whether or not the movement has to maintain the orderino
rela0
.
t1ons (ORDPRES). I n other words, whereas a pronominal DO may scramble across
an 10, (66b), a non-pronominal DO may not, (67b), even though a non-pronominal
DO may scramble across an adverb, (68b).
218
Eva Engels and Sten Vikner
(66) Du
(a) *
(b)
(67) Du
(68) Du
*
dat ik
.:.1
gisteren
.
..
Marie .:.1
Marie
het boek
dat ik
gisteren
gisteren
it
Marie
gegeven
heeft.
given
has
gegeven
heeft.
dejongen het boek
yesterday the boys
dat ik
that I
(a)
(b)
waarschijnlijk
probably
w aarschijnlij k
dat ik
that I
(a)
(b)
dat Ja n
that Jan
dat J an
Derivation ofScandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topica/ization
category; see below). In Swedish and Norwegian, where pronominal OS is optional, STAY and SHIFT
given
have
de jongen
gegeven heb.
(De Hoop & Kosmeijer 1995: 1 50)
het boek gelezen heb.
yesterday the book read
het boek
6. The ranking SHIFT >> STAY predicts that OS i s obligatory (unless it i s blocked by an intervening
gegeven heb.
the book
gisteren
219
have
gelezen heb.
This asymmetry may only be accounted for if movement of pronouns and move­
ment of more complex phrases are motivated by distinct constraints, SHIFTPRON
and SHIFT. Only if pronominal movement is additionally triggered by some other
constraint than movement of full DPs, this asymmetry might be derived from differ­
ences in the constraint ranking relative to 0RoPREs: SHIFTPRON >> ORoPRES >> SHIFT.
Hence, we would seem to end up with differentiation according to syntactic
complexity twice, for SHIFT and for STAY. 1 2
might be tied, STAY <> SHIFT: Both relative rankings of the two constraints, STAY >> SHIFT and SHIFT
>> STAY, co-exist in these languages; depending on the actual ranking, movement is required or
prohibited, accounting for its optionality. Likewise, a constraint tie between SHIFT and STAY BRANCH
would predict that OS of unfocused full DPs is optional in Icelandic. (In terms of MUIIer's (200 Ib)
classification of constraint ties, we are here dealing with an ordered global tie.)
7. Crucially, the order at base /eve/ referred to in the definition ofORDPREs in (32) cannot correspond to
the base-generated order but instead, we would like to tentatively suggest that it corresponds to the
order at an intermediate level at which all cases and all thematic roles assigned by lexical yo have
been assigned. This is important for double object constructions if these are considered to involve a
Larsonian shell structure. The 10 precedes the verb in the base-generated order but follows it at the
intermediate level. As (i) shows, an 10 cannot undergo OS across a verb in situ, as expected if it is
the order at the intermediate level that has to be preserved.
(i)
Da
(a)
Jeg
I
(b)
har
ikke
[vr givet [vp hende tv den]]
have
not
given
*Jeg har hende ikke
her
it
[vr givet LP __ ly den]]
8. Note that OS of two objects takes place as two independent movements. The ranking STAYBRANCH
>> SHIFT >> STAY predicts that the two pronouns cannot be moved together in a complex constituent
but must each move individually. Thereby, reversal of the two objects is prohibited by ORDPREs.
9. Candidate a (which also corresponds to a grammatical sentence, (43)a), presumably wins a different
competition, namely the one where the object is also marked for topic-hood. In the competitions
discussed in this subsection, the object is not marked for topic-hood, only the verb is.
l 0. Note that although they are syntactically simple (i.e. do not contain a branching node), focused
Notes
pronouns do not undergo OS, neither in Mainland Scandinavian nor in Icelandic.
I. We are grateful for helpful comments and suggestions to Ken Ramshej Christensen, Gunlilg Josefsson,
Henrik Jergensen, Gereon Moller, Martin Salzmann, Johanna Wood and the editors of this volume,
(i)
Da
(a)
Hvorfor
why
as well as to audiences at the universities of Aarhus, Berlin (ZAS), Cambridge, Leipzig, London
(b)
(UCL), Lund, Newcastle and Stuttgart. This work was carried out as part of the project 'Object posi­
*Hvorfor
lreste
Peter
aidrig
DEN?
read
Peter
never
it
lreste
Peter
DEN
aldrig
?
tions - comparative syntax in a cross-theoretical perspective' financed by Forskningsn'ldet for Kultur
og Kommunikation (Danish Research Council for Culture and Communication).
2. In addition, note that OS in verb topicalization contexts is unexpected under an equidistance approach
to OS; see Chomsky ( 1993: 1 5-19), Bobalj ik and Jonas ( 1 996: 200-3) and the discussion in Broekhuis
(2000). A very different approach that we shall not pursue here is one of trying to do away with the
(ii)
le
(a)
(b)
Afhverju
las
Petur
aldrei
HANA?
why
read
Peter
never
it
?*Af hverju
Ias
Petur
HANA
precedes a clause-medial adverbial, (4), which in turn precedes the finite verb in embedded clauses
in Mainland Scandinavian, where verb movement (and thus OS) is not possible.
(i)
Da
(a)
(b)
4.
spurgte
hvorfor
han
aldrig
�
!rest
den her bog.
she
asked
why
he
never
had
read
this here book
*Hun
spurgte
hvorfor
han havde
aldrig
!rest
bogen.
Hun
Notice further that although these examples, (24) and (25), have a non-finite auxiliary in situ (as do
the ungrammatical examples in Holmberg (2005: ! 5 1 ) that Fox and Pesetsky (2005b: 252) refer to),
?
aidrei
(Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson, p.c.)
differences between X0- and XP-movement, as for example in Vicente (2009).
3. Note that OS targets a position to the left of the base position of the finite verb: A shifted object
(Vikner 2005: 4 1 7)
This is captured by the restriction of SHIFT to [-focus] constituents. As these are not required to
undergo OS by SHIFT, they are prohibited from doing so by STAY.
1 1 . This attempt to capture the difference between simple pronouns and all other DPs is thus purely
syntactic, as opposed to e.g. Vogel (2006), which also employs phonological constraints.
12. Note that SHIFTPRoN would have to be ranked below STAYBRANCH in Mainland Scandinavian to avoid
the problem illustrated in T/5 above.
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Ill
OPTIMAL DESIGN, ECONOMY AND
LAST RESORT I N OT
I I
Advances in Optimality Theory
Arm in Mcstcr, University of California. Santa Cruz, and
Vieri Samek-Lodovici, University College London
Editors:
Optimality Theory is an exciting new approach to linguistic analysis that originated in
phonology but was soon taken up in syntax, morphology, and other fields of l i nguistics.
Optimality Theory presents a clear vision of the universal properties underlying the vast
surface typological variety in the world's languages. Cross-linguistic d ifferences once rele­
gated to idiosyncratic language-specific rules can now be understood as the result of different
priority rankings among universal, but violable constraints on grammar.
Advances in Optimality Theory is designed to stimulate and promote research in this
provocative new framework. lt provides a central outlet for the best new work by both estab­
l i shed and younger scholars in this rapidly moving field. The series includes studies with a
broad typological focus, studies dedicated to the detailed analysis of individual languages,
and studies on the nature of Optimality Theory itself. The series publishes theoretical work
in the form of monographs and coherent edited collections as well as pedagogical texts and
reference texts that promote the dissemination of Optimality Theory.
L i n g u istic Derivations a n d Filtering
M i n i m a l ism and Optimality Theory
Edited by H a n s Broekhuis and Ra l f Vogel
Published
Optinwlity Theory, Phonological Acquisition and Disorders
Edited by Daniel A. Dinnsen and Judith A. Gierut
Modeling Ungrammaticality in Optimality The01y
Edited by Curt Rice
Phonological Argumentation: Essays in Evidence and Motivation
Edited by Steve Parker
Hidden Cenerali::ations: Phonological Opacity in Optimality The01y
John .1. McCarthy
Conflicts in Interpretation
Petra Hendriks. Helen de Hoop. l rene Kramer, Henriette de Swart and Joost Zwarts
Prosody Malters: Essays in Honor of E/isabeth Selkirk
Edited by Toni Borowsky, Shigeto Kawahara, Takahito Shinya and Mariko Sugahara
The Phonology ofCon/ras/
Anna Lubowicz
Forthcoming
Understanding Allomorphy: Perspectives ji-om Oplimality The01y
Edited by IJernard Trancl
Blocking and Complementarity in Phonological Theory
Eric IJakovic
Faithjitlness in Phonological The01y
Marc van Oostendorp
e�u 1 nox
•
Contents
Published by Equinox Publishing Ltd.
UK: Unit S3, Kelham House, 3 Lancaster Street, Sheffield S3 8AF
USA: lSD, 70 Enterprise Drive, Bristol, CT 060 1 0
www.equinoxpub.com
Contributors
vii
Introduction
First published 2013
Hans Broekhuis and Ralf Vogel
Editorial matter and selection © Hans Broekhuis and RalfVogel 2013.
Individual contributions © the contributors.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any infor­
mation storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers.
ISBN 978-1-84553-964-1 (hardback)
ISBN 978-1-84553-965-8 (paperback)
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
COMBINING MP WITH AN OT-EVALUATION
2
Derivations and evaluations
30
Hans Broekhuis
3
Filling in the gaps: PF-optimalization in parasitic gap constructions
in Dutch and German
54
Gema Chocano and Michae/ Putnam
4
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
On three types of variation in resumption: evidence in favor of
violable and ranked constraints
76
Martin Sa/zmann
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Linguistic derivations and filtering : minimalism and optimality theory I edited by Hans
Broekhuis and RalfVogel.
p. cm. -- (Advances in Optimality Theory)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-I-84553-964-1 -- ISBN 978-1-84553-965-8 (pbk.)
I . Optimality theory (Linguistics) 2. Minimalist theory (Linguistics) 3. Generative
grammar. I. Broekhuis, Hans. 11. Vogel, Ralf, 1 965p 1 58.42.L56 201 2
4 1 0 . 1 '8--dc23
201 1 023143
11
5
LOCAL AND GLOBAL OPTIMIZATION
Sources of phonological structure
6
Extremely local optimization
1 36
Fabian Heck and Gereon Muller
7
Aspect splits and parasitic marking
1 66
Ellen Woo/ford
8
Derivation of Scandinavian Object Shift and remnant VP-topicalization
Eva Enge/s and Sten Vikner
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Lightning Source UK Ltd, Milton Keynes
1 10
John J McCarthy and Kathryn Pruitt
193
Contents
v1
Ill OPTIMAL DESIGN, ECONOMY AND LAST RESORT I N OT
9 Optimality theory and the minimalist program
222
Vieri Samek-Lodovici
I0
The trivial generator
Ralf Vogel
11
Last resorts: a typology of do-support
Jane Grimshaw
IV
THE ROLE OF THE INTERPRETATIVE COMPONENTS
12
Hard and soft conditions on the Faculty of Language: constituting
parametric variation
238
267
Contributors
298
Hedde Zeijlstra
13
Spell-Out rules: ranked competition o f Copy Modification
Kleanthes K. Grohmann
Index
316
353
Hans Broekhuis, Meertens Institute, P.O.-box 94264, 1090 GG Amsterdam, The
Netherlands. E-mail: hans.broekhuis@meertens.knaw.nl
Departamento de Filologia lnglesa, Facultad de Filosofta y Letras,
Universidad Aut6noma de Madrid, Tomas y Valiente, I , 28049 Madrid. Spain.
E-mail: gema.chocano@uam.es
Gem a Chocano,
University of Aarhus, Department of Aesthetics and Communication,
Section for English, Jens Chr. Skous Vej 4, DK-8000 Arhus C, Denmark. E-mail:
eva.engels@hum.au.dk
Eva Engels,
Department of Linguistics, Rutgers University, 18 Seminary
Place, New Brunswick NJ 0890 I USA. E.mail: grimshaw@ruccs.rutgers.edu
Jane Grimshaw,
Kleanthes K. Grohmann, University of Cyprus, Department of English Studies,
75 Kallipoleos, P.O. Box 20537. 1678 Nicosia, Cyprus. E-mail: kleanthi@ucy.ac.cy
Fabian Heck, lnstitut flir Linguistik, Universitiit Leipzig, Beethovenstr. 15, D-041 07
Leipzig, Germany. E-mail: heck@uni-leipzig.de
Institut flir Linguistik, Universitat Leipzig, Beethovenstr. 15,
D-041 07 Leipzig, Germany. E-mail: gereon .mueller@uni-leipzig.de
Gereon Miiller,
Department of Linguistics, South College, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, MA 0 I 003 USA. E-m ail: jmccarthy@linguist.umass.edu
John J. McCarthy,
Department of Linguistics, South College, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, MA 0 I 003 USA. E-mail: kathryn.pruitt@gmail.com
Kathryn Pruitt,
Michael Putnam, Department of Germanic & Slavic Languages & Literatures,
Penn State University, 427 Burrowes Building, University Park, PA 16802 USA.
E-mail: mtpl 2@psu.edu
VIII
Contributors
Martin Salzmann, lnstitut fur Linguistik, Universitat Leipzig, Beethovenstr. 1 5,
D-041 07 Leipzig, Germany. E-mail: martin.salzmann@uni-leipzig.de
Vieri Samek- Lodovici, Depa1tment of ltalian/Centre for Human Communication,
Un iversity College London, Gower Street, London WC I E 6BT. E-mail: ucljvsl@
ucl.ac.uk
Sten Vikner, University of Aarhus, Department of Aesthetics and Communication,
Section for English, Jens Chr. Skous Yej 4, DK-8000 Arhus C, Denmark. E-mail:
engsv@hum.au.dk
1
I ntrod uction
Hans Broekhuis' and Ralf Vogel ..
RalfVogel, U niversitat Bielefeld, Fakultat fur Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft,
P.O.-Box I 0 0 I 3 1 , 3350 I Bielefeld, Gem1any. E-mail: rvogel@uni-bielefeld.de
This chapt�;r will motivate why it is useful to consider th.: topic of deri­
vations and filtering in more detail. We will argue against the popular belief that
the minimalist program and optimality theory arc incompatible theories in that the
former places the explanatory burden on the generative d.:vice (the computational
system c,,L) whereas the latter places it on the filtering device (the OT evaluator).
A lthough this belief may be correct in as far as it describes e xi sti ng tendencies.
we will argue that minimalist and optimality theoretic approaches normally adopt
more or less the same global architecture of grammar: both assume that a generator
defines a set S of pot.:ntially well-formed expressions that can be generated on the
basis of a given input and that there is an evaluator that selects the expressions from
S that are actually grammatical in a given language L. For this reason. we believ.:
that it has a high priority to investigate the role of the two components in more detail
in the hope that this will provide a better understanding of the difkrcnccs and simi­
larities between the two approaches. We will conclude this introduction with a brief
review of the studies collected in this book.
ABSTRACT
Ellen Wool ford, Department of Linguistics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst,
MA 0 1 003 USA. E-mai l : woolford@linguist.umass.edu
Hedde Zeijlstra, University of Amsterdam, Nederlandse Taalkunde, Spuistraat
1 34 (lsg NTK), NL- I 0 1 2 VB Amsterdam, The Netherlands. E. mail: H. H.Zeij lstra@
uva.nl
1.
The architecture of grammar
The studies collected in this book all discuss the relation between the generative and
the fi Iter component of the grammar. The focus wi l l be on syntax although the collec­
tion also contains a contribution by John J. McCarthy and Kathryn Pruitt, which
discusses the issue for phonology. The starting point of this book is the popular
view that current generative theories differ considerably in where they place the
burden of explanation: whereas m inimalist approaches generally assume that this
is the generative component (the computational system CHL ), optimal ity-theoretic
approaches generally focus on the filter component (the OT-evaluator). This d i ffer­
ence between the minimalist program (MP) and optimality theory (OT) is also
reflected in the claims that are normally made about the output of the generator;
•
l lans l:lrockhuis, Mecrtcns Institute. P.O.-box 94264. I 090 GG Amsterdam. The Netherlands. E-m ail:
hans.broekhuis@mccrtens.knaw.nl
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RalfVogel, Universitlit 13ideli:ld. Fakulttit tlir Linguistik und Literaturwisscnschali. 1'-0.-l:lox 10 0 1
3 1 , 3350 I 13ielcll.:ld. Germany. E-mail: rvogcl@uni-bklefcld.de)
Lingu istic Derivations
and Filteri ng
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Advances in
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Optimality Theory
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Minimalism and Optimal ity Theory
Series Editors:
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Vieri Samek-Lodovici
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Armin Mester
""""'
Edited by Hans Broekhuis and Ralf Vogel
Derivations
and Filteri ng
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This volume focuses on the role of the postulated derivational and filtering devices in
current linguistic theory. lt promotes the exchange of ideas between the proponents
of Chomsky's Minimalist Program and Prince and Smolensky's Optimality Theory to
evaluate the role of these devices in the two frameworks. lt discusses the tenability
of the often proclaimed opinion that the Minimalist Program and Optimality Theory
are incompatible frameworks, given that the explanatory power of the former mainly
resides on the generative device, whereas the explanatory power of the latter mainly
resides in the filtering device. The papers presented here discuss and compare the
two devices in these two frameworks from various perspectives, collating a number of
arguments that favour a strictly derivational, a strictly filtering, or a hybrid approach.
This book is directed to syntacticians working within the current frameworks that
have developed from the Minimalist Program and Optimality Theory, but it will also
be of interest to researchers or advanced students of linguistic theory.
,-+
0
Minimal ism and Optimality Theory
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Hans Broekhuis researches at the Meertens Institute in Amsterdam. He is author of Derivations
and Evaluations: Object Shift in the Germanic Languages (Mouton de Gruyter, 2008) and
editor/author of the seven-volume Syntax of Dutch (Amsterdam University Press, 2012-6).
Ralf Vogel is professor of German linguistics at the University of Bielefeld. He is co-editor, with
Artur Stepanov and Gisbert Fanselow, of Minimality Effects in Syntax (M outon de Gruyter, 2004)
and co-author, with Gisbert Fanselow, Carolina Fery and Matthias Schlesewsky, of Gradience
in Grammar: Generative Perspectives (Oxford University Press, 2006).
Cover design by Gus Hunnybun
Printed in Great Britain
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Li ngu istic
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