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MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA
Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI)
merupakan organisasi profesi yang bertujuan untuk
mengembangkan studi ilmiah mengenai bahasa.
PENGURUS MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA
Ketua
Wakil Ketua
Sekretaris
Bendahara
:
:
:
:
Yassir Nasanius, Unika Atma Jaya
Umar Muslim, Universitas Indonesia
Faizah Sari, Unika Atma Jaya
Ienneke Indra Dewi, Universitas Bina Nusantara
DEWAN EDITOR
Editor Utama
: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Unika Atma Jaya
Editor Pendamping : Faizah Sari, Unika Atma Jaya
Anggota
: A. Chaedar Alwasilah, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; E.
Aminudin Aziz, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; Benny H Hoed, Universitas
Indonesia; Bernd Nothofer, Universitas Frankfurt, Jerman; Asmah Haji Omar,
Universiti Malaya, Malaysia; Siti Wachidah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta; D. Edi
Subroto, Universitas Sebelas Maret; I Wayan Arka, Universitas Udayana; A. Effendi
Kadarisman, Universitas Negeri Malang; Bahren Umar Siregar, Unika Atma Jaya;
Hasan Basri, Universitas Tadulako; Umar Muslim, Universitas Indonesia; Dwi Noverini
Djenar, Sydney University, Australia; Mahyuni, Universitas Mataram; Patrisius
Djiwandono, Universitas Ma Chung.
JURNAL LINGUISTIK INDONESIA
Linguistik Indonesia diterbitkan pertama kali pada tahun 1982 dan sejak tahun 2000
diterbitkan tiap bulan Februari dan Agustus. Linguistik Indonesia telah terakreditasi
berdasarkan SK Dirjen Dikti No. 64a/DIKTI/Kep/2010, 1 November 2010. Jurnal
ilmiah ini dibagikan secara cuma-cuma kepada para anggota MLI yang keanggotaannya
umumnya melalui Cabang MLI di pelbagai Perguruan Tinggi, tetapi dapat juga secara
perseorangan atau institusional. Iuran per tahun adalah Rp. 100.000 (anggota dalam
negeri) dan US$25 (anggota luar negeri). Keanggotaan institusional dalam negeri
adalah Rp.120.000 dan luar negeri US$45 per tahun.
Naskah dan resensi dikirim ke Redaksi dengan mengikuti format Pedoman Penulisan Naskah di bagian belakang sampul jurnal.
ALAMAT
Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia
Pusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya, Unika Atma Jaya
JI. Jenderal Sudirman 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia
e-mail: pkbb@atmajaya.ac.id, Ph/Fax: +62 (0)21 571 9560
Daftar Isi
Pemberdayaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai Perekat Bangsa Malaysia
Asmah Haji Omar.................................................................... 101
Konstruksi Pasif Kena dalam Bahasa Indonesia:
Perbandingan dengan Bahasa Melayu
Hiroki Nomoto dan Kartini Abd. Wahab ................................. 111
Intrasentential Code-Switching
by the Manado Malay Multilinguals in Australia
Nixon J. Pangalila .................................................................. 133
Telecity in Indonesian
Nurhayati ............................................................................... 151
Some Notes on the Relationship Between
Language Use and Moral Character:
A Case of Linguistic Corruption in Indonesian
Freddy K. Kalidjernih ............................................................. 167
Looking at Linguistic Challenges in Science Classrooms
Pramela Krish and Mastura Othman ...................................... 185
Resensi:
Geoff Thomson
Introducing Functional Grammar (Second Edition)
Diresensi oleh Siti Wachidah ........................................................... 201
Jelajah Linguistik:
Metode: Dari Sintaksis ke Pragmatik
Bambang Kaswanti Purwo ............................................................... 207
Bincang antara Kita dari Dunia Maya:
Terima Kasih: Kapan Kita Mengucapkannya ......................... 209
Indeks .............................................................................................. 215
Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 101 - 110
Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
PEMBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU
SEBAGAI PEREKAT BANGSA MALAYSIA
Asmah Haji Omar*
Universiti Malaya
asmahaji@tm.net.my
Abstrak
Ada dua interpretasi pemberdayaan bahasa, iaitu pemberdayaan bahasa sebagai sistem,
dan pemberdayaan penutur supaya dapat menggunakan bahasa. Kedua-dua interpretasi
ini dibincangkan dalam kerangka enam kriteria keberdayaan bahasa yang dicadangkan
oleh Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dalam meniliai keberdayaan (vitaliti) sesuatu
bahasa.
Keberdayaan bahasa Melayu sudah cukup tinggi untuk zamannya dalam
pengurusan dan pentadbiran sebelum Tanah Melayu dijajah oleh pihak British.
Kerberdayaannya kelihatan kurang dengan perubahan zaman dengan bertambahnya
bidang ilmu yang diajar di sekolah dan universiti. Usaha-usaha mempertingkatkan
keberdayaan ini dijalankan setelah kemerdekaan Malaya dalam tahun 1957 dan
diteruskan hingga sekarang ini, supaya bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan
dapat digunakan dalam semua bidang ilmu dan profesion. Perancangan bukan sekadar
memberdayakan sistem bahasa Melayu tetapi juga memberdayakan pengguna bahasa
supaya mereka dapat menjalankan tugas dan berkomunikasi dalam bahasa bahasa
kebangsaan.
Bahasa Melayu boleh dianggap sebagai perekat bangsa Malaysia, dalam dua
konteks dengan situasi yang berbeza. Yang pertama ialah konteks rasmi yang situasinya
formal, dan yang kedua ialah konteks luar rasmi yang situasinya tak formal. Dalam
konteks kedua ini komunikasi dalam bahasa Melayu bersifat polimorfik yang
menunjukkan jarak social yang dekat antara penutur.
Kesimpulannya ialah bahasa merupakan satu daripada beberapa faktor yang
menyatupadukan bangsa, terutama sekali dalam negara pelbagai kaum seperti di
Malaysia.
Kata kunci: pragmatik, kesantunan, analisis percakapan
Cross-cultural and interlanguage pragmatics have operated largely under the combined
frameworks of Searle’s speech act theory and Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory.
These theories are predicated on a rational actor model of social action, according to
which persons determine illocutionary force and politeness on the basis of means-end costbenefit calculations. The rationalist model is associated with a conceptualization of
pragmatic meaning as the product of speaker intention packaged in the linguistic
conventions of a particular language. By contrast, ethnomethodological, poststructuralist,
and constructionist perspectives locate politeness in social-discursive practice rather than
individual cognition. In this talk, I will examine politeness phenomena in interaction from
the vantage point of one such approach, conversation analysis. Based on a variety of
interactional materials, I will show how participants orient to politeness through the
sequential arrangement of their interaction and their use of linguistic and other semiotic
resources. Politeness is re-specified as an emergent and co-constructed phenomenon that
makes visible social members’ orientations to normative and moral frameworks in concrete
situated activities.
Key words: pragmatics, politeness, conversation analysis
Asmah Haji Omar
PENGANTAR
Pemikiran bahawa bahasa merupakan alat penyatuan bangsa adalah lumrah bagi negara-negara
yang sebelumnya merupakan tanah jajahan di bawah perintah bangsa luar yang menguasai
kehidupan anak negeri dalam masa yang agak lama. Keadaan yang sebegini telah meninggalkan
kesan dalam perkembangan beberapa aspek budaya, termasuk aspek-aspek yang terdapat dalam
domain penggunaan bahasa yang penting, dalam kehidupan rakyat negara yang dijajah itu.
Salah satu kesan yang dialami ialah kesedaran bahawa rakyat memerlukan lambang kewujudan
negara yang setaraf dengan negara-negara yang tidak pernah dijajah atau yang sudah terlepas
dari rantai penjajahan.
Salah satu daripada lambang ini adalah bahasa, iaitu bahasa
kebangsaan, yang dilihat sebagai perekat bangsa. Di Malaysia, pilihan bahasa kebangsaan
jatuh pada bahasa Melayu, iaitu bahasa asal Tanah Melayu.
KEBERDAYAAN BAHASA (LINGUISTIC VITALITY)
Ungkapan pemberdayaan bahasa dalam tajuk kertas kerja ini boleh menimbulkan pertanyaan:
Adakah yang dimaksudkan itu pemberdayaan kepada bahasa atau pemberdayaan pengguna
dengan bahasa? Ketaksaan ini termasuk dalam kasus yang sama dengan contoh yang dibawa
oleh Chomsky suatu waktu dahulu, the shooting of the hunters: Adakah ungkapan ini bermakna
orang yang menembak itu pemburu (the hunters did the shooting), atau orang lain yang
menembak pemburu (somebody shot the hunters)? Walau bagaimanapun, dalam menangani
tajuk yang diberi kepada saya itu, saya akan mencuba membincangkan kedua-dua interpretasi
berkenaan.
Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu telah mencadangkan enam kriteria untuk
menentukan keberdayaan bahasa, seperti di bawah ini:
1. Intergenerational transmission of language
2. Absolute number of speakers
3. Proportion of speakers within the total population
4. Trends in existing language domains
5. Responses to new domains and media
6. Materials for language education and literacy
(Note that none of these factors should be used alone)
Berdasarkan kriteria di atas itu, perbincangan di bawah ini akan ditumpukan pada dua
aspek pemberdayaan bahasa, iaitu: (i) pemberdayaan bahasa sebagai sistem, seperti yang
tercakup dalam faktor 4 – 6 cadangan PBB; (ii) pemberdayaan ahli komuniti dalam
menggunakan bahasa seperti yang termaktub dalam faktor 1 – 3 cadangan PBB.
BAHASA MELAYU DAN KEBERDAYAANNYA DARI SEGI SEJARAH
Sungguhpun pihak Inggeris, melalui Syarikat India Timurnya (East India Company) mula
bertapak di Tanah Melayu dalam tahun 1786 di Pulau Pinang (yang disewa dari Sultan Kedah),
dan kemudian bertapak di pelabuhan-pelabuhan lain seperti Singapura dalam tahun 1819, dan
Melaka dalam tahun 1824, tetapi selama hampir 100 tahun mereka tidak menembus untuk
berkuasa di negeri-negeri Melayu. Keadaan ini berubah dalam tahun 1874, apabila pihak
Inggeris mula campur tangan dalam urusan pentadbiran Perak berikutan dengan konflik di
kalangan keluarga raja Perak ketika itu. Untuk menyelesaikan konflik itu mereka meletakkan
pegawai Inggeris yang diberi taraf Residen. Inilah tarikh sebenarnya permulaan berkuasanya
Inggeris di negeri-negeri Melayu. (Joginder Singh Jessy 1979, Bab 12).
Sebelum itu tiap-tiap negeri Melayu di Semenanjung Tanah Melayu (sekarang ini
Semenanjung Malaysia), iaitu sembilan semuanya, merupakan pemerintahan tersendiri, yang
satu bebas dari yang lain. Sistem pemerintahan bagi tiap-tiap satunya itu diketuai oleh Sultan,
dan di bawah baginda terdapat Menteri Besar, dan pegawai-pegawai tinggi yang menjalankan
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Linguistik Indonesia, Tahun ke-29, No. 2, Agustus 2011
tugas dan tanggungjawab seperti yang terdapat dalam Hukum Kanun (statute) masing-masing.
Ini bermakna bahawa urusan dan pentadbiran dijalankan dalam bahasa Melayu seluruhnya.
(Lihat esei-esei tentang undang-undang Kedah sebelum tertakluk di bawah undang-undang
Inggeris dalam Rogayah A. Hamid dan Mariyam Salim 2006).
Bahkan setelah pemerintah kolonial British memasuki tiap-tiap negeri itu sebagai
pelindung dan penasihat dengan adanya British Resident atau British Adviser, semua urusan
pemerintahan dalam negeri tetap dijalankan dalam bahasa Melayu, dengan tulisan Jawi sebagai
tulisan rasminya. Undang-undang atau Hukum yang baru diperkenalkan oleh pemerintah British
juga ditulis dalam bahasa Melayu dan dicetak versi bahasa Inggerisnya dalam jilid yang sama.
Sebagai contoh, Penal Code bagi negeri Kedah yang diperkenalkan sebelum tahun 1930-an dan
diulang cetak dengan pindaan dalam tahun 1934, dan kemudian pula dalam tahun 1353. Istilah
undang-undang diambil dari bahasa Arab, atau dipindahkan terus dari bahasa Inggeris menurut
keperluan. Dari teks undang-undang ini dapat dilihat bahawa bahasa Melayu terus hidup dengan
peringkat keberdayaan yang tinggi, dan memadai untuk zaman yang berkenaan.
Penggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam sistem pemerintahan dan diwujudkan dalam tulisan
Jawi merupakan tradisi bagi semua negeri Melayu. Bahkan dalam surat-menyurat dengan
pemerintah dan syarikat-syarikat Inggeris dan juga pemerintah Siam, bahasa Melayu dengan
tulisan Jawilah yang merupakan kaedah rasmi menyampaikan perutusan. (Lihat Annabel Teh
Gallop dan Bernard Arps 1991). Bahasa Melayu terus hidup dalam penciptaan penulisan hasil
kesusasteraan dalam genre-genre tradisional Melayu, seperti hikayat, syair dan cerita silsilah.
Sungguhpun dari segi pertuturan, negeri-negeri Melayu mempunyai dialek-dialek
tersendiri, yang memperlihatkan perbezaan terutama sekali dari segi fonologi, diikuti oleh
leksis, morfologi dan sintaksis, tetapi bahasa dalam naskhah-naskhah Melayu dan juga warkah
rasmi rata-rata sudah mencapai standardisasi dari segi ejaan, leksis, morfologi dan sintaksis,
sungguhpun di sana sini terdapat perbezaan-perbezaan dialektal yang kecil. Ini menunjukkan
bahawa kodifikasi bahasa sudah berjalan dalam bahasa Melayu, lama sebelum abad ke-20.
Adanya bahasa bertulis yang sudah mantap kewujudannya memberi kemungkinan yang besar
bagi bahasa itu menghadapi perkembangan yang dipengaruhi oleh perubahan sosial. Ini
disebabkan dalam bentuk tulisan bahasa menjadi stabil, dan dapat merentasi ruang dan masa.
KESEDARAN AKAN KURANGNYA KEBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU
Penjajahan membawa kesedaran akan kekurangan bahasa Melayu dalam menghadapi
perkembangan dunia moden. Perasaan ini bertambah-tambah dengan dibinanya sekolahsekolah Inggeris yang bukan sahaja menyampaikan pengajaran dalam bahasa Inggeris, tetapi
juga jenis mata pelajaran yang diberinya lebih banyak daripada yang diberi di sekolah Melayu.
Persekolahan dalam bahasa Melayu hanya sampai pada kelas 6 sekolah dasar. Untuk mendapat
pendidikan pada peringkat sekolah menengah, pelajar-pelajar harus berpindah ke sekolah
Inggeris.
Sungguhpun tidak ada diskriminasi berasaskan suku kaum dalam dasar pemerintahan
Inggeris dalam pengambilan pelajar-pelajar ke sekolah Inggeris, tetapi kebanyakan orang
Melayu tidak dapat masuk ke sekolah Inggeris disebabkan faktor kewangan. Yurannya tinggi
dan sekolah-sekolah berkenaan letaknya di bandar-bandar besar. Orang Melayu yang
sebahagian besarnya tinggal di kampung-kampung tidak mampu menghantar anak mereka ke
sekolah Inggeris. Dengan itu, peratusan anak-anak Melayu di sekolah Inggeris sangat rendah
berbanding dengan kaum-kaum lain.
Kekurangan dari segi pendidikan membawa rasa duka dan cemas di kalangan orang
Melayu. Keadaan seperti ini berlanjutan kepada pencapaian sosio-ekonomi yang rendah
berbanding dengan kaum lain terutama sekali dengan suku kaum Cina. Dari segi bahasa,
vitaliti yang ada dalam zaman sebelum itu sudah tidak mencukupi untuk kehidupan dalam
zaman moden.
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Asmah Haji Omar
Perlu juga disebut di sini bahawa di samping sekolah Inggeris dan sekolah Melayu
terdapat juga sekolah Cina dan sekolah Tamil. Tiap satunya menggunakan bahasa pengantar
dari kaumnya sendiri, dan juga mempunyai kurikulum dan orientasi sendiri dari segi bahan yang
diajar. Dengan demikian, di antara suku-suku kaum berkenaan, tidak ada perekat yang
digunakan dan diperkuatkan melalui sistem pendidikan yang seragam, dan dengan itu orientasi
sebagai rakyat di negara yang sama juga tidak memperlihatkan adanya jalur persamaan yang
besar.
KEMERDEKAAN:
PEMBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU MENURUT KEPERLUAN ZAMAN
Kemerdekaan Malaya dalam tahun 1957 dilihat sebagai pembawa keberdayaan kepada bahasa
Melayu, dengan adanya Perlembagaan (Undang-Undang Dasar) yang meletakkan bahasa
Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan, bahasa rasmi dan bahasa pengantar utama dalam sistem
pendidikan. Ini bermakna bahawa sistem pendidikannya adalah satu, bukan lagi empat, dan
sistem ini menggunakan bahasa dan kurikulum yang sama.
Segala usaha telah dijalankan dalam perancangan bahasa untuk menambah keberdayaan
bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa yang dapat digunakan dalam sistem pendidikan dari sekolah
dasar hinggalah ke universiti, khususnya dalam penyempurnaan sistem ejaan, penggubalan
istilah, pengajaran bahasa Melayu kepada semua rakyat, latihan guru dan penataran staf
akademik universiti supaya mereka dapat menggunakan dan mengajar dalam bahasa Melayu.
Lanjutan dari ini semua adalah penerbitan buku teks sekolah dan universiti dalam bahasa
Melayu, serta buku bacaan am, majalah dan akhbar. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka adalah badan
yang diberi tanggungjawab oleh pemerintah Malaysia dalam memastikan perancangan korpus
bahasa ditadbirkan dengan baik, dan Dewan juga merupakan penerbit buku ilmiah dalam bahasa
Melayu yang terbesar di Malaysia.
Pemberdayaan Pengguna Bahasa
Pemberdayaan rakyat Malaysia dengan pemerolehan dan peningkatan kecekapan mereka dalam
bahasa Melayu berlaku melalui lima saluran utama:
(i) pendidikan formal di sekolah dan university
(ii) penggunaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa dalam urusan rasmi pemerintahan
(iii) penurunan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga dari generasi ke generasi
(iv) program hiburan dan bukan rasmi
(v) pergaulan sosial
Kelima-lima faktor ini boleh dibahagikan kepada dua golongan utama, berdasarkan
darjat keformalan atau ketidak-formalan bahasa yang digunakan dan yang menjadi matlamat
aktiviti yang dijalankan. Dengan itu, faktor (i) dan (ii) boleh dimasukkan dalam golongan
penggunaan formal, sedangkan faktor (iii) – (v) memasuki golongan tidak formal.
Istilah formal dan tidak formal dalam konteks ini membawa pengertian dari segi bentuk
bahasa. Sungguhpun bahasa wujud dalam konteks sosial yang formal dan tidak formal, tetapi
ciri-ciri ini dari segi peraturan sosial (social rules) sukar ditentukan. Walaupun dalam sesuatu
penyelidikan kita dapat melakukan pemerhatian tentang proses sosial yang berlaku apabila
penutur berinteraksi satu sama lain dalam situasi tertentu, tidaklah mudah bagi kita meletakkan
garis pemisah yang jelas antara perilaku yang formal dan yang tidak formal. Bahkan dalam
sesuatu peristiwa bahasa penutur-penutur yang terlibat akan bertukar dari perilaku yang formal
kepada yang tidak formal dan sebaliknya, menunjukkan bahawa peristiwa bahasa tidak terikat
kepada satu-satu situasi yang khusus.
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Penggunaan Formal
(i) Pendidikan persekolahan
Bahasa yang digunakan dalam pengajaran di sekolah, baik sekolah kebangsaan atau sekolah
jenis kebangsaan1 serta di universiti merupakan bahasa standard, yakni bahasa yang sudah
lazim digunakan yang merupakan hasil kodifikasi yang sudah dibincangkan di atas. Variasi ini
terus-menerus dipertingkatkan supaya sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat. Penerbitan
buku dan majalah serta media elektronik dan media cetak berfungsi sebagai kuasa yang
memantapkan variasi ini.
Dalam 1970 hingga tahun 1986, telah berlaku proses peralihan sekolah-sekolah
Inggeris menjadi sekolah kebangsaan. Proses ini melibatkan pertukaran bahasa pengantar
secara beransur-ansur dari bahasa Inggeris kepada bahasa Melayu di semua sekolah Inggeris.
Perancangan yang rapi telah dilakarkan sehingga tidak berlaku sebarang kecelaruan dalam
pertukaran itu. Perancangan itu termasuk penggantian bahasa secara serentak di semua sekolah
Inggeris, bermula dengan kelas satu sekolah dasar yang diajar seluruhnya dalam bahasa Melayu.
Bagi kelas yang lebih tinggi hingga ke sekolah menengah. mata pelajaran dipilih mulai dari
aliran sastera, dan peralihan bagi tiap-tiap kelas itu dipastikan supaya tidak lebih dari dua mata
pelajaran yang mengalami pertukaran bahasa bagi satu-satu tahun persekolahan. Sebagai hasil
perancangan itu pada tahun 1978 pelajar-pelajar aliran sastera yang masuk universiti sudah pun
melalui seluruh program persekolahan mereka dalam bahasa Melayu. Aliran sains selesai
proses peralihan itu pada tahun 1985, dan dalam tahun 1986 mahasiswa aliran ini yang masuk
universiti terdiri daripada mereka yang keselurhan persekolahannya adalah dalam bahasa
Melayu. (Asmah Haji Omar 1976: 108 – 111 untuk jadual peralihan dari bahasa Inggeris ke
bahasa Melayu).
Pemberdayaan pelajar dengan bahasa Melayu diperlengkapkan dengan pemberdayaan
guru dalam menyampaikan pengajaran dalam bahasa Melayu bagi semua mata pelajaran. Ini
dilakukan melalui latihan-latihan khas yang dijalankan oleh Kementerian Pelajaran ketika itu.
Di universiti, yang menerima pelajar-pelajar dari sekolah kebangsaan, pensyarah-pensyarah dari
berbagai-bagai fakulti dan disiplin akademik, serta staf pentadbiran dan sokongan, diberi latihan
khusus dalam menggunakan bahasa Melayu supaya mereka dapat menjalankan tugas mereka
dengan lebih efisien. Di Universiti Malaya, Pusat Bahasa (sekarang ini Fakulti Bahasa dan
Linguistik) ditubuhkan untuk tujuan pemberdayaan ini di samping mengajar berbagai-bagai
bahasa dunia.
(ii) Penggunaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa rasmi
Pemberdayaan pengguna bahasa dipertingkatkan dengan penggunaan bahasa dalam konteks
rasmi. Secara tradisi, sejak zaman pemerintahan British lagi, pentadbir di jabatan-jabatan
kerajaan hampir semuanya orang Melayu. Satu sistem kuota telah ditetapkan sejak zaman
British lagi, iaitu dari setiap empat orang pentadbir, tiga orang hendaklah terdiri daripada orang
Melayu. Walaupun mereka orang Melayu, tetapi oleh kerana mereka berkelulusan sekolah dan
universiti yang menggunakan bahasa Inggeris, maka jabatan masing-masing telah mengadakan
kursus khas supaya mereka menjadi biasa dengan bahasa Melayu rasmi yang digunakan dalam
pentadbiran.
Penggunaan Tidak Formal
(i) Penurunan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga dari generasi ke generasi
Penduduk Malaysia terdiri daripada kira-kira 28 juta orang. Dari jumlah ini, 65% adalah
Bumiputera, 26% Cina, 8% India, dan suku kaum lain 1%. Bumiputera terdiri daripada orang
Melayu, orang asli, dan suku-suku kaum pribumi Sabah dan Sarawak yang jumlahnya 2% dari
keseluruhan rakyat Malaysia. Ini bermakna bahawa 63% adalah orang Melayu, dan mereka
menggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga yang diturun-temurunkan. Dengan itu
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Asmah Haji Omar
kadar penutur asli bahasa Melayu di Malaysia adalah 63%. Dengan terlaksananya dasar bahasa
kebangsaan seperti yang dihuraikan di atas, boleh dikatakan lebih daripada 90% rakyat Malaysia
boleh bertutur dalam bahasa Melayu, tetap tentu sahaja dengan peringkat kemahiran yang
berbeza-beza, dari yang paling baik kepada yang paling buruk.
Sebagai bahasa keluarga atau bahasa pertama, bahasa Melayu yang diperoleh sejak
masa kanak-kanak ialah dialek yang dituturkan oleh keluarga. Jika ibu dan bapa dalam sesuatu
keluarga itu berasal dari kawasan dialek yang berlainan, maka dialek yang turun kepada anakanak mereka merupakan dialek yang paling dominan dalam keluarga. Dominan atau tidaknya
dialek berkenaan bergantung pada keluarga sebelah mana, ibu atau ayah, yang mempengaruhi
kehidupan sehari-hari anak-anak berkenaan, atau juga pada dialek tempat mereka bermastautin.
Jadi, bahasa ibunda tidak semestinya bahasa ibu. Tetapi kanak-kanak dari usia yang sangat
muda dari keluarga percampuran dialek sudah sedar adanya perbezaan dialek antara keluarga
ayah dan keluarga ibu, dan mereka cuba menyesuaikan diri sewajarnya2.
(ii) Program hiburan dan bukan rasmi
Dalam domain penggunaan bahasa yang seperti ini, orang Malaysia bebas menggunakan apa
sahaja variasi bahasa (bahasa standard, variasi geografis/dialek, atau variasi sosial). Dalam
sesuatu program hiburan, walaupun pada asasnya variasi yang dipilih itu bahasa standard, tetapi
pasti dimasukkan juga variasi-variasi lain, sesuai dengan jalan cerita, dan tentunya sesuai
dengan tempat berlakunya sesuatu adegan atau episod. Jika semuanya itu dalam bahasa
standard, tentu sahaja rancangan hiburan berkenaan tidak menggambarkan realiti dalam
kehidupan di Malaysia, khususnya dalam penggunaan bahasa.
Dalam program-program bukan hiburan dan bukan rasmi, seperti forum dan apa juga
jenis perdebatan, di media atau di luar media, asasnya ialah bahasa standard. Tetapi penutur
dari kawasan dialek tertentu akan mewujudkan ciri-ciri dialeknya, biasanya dalam sebutan dan
juga leksis. Hal ini dianggap sebagai hal yang biasa, disebabkan tiap-tiap dialek mempunyai
sejarah penggunaannya sebagai bahasa tinggi sebelum terbentuknya Persekutuan Tanah Melayu.
Kempen-kempen pilihan raya memperlihatkan betapa dominannya dialek kawasan yang
terlibat. Pemimpin dan ahli parti politik yang berkempen yang berasal dari kawasan lain
biasanya menggunakan bahasa standard, tetapi dalam usaha memperoleh undi dari penduduk
setempat mereka terpaksa menggunakan strategi akomodasi. Maka berusahalah mereka
menggunakan kata-kata atau ungkapan-ungkapan dari dialek berkenaan, bahkan juga mencuba
menyesuaikan sebutan dengan yang lazim di tempat berkenaan.
Pergaulan Sosial
Seperti yang dapat dilihat dengan jelas, orang-orang Malaysia memilih variasi dan gaya bahasa
yang memberi keselesaan kepada mereka dan juga kepada orang yang berinteraksi dengan
mereka. Di kawasan yang homogenus, yakni di kampung yang mempunyai dialek tertentu,
variasi yang digunakan adalah dialek tempatan berkenaan. Di sini juga, jika ada orang yang
dwibahasa Melayu-Inggeris, Melayu-Arab atau Melayu-Siam (yang terakhir di Kedah Utara),
berlakulah campur aduk antara unsur dari bahasa-bahasa yang berkenaan. Alih kod (codeswitching) kemudian merupakan bahasa perantara mereka.
Alih kod, terutama sekali Melayu-Inggeris, juga merupakan gejala yang berlaku dalam
pertuturan antara orang-orang Melayu yang tinggal di bandar. Di Kuala Lumpur atau di
Petaling Jaya di mana terdapat penduduk Melayu dari berbagai-bagai kawasan dialek, baik
dialek-dialek Semenanjung atau dialek-dialek yang dituturkan di Sabah dan Sarawak, penuturpenutur dari kawasan dialek yang sama cenderung menggunakan dialek sendiri. Antara
sebabnya ialah perasaan kekitaan dari satu negeri yang sama. Ini dibuktikan oleh kajian
Zuraidah Mohd. Don mengenai penggunaan dialek di kalangan mahasiswa Kelantan di
Uinversiti Malaya (Zuraidah Mohd. Don 2005). Dalam interaksi antara penutur dari berbagaibagai dialek, dalam kedaan tidak formal, ada percubaan menggunakan bahaaa Melayu standard,
sebagai strategi kerjasama dan akomodasi3.
106
Dalam perbualan antara penutur yang berbeza suku kaum, seperti antara Melayu, Cina
dan India, bahasa yang digunakan tidaklah bersifat monolitik, yakni penutur-penutur tidaklah
hanya patuh pada satu bahasa sahaja. Alih kod merupakan kaedah yang dominan, dan sistem
bahasa yang digunakan bergantung pada taraf dan jenis pendidikan. Oleh kerana bahasa
Melayu dan bahasa Inggeris diajar di semua sekolah, maka alih kod Melayu-Inggeris
kedengaran di mana-mana. Penentuan taraf pendidikan dapat dipastikan dari butir-butir yang
dialih kod berdasarkan topik-topik perbualan, serta juga taraf gramatis atau tidak gramatis butir
yang dialih kod. Percampuran bahasa yang seperti inilah yang dikenal di Malaysia sebagai
bahasa rojak.
BAHASA SEBAGAI PEREKAT BANGSA
Bilakah soal bahasa Melayu sebagai perekat bangsa mula muncul di Tanah Melayu? Pada
pendapat saya, munculnya itu bukan disebabkan adanya sistem persekolahan bahasa Inggeris,
bahasa Cina, atau bahasa Tamil. Sebabnya itu tidak berakar pada bahasa, tetapi pada faktor
ekonomi.
Dengan adanya orang-orang Cina yang mendominasi ekonomi Malaya, mulai dari
akhir abad ke-19, orang Melayu mula melihat diri mereka sebagai rakyat yang makin lama
makin tersisih di bumi sendiri. Mulai dekad-dekad awal abad ke-20, para intelek Melayu yang
berpendidikan Inggeris dan juga Arab sudah melihat keadaan demikian dan melalui penerbitanpenerbitan mereka, dalam bentuk esei dalam majalah atau buku bahasa, atau juga novel, mereka
meniup angin kesedaran ini kepada orang Melayu. Antaranya ialah Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad
(Za’ba) yang banyak menulis sejak tahun-tahun 1930-an lagi, bahkan kesedaran ini disisip
dalam buku-buku bahasa yang ditulis untuk kursus latihan guru di Maktab Sultan Idris Tanjong
Malim, Perak. Orang Melayu juga mendapat inspirasi dari pergerakan kebangsaan Indonesia,
yang mengangkat bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa Indonesia, yakni bahasa persatuan Indonesia.
Kesedaran akan nasib bangsa mengikat orang-orang Melayu dari berbagai-bagai negeri di
Tanah Melayu, dan merangsangkan perpaduan mereka, sehingga membawa kepada perpaduan
yang sebenarnya apabila mereka mencapai kemerdekaan di bawah bendera Persekutuan Tanah
Melayu pada 31 Ogos 1957. Inilah juga tarikh bahasa Melayu dinobatkan sebagai bahasa
kebangsaan.
Dari awal lagi, bahasa kebangsaan dilihat sebagai lambang yang menyatu-padukan
rakyat Malaya/Malaysia pelbagai kaum. Juga dalam menerima adanya bahasa kebangsaan,
Malaysia tidak menyingkir mana-mana bahasa yang wujud di Malaysia. Dasar Pelajaran
Kebangsaan Pelajaran 1956, yang penggubalannya itu sebelum tarikh kemerdekaan (dan lebih
dikenal sebagai Laporan Razak) menyatakan bahawa tiap-tiap bahasa ada tempatnya di bumi
Malaysia. Laporan ini juga menegaskan betapa pentingnya bahasa Inggeris dalam pendidikan di
Malaya, dan mulai dari itulah maka bahasa Inggeris mendapat tempat sebagai bahasa kedua
selepas bahasa Melayu.
Jika dikatakan bahasa Melayu merupakan perekat bangsa Malaysia, perekatnya dapat
dilihat dalam komunikasi dua konteks. Pertama ialah konteks pentadbiran negara, iaitu antara
kerajaan dengan rakyat, dan kedua ialah sesama rakyat dari pelbagai kaum. Yang pertama itu
boleh digolongkan sebagai konteks penggunaan bahasa Melayu yang wajib, sedangkan yang
kedua itu sebagai konteks opsional atau tidak wajib. Konteks pertama bermula dari institusiinstitusi pendidikan, yang memerlukan variasi bahasa standard dengan laras yang sesuai bagi
situasi pengurusan dan pentadbiran, yang berjalan menurut peraturan-peraturan tertentu.
Konteks opsional mewakili situasi tidak formal yang menggambarkan keselesaan dalam
interaksi, dan arus komunikasi dalam bahasa Melayu (dalam variasi mana pun juga) mengalir
lancar tanpa adanya sekatan undang-undang atau peraturan sosial.
107
Asmah Haji Omar
KOMUNIKASI BAHASA YANG POLIMORFIK
Dalam politik Malaysia, tidak pernah dikatakan bahawa pelbagai suku kaum mesti
bersasimilasi, tetapi yang penting ialah mereka hendaklah berintegrasi. Dengan integrasi setiap
suku kaum terjamin dari segi pelestarian warisan asal mereka, yakni bahasa, budaya, agama dan
sebagainya. Sungguhpun dari segi idealnya, mereka diharap menggunakan bahasa Melayu
dalam kehidupan mereka sehari-hari, tetapi ini bukanlah tujuan utama dasar bahasa kebangsaan
Malaysia. Oleh kerana itu, seperti yang disebut di atas, gambaran penggunaan bahasa di
kalangan rakyat Malaysia adalah polimorfik sifatnya.
Dengan komunikasi bahasa yang polimorfik, terdapat lebih daripada satu bahasa yang
mengikat rakyat negara. Tiap-tiap suku kaum mempunyai kesetiaan sendiri kepada bahasanya,
dengan cara mempertahankan bahasanya sebagai bahasa komuniti. Tiap-tiap komuniti bahasa
pula mempunyai beberapa subkomuniti, dan tiap-tiap satunya pula dengan bahasa sendiri.
Misalnya, bahasa Cina terdiri daripada sekurang-kurangnya 10 dialek, dengan Kantonis dan
Hokkien sebagai komuniti dialek yang terbesar, tetapi bahasa yang dianggap kepunyaan
bersama kaum Cina adalah bahasa Mandarin, yang digunakan di sekolah dan dalam media. Di
dalam komuniti dialek, tiap-tiap komuniti menggunakan bahasanya sendiri. Di kalangan orang
Cina, terutama di Kuala Lumpur dan bandar-bandar besar lain, bahasa Inggeris sidah menjadi
bahasa keluarga.
Yang dikatakan suku kaum India di Malaysia itu sebenarnya terdiri daripada pelbagai
suku kaum lagi, dari India Utara dan Selatan, dan juga dari Sri Lanka, yang berlainan dari segi
bahasa, agama dan cara hidup. Bahkan antara suku-suku kaum ini, jika mereka tidak tahu
bahasa Inggeris, maka bahasa Melayulah yang menjadi bahasa perantara. Seperti halnya dengan
orang Cina, orang-orang India di Malaysia juga lebih cenderung menggunakan bahasa Inggeris
sebagai bahasa keluarga.
Demikian jugalah halnya dengan kebanyakan kaum bumiputera. Orang Asli bukanlah
suku kaum yng monolitik dari segi bahasa, kerana tiap-tiap kelompok mempunyai bahasa yang
berbeza dengan yang lain. Demikian juga suku kaum Kadazandusun, Murut dan Bajau di
Sabah, atau juga Bidayuh dan Kenyah di Sarawak. Pendeknya, di Malaysia, dan barangkali
juga di tempat-tempat lain, komuniti etnik tidak selari dengan komuniti bahasa. Ada kala,
komuniti etnik terdiri daripada satu komuniti bahasa, dan ada kalanya terdiri daripada beberapa
komuniti bahasa. (Asmah Haji Omar 2009).
PERPADUAN BANGSA
Perpaduan sesuatu bangsa memerlukan adanya alat komunikasi bersama supaya rakyat faham
mesej yang hendak disampaikan oleh kerajaan, dan juga dalam memudahkan hubungan sosial
sesama rakyat. Penyatuan rakyat pelbagai kaum dan pelbagai budaya memerlukan “perekat”
yang lebih teguh dari hanya bahasa. Penyampaian mesej melalui bahasa dengan input dan
output mudah dilakukan dalam bahasa Melayu dengan adanya pemberdayaan penutur dalam
bahasa berkenaan. Dalam hal ini bahasa adalah alat komunikasi semata-mata. Demikian juga,
aspek-aspek budaya tertentu dapat menjadi alat dalam mendekatkan hubungan antara rakyat,
misalnya dari segi pakaian, makanan, cara makan, seni tari, seni muzik, dan sebagainya.
Tetapi setakat manakah pemberdayaan bahasa dapat mewujudkan jaringan psikologi
yang dapat menyatukan rakyat pelbagai kaum? Faktor ekonomi dan sosial juga memainkan
peranan yang sangat penting dalam menyatu-padukan bangsa. Jika keadaan ekonomi tidak
seimbang, maka mobilti sosial juga tidak selari dalam perbandingan antara suku kaum. Dalam
keadaan yang seperti ini, walaupun ada bahasa bersama yang digunakan tetapi perpaduan antara
rakyat juga sukar tercapai.
108
PENUTUP
Keadaan di Malaysia menunjukkan bahawa di luar urusan rasmi yang mempunyai konteks yang
dilakarkan menurut peraturan, bahasa kebangsaan dapat mendekatkan hubungan sesama rakyat
dengan memudahkan komunikasi antara mereka. Dalam konteks luar rasmi, komunikasi
mereka yang polimorfik, yang tidak digemari oleh pendidik bahasa, sebenarnya memperlihatkan
jarak sosial yang dekat antara mereka, sedangkan bahasa standard tidak menggambarkan
keadaan ini.
Bahasa sahaja tidak cukup untuk menyatu-padukan rakyat. Banyak faktor lain, terutama
sekali faktor sosio-ekonomi, diperlukan dalam menjadikan rakyat pelbagai kaum menerima satu
sama lain dalam satu keluarga yang besar. Atas kesedaran inilah, maka Perdana Menteri, Dato’
Seri Mohd. Najib Abdul Razak membawa falsafah “1Malaysia: Rakyat Didahulukan,
Pencapaian Diutamakan”.
CATATAN
1.
2.
3.
*
Berdasarkan bahasa pengantar utama yang digunakan, sekolah-sekolah di Malaysia dibahagikan
kepada dua jenis: sekolah kebangsaan dan sekolah jenis kebangsaan. Sekolah kebangsaan
menggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar bagi semua mata pelajaran kecuali Sains dan
Matematik yang diajar dalam dwibahasa, Melayu dan Inggeris, dan juga bahasa Inggeris sebagai
mata pelajaran wajib . Sekolah jenis kebangsaan adalah sekolah yang mengajar dalam bahasa Cina
(dengan itu Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan Cina), dan bahasa Tamil (dengan itu Sekolah Jenis
Kebangsaan Tami). Kedua-dua jenis sekolah ini wajib mengajar bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Inggeris
kepada pelajar mereka.
Saya telah melakukan penyelidikan yang seperti ini dalam tahun 1980-an. Saya fikir keadaan seperti
ini masih berlaku dalam keluarga Melayu. Lihat Asmah Haji Omar 1988:
Dalam kajian Zuraidah Mohd. Don, mahasiswa Kelantan di Universiti Malaya menggunakan bahasa
standard yang disebut mereka sebagai “bahasa Melayu Malaysia”, dalam hubungan mahasiswamahasiswa lain, kerana mereka sendiri mempunyai persepsi yang rendah terhadap dialek mereka, dan
juga kerana mereka percaya bahawa dialek mereka sukar difahami oleh penutur-penutur dialek lain.
Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikan
makalah.
RUJUKAN
Asmah Haji Omar. 1976. The Teaching of Bahasa Malaysia ini the Context of National
Language Planning. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Asmah Haji Omar. 1988. Bahasa dan Alam Pemikiran Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan
Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Asmah Haji Omar. 2004. Muafakat Bahasa: Sejarah MBIM/MABBIM Sebagai Pembina
Bahasa. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Asmah Haji Omar (ed.). 2005.
Pendidikan Sultan Idris.
Sama Serumpun.
Tanjong Malim:
Penerbit Universiti
Asmah Haji Omar. 2009. Moribund Languages of Sarawak, Heritage Asia, Vol. 6, No. 1, April
– June 2009, pp. 26 – 33.
Gallop, Annabel Teh and Bernard Arps. 1991. Surat Emas: Budaya Tulis di Indonesia.
London: The British Library & Jakarta: Yayasan Lontar.
Joginder Singh Jessy. 1979. Sejarah Tanah Melayu (1400 – 1959). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan
Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Rogayah A. Hamid dan Mariyam Salim (Penyelenggara). Kesultanan Melayu Kedah. Siri
Kajian Naskhah Kesultanan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
109
Asmah Haji Omar
Undang-Undang Negeri Kedah (Revised Edition). Alor Setar, 13 Sya’ban 1353.
Zuraidah Mohd. Don. 2005. Persepsi Dialek Kelantan: Suatu Kjaian Vitaliti Etnolinguistik.
Dalam Asmah Haji Omar 2005, h. 93 – 108.
110
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
KONSTRUKSI PASIF KENA DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA:
PERBANDINGAN DENGAN BAHASA MELAYU*
Hiroki Nomoto
Universitas Kajian Asing Tokyo
nomoto@tufs.ac.jp
Kartini Abd. Wahab
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
kartini@ukm.my
Abstrak
Makalah ini meneliti perbedaan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia mengenai
konstruksi kena. Konstruksi kena dalam bahasa Melayu mempunyai tidak hanya kalimat
pasif sebagaimana bahasa Indonesia, tetapi juga kalimat aktif yang membawa makna
‘harus’. Makalah ini membahas bahwa kena dalam bahasa Melayu adalah verba yang
masuk dalam kelas predikat lucu, yang menimbulkan fenomena kawalan lucu (funny
control). Sebaliknya, kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan (control verb)
yang mengambil argumen luar yang terpengaruh. Pada kalimat kena yang aktif, PRO
dalam klausa aktif sematan tidak terpengaruh, sedangkan pengontrolnya, yaitu argumen
luar kena, terpengaruh. Ketidakkoherenan ini menjelaskan mengapa bahasa Indonesia
tidak mempunyai kalimat kena yang aktif. Kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu tidak
melibatkan PRO, maka bebas dari kondisi kekoherenan tersebut sehingga memiliki pola
aktif dan pasif berterima. Makalah ini turut menguraikan prediksi analisis kalimat kena
bahwa bahasa Indonesia memiliki alternasi diatesis tersirat (covert voice alternation).
Temuan kami adalah alternasi diatesis tersirat itu terdapat pada kalimat ter-.
Kata kunci: kena, kawalan (lucu), alternasi diatesis tersirat
This paper proposes an account for a dialectal difference between Malay and Indonesian
concerning the usage of kena sentences. In addition to the adversative passive use found
in both languages, Malay has active kena sentences, expressing obligation/non-volition
(‘have to’). It is argued that while kena is a modal verb in both languages, it is a funny
predicate in Malay and a control verb that takes an affected external argument in
Indonesian. Kena cannot embed an active clause because its subject PRO is not affected,
and hence PRO and its controller are not semantically coherent. This explains why
Indonesian lacks active kena sentences. Since kena sentences in Malay do not involve
PRO, both active and passive patterns are available. The paper also discusses the issue
of whether or not Indonesian has covert voice alternation. We show that it is actually
found in ter- sentences, though not as clearly as in Malay.
Key words: kena, (funny) control, covert voice alternation
PENDAHULUAN
Dalam bahasa Indonesia, kalimat kena seperti contoh (1) di bawah hanya mempunyai satu
pengertian, yaitu sebagai konstruksi pasif adversatif (interpretasi (i)). Namun, dalam bahasa
Melayu (dialek standar bahasa Melayu yang dituturkan di Malaysia), terutama dalam bahasa
lisan (bahasa Melayu Lisan), kalimat yang sama sebenarnya membawa satu makna lain, yaitu
makna yang terkait dengan “keharusan” (interpretasi (ii)).
(1)
Ali kena tipu wanita itu.
(i) ‘Ali kena tipu oleh wanita itu.’
(ii) ‘Ali harus menipu wanita itu’.
(Indonesia dan Malaysia)
(Malaysia sahaja)
Terkait dengan perbedaan ini, makalah ini mencoba menjawab persoalan-persoalan
seperti yang berikut ini. (i) Bagaimanakah kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu dapat
mengandung dua interpretasi yang berbeda? (ii) Mengapa kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia
Hiroki Nomoto dan Kartini Abd. Wahab
hanya berterima dengan makna penderitaan adversatif, tetapi tidak dengan makna ‘harus’? (iii)
Apakah identitas gramatikal morfem kena dalam kedua bahasa ini?
Untuk menjawab persoalan-persoalan tersebut, makalah ini membahas bahwa dalam
bahasa Melayu maupun bahasa Indonesia, kena bukanlah morfem pemarkah diatesis, tetapi
sebaliknya adalah verba modal yang terkait dengan makna ‘terpaksa oleh keadaan luar’. Oleh
karena itu, pada prinsipnya, kena seharusnya dapat muncul pada kalimat pasif dan juga aktif
dalam kedua bahasa ini. Sehubungan dengan itu, makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa kalimat kena
dengan makna penderitaan adversatif dan kalimat kena dengan makna keharusan, bisa dianalisis
sebagai pasangan kalimat pasif dan aktif. Dengan kata lain, dua konstruksi tersebut
berhubungan melalui alternasi diatesis. Menurut analisis ini, bahasa Melayu mempunyai kedua
kalimat kena yang aktif dan pasif, sedangkan bahasa Indonesia tidak mempunyai kalimat kena
yang aktif. Makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa perbedaan di antara dua bahasa ini muncul karena
kena dalam bahasa Melayu adalah “predikat lucu” (funny predicate), yang terkait dengan
fenomena kawalan lucu (funny control) (Gil 2002; Nomoto 2011), sedangkan kena dalam
bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan yang mengambil argumen luar yang “terpengaruh.”
Kalimat kena aktif dalam bahasa Indonesia tidak gramatikal oleh karena PRO pada klausa
sematan aktif tidak mengandung karakter “terpengaruh,” sedangkan kalimat kena aktif dalam
bahasa Melayu berterima karena mengandung DP yang mengalami kenaikan (raising), dan
bukan PRO. Makalah ini turut membahas bahwa alternasi diatesis yang terlibat dengan kalimat
kena yang aktif dan pasif adalah tersirat, yakni tiada morfem pemarkah diatesis nyata dalam
kalimat aktif maupun kalimat pasif. Alternasi diatesis tersirat ini terdapat dalam kedua bahasa,
meskipun hal ini tidak jelas dalam bahasa Indonesia.
Perbincangan dalam makalah ini terbagi kepada lima bagian. Bagian 1 adalah
pengenalan, diikuti oleh bagian 2 yang memuat latar belakang kalimat kena dalam bahasa
Melayu yang memiliki kedua kalimat kena aktif dan pasif. Selanjutnya, bagian 3 akan
membahas kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia. Bagian 4 akan menguraikan salah satu
prediksi analisis makalah ini, yaitu alternasi diatesis tersirat juga terdapat dalam bahasa
Indonesia. Pada akhir makalah, bagian 5 akan merumuskan perbincangan makalah ini dan
mendiskusikan implikasi analisis kami terhadap perkembangan historis penggunaan kata kena.
KALIMAT KENA DALAM BAHASA MELAYU
Kalimat Kena Pasif dan Kalimat Kena Aktif
Penelitian terdahulu oleh Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) menjelaskan bahwa kalimat
pasif kena dalam bahasa Melayu memiliki padanan aktif, yaitu kalimat kena yang mengandung
maksud ‘harus’. Menurut analisis tersebut, kalimat (2a) dan (2b) di bawah adalah berkaitan,
yaitu sebagai kalimat aktif dan kalimat pasif.
(2)
a. Ali kena tipu wanita itu.
‘Ali harus/terpaksa menipu wanita itu.’
b. Wanita itu kena tipu oleh Ali.
(aktif)
(pasif)
Dua kalimat di atas mungkin seperti tidak berkaitan. Meski demikian, dari segi semantik dua
kalimat itu bisa dianggap mengandung morfem kena yang sama. Kena pada kedua kalimat
tersebut bermakna modal, yakni ‘tidak memedulikan kehendak subjek/penutur sendiri’, ‘ditekan
oleh keadaan luar’ atau ‘ditakdirkan’. Pada kalimat aktif (2a), keadaan luar memaksa subjek
untuk melakukan suatu tindakan sehingga subjek yakni Ali “harus” atau “terpaksa” melakukan
tindakan “menipu” tersebut. Sedangkan pada kalimat pasif (2b), keadaan luar menekan subjek,
yakni ‘wanita itu’, menjalani suatu tindakan yang sama, dan subjek berada dalam satu situasi
yang merugikan atau keadaan yang tidak menyenangkan. Justifikasi lanjut akan dikemukakan
di bagian-bagian berikutnya.
112
Berhubungan dengan hal tersebut, timbul dua persoalan. Pertama, apakah kategori
sintaksis kata kena? Kedua, apakah pemarkah diatesis yang terdapat pada kedua kalimat
tersebut? Dua persoalan ini masing-masing akan dibicarakan di bagian 2.2 dan 2.3.
Kena sebagai Predikat Lucu
Dalam penelitian terdahulu, kata kena dalam bahasa Melayu pernah dideskripsikan sebagai
pemarkah diatesis pasif (Bao dan Wee 1999) atau kata (verba) bantu (Nik Safiah dkk. 2008:
493). Akan tetapi, Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) berpendapat bahwa kena dalam
bahasa Melayu bukanlah morfem pemarkah diatesis pasif maupun aktif. Sebaliknya, kami
menganggap kena sebagai verba yang termasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu, yakni tipe verba
yang menimbulkan fenomena kawalan lucu. Fenomena kawalan lucu adalah fenomena di mana
argumen luar bagi predikat tertentu, yang dinamakan “predikat lucu,” (contohnya mau dan
coba) bisa berasosiasi dengan argumen dalam maupun argumen luar bagi predikat klausa
sematan yang pasif. Kalimat kawalan lucu menimbulkan ambiguitas, meskipun ambiguitas itu
selalu dihilangkan dengan adanya konteks linguistik dan/atau ekstralinguistik. Kalimat (3)
memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu (Nomoto 2011).
(3)
Ali mahu/cuba dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu.
(i) ‘Ali mau/coba supaya dibunuh oleh perampok itu.’
(ii) ‘Perampok itu mau/coba membunuh Ali.’
(interpretasi kawalan biasa)
(interpretasi bersilang) 1
Kedua interpretasi tersebut diilustrasikan seperti dalam (4) berikut.
(4)
a. Interpretasi kawalan biasa (3i)
Ali
perompak itu
‘yang mau/coba’
‘yang dibunuh’
(argumen luar mahu/cuba) (argumen dalam bunuh)
b. Interpretasi bersilang (3ii)
Ali
‘yang membunuh’
(argumen luar bunuh)
perompak itu
‘yang mau/coba’
‘yang dibunuh’
(argumen luar mahu/cuba) (argumen dalam bunuh)
‘yang membunuh’
(argumen luar bunuh)
Dalam kedua interpretasi, pelaku dan penerima perbuatan pembunuhan adalah sama, yaitu Ali
yang dibunuh oleh perampok itu. Yang berbeda di antara kedua interpretasi tersebut adalah
pihak mana yang berkemauan atau mencoba merealisasikan perbuatan pembunuhan itu. Dalam
interpretasi kawalan biasa (4a), entitas yang berkemauan atau mencoba (dibunuh) adalah
argumen dalam, yaitu ‘Ali’, sementara dalam interpretasi bersilang (4b), entitas yang
berkemauan atau mencoba (membunuh) adalah argumen luar, yaitu ‘perompak itu’. Perbedaan
ini ditunjukkan dengan garis yang tebal.
Predikat lucu lazimnya terbatas kepada seperangkat predikat yang memiliki properti
khusus (Nomoto 2011). Dari segi semantiknya, predikat lucu mengandung makna modalitas
yang mengekspresikan (i) sikap psikologis, misalnya mahu ‘mau’, ingin, dan cuba ‘coba’, atau
(ii) keadaan ekstern yang dapat mempengaruhi kemungkinan suatu situasi akan direalisasikan,
contohnya kata layak.2 Dari aspek morfologis, predikat lucu terbagi dua, yaitu yang tanpa afiks
apa pun dan yang berprefiks ber- atau ter-. Morfem kena mempunyai kedua karekteristik
tersebut.
Kena, sebagai predikat lucu, memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu yang memiliki
dua interpretasi. Kalimat kena dengan klausa sematan pasif seperti contoh (5) mempunyai dua
interpretasi, yaitu interpretasi kawalan biasa dan interpretasi bersilang, yang bisa digambarkan
seperti (6). Seperti telah diuraikan di atas, semantik kena bisa diparafrasekan menjadi ‘ditekan
113
oleh keadaan luar’ dan sebagainya. Jadi, “yang kena” dalam (6) berarti pihak yang ditekan oleh
keadaan luar.
(5)
Perompak itu kena ditangkap (oleh) polis. 3
(i) ‘Perampok itu kena tangkap oleh polisi.’
(ii) ‘Polisi harus menangkap perampok itu./Perampok itu harus ditangkap oleh polis.’
(6)
a. Interpretasi kawalan biasa (5i)
perompak itu
polis
‘yang kena’
‘yang ditangkap’
(argumen luar kena)
(argumen dalam tangkap)
b. Interpretasi bersilang (5ii)
perompak itu
‘yang kena’
(argumen luar kena)
‘yang ditangkap’
(argumen dalam tangkap)
‘yang menangkap’
(argumen luar tangkap)
polis
‘yang menangkap’
(argumen luar tangkap)
Dalam interpretasi kawalan biasa (6a), entitas yang “kena” atau ditekan oleh keadaan luar agar
dia ditangkap adalah argumen dalam tangkap, yaitu ‘perompak itu’. Keadaan luar menekan
‘perompak itu’, tidak peduli suka atau tidak, untuk menjalani dan mengalami suatu tindakan
yang tidak menyenangkan, yakni dia ‘ditangkap oleh polis(i)’. Sementara itu, dalam tafsiran
bersilang (6b), entitas yang “kena” itu adalah ‘polis(i)’, yang merupakan argumen luar tangkap.
Dalam kasus ini, keadaan luar, misalnya tuntutan masyarakat yang cukup kuat, menekan
‘polis(i)’, tidak mempedulikan kemauan mereka sendiri, menjalani suatu tindakan, yakni
‘perompak itu’ ‘ditangkap oleh’ mereka. Untuk menjalani tindakan itu, mereka “harus” atau
“terpaksa” menangkap perampok tersebut.
Dari segi struktur kalimat, predikat lucu mengambil klausa berkurang (reduced clause)
sebagai komplemennya, dan bukan klausa lengkap seperti TP dan CP. Secara khusus, Nomoto
(2011) mengusulkan bahwa klausa komplemen predikat lucu adalah vP. Maka, kalimat kawalan
lucu mempunyai struktur seperti yang ditunjukkan berikut.
(7)
Struktur kalimat kawalan lucu
TP
DP
T
vP
v
VP
vP
V
predikat lucu
tDP
v
VP
…V…
Seperti mana yang ditunjukkan dalam grafik pohon di atas, kalimat kawalan lucu melibatkan
pergerakan DP, yaitu DP yang pada dasarnya menempati posisi Spek, vP bergerak naik ke
posisi Spek, TP. Hal ini terbukti berdasarkan fakta yang menunjukkan bahwa ambiguitas antara
interpretasi kawalan biasa dan interpretasi bersilang hilang apabila predikat lucu dimarkahi oleh
prefiks meN-. Perhatikan contoh (8).
114
(8)
Ali mencuba dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu.
(i) ‘Ali mencoba untuk dibunuh oleh perampok itu.’
(ii) *‘Perampok itu mencoba untuk membunuh Ali.’
(interpretasi bersilang)
Pada umumnya, telah diakui oleh para peneliti bahwa prefiks meN- merupakan
penghalang pada pergerakan DP (Saddy 1991; Soh 1998; Cole dan Hermon 1998). Berdasarkan
temuan tersebut, masuk akal apabila kita berpikir bahwa hilangnya interpretasi bersilang dalam
kalimat (8) disebabkan tidak adanya pergerakan DP karena pergerakan tersebut dihalangi oleh
prefiks meN- seperti ditunjukkan pada (9a) di bawah. Dengan kata lain, struktur kalimat
kawalan lucu dengan predikat lucu seperti cuba ‘coba’ melibatkan pergerakan DP, sedangkan
kalimat non-kawalan lucu dengan predikat kawalan biasa seperti mencuba ‘mencoba’ tidak
melibatkan pergerakan DP. Sehubungan dengan hal tersebut, struktur kalimat (8) adalah (9b),
yaitu struktur kawalan biasa dengan PRO.
(9)
a. Alii mencuba [vP ti dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu].
b. Alii mencuba [CP [TP PROi dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu]].
Sebagai kesimpulan, berlandaskan ciri morfologis dan semantik yang telah
dikemukakan, morfem kena dalam bahasa Melayu termasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu seperti
juga verba cuba ‘coba’ dan mahu ‘mau’. Kena sebagai predikat lucu menempati V, dan
mengambil vP sebagai komplemennya.
Kena dan Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat
Pada bagian 2.2 di atas telah disebutkan fakta-fakta semantik dan sintaktik yang mendukung
usulan bahwa kena termasuk kelas predikat lucu. Menurut Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam
penilaian), kena bukan merupakan morfem pemarkah pasif, karena morfem tersebut dapat hadir
bersama-sama pemarkah diatesis morfologis, yaitu pemarkah aktif meN-4 dan juga pemarkah
pasif di-. Perhatikan contoh berikut.
(10)
a. Polis kena [vP men-[t]angkap perompak itu].
‘Polisi harus menangkap perampok itu.’
b. Perompak itu kena [vP di-tangkap oleh polis].
‘Perampok itu kena ditangkap oleh polisi.’
Dalam contoh (10) terlihat jelas bahwa morfem kena dapat hadir bersama-sama
pemarkah aktif meN- maupun pemarkah pasif di-. Tambahan pula, kena juga dapat muncul
pada kalimat aktif lugas (bare active) dan kalimat pasif lugas (bare passive), yang juga dikenal
sebagai Pasif Tipe 2 (P2), seperti di bawah.
(11)
a.
b.
Aku kena [vP ØAKTIF tembak monyet-monyet liar itu].
‘Aku harus tembak monyet-monyet liar itu.’
Monyet-monyet liar itu kena [vP ØPASIF aku tembak]. 5
Contoh-contoh (10) dan (11) di atas tidak bisa dijelaskan jika kena merupakan morfem
pemarkah pasif maupun pemarkah aktif. Oleh karena itu, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa tidak
ada pemarkah diatesis yang nyata atau eksplisit yang terkandung pada kalimat kena (apabila
kena tidak diikuti oleh pemarkah diatesis morfologis tertentu). Dengan kata lain, alternasi
diatesis yang terdapat pada kalimat kena aktif dan kalimat kena pasif dalam bahasa Melayu
adalah bersifat tersirat atau implisit, atau disebut juga sebagai alternasi diatesis tersirat (covert
voice alternation). Alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat kena dirumuskan seperti dalam (12)
dan (13).
115
(12)
Alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat kena
a. Aktif
DPluar kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP V DPdalam ]]6
b. Pasif
DPdalam kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP V] (oleh) DPluar ]
(13)
a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]].
‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’
b. Wanita itu kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) Ali].
(aktif)
(pasif)
ØAKTIF dalam (12a) dan (13a) adalah pemarkah diatesis nol (Ø) pada kalimat aktif lugas.
Dengan berlandaskan urutan kata dan keopsionalan preposisi oleh, ØPASIF2 dalam (12b) dan
(13b) bukan pemarkah diatesis nol pada kalimat pasif lugas. Sebaliknya, kami beranggapan
bahwa ØPASIF2 adalah alomorf nol secara fonologis kepada pemarkah pasif morfologis, yaitu di-.
Bagian 2 tulisan ini telah membahas konstruksi pasif kena dalam bahasa Melayu yang
mempunyai padanan kalimat aktif, yaitu kalimat kena yang mengekspresi makna ‘harus’.
Selain itu, telah dibahas pula bahwa kena adalah predikat lucu, yang terkait dengan fenomena
kawalan lucu. Dalam struktur kalimat predikat lucu, kena menempati V, dan mengambil vP
sebagai komplemennya. Selain itu, dibahas juga bahwa bahasa Melayu mempunyai alternasi
diatesis tersirat yang terdapat pada kalimat kena. Bagian 3 selanjutnya akan membahaskan
kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia.
KALIMAT KENA DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA
Pada permulaan makalah ini, kita sudah melihat perbedaan di antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa
Indonesia berkenaan dengan kalimat kena. Kalimat kena seperti (1), yang ditulis ulang di
bawah sebagai (14), dapat dipahami dengan dua makna. Menurut analisis kami yang
dikemukakan di bagian 2, kedua interpretasi berdasarkan sintaksis kalimat yang berlainan, yakni
interpretasi (i) berdasarkan kalimat pasif sedangkan interpretasi (ii), di mana kata kena
mengungkapkan makna keharusan, berdasarkan kalimat aktif.
(14)
Ali kena tipu wanita itu.
(i) ‘Ali kena tipu oleh wanita itu.’
(ii) ‘Ali harus menipu wanita itu’.
(Indonesia dan Malaysia)
(Malaysia sahaja)
Analisis kami terhadap kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu ini berarti bahwa kalimat kena dalam
bahasa Indonesia memiliki pola pasif saja. Hal ini menimbulkan satu persoalan, yaitu mengapa
kalimat kena yang berpola aktif tidak dibenarkan dalam bahasa Indonesia? Bagian ini
mengusulkan jawaban pada persoalan tersebut.
Usulan
Kami mengusulkan bahwa kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan yang mengambil
argumen luar yang terpengaruh ([+AFF]), berbeda daripada kena dalam bahasa Melayu, yang
dikemukakan sebagai predikat lucu. Menurut analisis tradisional, kalimat kawalan mengandung
PRO, seperti contoh (15).
(15)
Ibui mencoba [PROi memasak spageti].
Mencoba pada kalimat di atas adalah verba kawalan, sementara PRO adalah subjek nol yang
terkandung pada klausa yang tersemat. PRO memiliki hubungan saling rujuk (coreferential)
dengan subjek nyata, yaitu DP ibu. Dengan kata lain, DP ibu merupakan pengontrol
(controller) terhadap PRO.
Dalam pada itu, kami mengasumsikan bahwa pada kalimat kawalan, PRO dan DP
pengontrol harus koheren secara semantik, seperti (16a) dan (17a). Kalau tidak, kalimatnya
tidak berterima, seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam (16b−d) dan (17b−d).
116
(16)
a. DPi[+α]
b. *DPi[+α]
c. *DPi[±α]
d. *DPi
… PROi[+α]
… PROi[−α]
… PROi
… PROi[±α]
(nilai fitur sama)
(nilai fitur berbeda)
(PRO tidak memiliki fitur relevan)
(pengontrol tidak memiliki fitur relevan)
(17)
a. Theyi[+PL] tried to [PROi[+PL] gather at Monas].
‘Mereka coba berkumpul di Monas.’
b. *Shei[−PL] tried to [PROi[+PL] gather at Monas].
‘*Dia coba berkumpul di Monas.’
c. *I wanted the skyi[θ] [PROi to rain]. cf. I wanted iti [PROi to rain].
‘*Saya ingin langit hujan.’
‘Saya ingin hujan.’
d. *I wanted PROi [the skyi[θ] to rain].
‘*Saya ingin langit hujan.’
(= versi kawalan ke belakang (backward control) bagi (c))
Dalam hal tersebut, kami mengusulkan bahwa ciri-ciri semantik yang relevan untuk
kalimat kena adalah ciri-ciri yang terkait dengan makna keterpengaruhan (affectedness). Hal ini
sejajar dengan deskripsi dalam penelitian terdahulu yang melaporkan bahwa subjek pada
kalimat pasif kena lazimnya merupakan entitas yang terpengaruh (Koh 1990; Bao dan Wee
1999; Chung 2005), terkena pengaruh, atau dipengaruhi oleh sesuatu. Menyentuh tentang
keterpengaruhan, Beavers (2011) membedakan empat tingkat keterpengaruhan yang didasarkan
pada bagaimana suatu predikat menentukan perubahan yang dialami oleh argumen benda
(theme). Hirarki tersebut adalah seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam grafik berikut.
(18)
Hirarki Keterpengaruhan (Beavers 2011)
A.
Perubahan
terkuantisasi
(quantized)
B.
C.
Perubahan tak
Potensi
> terkuantisasi
> untuk
(non-quantized)
perubahan
D.
Tiada
> spesifikasi
mengenai
perubahan
penyelesaian
(accomplishment)/
pencapaian
(achievement)
pencapaian
derajat (degree
achievement)/
pemotongan
sentuhan
permukaan/
dampak
lain-lain
aktivitas/
keadaan
break ‘pecah’, shatter
‘remuk’
widen ‘melebar’,
cool ‘menyejuk’,
cut ‘memotong’
wipe
‘menyapu’,
hit
‘memukul’
see ‘nampak’,
smell
‘mencium’
Berdasarkan hirarki keterpengaruhan ini, kami mengasumsikan bahwa dalam setiap klausa,
indeks [+AFF] diberikan kepada DP yang memiliki “potensi perubahan” atau mengalami
perubahan sebenarnya, yaitu A, B dan C dalam (18). Sebagai contoh, DP Ali pada kalimat (19a)
dan (19b) diberi indeks [+AFF].
(19)
a. Wanita itu menipu Ali[+AFF].
b. Ali[+AFF] ditipu oleh wanita itu.
Mari kita kembali kepada permasalahan mengenai kalimat kena dalam bahasa
Indonesia: mengapa kalimat kena hanya memiliki pola pasif tetapi tidak memiliki pola aktif?
Kami mengusulkan bahwa kena dapat hadir pada klausa pasif, karena PRO dan pengontrolnya
117
memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Dengan kata lain, pada kalimat kena pasif, PRO dan pengontrolnya
terpengaruh, sehingga keduanya koheren secara semantik.
(20)
Pasif
Alii[+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi[+AFF] ØPASIF2 tipu oleh wanita itu]].
Sementara itu, pada kalimat aktif, hanya pengontrol saja yang memiliki indeks [+AFF],
sedangkan PRO tidak mengandung indeks [+AFF]. Malahan, dalam klausa sematan, DP objek
wanita itu terpengaruh oleh perbuatan penipuan, sehingga memiliki indeks [+AFF].
(21)
Aktif
*Alii[+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi ØAKTIF tipu wanita itu[+AFF]]].
Hal ini menjelaskan mengapa bahasa Indonesia tidak memiliki kalimat kena aktif.
Struktur kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia ditunjukkan pada (22).
(22)
Struktur kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia
TP
DP i [+AFF]
T
vP
v
VP
CP
V
kena
C
TP
PROi [+AFF]
T
vP
v
VP
ØPASIF 2
…V…
Berdasarkan struktur (22) di atas, terlihat bahwa kena sebagai verba kawalan
mengambil CP sebagai komplemennya. Hal ini berbeda dengan kalimat kena dalam bahasa
Melayu di mana kena sebagai predikat lucu yang mengambil vP sebagai komplemannya
(bandingkan dengan struktur (7)). Struktur (22) juga menunjukkan bahwa PRO dan DP
pengontrol memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Dengan kata lain, PRO dan pengontrol koheren secara
semantik. Perhatikan juga bahwa DP pada struktur kalimat kawalan tidak mengalami kenaikan,
berbeda dengan DP yang terdapat pada kalimat predikat lucu yang mengalami penaikan ke
posisi Spek, TP.
Prediksi
Bagian ini meneliti prediksi yang terkait dengan struktur (22). Terdapat tiga prediksi seperti
berikut:
(23)
a. Prediksi 1: Pemarkah pasif morfologis didapat muncul pada kalimat pasif kena
karena ØPASIF2 adalah variasi yang tersirat bagi di- (lihat bagian 2).
118
b. Prediksi 2: Karena ØPASIF2 ditemukan pada kalimat pasif kena, maka ia juga
seharusnya dapat ditemukan pada konstruksi yang lain, dan konstruksi tersebut
memperlihatkan alternasi diatesis tersirat.
c. Prediksi 3: Unsur C/T yang tersirat mungkin muncul pada kalimat pasif kena.
Sehubungan dengan Prediksi 1, adalah mudah sekali untuk menemukan kalimat pasif
kena bersama dengan pemarkah pasif morfologis di-. Perhatikan contoh (24).
(24)
a. “Aduh sakit, bibirku kena di-pukul sama polisi,” kata Uci. 7
b. Dia kena di-tipu oleh seorang yang mengaku mewakili Tumenggung. 8
Fakta tersebut tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan dengan analisis alternatif yang mungkin,
yaitu analisis yang menganalisis kena sebagai pemarkah diatesis pasif, seperti pada contoh (25).
(25)
Wanita itu [vP kena [VP tipu] oleh Ali].
Berdasarkan analisis tersebut, kena dan pemarkah pasif di- masing-masing dianggap menduduki
posisi struktural yang sama, yaitu di v.
Prediksi 3 adalah menyangkut tentang kehadiran untuk pada kalimat pasif kena. Kami
berasumsi bahwa kata untuk merupakan komplementiser atau unsur T dalam bahasa Indonesia
(dan juga dalam bahasa Melayu). Sesungguhnya kalimat pasif kena yang mengandung kata
untuk bisa ditemukan di dalam internet.
(26)
a. Siapakah yang paling mudah/berpontensi kena untuk dibrainwash?9, 10
b. Pada saat razia rambut yang selalu kena untuk dicukur gratis oleh bu Niken adalah
gigih. 11
Namun, konsultan kami menilai bahwa kedua kalimat pasif kena yang terdapat kata untuk
sebagai kalimat yang ganjil. Kalimat tersebut berterima jika kata untuk dihilangkan.
Kami berpikir bahwa penilaian konsultan kami dapat dipahami apabila kita
memedulikan kenyataan tentang kata untuk. Bahasa Indonesia memiliki unsur C/T nol yang
dapat beralternasi dengan untuk.
(27)
Saya mencoba untuk/Ø merokok Dji Sam Soe.
(Sneddon 1996: 295)
Sneddon (1996) mengatakan bahwa “kata untuk jarang muncul mengikuti beberapa verba
utama, seperti mencoba.” Kena dianggap sebagai salah satu verba utama. Kemunculannya
bersama untuk terlihat lebih jarang daripada mencoba. Dalam bagian 4 berikut, akan diuraikan
Prediksi 2 yang membahas alternasi diatesis tersirat dalam bahasa Indonesia.
PREDIKSI 2: ALTERNASI DIATESIS TERSIRAT
Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat
Seperti yang telah disebut dalam bagian 2, kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu menunjukkan
alternasi diatesis tersirat, seperti dalam contoh (14) yang dikemukakan ulang pada (28) di
bawah.
(28)
a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]]
b. Wanita itu kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) Ali].
(aktif)
(pasif)
Alternasi diatesis tersirat ini muncul karena walaupun dua kalimat memperlihatkan alternasi
diatesis secara sintaksis, namun tidak ada pemarkah nyata yang menunjukkan diatesis ini secara
fonologis. Pemarkah pasif yang digunakan di dalam kalimat pasif di atas adalah ØPASIF2, yaitu
varian nol kepada pemarkah pasif morfologis di-.
119
Menurut analisis kami di bagian 3, morfem ØPASIF2 juga digunakan dalam kalimat pasif
kena dalam bahasa Indonesia. Hal ini berarti bahwa alternasi diatesis tersirat juga ditemukan
dalam bahasa Indonesia, khususnya dalam kalimat yang melibatkan ØPASIF2.
Dalam penelitian terdahulu terhadap bahasa Melayu, pernah dicatat bahwa kalimat terberalternasi diatesis tanpa pemarkah nyata maupun urutan kata khas seperti contoh (29) di
bawah (Za‘ba 2000: 213; Abdullah 1974: 107; Nik Safiah dkk. 2008: 174).
(29)
a. Polis tertangkap lelaki itu.
‘Polisi salah menangkap laki-laki itu.’
b. Lelaki itu tertangkap (oleh) polis.
‘Laki-laki itu salah ditangkap oleh polisi.’
(aktif)
(pasif)
Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) menganalisis alternasi seperti ini sebagai kasus alternasi
diatesis tersirat. Menurut analisis kami, kalimat-kalimat (29) mempunyai struktur dalam (30).
(30)
a. Polis ter- [vP ØAKTIF [VP tangkap lelaki itu]].
b. Lelaki itu ter- [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tangkap] (oleh) polis].
(aktif)
(pasif)
Berdasarkan keberadaan alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Melayu,
kemungkinan besar kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia juga menunjukkan alternasi diatesis
tersirat. Bagian selanjutnya akan mengurai persoalan apakah alternasi diatesis tersirat benarbenar terdapat pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia.
Apakah Ada Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat pada Kalimat ter- dalam Bahasa Indonesia?
Penelitian Terdahulu mengenai Kalimat ter- dalam Bahasa Indonesia
Prefiks ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia, memiliki pelbagai fungsi (Sneddon 1996; Alwi dkk. 1998).
Pada umumnya, fungsi terdapat diklasifikasikan dalam tiga kategori, yaitu (i) kebetulan
(accidental), (ii) keadaan hasil (result state) dan (iii) kemampuan (abilitative).12 Contoh-contoh
ketiga fungsi ini diturunkan di bawah.
(31)
a. Kebetulan
Latif tertidur di kelas.
b. Keadaan hasil
Patung dewa itu terbuat dari emas.
c. Kemampuan
Mobil semahal itu tidak terbeli oleh saya.
(Sneddon 1996: 114)
(Sneddon 1996: 113)
(Sneddon 1996: 116)
Kebanyakan penelitian bahasa Indonesia beranggapan bahwa semua tipe kalimat teradalah pasif. Sebagai contoh, Sneddon (1996) menyatakan bahwa argumen disusun seperti
kalimat pasif bagi semua tipe kalimat ter-. Lebih jelasnya adalah sebagai berikut:
Verba kebetulan transitif adalah pasif. (hlm. 114)
Semua konstruksi kemampuan adalah transitif serta pasif. (hlm. 116)
Semua verba ter- statif berkoresponden dengan verba pasif dasar .... (hlm. 113) 13
Namun demikian, Sneddon menyebut satu perkecualian yang berkaitan dengan verba teringat.
Menurut Sneddon (1996: 116), selain penggunaan dalam struktur pasif, verba teringat
mempunyai penggunaan dalam struktur aktif seperti yang ditunjukkan pada (32) di bawah.
(32)
a. Saya teringat akan keluarga saya.
b. Keluarga itu teringat oleh saya.
(aktif)
(pasif)
(Sneddon 1996: 116)
Perlu disebutkan di sini bahwa verba teringat dalam contoh (32a) adalah verba intransitif, dan
berbeda dari verba tertangkap pada kalimat aktif ter- bahasa Melayu dalam contoh (29) yang
merupakan verba transitif.
120
Alwi dkk. (1998) menguraikan seolah-olah verba ter- diterbitkan berdasarkan verba
pasif yang berprefiks di-. Hal ini jelas terlihat dalam kutipan di bawah.
Verba yang berprefiks ter- pada umumnya erat berkaitan dengan verba yang berprefiks
di-.
Contoh
membawa
mengungkapkan
memenuhi
à dibawa
à diungkapkan
à dipenuhi
à terbawa
à terungkapkan
à terpenuhi
(hlm.130−131)
Jika kalimat aktif diubah menjadi kalimat pasif dan dalam kalimat pasif itu terkandung
pula pengertian bahwa perbuatan yang dinyatakan oleh verba itu mengandung unsur
yang tak sengaja, maka bentuk prefiks yang dipakai untuk verba bukan di-, melainkan
ter-. (hlm. 348)
Tambahan pula, semua contoh kalimat ter- yang diberikan mereka mengikuti susunan argumen
pasif. Jadi, dapat dikatakan bahwa mereka menganggap ter- sebagai pemarkah pasif.
Jika semua kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah “pasif,” yaitu tidak langsung
memperlihatkan alternasi diatesis, maka ter- lebih baik dianalisa sebagai pemarkah intransitif
atau pengintransitif (intransitiviser) yang memiliki semantik modal/aspektual, serupa seperti
sufiks -e yang terdapat dalam bahasa Jepang. 14
(33)
Transitif
a. mi-ru ‘melihat’
b. tur-u ‘memancing’
c. war-u ‘memecahkan’
Intransitif15
mi-e-ru ‘terlihat, (bisa) dilihat’
tur-e-ru ‘terpancing, (bisa) dipancing’
war-e-ru ‘terpecah, (bisa) dipecahkan’
Jika fakta empiris bahasa Indonesia benar-benar seperti yang dilaporkan oleh Sneddon (1996)
dan Alwi dkk. (1998), maka tidak ada alasan untuk mengandaikan keberadaan Ø PASIF2 pada
kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia, sebagaimana yang terdapat dalam bahasa Melayu. Hal ini
berarti bahwa konstruksi pasif kena adalah satu-satunya tempat munculnya ØPASIF2, dan
membuat analisis kami agak stipulatif.
Namun demikian, Mintz (2002) telah mengemukakan contoh yang menunjukkan
kalimat ter- aktif yang bersifat transitif, seperti berikut.16
(34)
a. Sofiah terpijak kaki saya ketika kami naik bas
b. Anak Hamid tertelan benda-benda yang kotor.
(Mintz 2002: 199)
Seandainya deskripsi yang dikemukakan oleh Sneddon (1996) adalah tepat, maka kalimatkalimat dalam (34), seharusnya tidak gramatikal. Seharusnya kalimat-kalimat tersebut ditukar
menjadi kalimat intransitif (“dipasifkan”), seperti dalam contoh di bawah.
(35)
a. Kaki saya terpijak oleh Sofiah ketika kami naik bis.
b. Benda-benda yang kotor tertelan oleh anak Hamid.
Alwi dkk. (1998) tidak mengatakan apakah kalimat seperti pada (34) dapat berterima atau tidak.
Satu persoalan yang timbul dari hal ini ialah apakah kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif
adalah gramatikal, dapat berterima dalam bahasa Indonesia atau sebaliknya? Jawaban positif
untuk pertanyaan ini berarti bahwa kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia juga menunjukkan
alternasi diatesis tersirat, dan turut mengesahkan keberadaan ØPASIF2 yang digunakan dalam
analisis kami terhadap konstruksi pasif kena.
121
Kalimat ter- yang Aktif dan Transitif dalam Penggunaan yang Sebenarnya
Untuk meneliti kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif dalam penggunaan yang sebenarnya, kami
telah mencari data dari internet dan menemukan cukup banyak contoh-contoh klausa ter- yang
terkait. Beberapa contoh dari data tersebut dikemukakan seperti berikut (dan pada Lampiran A).
(36)
Kemungkinan gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan termakan racun yang
ditebar masyarakat tadi, kata Fadli. 17
(37)
..., rupanya penyebabnya adalah “si pemuda telah terminum susu kadaluwarsa”18
(38)
Di Amerika, separuh dari kasus anak tertelan koin harus ditangani di ruang UGD, kata
James S. Reily, MD, ....19
(39)
Kemarin gw sempat ternonton salah satu episodnya oprah tentang umr.20
(40)
Jika saat makan, baju kesayangan anda terciprat kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit atau
terkena air saat minum segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut ....’21
Kami menggunakan dua kriteria berikut untuk membedakan klausa ter- transitif dari
yang intrasitif, yaitu (i) kalimat pasif yang dibentuk dari kalimat yang tampak transitif tersebut
adalah gramatikal, dan (ii) kalimat yang sama tetapi tanpa prefiks ter- (atau dengan prefiks
meN- alih-alih ter-) adalah berterima. Sebagai contoh, gajah [...] termakan racun [...]dalam
contoh (36) dianggap sebagai klausa transitif aktif, karena dua kalimat berikut adalah berterima,
yaitu (i) Racun termakan oleh gajah dan (ii) Gajah (me-)makan racun. Tugas membedakan
klausa transitif dengan klausa intransitif menjadi agak rumit jika suatu klausa tersebut tidak
mengandung DP yang nyata sebelum verba ter-. Hal ini karena klausa seperti itu bisa dianalisis
dengan dua cara, yaitu sebagai klausa transitif aktif yang tidak memiliki subjek nyata (terjadi
karena koordinasi, relativisasi dan sebagainya) dan sebagai klausa intransitif (“pasif”) yang
satu-satunya argumen verbanya hadir di belakang verba. Hanya dalam kasus kedua tersebut,
kita bisa menyisipkan frase preposisi agentif dengan oleh setelah verba ter-. Pertimbangkan
(41) berikut.
(41)
Tewasnya Agnes sebenarnya sudah diduga oleh warga sekitar. Pasalnya beberapa hari
Agnes tidak terlihat, dan tiba-tiba tercium bau menyengat dari kamar gadis tersebut.22
Klausa yang ditunjukkan dengan huruf miring adalah intransitif. Pelaku tercium bukanlah
Agnes di dalam kalimat yang sama, melainkan warga sekitar yang muncul pada kalimat
sebelumnya. Jadi, frase oleh warga sekitar bisa disisipkan setelah verba tercium.
Berkaitan dengan kalimat-kalimat (36)−(40) di atas, kami juga telah memilih empat
konsultan/penutur bahasa Indonesia dan meneliti bagaimana derajat keberterimaan kalimatkalimat tersebut dan variannya dengan klausa pasif terbagi mereka. Empat konsultan/penutur
yang dipilih berasal dari Lampung (Penutur 1), Medan (Penutur 2), Semarang (Penutur 3) dan
Jakarta (Penutur 4). Kuesioner yang digunakan untuk tujuan penelitian ini dikemukakan dalam
Lampiran B. Hasil penelitian kami adalah seperti yang tercatat dalam (42).
(42)
Hasil penelitian
a. Aktif: ‘DP1 ter-V DP2’
Kalimat [verba]
(36) [termakan]
(37) [terminum]
(38) [tertelan]
(39) [ternonton]23
(40) [terciprat]
(40) [terkena]
Penutur 1
OK
OK
OK
OK
OK
OK
122
Penutur 2
?
*?
?
OK
?
OK
Penutur 3
?
?
*?
*?
OK
OK
Penutur 4
*?
*?
*?
OK
?
*?
b. Pasif: (a) ‘DP2 ter-V oleh DP1’, (b) ‘ter-V oleh DP1 DP2’
Penutur 1
Penutur 2
Penutur 3
Kalimat [verba]
(a) (b)
(a) (b)
(a) (b)
(36) [termakan] *?
*
*? OK
OK OK
(37) [terminum] *
*?
OK *?
OK ?
(38) [tertelan]
*?
*
*
OK
?
OK
(39) [ternonton]
*
*?
?
OK
?
?
(40) [terciprat]
*
*?
*?
*?
?
?
(40) [terkena]
*
*?
*?
*?
*?
?
c. Lambang:
OK:
“betul dan cocok”
?:
“betul tetapi kurang cocok”
*?:
“bisa dipahami tetapi ganjil”
*:
“salah”
Penutur 4
(a) (b)
OK OK
OK ?
OK ?
*?
?
*?
?
OK ?
Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penutur 1 lebih memilih pola aktif dibandingkan
pola pasif, sementara penutur yang lain lebih cenderung memilih pola pasif. Namun demikian,
mereka juga menerima pola aktif dalam beberapa contoh. Alternasi diatesis tersirat ditemukan
untuk penutur 2, 3 dan 4, di bagian yang digelapkan pada hasil penelitian dalam (42).
Berdasarkan fakta tersebut, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa bahasa Indonesia juga memiliki
kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif, yaitu kalimat ter- dengan ØAKTIF, dan juga mempunyai
alternasi diatesis tersirat, yaitu alternasi antara kalimat dengan ØAKTIF dan kalimat
berkoresponden dengan ØPASIF2. Oleh karena itu, prediksi 2 juga telah terbukti. Tampaknya
perbedaan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia bukanlah “bahasa Melayu mempunyai
alternasi diatesis tersirat sedangkan bahasa Indonesia tidak” maupun “kalimat ter- (yang
bermakna kebetulan) dalam bahasa Melayu mengikuti pola aktif sedangkan kalimat ter- dalam
bahasa Indonesia mengikuti pola pasif.” Perbedaan yang sebenarnya lebih halus sifatnya, yaitu
ØAKTIF pada kalimat ter- tersebar luas dalam bahasa Melayu, sedangkan penyebaran morfem
tersebut terbatas dalam bahasa Indonesia (kecuali pada penutur 1).
PENUTUP
Rumusan
Perbincangan dalam makalah ini telah mencapai tiga kesimpulan penting. Pertama, kena pada
kalimat pasif kena bukanlah pemarkah diatesis pasif, melainkan verba modal baik dalam bahasa
Melayu maupun bahasa Indonesia. Secara spesifik, makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa kena
adalah predikat lucu dalam bahasa Melayu, sementara kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah
verba kawalan. Maka kalimat Ali kena tipu (oleh) wanita itu mempunyai struktur berbeda di
antara dua bahasa, yaitu (43) dalam bahasa Melayu dan (44) dalam bahasa Indonesia.
(43)
(44)
Bahasa Melayu
a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]].
b. Ali kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) wanita itu].
(aktif)
(pasif)
Bahasa Indonesia
a. *Alii [+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu [+AFF]]]]].
b. Alii [+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi [+AFF] [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) wanita itu]]].
(aktif)
(pasif)
Kedua, seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam (44b) di atas, kena dalam bahasa Indonesia bisa
menyematkan klausa pasif, karena pada klausa pasif, PRO dan pengontrolnya koheren secara
semantik. Secara spesifik, keduanya memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Sebaliknya, kriteria ini didapati
tidak berlaku pada klausa aktif karena PRO tidak memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Oleh karena itu,
123
kalimat kena dengan klausa sematan aktif seperti kalimat (44a) di atas mengingkari kondisi
koherensi semantik di antara PRO dan pengontrolnya. Hal ini menjawab pertanyaan mengapa
bahasa Indonesia tidak memiliki kalimat kena aktif yang terkait dengan makna ‘harus’,
sebagaimana kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu.
Ketiga, analisis yang dirumuskan di (43) dan (44) di atas juga menunjukkan bahwa
alternasi diatesis tersirat terdapat dengan jelas di dalam bahasa Melayu, khususnya pada kalimat
kena dan kalimat ter-. Namun demikian, bahasa Indonesia juga didapati mempunyai alternasi
diatesis tersirat, seperti yang ditemukan pada kalimat ter-.
Selain temuan-temuan tersebut, makalah ini memperlihatkan bahwa dengan
melaksanakan studi perbandingan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia, kita dapat
membuka persoalan-persoalan yang belum pernah tersentuh atau belum terjawab dibanding
apabila penelitian hanya dibuat dari satu bahasa saja. Justru penelitian seperti ini dapat
menawarkan wawasan baru untuk menganalisa fenomena bahasa dalam kedua bahasa.
Implikasi: Perkembangan Penggunaan-penggunaan Kata Kena
Analisis kami menunjukkan hipotesis yang bersifat lancar dan masuk akal tentang
perkembangan penggunaan kata kena. Hipotesis itu bisa dirumuskan seperti dalam (45) di
bawah.
(45)
Perkembangan penggunaan-penggunaan kata kena
PERINGKAT
a.
sentuhan secara fisik
‘tersentuh, tertabrak’
b. sentuhan secara
abstrak ‘dapat;
terkena’
c. pasif penderitaan
(adversatif)
d.
pasif penderitaan
(adversatif) & debitif
‘harus’
SINTAKSIS
kena DP
SEMANTIK
GOLONGAN
<Sasaran, Benda>
verba transitif
normal
↓ perubahan semantik (perubahan medan)
kena DP
<Sasaran/Pengalam,
verba transitif
Benda/Peristiwa>
normal
↓ perubahan sintaksis (komplemen klausa)
kena CP
<Pengalam, Peristiwa>
verba kawalan
(tradisional)
↓ perubahan sintaksis (pergerakan)
kena vP
<Pengalam, Peristiwa>
verba kawalan
lucu
(a) Mula-mula kata kena hanya mempunyai penggunaan sebagai verba transitif normal
dengan makna sentuhan secara fisik ‘tersentuh, tertabrak’. Sebagai verba transitif
normal, kena mengambil satu DP sebagai komplemennya dan DP ini dipahami
sebagai Benda, yaitu entitas yang bergerak. Subjek kalimat kena berperan sebagai
Sasaran, yaitu entitas yang menjadi tujuan Benda tersebut. Contoh penggunaan
kena pada peringkat ini terdapat dalam (46) dan (47).
(46)
Bahasa Melayu
Tanganku kena [DP pisau] tapi tak berdarah.
Sasaran
Benda
(47)
Bahasa Indonesia
Tangan ku kena [DP pisau] tapi gak berdarah.24
Sasaran
Benda
(b) Kemudian, terjadi perubahan semantik, yaitu perubahan medan dari medan fisik ke
medan abstrak. Perubahan ini juga mempengaruhi kerangka teta. DP yang diambil
oleh kena bisa dipahami sebagai Peristiwa juga. Dalam kasus ini, DP subjek
berperan Pengalam (experiencer). Tidak ada perubahan apa-apa dengan pola
sintaksis. Contoh penggunaan kena pada peringkat ini terdapat dalam (48) dan (49).
124
(48)
Bahasa Melayu
a. Gerai-gerai makan kecil pun boleh kena
[DP cukai].
Sasaran
Benda
b. Saya dan rakan kena [DP pemeriksaan berjam] di Airport, ....25
Pengalam
Peristiwa
(49)
Bahasa Indonesia
a. Warung-warung makan kecil bisa kena
[DP pajak] ....26
Sasaran
Benda
b. ... saya kena [DP penipuan oleh ibu Margaretno Ningsih] yang ....27
Pengalam
Peristiwa
(c) Perubahan semantik yang terjadi pada peringkat (b) membolehkan perubahan
sintaksis dari verba transitif normal ke verba kawalan (tradisional), yang mengambil
klausa lengkap, yaitu CP. Hal ini karena peristiwa lebih biasa diasosiasi dengan
CP, meskipun ia juga boleh diekspresi dengan DP. Oleh karena kondisi yang
menuntut PRO dan pengontrolnya koheren secara semantik, hanya kalimat pasif
yang gramatikal. Kalimat pasif ini biasanya disebut kalimat pasif kena atau kalimat
pasif penderitaan (adversatif). Tiada perubahan besar dari segi semantik.
(d) Perkembangan selanjutnya hanya terjadi dalam bahasa Melayu. Perubahan yang
terjadi bersifat sintaktis. Secara spesifik, struktur klausanya dikecilkan dari CP ke
vP. Dalam bahasa Melayu (dan juga bahasa Indonesia), verba yang mengambil vP
sebagai komplemen adalah predikat lucu seperti cuba/coba dan mahu/mau. Jadi,
verba kena pada peringkat ini merupakan kelas predikat lucu, dan oleh karena itu,
memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu, seperti yang diterangkan di bagian 2.2 di
atas. Karena derivasi kalimat kawalan lucu tidak melibatkan PRO dan kondisi
terhadapnya, kedua klausa aktif dan pasif adalah gramatikal. Kami berpendapat
bahwa perkembangan dari peringkat (c) ke peringkat (d) dimudahkan dengan
alternasi diatesis tersirat. Hanya bahasa Melayu saja yang sampai ke peringkat (d)
karena alternasi diatesis tersirat lebih luas penyebarannya dalam bahasa Melayu jika
dibandingkan dengan bahasa Indonesia.
Perkembangan yang mungkin terjadi kemudian adalah perubahan kategori sintaksis kata
kena dari verba (V) ke kata bantu (T). Ramalan ini berdasarkan kemiripan antara V dan T,
yakni keduanya bisa mengambil vP sebagai komplemen. Menurut Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam
penilaian), kata kena dalam bahasa Melayu berperilaku sama dengan verba cuba ‘coba’, dan
bukan dengan kata bantu sudah. Hal ini berarti bahwa perubahan kategori sintaksis yang kami
prediksikan masih belum terjadi, walaupun ia dapat terjadi secara teoretis.
Persoalan Tersisa
Terdapat dua persoalan tersisa. Persoalan tersisa pertama berkaitan dengan indeks [+AFF].
Analisis kami menggunakan indeks ini untuk menjelaskan persoalan mengapa kena dalam
bahasa Indonesia tidak bisa menyematkan klausa aktif. Namun demikian, status teoretis [+AFF]
masih belum jelas dalam perbincangan ini. Banyak para peneliti telah menunjukkan adanya
kaitan di antara “keterpengaruhan” dengan peran tematik. Dowty (1991), misalnya, telah
menggunakan konsep tersebut untuk mendefinisikan Peran-Proto (Proto-Role) Pelaku dan
Penderita. Persoalannya adalah apakah [+AFF] merupakan sejenis fitur-θ? Jika demikian,
apakah fitur [+AFF] itu bisa memicu pergerakan sintaksis? Jackendoff (1990: bab 7)
mengusulkan suatu fungsi yang terkait dengan keterpengaruhan, yaitu AFF. Peran Aktor dan
Penderita/Pemanfaat (Beneficiary) masing-masing didefinisikan sebagai argumen pertama dan
kedua pada fungsi ini. AFF ada tiga macam, yaitu (i) AFF+ (mempengaruhi secara positif), (ii)
AFF− (mempengaruhi secara negatif) dan (iii) AFF 0 (tidak ada perlawanan positif-negatif).
Dalam makalah ini, kami menggunakan [+AFF] seperti fitur privatif. Namun, apakah
125
tanggapan ini dapat diterima? Haruskah kita membedakan beberapa jenis keterpengaruhan
seperti yang dilakukan oleh Jackendoff? Bosse dkk. (akan terbit) mengusulkan kepala
fungsional khusus berkenaan dengan hubungan antara peristiwa dan pengalam yang terpengaruh
oleh peristiwa itu. Persoalannya adalah bagaimanakah indeks [+AFF] itu diberikan? Apakah ia
diberikan oleh verba tertentu atau pemberiannya ditentukan secara struktural? Keberadaan
[+AFF] memerlukan penelitian lebih lanjut.
Persoalan tersisa yang kedua adalah berkaitan dengan kalimat ter- aktif dan transitif
dalam bahasa Indonesia. Dalam bagian 4.2.2, kami telah mengesahkan bahwa kalimat ter- aktif
dan transitif memang digunakan dan diterima oleh para penutur. Namun demikian, pada masa
yang sama, kami juga menemukan variasi di kalangan penutur dan juga di antara kalimat dari
sisi kadar penerimaan mereka (lihat (42)). Persoalannya di sini adalah apakah faktor-faktor
yang menyebabkan variasi tersebut? Apakah variasi ini disebabkan oleh faktor-faktor seperti
dialek penutur, konstruksi yang tertentu (misalnya urutan kata atau klausa relatif) ataupun faktor
yang terkait dengan aspek makna (misalnya golongan verba yang bermakna pencernaan,
pemukulan, dan lain-lain)? Persoalan-persoalan ini sudah pasti memerlukan penelitian yang
lebih lanjut untuk menemukan jawabannya.
CATATAN
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Kedua istilah ini adalah terjemahan dari istilah “normal control reading” dan “crossed reading” dalam
Polinsky dan Potsdom (2008).
Nomoto (2011) mendaftar contoh-contoh kalimat yang melibatkan predikat lucu dalam bahasa
Melayu, seperti berani, berjaya ‘sukses’, berhak, berhasil, berusaha, cuba ‘coba’, enggan, gagal,
hendak (lisan nak), ingin, malas, malu, mampu, rela, sempat, suka, takut dan terpaksa.
Pola kata kena diikuti dengan klausa pasif di- seperti contoh ini tidak berterima bagi sebagian penutur
bahasa Melayu.
Nomoto (2010) dan Soh (2010) berpendapat bahwa kemungkinan besar meN- bukan pemarkah aktif.
Apakah meN- berperan sebagai pemarkah aktif atau sebaliknya bukanlah hal penting dalam klaim
kami, karena morfem kena juga muncul pada kalimat pasif lugas (bare passive) dalam bahasa
Melayu.
Kriteria kalimat pasif lugas ada dua. Pertama, dari segi morfologi verba, verba tidak diberi pemarkah
diatesis nyata seperti di-, sehingga verbanya “lugas.” Kedua, dari segi urutan kata, tidak seperti
pasif morfologis, pelaku muncul di belakang kata bantu, adverba dan negasi. Dengan kata lain, tidak
berlaku kenaikan DP pelaku dari Spek, vP ke Spek, TP. Karakteristik kedua tidak bisa terlihat secara
jelas dalam kalimat kena karena, seperti dinyatakan di bagian terdahulu, klausa sematan yang diambil
oleh kena adalah vP yang tidak mempunyai posisi untuk kata bantu, adverba dan negasi.
Subskrip “dalam” dan “luar” menunjukkan bahwa DP masing-masing adalah argumen dalam dan
argumen luar bagi verba dalam klausa sematan.
http://bakumsu.or.id/news/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=521:demoburuhricuh&catid=51:perburuhan (diakses pada 12/06/2011)
http://212.ardiansyah.web.id/pdf/138.%20Pernikahan%20Dengan%20Mayat.pdf
(diakses
pada
12/06/2011)
http://www.e-psikologi.com/epsi/sosial.asp (diakses pada 09/06/2011)
Penulis yang sama juga menggunakan ungkapan tanpa untuk, yaitu berpotensi di-brainwash, dalam
penulisan yang sama.
http://atiqahkoto.blogspot.com/2010/05/ini-cerita-kita.html (diakses pada 09/06/2011)
Istilah-istilah lain termasuk:
(i) Kebetulan: “tanpa kerelaan (non-volitional)” (Arka dan Manning 1998); “penyelesaian secara
tidak sengaja atau tanpa kerelaan (unintentional or nonvolitional completion)” (Mintz 2002);
“tindakan bukan sukarela (unvoluntary action)” (Polinsky dan Potsdam 2008); “tindakan tidak
sengaja (unvoluntary actions)” (Goddard 2003)
(ii) Keadaan hasil: “statif (stative)” (Sneddon 1996); “keadaan sudah selesai (completed state)”
(Mintz 2002); “pasif adjektival” (Soh 1994)
(iii) Kemampuan: “kemampuan/kemungkinan (ability/possibility)” (Arka dan Manning 1998)
126
13
Kutipan asli dari Sneddon: Transitive accidental verbs are passive. (hlm. 114); All abilitative constructions
are transitive and passive. (hlm. 116); All stative ter- verbs correspond to basic passive verbs .... (hlm. 113)
14
Kami berasumsi bahwa “pasif” adalah konsep sintaksis. Dengan kata lain, konsep “pasif” sah hanya apabila
suatu kalimat mempunyai padanan aktifnya. “Makna pasif,” yang selalu digunakan dalam penulisan orang
awam, mengacu pada makna yang lazimnya disampaikan oleh kalimat pasif yang didefinisikan demikian.
15
Sebenarnya, alternasi transitivitas dalam bahasa Jepang jauh lebih kompleks. Pola yang ditampilkan
dalam contoh ini hanya salah satu dari banyak pola yang ada. Lihat Jacobsen (1992) untuk rincian.
16
Contoh kalimat ter- transitif yang diberikan Mintz (2002) hanya terdiri dari kalimat ter- yang
berfungsi kebetulan. Semua contoh kalimat ter- yang berfungsi keadaan hasil dan kemampuan yang
diberikannya merupakan kalimat intransitif.
17
http://preview.detik.com/detiknews/read/2006/09/22/222610/681237/10/lagi-ditemukan-3-ekorgajah-di-riau-jadi-bangkai (diakses pada 15/06/2011)
18
http://dunia.web.id/just-for-fun.php?note=3257&title=Kadaluwarsa (diakses pada 15/06/2011)
19
http://www.tempo.co.id/kliniknet/artikel/2003/26052003-2.htm (diakses pada 15/06/2011)
20
http://forumm.wgaul.com/showthread.php?p=3031104 (diakses pada 15/06/2011)
21
http://deterjen.blogspot.com/2010/11/cara-tepat-mencuci-pakaian.html (diakses pada 15/06/2011)
22
http://news.okezone.com/read/2011/03/27/337/439281/pembunuh-agnes-seorang-narapidanapenjudi-pemakai-narkoba (diakses pada 15/06/2011)
23
Terdapat penutur yang mengatakan jarang atau tidak pernah mendengar bentuk ternonton. Untuk
penutur yang leksikonnya tidak mengandung bentuk tertonton, kami menggunakan tertonton atau
terlihat sebagai gantinya.
24
http://www.koprol.com/places/45879 (diakses pada 07/06/2011)
25
http://eforum6.cari.com.my/mobile/?tid-203964-page-3.html (diakses pada 26/07/2011)
26
http://radarlampung.co.id/read/metropolis/bandarlampung/26617-omset-rp50-ribu-sehari-bakal-kenapajak- (diakses pada 07/06/2011)
27
http://www1.kompas.com/suratpembaca/readtanggapan/20488 (diakses pada 26/07/2011)
*
Makalah ini berdasarkan presentasi kami di 15th International Symposium on Malay/Indonesian
Linguistics (ISMIL), 24−26 Juni 2011, Malang, Jawa Timur. Kami ingin mengucapkan terima kasih
kepada para peserta pada konferensi tersebut, terutama Hooi Ling Soh dan Yanti, atas kritikan dan
komentar yang diberikan. Kami juga berterima kasih kepada Iwan Setiya Budi, Santi, Rita dan Vivi
Tika Sari, yang telah memberi penilaian/pertimbangan terhadap kalimat-kalimat bahasa Indonesia.
Penelitian yang dilaporkan di sini sebagian disponsori oleh JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Young Scientists
(B) (#23720199).
** Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikan
makalah.
RUJUKAN
Abdullah, H. 1974. The Morphology of Malay. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Arka, I. W., dan Manning, C. D. 1998. “Voice and grammatical relations in Indonesian: A new
perspective.” Dalam: Butt dan King (eds.).
Alwi, H., Dardjowidjojo, S., Lapoliwa, H., dan Moeliono M. A. 1998. Tata Bahasa Bahasa
Indonesia, Edisi Ketiga. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.
Bao, Z., dan Wee, L. 1999. “The passives in Singapore English.” World Englishes 18, 1−11.
Beavers, J. 2011. “On affectedness.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29.
Bosse, S., Bruening, B., dan Yamada, M. akan terbit. Affected experiencer. Natural Language
and Linguistic Theory.
Butt, M., dan King, T. H. (eds.). 1998. Proceedings of the LFG98 Conference. Stanford: CSLI
Publications.
Cheng, L. L. S., dan Demirdash. H. (eds.). 1991. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 15: More
Papers on Wh-Movement.
Chung, S. F. 2005. “Kena as a third type of the Malay passive.” Oceanic Linguistics 44,
194−214.
127
Cole, P., dan Hermon, G. 1998. The typology of wh-movement: Wh-questions in Malay. Syntax
1, 221–258.
Dowty, D. 1991. “Thematic proto-roles and argument selection.” Language 67, 547−619.
Gil, D. 2002. “The prefixes di- and N- in Malay/Indonesian dialects.” Dalam: Wouk dan Ross
(eds.), 241−283.
Goddard, C. 2003. “Dynamic ter- in Malay.” Studies in Language 27, 287–322.
Jackendoff, R. 1990. Semantic Structures. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Jacobsen, W. M. 1992. The Transitive Structure of Events in Japanese. Tokyo: Kuroshio.
Koh, A. S. 1990. Topics in Colloquial Malay. Disertasi untuk University of Melbourne.
Koskinen, P. (ed.). 1994. Proceeding of the 1994 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic
Association. Department of Linguistics, University of Toronto.
Nik Safiah, K., Farid, M. O., Hashim, M., dan Abdul Hamid, M. 2008. Tatabahasa Dewan
Edisi Ketiga. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Mintz, M. W. 2002. An Indonesian & Malay Grammar for Students (Second Edition). Perth:
Indonesian/Malay Texts and Resources.
Nomoto, H. 2010. “Making sense of the optionality of voice marking in Malay/Indonesian.”
Proceedings of Workshop on Indonesian-Type Voice System, 37−44. Tokyo University
of Foreign Studies.
Nomoto, H. 2011. “Analisis seragam bagi kawalan lucu.” Dalam: Nomoto, Anwar dan Zaharani
(eds.).
Nomoto, H., Anwar R., dan Zaharani A. (eds.). 2011. Isamu Shoho: Tinta Kenangan “Esei
Bahasa dan Linguistik.” Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Nomoto, H., dan Kartini, A. W. dalam penilaian. Kena passives in Malay, funny control and
covert voice alternation.
Pearson, M. (ed.). 1998. Proceedings of the Third and Fourth Meetings of Austronesian
Linguistics Association 1996−1999. Department of Linguistics, University of
California, Los Angeles.
Polinsky, M., dan Potsdom, E. 2008. The syntax and semantics of wanting in Indonesian.
Lingua 118, 1617−1639.
Saddy, D. 1991. “WH scope mechanism in bahasa Indonesia.” Dalam: Cheng dan Demirdash
(eds.), 183–218.
Sneddon, J. N. 1996. Indonesian Reference Grammar. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin.
Soh, H. L. 1994. “External arguments and ter- in Malay.” Dalam: Koskinen (ed.), 535−546.
Soh, H. L. 1998. “Certain restrictions on A-bar movement in Malay.” Dalam: Pearson (ed.),
295−308.
Soh, H. L. 2010. Voice and aspect: Some notes from Malay. Proceedings of Workshop on
Indonesian-Type Voice System, 25−35. Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
Wouk, F., dan Ross, M. (eds.). 2002. The History and Typology of Western Austronesian Voice
Systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Zainal Abidin, A. (Za‘ba). 2000. Pelita Bahasa Melayu Penggal I−III. Edisi Baru. Kuala
Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
128
LAMPIRAN
Lampiran A. Kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif dalam bahasa Indonesia yang dikutip
dari situs internet
1.
Bu, mandi tiap hari pake antiseptik apa tidak menyebabkan kulit bayi jadi kering? dan
bayi yang terminum air antiseptik tidak pernah diare?
(http://www.ayahbunda.co.id/diskusi/lihat/230/10)
2.
Karena dimata saya mereka terminum ANGGUR.
(http://achmadmohyimadura.staff.umm.ac.id/2011/01/28/saya-nikmati-hujatan-umatislam/)
3.
be nanya nih bagaimana kalau penderita HIV meminum atau terminum
darah/ASI/spermanya sendiri? (http://spiritia.or.id/tj/bacatj.php?tjno=08050703)
4.
Katanya jamu sehat perempuan, putri saya tidak mau. Tapi dipaksa minum, entah benar
atau tidak kami tidak tau,” cetus Arfani, seraya menambahkan putrinya juga sempat
terminumobat maag cair bercampur tiner.
(http://sumeks.co.id/index2.php?option=com_content&do_pdf=1&id=5894)
5.
Dengan mug ini para pecinta teh dan kopi tidak perlu takut terminum ampasnya.
(http://smallidea.wordpress.com/2010/08/16/cangkir-mug-kreatif-2/)
6.
Kucing yang termakan racun tikus mungkin memerlukan rawatan lebih daripada
seminggu untuk benar2 dapat memastikan residue racun telah dikeluarkan semua dari
dalam badan. (http://honeypetshop.blogspot.com/2010/07/tikus-yang-diracun-kucingyang-mati.html)
7.
Penyebab kematian satu keluarga menurut polisi diduga karena terminum air meneral
salah satu merek yang diduga mengandung zat berbahaya.
(http://news.okezone.com/read/2009/12/31/340/289684/diduga-keracunan-tiga-tewasdan-dua-korban-kritis
8.
Hasil otopsi menurut dokter hewan, Wisnu, kuat dugaan gajah mati karena termakan
racun. (http://us.detiknews.com/read/2010/11/28/161518/1504261/10/pemprov-riauminta-polisi-usut-pembunuh-5-ekor-gajah-liar8/4/2011)
9.
klu termakan telurnya, bakalan sakit perut...minta ampun deh.
(http://www.kaskus.us/showthread.php?p=184513253)
10.
Segera hubungi dokter atau bawa anak Anda ke rumah sakit jika termakan obat ini.
(http://www.tempo.co.id/kliniknet/artikel/2003/26052003-2.htm)
11.
Badan Meteorologi, Klimatologi, dan Geofisika Sulawesi Tengah menyatakan, lima dari
11 kabupaten/kota di wilayahnya akan terkena tsunami akibat gempa bumi 8,9 SR di
Jepang, Jumat (11/3/2011) siang. (http://njuice.com/5-Kabupaten-Sulteng-Bisa-KenaTsunami)
12.
Tak cuma itu, ban mobilnya pun kempes terkena paku.
(http://us.detiknews.com/read/2007/11/20/172856/855136/10/pollycarpus-apes-dompethilang-eh-ban-mobil-kena-paku?nd992203605)
13.
Pasalnya, dia terkena sabetan pedang di tangan dan punggungnya.
(http://news.okezone.com/topic/read/1874/14)
129
Lampiran B. Kuesioner
Tolong pilih satu frase yang paling cocok untuk mengisi tempat kosong dalam kalimat di
bawah. Kemudian jawab tentang setiap pilihan apakah pilihan itu “betul dan cocok,” “betul
tetapi kurang cocok,” “bisa dipahami tetapi ganjil” atau “salah.”
1. Kemungkinan, gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan _____ racun yang ditebar
masyarakat tadi,” kata Fadli.
A termakan
B ia termakan
C termakan olehnya
2. Setelah diselidiki penyebab kematian dengan seksama, rupanya penyebabnya adalah
“_____”
A si pemuda telah terminum susu kadaluwarsa
B telah terminum oleh si pemuda susu kadaluwarsa
C susu kadaluwarsa telah terminum oleh si pemuda
3. Di Amerika, separuh dari kasus _____ harus ditangani di ruang UGD, kata James S. Reily,
M.D., kepala bedah di Alfred I. duPont Hospital for Children, di Wilmington, Delaware.
A anak tertelan koin
B tertelan oleh anak koin
C koin tertelan oleh anak
4. Kemarin _____ salah satu episode nya oprah tentang umr.
A gw sempat ternonton
B sempat gw ternonton
C sempat ternonton oleh gw
5. Boleh jadi sehabis memakai sepatu kesempitan, _____, atau_____.
A kaki terantuk batu, siku tertumbuk pintu
B kaki terantuk pada batu, siku tertumbuk pada pintu
C batu terantuk oleh kaki, pintu tertumbuk oleh siku
6. Pada tanggal 1 Juli 2006, _____. Luka pada paha kanan dan luka tersebut menggelembung.
A saya tersiram air panas
B saya tersiram oleh air panas
C tersiram oleh saya air panas
D air panas tersiram oleh saya
7. Jika saat makan, (1)_____ atau (2)_____ saat minum, segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda
tersebut karena biasanya noda yang masih baru cenderung mudah dibersihkan.
(1)
A baju kesayangan anda terciprat kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit
B baju kesayangan anda terciprat oleh kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit
C kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat baju kesayangan anda
D kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat ke baju kesayangan anda
(2)
A baju kesayangan anda itu terkena air teh
B terkena oleh baju kesayangan anda itu air teh
C air teh terkena oleh baju kesayangan anda itu
130
[Kuesioner tambahan]
1. Kemungkinan, gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan racun yang ditebar
masyarakat tadi termakan olehnya, kata Fadli.
a. betul dan cocok
b. betul tapi kurang cocok
c. bisa difahami tapi ganjil
d. salah
2. Kemarin, salah satu episode nya oprah tentang umr sempat ternonton oleh gw
ternonton/tertonton/terlihat
a. betul dan cocok
c. bisa difahami tapi ganjil
d. salah
3. Jika saat makan, (1a) kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat oleh baju
kesayangan anda
(1b) terciprat oleh baju kesayangan anda kuah soto berbahan dasar
kunyit
atau (2)_____ saat minum, segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut karena biasanya noda
yang masih baru cenderung mudah dibersihkan.
(1a)
(1b)
a.
betul dan cocok
a.
betul dan cocok
b.
betul tapi kurang cocok
c.
bisa difahami tapi ganjil
c.
bisa difahami tapi ganjil
d. salah
d.
salah
131
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
INTRASENTENTIAL CODE-SWITCHING BY THE MANADO
MALAY MULTILINGUALS IN AUSTRALIA
Nixon J. Pangalila
Universitas Negeri Makassar
nixonpangalila@yahoo.com
Abstract
While the previous studies of Manado Malay have explored the language from within
the framework of pure linguistics, this article will explore the use of Manado Malay
from a sociolinguistic framework. In particular, the study will focus on code-switching
which occurs frequently among Manado Malay people, the vast majority of whom are
bilingual and multilingual. This study differs from earlier studies which used native
monolingual Manadonese users as the informants by focusing on the much larger group
of native Manadonese who can speak two or more languages. This study of codeswitchin, therefore, collected data from the native speakers of Manado Malay, who are
multilingual, in two or more of the following languages: Manado Malay, Indonesian,
Jakarta Malay, and English. A study of code-switching normally includes various
factors, types and patterns of code-switching. Because of the difficulty of handling all
these issues in a single investigation, the present study focuses only on types of codeswitching, particularly on intrasentential code-switching.
Key words: multilingual, code-switching, Manado Malay
Kajian Melayu Manado yang pernah dilakukan sebelumnya menyelidiki bahasa dari
kerangka linguistik murni, sedangkan artikel ini menyelidiki penggunaan Melayu
Manado dari kerangka sosiolinguistik. Secara khusus, kajian ini difokuskan pada alihkode yang seringkali muncul di antara orang Manado, sebagai penutur Melayu
Manado yang sangat banyak yang bilingual dan multilingual. Studi kajian ini berbeda
dengan kajian-kajian sebelumnya yang menggunakan penutur Melayu Manado asli
yang monolingual sebagai informan dengan memfokuskan kelompok orang Manado
asli yang lebih besar yang dapat berbicara dua bahasa atau lebih dari dua bahasa.
Oleh karena itu, kajian alih-kode ini mengumpulkan data dari penutur asli Melayu
Manado yang multilingual dalam dua bahasa atau lebih dari dua bahasa: Melayu
Manado, Indonesia, Melayu Jakarta dan Inggris. Sebuah kajian alih-kode biasanya
mencakup berbagai faktor, tipe dan pola alih-kode. Karena sulitnya menangani semua
isu ini dalam satu peneletian, studi kajian yang sekarang ini hanya difokuskan pada
tipe alih-kode, khususnya alih-kode intrakalimat.
Kata kunci: multilingual, alih-kode, Melayu Manado
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
Manado Malay is one of the dialects spoken by the inhabitants of North Sulawesi. Its use is
particularly common in Manado as the capital city of North Sulawesi Province. Many people in
the province use Manado Malay as the main language of communication in their daily activities.
This has resulted in a number of studies of the language. Generally, most of those linguistic
researchers come from Manado itself. They include Karisoh (1981), Salea-Warouw (1981,
1985), Lalamentik and Salea-Warouw (1985), Manoppo-Watupongoh (1976, 1983), and
Wantalangi (1993). More recently research was carried out by a non native Manado speaker,
Jack Prentice (1994). These earlier studies of Manado focused on the linguistic structures used
in spoken language among its native speakers, who live in Manado. Moreover, the data
collected by these linguists focused only on the monolingual speakers of Manado Malay.
Nixon J. Pangalila
While the previous studies of Manado Malay have explored the language from within
the framework of pure linguistics, this article will explore the use of Manado Malay from a
sociolinguistic framework. In particular, the study will focus on code-switching which occurs
frequently among Manado Malay people, the vast majority of whom are bilingual or
multilingual. In bilingual and multilingual conversations, the researcher had observed that the
speakers of Manado Malay often alternated single words and clauses from Manado Malay into a
second language. This article is an exploratory piece of research which focuses on
sociolinguistic perspective.
This study differs from earlier studies which used native monolingual Manadonese
users as the informants by focusing on the much larger group of native Manadonese who can
speak two or more languages. This study of code-switching therefore collected data from the
native speakers of Manado Malay, who are multilingual, in two or more of the following
languages: Manado Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. The research was conducted
through informal participation within the group in which two or more languages are used in any
communicative activity. In other words, when getting involved in a conversation they tend to
switch from one language to another or to other languages. For instance, they tend to switch
from Manado Malay to English or to other languages such as Indonesian and Jakarta Malay.
The ability to switch with apparent and unpremeditated ease from Manado Malay to
English, Indonesian, or Jakarta Malay was the basis for considering a Manadonese speaker as
multilingual for the purpose of this study. It was also recognized that multilingual speakers vary
considerably in their abilities to use a second or subsequent languages. These skill levels are
often associated for example with the language environment within which the speaker lives,
their ability to learn languages, the opportunities to use the languages and the speaker’s
educational background. In an attempt to control for some of these variables the data for this
study was confined to bilingual and multilingual speakers of Manado Malay who have lived in
Australia for a substantial period of time.
Needs and Scope of the Study
While there have been a number of studies on code-switching from the perspective of a number
of different disciplines, these have mostly focused on studies of English with code-switching
from or to Asian languages for example Punjabi (see Moffat & Milroy 1992) and Japanese (see
Nishimura 1986); languages of Africa such as Swahili (see Myers-Scotton 1990); languages of
Europe such as German (see Salmons 1990), Finnish (see Poplack, et al 1989) and French
(Grosjean & Soares 1986); languages of Australia (see McConvell 1985); and languages of
America such as Mexican Spanish (see Jacobson 1990).
There have been a number of studies of code-switching in a conversation between
speakers of Southeast Asian languages such as Malay and Indonesian. However, the present
study was unable to locate any study of code-switching which included Manado. This study
aims to fill in some of that gap in the literature as well as contributing in a more general to the
previous studies on code-switching which have mainly involved Indo-European languages.
A study of code-switching may involve a number of aspects including grammatical,
socio and psychological aspects. It also normally includes various factors, types and patterns of
code-switching. Because of the difficulty of handling all these issues in a single investigation,
the present study focuses only on types of code-switching, particularly on intrasentential codeswitching.
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LITERATURE REVIEW
Sociohistorical Background of Manado Malay
Manado Malay is spoken in the northern part of Sulawesi (formerly known as Celebes),
Indonesia, by approximately two million people (Prentice, 1994:41). While the users of this
language tend to be concentrated in the city of Manado which is an increasingly populated area,
the use of the language has been spreading out all over the province. The province is home to
many different ethnic groups including the Minahasan, Sangerese, Bolaang Mongondow, and
Gorontalese ethnic groups (which have had a new province, Gorontalo province) with its own
vernacular language. The city of Manado itself is populated mostly by Minahasans. Therefore,
since the colonial era, the people of Manado were thought of simply as Minahasans. This
thought is based on what Kaunang (1993:5) has described namely that the population of
Manado is Manadonese people who came from the Minahasan hinterland and the surrounding
islands and then moved to Manado.
Today the number of users of Manado Malay is dramatically increasing. The increasing
number of Manado Malay users is paralleled by the decreasing number of users of the regional
or vernacular languages, such as the Minahasan languages. Prentice (1994:411) explains, “many
millions more speak Manado Malay (also sometimes termed ‘Minahasan Malay’) as a second
language, since it is an important lingua franca throughout the province and in many other areas
of Sulawesi”. Therefore, most of the population of Manado is bilingual, because they can speak
their vernacular languages and Manado Malay. Even though there are many vernacular
languages or local languages in the surrounding area, Manado Malay seems to be the one with
the most users. In everyday life there is a tendency for the people of the province to begin giving
up their own vernacular languages (Minahasan languages) and using Manado Malay. It is not
clear how long the Minahasan languages can maintain themselves as viable linguistic entities
under the increasing pressure of Manado Malay (Prentice, 1994). In fact, the young generation,
even in remote areas of the province, prefers to speak Manado Malay to their own vernacular
language or Indonesian as the official or national language.
Manado Malay is closely related to Indonesian. Based on the history of its spread,
Indonesian derives from Malay, which was used by the Indonesian people as a ‘lingua franca’.
The rapid rise of Malay to a lingua franca all over the Indonesian archipelago was assisted
possibly by the powerful Sumatran Hindu-Buddhist Kingdom of Sriwijaya, who used this
language to spread his influence all over the country in the 7th century (Alisjahbana 1962:24).
The Malay was used as ‘lingua franca’ throughout all the Indonesian archipelagoes as
the only means of communication among the various ethnic groups or tribes. People at this
period had their own local languages or vernacular languages. Each local language had its own
particular grammatical and semantic categories, which were totally different from one another
and therefore when communicating witch each other they often choose to use Malay as the
language of communication. The choice of Malay to communicate with each other was based on
an attempt to choose language which was understandable to all. The use of this Malay in the
communities disappeared during the pre-independence of Indonesia. Long after Indonesia
became independent in 1945, the Malay was not used anymore as the means of communication
because it has been replaced by Indonesian as the official and national language. However, the
influence of the early use of Malay can still be seen today, in that Malay languages are still used
as an important means of communication and social interaction.
The use of this lingua franca, which was termed ‘Bahasa Melayu Pasar’ (Bazaar Malay)
or Low Malay, also reached North Sulawesi because of business expansion by traders as well as
the territorial expansion of the kingdom. In this area this lingua franca was creolized. Due to the
unavailability of written records of the spreading of Malay, especially in northern Sulawesi, it is
difficult to definitively prove that Manado Malay resulted from the need for communication in
business situations among local people and traders such as those of the Sriwijaya kingdom.
However, the presence of Malay dialects, such as Ambon Malay, Kupang Malay, and Manado
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Malay, which survive until now, may be an indication that the lingua franca had spread all over
Indonesia (Keraf, 1991:9).
Code-switching in the Bilingual Conversation
People who can use more than one language are called bilingual. They may often use two
languages in a conversation. More especially, when a person can speak more than one language,
he/she sometimes uses two different languages at the same time. In the sense of using two
different languages at the same time a bilingual person can be said that he or she switches from
one language to another language. In other words, the process of using two different system of
language by a bilingual speaker is called ‘code-switching’ (Titone, 1989; Dulay & Krashen,
1982; Romaine, 1989). These language researchers claim that ‘code-switching’ is the alternate
use of two languages in bilingual speech or conversation.
The alternate use of two languages or code-switching in the bilingual conversation is
one of the communicative strategies used by bilinguals. By this strategy bilinguals may be able
to alternate two languages within the same act of speech. However, Grosjean and Soares
(1986:156) acknowledge that bilingual speech varies. This means that a bilingual person might
speak in one particular language when he or she is talking to or with a monolingual who can
only speak that particular language. A ‘monolingual’ person is a person who can only speak one
language. In the Indonesian context, an example of a bilingual person speaking to or with a
monolingual is when a speaker of Manado Malay and Indonesian may speak in Manado Malay
when they are talking to or with monolinguals of Manado Malay, and use Indonesian when they
converse with monolinguals of Indonesian.
This article examines code-switching within the context of setting, topic, and
interlocutor, among the native speakers of Manado Malay, who have been living in Melbourne.
More specifically, the researcher will look at the code-switchings between Indonesian and
English among the multilingual speakers of Manado Malay.
Furthermore, there is another context that is also of interest in this study. The context I
mean here deals with the use of code-switching in Jakarta Malay that is one of the dialects in
Indonesia mostly used by people who live and who have lived in Jakarta, the Capital of
Indonesia. Users of this dialect are categorized as having the symbol of modernity and the
symbol of high society. For Indonesian people the life of Jakarta including its language is a
symbol of all that is desired (Poedjosoedarmo, 1982). It is hypothesized that code-switching into
this dialect will also be found in the conversations among the native speakers of Manado Malay
in Melbourne. When becoming involved in conversations, it is likely that some of them will
codeswitch from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay, or from Indonesian into Jakarta Malay, or
even from English into Jakarta Malay in order to demonstrate their modernity. When the
situations of the conversations by the sample speakers are taken into account, the codeswitchings occurring among them are expected to follow similar behavior of other multilingual
speakers. Moreover, based on the perspective of bilingual behavior it is believed that codeswitching can be defined as using several languages or language varieties in the course of a
conversation which is based on conversation-internal mechanisms observable in various social
contexts (Franceschini in Auer, 1998; ESF, 1990a-c, 1991; Milroy & Muyskens, 1995;
Grosjean, 1982).
Based on the theoretical frameworks of code-switching from the various linguists it is
found that code-switching cannot only be studied in the constraint of bilingual behavior, but it
can also be studied in the constraint of multilingual behavior. The phenomenon of codeswitching studied in multilingualism is based on language situations in a community that can
already speak more languages (not only two languages). This assumption is based on people in
the community who are diglossic. Ferguson (1959:336), as cited in Wardhaugh (1998:87),
pointed out that diglossia is a relatively stable language situation which, in addition to the
primary dialects of the language, may include a standard or regional standards.
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One example that was given by him is that he identifies four language situations which
show the major characteristics of the diglossic phenomenon: Arabic, Swiss German, Haitian
(French and Creole), and Greek. He explains that, in each situation there is a ‘high’ variety (H)
of language and a ‘low’ variety (L). Each variety has its own specialized functions, each is
viewed differently by those who are aware of both.
Most researchers still see the study of code-switching as belonging to sociolinguistics,
even though they discuss it by looking at their data of the informants or respondents and
analyzing data using traditional linguistic methodologies. In other words, code-switching has
been studied using various linguistic approaches within the frameworks of sociolinguistics,
psycholinguistics and grammatical studies (see Franceschini in Auer, 1985:51).
In this article I conducted preliminary research on Manado Malay multilinguals in
Melbourne. The data obtained from them will be analyzed in terms of the types of codeswitching, particularly intrasentential code-switchings, which are produced by the multilingual
speakers of Manado Malay, Jakarta Malay, Indonesian, and English in a church community in
Melbourne, Australia.
METHODOLOGY
As the focus of this study was the context of code-switching it was necessary to collect language
data in as natural a context as possible.
It was therefore decided to collect the data using participant observation. The data was
collected from the conversations of Manado Malay multilinguals, who can speak Manado
Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. The use of participant observation methodology
in my research is based on the following reasons:
1. The methodology of participant observation is appropriate for studies of almost
every aspect of human existence (Jorgensen, 1989:12).
2. Through participant observation, it is possible to describe what goes on, who or
what is involved, when and where things happen, how they occur, and why – at
least from the standpoint of participants – things happen as they do in particular
situations (Jorgensen, 1989:12).
3. If the focus of interest is how the activities and interactions of a setting give
meaning to certain behaviors or beliefs, participant observation is the method of
choice (Bogdewic in Crabtree & Miller, 1992:46-47).
The use of participant observation allowed the researcher to document code-switchings
occurring in multilingual conversations in relation to their setting, topic, and interlocutor. By
looking at these contexts, it is hoped that the patterns of code-switching by these multilingual
speakers in the multilingual conversations can be identified.
Method
Participant observation which was used to collect qualitative data from the native speakers of
Manado Malay was supplemented by the use of tape-recorded natural conversations. By using
tape-recorded natural conversation in combination with participant observation it is hoped that
the context of code-switching by the Manado Malay multilingual in the multilingual
conversation can be obtained naturally. The researcher participated in the conversation where
appropriate. After observing and recording the natural conversations of the informants and/or
being a participant observer in the conversations the researcher made notes which described the
situation during the conversation and who was involved.
To supplement the participant observation a semi-structured interview or the general
interview guide approach was used. Patton (1990:280) points out that the general interview
guide approach involves outlining a set of issues that are to be explored with each respondent
before interviewing begins. He also asserts that the interview guide presumes that there is
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common information that should be obtained from each person interviewed, that but no set of
standardized questions are written in advance.
By using the interview guide approach the interviewer hoped that the other relevant
information dealing with the informants’ personal details can be obtained. The information
about the informants’ personal details is also very important in this research because it will help
the interviewer to get relevant information such as personal identification, social identity,
educational background, and languages known and spoken. This kind of information should
help the researcher identify the reasons and patterns of code-switching by the Manado Malay
multilinguals.
Sample
The sample used in this research was chosen from native speakers of Manado Malay who are
members of a church community in Melbourne, Australia. They were chosen because they can
speak more than two languages from the following list of languages: Manado Malay,
Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. In other words, they are multilingual. Secondly, they
have all lived in Melbourne for some time and retain a cultural group identity.
The sample chosen for this study was ten native speakers of Manado Malay who belong to
Camberwell Uniting Church congregation. These ten native speakers of Manado Malay range
from the age of 30 to 55 years. Of these ten native speakers, there are two females and eight
males. Most of these informants had gone to universities in Indonesia and Australia. Some of
them are postgraduate students, who are studying at La Trobe University Melbourne, Australia.
Those, who are not studying at La Trobe University, have been living in Melbourne for a long
time for job purposes and therefore they can speak English very well. In addition, they can also
speak Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and of course Manado Malay as their first language. They also
speak Indonesian because it has been the formal language which is nationally spoken in
Indonesia and the language of their education. They can also speak Jakarta Malay as the main
dialect spoken in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia because they had lived there for several years
ago before coming to Australia.
DISCUSSION AND RESULTS
As discussed in the literature review, code-switching is categorized into two main types in the
literature code-switching: within and outside the boundary of clauses. However, in this article
only the first type of code-switching will be discussed. The type of code-switching which has
been found to occur by previous researchers within the boundary of a clause is labeled
intrasentential code-switching.
Intrasentential Code-switching
According to Appel and Muyskens (1987:118), intrasentential code-switching is defined as
switches from language A to language B within a sentence. While Romaine (1995:123) and
Poplack (1983:63) assert that intrasentential code-switching is produced by only the most fluent
bilinguals. It was therefore hypothesized that, if Romaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63)
were correct, intrasentential code-switching would be found among the multilingual Manado
Malay sample studied in Melbourne. In this section intrasentential code-switching between
English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay will be discussed. These switchings occurred in the
conversations, when the Manado Malay speakers were communicating with each other as
follows.
Intrasentential Code-switching in English
This type of code-switching occurred in the conversations in which the fluent Manado Malay
multilinguals were involved. The data showed clearly that the ability to use intrasentential codeswitching was directly related to the level of English fluency. Those who were fluent to native
138
like standards of English frequently used intrasentential code-switching while those who were
less fluent used it less frequently. The frequency of intrasentential code-switchings in English
which occurred in the conversations of the Manado Malay speakers can be seen in the following
chart:
Figure 1. The Occurrence of English Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent
From the chart above we can see that there are five different frequencies which describe the
percentage of the frequency of intrasentential code-switching occurring in five conversations.
Number one (24%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (1). Number two (13%)
represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (2). Number three (19%) represents the IaSCS
occurring in conversation (3). Number four (19%) represents the IaSCS occurring in
conversation (4) and number five (25%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (5). Of
these five conversations the intrasentential code-switching in conversation (5) outnumbered the
IaSCS in conversation (1). The IaSCS in conversation (1) outnumbered the IaSCS in
conversations (2) to (4). The IaSCS in conversation (3) and (4) outnumbered the IaSCS in
conversation (1). This pattern explains that IaSCS in conversation 5 occurred more frequently
than IaSCS in conversations (1) to (4). The intrasentential code-switching in conversation (5)
occurred the most frequen, because most of the informants involved in the speech act in that
conversation are fluent bilinguals or multilinguals. This data therefore confirmed the findings of
Romaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63). Moreover, the topic which was discussed in the
conversations related to working experience in Australia as shown in example (2). Romaine
(1989:115) argued that it has long been recognized that a variety of social factors constrain
code-switching, such as setting, topic, and degree of competence in both languages. Example (2)
describes one of the varieties of social factors which relates to setting and topic, while example
(1) gives an indicator of the speaker’s momentary attitudes, communicative intents, and
emotions (Grosjean, 1982:152). The intrasentential code-switchings in English taken from the
recordings of conversations can be seen in the following examples:
(1) Bahayanya GOLKAR itu yang minoritas. Kalu ngana Islam, you don’t care.
‘The dangerous one is GOLKAR that is the minority party. If you are moslem,
you don’t care.’
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Nixon J. Pangalila
(2) Torang samua di sini karja. Kita nyanda pernah dudu. Kalu so di mesin you
cannot sit anymore. Brapa jam itu badiri trus. Nyanda ada dudu-dudu.
‘Kita semua di sini bekerja. Saya tidak pernah duduk. Kalau sudah berada di
mesin you cannot sit anymore. Selama beberapa jam berdiri terus dan tidak ada
yang namanya duduk-duduk’
‘All of us here are working. I never sit. If you are in the machine area, you cannot
sit anymore. I have to stand for hours and I am not allowed to have a sit.’
Intrasentential Code-switching in Indonesian
Of the five major conversations I choose to analyse as my main data, code-switchings between
Manado Malay and Indonesian were found to be the most frequent type of code-switching
which occurred in the multilingual conversations of the sample of native speakers of Manado
Malay. Intrasentential code-switching occurred frequently from Manado Malay into Indonesian.
These code-switchings into Indonesian were the most frequently occurring intrasentential codeswitching found in the data. This is not surprising as Indonesian is their national language and is
always used in a formal conversational situation. The frequent occurrence of Indonesian
switchings in Manado Malay conversations is likely to be due to the nature of the relationship
between these two languages. Indonesian and Manado Malay can be understood to exist in a
diglossic situations, Ferguson (1972:232), as varieties of the same language in use in a speech
community each accorded different functions. The two varieties are sometimes referred to as
high and low varieties of the same language. This diglossic situation also means that the two
varieties influence each other. Karisoh-Najoan (1981:4) explains that in the growth and
development of both Manado Malay and Indonesian each language has had a considerable
influence on the other. Manado Malay speakers always use Indonesian when the conversational
situation is formal, whereas Manado Malay is used when the conversational situation is
informal. The chart on the next page shows the total and frequency of occurrence of Indonesian
intrasentential code-switchings in percentages.
Figure 2. The Occurrence of Indonesian Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent
1 30 %
2 17 %
3 17 %
4 15 %
5 21 %
140
The Figure 4.2 shows the percentage of the occurrence of IaSCS in Indonesian in each
conversation. (The numbers refer to conversations (1)–(5). In other words, IaSCS occurring in
conversation (1) (30%) exceeded IaSCS of conversation (5) (21%). IaSCS occurring in
conversation (5) (21%) exceeded IaSCS of conversations (2) and (3) (17%). IaSCS occurring in
conversations (2) and (3) (17%) exceeded IaSCS of conversation (4) (15%). The Indonesian
intrasentential code-switching of conversation (1) occurred more frequently than the
intrasentential code-switching of conversations (2)–(5), because the topic which was being
discussed related to political circumstances in Indonesia. In other words, the topic being formal
and this motivates the speakers and the interlocutors to switch from the informal language to the
formal language. This is reinforced by the status of the interlocutors. The social identity of the
interlocutors involved in speech activities motivated the switch from Manado Malay to
Indonesian as they are Indonesian government officials who are required to use Indonesian as a
formal language in formal situations as shown in the following examples:
(3) Mr. C: Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bacirita deng orang Manado
so pas skali ini.
‘Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bercerita dengan orang Manado sudah
tepat sekali itu.’
‘It will be a good moment, if he comes on Sunday to have a chat with
Manadonese.’
(4) Dorang so nyanda rupa dulu-dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu.
‘Mereka tidak lagi seperti yang dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu.’
‘They were not as formerly have firstly to go through Jakarta.’
(5) Dorang mo cari tu orang ini kong dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supaya
dia punya hak.
‘Mereka mau cari orang itu kemudian dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima
supaya dia punya hak.’
‘They want to find the person, then they will make him as a military
commander so that he will have the right.’
Intrasentential Code-switching in Jakarta Malay
In the data gathered from the Mando Malay speakers code-switching into Jakarta Malay, a
dialect spoken in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia, also occurred in the recorded conversations.
All the informants had lived in Jakarta for several years before coming to Australia and were
able to speak Jakarta Malay which, according to Poedjosoedarmo (1982:8), originally derived
from Indonesian as the Standard Malay. This dialect has been greatly influenced by Javanese
and used by people, who live in Jakarta, as the symbol of modernity and symbol of high society.
Thus, the reason and the motivation for switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is to
demonstrate their social identity and status. The other likely motivation is to render the speech
act more comprehensible when other Indonesians who cannot speak and understand Manado
Malay join the conversations. In these situations Manado Malay speakers will switch from
Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay syntactically.
The chart in Figure 4.3 illustrates the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching in
conversations (1) to (5) in percentages.
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Nixon J. Pangalila
Figure 3. The Occurrence of Jakarta Malay Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent
1 14 %
2 21 %
3 14 %
4 21 %
5 30 %
The chart in Figure 4.3 shows the frequency of Jakarta Malay intrasentential codeswitching occurring in conversation 1 (14%), conversation 2 (21%), conversation 3 (14%),
conversation 4 (21%), and conversation 5 (30%). Intrasentential code-switching occurred most
frequently in conversation 5. The lower occurrence shown in conversations (1) to (4) can be
explained by the presence of nonnative speakers of Manado Malay joining the conversations
resulting in a likelihood that Manado Malay speakers switch from Manado Malay to Jakarta
Malay. The other motivation to switch from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is to indicate one’s
high status to the other interlocutors, the use of Jakarta Malay indicating that the speaker had
lived in Jakarta for several years. Furthermore, by switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta
Malay the speakers wanted to share that experience with the interlocutors who have also lived in
Jakarta for several years. Anoter reason why Manado Malay speakers switched from Manado
Malay to Jakarta Malay is that the sample came from a small communal group within
Melbourne so they know that the interlocutors can also speak Jakarta Malay, because they have
also lived in Jakarta.
The intrasentential code-switching of conversation (2) and (4) has the same number of
percentage: 21 %. As I have explained above, the occurrence of IaSCS of conversation (2) and
(4) is exceeded by conversation (5) with 30%. The same thing also happened to conversation (1)
and (3) being outnumbered by conversation (5). However, the reason and motivation of codeswitching by Manado Malay speakers in conversations(2) dan (4) , (1) dan (3) are not the same
as the reason and motivation in conversation (5) as I have pointed out previously. The reason
and motivation of switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay in conversation (2) and (4)
and (3) and (1) are to exhibit their high social standing. This reinforces the argument of
Poedjosoedarmo (1982:8) who wrote that Jakarta Malay is used by people who live in Jakarta as
the symbol of modernity and the symbol of high society. Furthermore, the occurrence of Jakarta
Malay intrasentential code-switching in conversations (2) and (4), (1) and (3) is to express selfidentity in order to indicate social solidarity or certain languages (Hoffmann, 1991:116). The
examples of the occurrence of Jakarta Malay IaSCS in speech activities can be seen in the
following data:
142
(6) Kalu dia ujang trus enggak jadi gua mau kesini.
‘Kalau masih hujan, saya tidak jadi datang ke sini.’
‘If it is still raining, then I will not come here.’
(7) Kalu dia ada deng torang-torang jo kita enggak bisa ikutin tingkatnya.
‘Kalau dia kira-kira masih bersama dengan kita, maka kita tidak bisa
mengikuti tingkatnya.’
‘When he is among us, we cannot follow his level.’
(8) Kalu ambe doi gua enggak brani.
‘Kalau ambil uang, saya tidak berani.’
‘To take the money, I am not brave to do that.’
Summary of the Occurrence of Intrasentential Code-switching in English, Indonesian, and
Jakarta Malay
To have a better understanding of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching in three
categories: in English, in Indonesian, and in Jakarta Malay, a table showing the total number of
intrasentential code-switching in three categories in the corpus is given. This table is given in
order to have a comparison of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching between the
three languages mentioned previously. By giving the comparison of these three categories, the
most frequent occurrence of IaSCS in any particular category can be figured out. The total
number of IaSCS in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay is illustrated in a following table:
Table 1.
The Total Number of Intrasentential Code-switching in Three Categories in the Corpus
IaSCS in three Categories
Total Number of IaSCS in three Categories
16
IaSCS in English
52
IaSCS in Indonesian
14
IaSCS in Jakarta Malay
82
Total
Based on the table given on page 11, the most frequent intrasentential code-switching
occurred into Indonesian, namely fifty two times; whereas, intrasentential code-switching in
English occurred only 16 times and for intrasentential code-switching in Jakarta Malay 14
times. By having the total number of items of intrasentential code-switching in three categories,
the frequency of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching of each category can be
obtained. To have a better understanding of the frequency of the occurrence of intrasentential
code-switching in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay, a chart in Figure 4.4 showing the
occurrence of intrasentential code-switching by percentage is given.
Figure 4. Total Percentage of Intrasentential Code-switching in three Categories
IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 17 %
IaSCS in English 20 %
IaSCS in Bahasa Indonesia
63 %
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Nixon J. Pangalila
The chart given above shows the total percentage of intrasentential code-switching in
three categories in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay. Based on the chart, the
intrasentential code-switching in Indonesian has the largest number of percentage by obtaining
63%, while IaSCS in English 20% and IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 17%. The tendency to switching
from Manado Malay to Indonesian by the participants is approximately three times more likely
than the tendency to switch from Manado Malay to English and to Jakarta Malay. The
multilingual participants were more likely to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian at the
level of intrasentential code-switching, because Manado Malay and Indonesian have a specific
relationship in terms of using them in informal and formal situation within a diglossic
community. Moreover, the participants, who were Manadonese, switched from Manado Malay
into Indonesian rather than into English and Jakarta Malay because the topic and the setting of
the conversation related to national matters in Indonesia, such as politics. See 4.1.1, 4.1.2, and
4.1.3.
To conclude, the formality of the topic and the formality of speech setting motivate the
participants to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian at the level of intrasentential codeswitching.
CONCLUSION
The study in this article found that code-switching occurred most frequently between languages
in a diglossic situation, where the informants tended to switch from Manado Malay into
Indonesian. Based on the findings of the research, code-switchings from Manado Malay into
Indonesian was the most frequently code-switching occurring in the conversations, than codeswitchings from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay and English are. The specific relationship
between the two varieties of languages (Manado Malay and Indonesian) and the formality of the
topic are the two key factors which motivate code-switching.
Furthermore, based on the findings, the social identity and interlocutor are the main
triggers which result in speakers switching from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay. The topic
and the setting are the main motivating factors which result in the informants switching from
Manado Malay into English. The interesting thing found in this study is the motivation of the
informants to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian and Jakarta Malay and from Manado
Malay into English. The findings of the research indicated that the informants did not use
English as a mark of social status, but continued to use Jakarta Malay as an indicator of high
social status despite the fact that many of the participants had lived in Australia for a number of
years and had come to Australia to obtain a degree in English from a university in Australia. In
contrast, Indonesian and Jakarta Malay were used by the informants to indicate social identity
and cultural superiority.
Finally, in general the patterns of code-switching found intrasentential code-switching
followed similar patterns to that identified for bilingual speakers in previous research. Clearly, it
is important to study multilinguals further as the patterns of code-switching become more
complex and tell us more about behavior in diglossic situations as well as raising issues of
language dominance and power in relation to English as a language of education in Asian
countries.
NOTE
* I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft.
144
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146
Appendix: Extracts from Conversation by the Informants
Transcription of the recorded conversation 1 between Mr. P and Mr. R:
Mr. P : Kelihatannya di tubuh ABRI mulai terpecah-pecah.
Mr. R : Karena mau dihancurkan. Mau dihancurkan. Sebab dia yang membuat. Media yang
membuat. Itu kalu ngana mau lihat politik itu. Itu dilihat dari sebelum kemerdekaan.
Nanti dia pecah. Dulu kan mereka, siapa nanti orang mereka dorang mo cari. Dorang
mo cari tu orang ini kong dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supaya dia punya hak,
begitu. Sama juga dulu.
Mr. P : Karena mungkin kuncinya di ABRI.
Mr. R : Iya. Jadi dia (ABRI) mau dihancurkan dulu. Satu karena dia benteng Pancasila.
Dwifungsi dianggap. Dwifungsi karena juga ada Dwifungsi ABRI kan juga warga
negara. Ngana juga punya Dwifungsi tahu enggak. Dalam keadaan darurat, ngana so
musti jadi tentara. Ya, saya juga dari ABRI meskipun sudah pension. Makanya kita
juga pelajari. Pelajari dulu tu pengorbanana dulu. Dari dulu ABRI mau dikuasai.
Yang kiri dulu mau tidak berniat mau dikuasai. Tetapi mengatakan milik nasional
yang tak dapat digoyahkan adalah Pancasila, karena sudah dari tahun 1948.
Mr. P : Jadi, Sudirman.
Mr. R : Sudirman. Kalau ABRI hancur. ABRI hancur, jadi akan begitu terus. ABRI akan
dibikin begini (dihancurkan) dulu sebetulnya kong ambe dia pe orang, sehingga dia
bisa pegang kekuasaan. Itu yang utama. Bahayanya GOLKAR itu yang minoritas.
Kalu ngana Islam you don’t care. Jadi, yang dipimpin itu yang mau dilengkapi. Dia
ndak bisa, dia ndak mau turun.
Mr. P : Yang paling fanatik itu yang berbahaya.
Mr. R : Karena itu kan di dalam Undang-Undang Dasar ada klausul yang boleh dirubah, tapi
kemudian dikepreskan di MPR. Sesuai keputusan rakyat itu tidak boleh, harus melalui
konsensus. Itu kalau melalui DPR. Kebetulan juga dia gugur. Coba lihat sudah pernah
saya lihat robah Pancasila.
Mr. P : Kelihatannya ada yang mau rubah Pancasila.
Mr. R : Iya, kriri dan kanan itu. Jadi ngoni calon Doktor sudah harus tahu itu. Ngoni harus
jelaskan bagaimana situasi yang terbuka. Jadi pak Harto itu sebetulnya tiga tahun
delapan puluh.
Mr. P : Sebetulnya sudah turun. Yang bobrok sebenarnya itu anak-anaknya itu.
Mr. R : Anak-anaknya juga dapatnya sedikit.
147
Nixon J. Pangalila
Transcription of Recorded Conversation 2 between A, C, A, T, and N:
A : Ado, so musti hati-hati skali itu. Tau-tau so rupa kit ape tanta. Ado, priksa benoang.
N : Pak Widen lei kurang ada kase tau pa kita. Pak Widen kase tau, ei Pak Lexi so maso rumah
saki. Jatung di tampa karja. Trus kata setelah ada scanning. Mungkin stou ada sesuatu
katanya di brain.
A : Wah.
N : Jadi kita pikir jangan-jangan stou so pernah jatung di rumah kong pas tagoyang.
A : Bahaya itu.
N : Itu kang karja di laundry.
A : Si Lexi jatoh di kerjaan.
C : Yaa.
N : Skarang di rumah saki.
A : Di rumah saki. Jatoh nyanda sadar bawa di rumah saki.
N : Pokoknya nanti dia sadar so di rumah saki.
A : So di rumah saki.
N : Katanya karja di laundry itu badiri trus nyanda pernah dudu.
A : Wah.
N : Nanti dudu kalu mo break.
A : Torang samua di sini karja. Kita nyanda pernah dudu. Kalu so di mesin you cannot sit
anymore. Brapa jam itu badiri trus. Nyanda ada dudu-dudu.
T : Pak Albert sudah tau, ya.
A : Iyo, sudah.
N : Kita pikir mungkin dulu pernah jatuh.
T : Siapa?
N : Dokter scanning di kepala, katanya ada sesuatu di kepala.
T : Ada apa?
N : Ada sesuatu, Cuma belum tau pastinya sesuatu ini apa.
148
Transcription of Recorded Conversation 3 between Mr. A, Mr. B, and Mr. C:
Mr. A : Pokoknya pertanian. Ndak taulah, macem-macem lah.
Mr. B : Oh, dia di bidang pertanian?
Mr. A : Ya, bidang pertanian.
Mr. C : So brapa lama di sini?
Mr. A : Dia di sini sudah beberapa kali, karena dia makanya mengambil banyak gelar, gitu.
Sekarang gelar ini ame dia ambil, gitu. Dan itu sudah membawa dia reader-reader,
termasuk seluruh Indonesia. Bahasa Indonesianya, kaget kita.
Mr. C : Bisa ngomong Manado lagi.
Mr. A : Enggak, tapi mengerti bahasa Manado dia. Tapi bicara bahasa Indonesianya enggak
dipikir. Kan kita kalo orang di sini selalu.
Mr. B : Lancar itu.
Mr. A : Lancar, langsung bisa tidak pake, enggak segala. Jadi very particular Indonesian.
Buku bacaannya, tau enggak, pak? Yang dia baca Pramudya Ananta Toer, segala. Ini
bahasa Indonesianya buku-buku begini (sambil tertawa).
Mr. C : Jadi hari Minggu mau kesini katanya?
Mr. A : Ya (sambil mengangguk-anggukkan kepala).
Mr. C : Bolehlah, bagus.
Mr. A : Kita perlu ini, kita accommodate untuk kepentingan dia. Kita kan enggak tahu masa
depan kita gimana berakhirnya.
Mr. C : Oh, tadi pagi itu ujang kras, ya.
Mr. A : Oh, ya?
Mr. C : Kalu dia ujang trus enggak jadi gua mau kesini.
Mr. D : Kiapa?
Mr. C : No ujang sapa mo datang ujang-ujang bagini. Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu
bacirita deng orang Manado so pas skali ini. Karena bisa saling tukar pikiran lah.
Mr. A : Iya, dari segi, apa namanya, level intelektual kan menunjukkan juga, apa namanya,
apakah komunikasi itu menarik atau enggak, gitu. Kalu dia ada deng torang-torang jo
kita enggak bisa ikutin tingkatnya. Tapi untuk orang yang berkecimpungan, wah ini
memang sulit semuanya itu. Itu yang penting. Dia bilang, waduh, dia makan rw (salah
satu masakan khas Manado) sekarang. Tapi dia dibohongin karena satu jam kemudian
baru dorang bilang itu rw. Dia bilang, aduh, bukan main, celaka.
Mr. C : Terus gimana? Enak katanya?
Mr. A : Wah, setelah itu makan terus. Barangkali lebih berhati-hati, gitu. Tapi masalah
dengan segalanya dia senang itu. Dia tinggal dengan Dekan Fakultas Teknik, insinyur
Sompie.
Mr. C : Oh ya, Sompie Dekan Fakultas Teknik.
Mr. A : Dia tinggal di sana. So lama di Manado, di Unsrat.
Mr. C : Oh, sekarang dia ambil program Doktor di Monash. Jurusan apa dia ambil?
149
Nixon J. Pangalila
Mr. A : Pertanian. Pertanian itu ilmu bidangnya. Alasannya dia ada di Unsrat untuk itu.
Rupanya ada kerja sama antara Teleseatle sama Unsrat dimana dia yang menjadi
ininya, dari sana. Jadi dia belajar bahasa Indonesia semuanya di Seatle. Kita kaget
lho. Kok belajar di ……, itu kan orang Indonesia yang ada di sana cumin berapa,
duabelas, tigabelas orang. Tapi bahasa Indonesianya yang dia pelajari itu mudah, ya
datang dari sini. Dia bilang, aduh, saya sangat senang sekali.
Mr. C : Memang kalu Unsrat dengan mereka kerja sama sudah langsung sekarang. Dorang so
nyanda rupa dulu-dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu. Pertama dari Ujungpandang,
lewat Ujungpandang baru Jakarta, baru sana baru ke Amerika. Sekarang malah bisa
langsung. Malah sekarang Unsrat sudah buka program Pasca Sarjana yang apa
namanya mendidik untuk calon-calom Master dan Doktor. Itu sudah bisa di Unsrat
sekarang. Makanya sekarang banyak dosen-dosen kita yang di sana saja. Nda perlu
datang ke Jawa atau Ujungpandang.
Mr. A : Memang begitu. Kita juga surprise. Itu kaya udah diatur aja bahwa kita ketemunya,
kan. Karena bisa aja dia jalan dari seberang sana dan seberang sini. Kan udah kaya
diatur, gitu. Dan orang ini kelihatan kalu dia lihat kita udah mulai kehabisan bahan,
sudah arah stagnasi kalu sudah larut malam. Kita langsung respons. Kita juga begitu
dia udah ini …….. . Jadi itu posisi jalan terus. Very good common, gitu. Kesempatan
kita. Dia komunikator yang baik. Tidak heran bahwa dia bisa dapat begitu banyak
beasiswa.
Mr. C : Orang kan kalu sudah betul-betul levelnya sudah tinggi, apalagi lagi ambil ini, sudah
mantap itu.
Mr. A : Iya, sudah mantap itu. Jadi yang lagi dia kerjain sekarang, dia mau jual mobil. Dia
jual mobil. Mobilnya diangkat …….. Dia beli di sini. Di sini lebih mahal
dibandingkan di sana (Amerika). Jadi termasuk yang lima ribuan supaya dia bisa
mobile karena ada istrinya segala.
Mr. C : Bakalan menarik kalu dia datang.
Mr. A : Apalagi ………
Mr. C : Apalagi kalu dia tahu ada Manado di sini.
150
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
TELICITY IN INDONESIAN
Nurhayati*
Diponegoro University
noerhytwid@yahoo.com
Abstract
This study aims to explain how the telic and atelic meanings are inherently contained
by Indonesian verbs and to describe the way the arguments and other sentence
complements influence the telicity in a sentence level. Data of this research are
dynamic and durative verbs taken from two Indonesian grammar books: Tata Bahasa
Baku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et al.: 1998) and Indonesian: A Comprehensive
Grammar (Sneddon: 1996). The verbs are analysed using semantic parameters to
identify their inherent meaning of telicity. The parameters complemented by syntactic
parameters are also used to explain the interaction of the verbs and their arguments in
expressing the telicity of a sentence. The results show that the telicity of Indonesian
verbs depends on their semantic feature that is inherently contained. Intransitive
Indonesian verbs can be identified more easily than transitive verbs. The cause is that
the telicity of the latter depends on their definiteness and plurality of the arguments. On
a sentence level, other elements of a sentence also influence the telicity of a situation.
Key words: telic, atelic, terminal/natural end points, situations, type of situations
Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan bagaimana verba dalam Bahasa Indonesia
mengandungi makna inheren yang berupa makna ketelisan dan bagaimana makna
ketelisan tersebut dipengaruhi oleh kehadiran argumen dan elemen lain dalam aras
kalimat. Data penelitian ini berupa sejumlah verba yang memiliki fitur semantis
dinamis dan duratif yang diperoleh dari dua buku tatabahasa: Tata Bahasa Baku
Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et al.: 1998) dan Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar
(Sneddon: 1996), serta kalimat yang mengandungi jenis verba tersebut. Ketelisan verba
dan kalimat dianalisis berdasarkan parameter semantis dan sintaktis. Hasil penelitian
menunjukkan bahwa sifat ketelisan dari verba ditentukan oleh fitur semantis yang
melekat di dalam diri verba tersebut. Verba taktransitif lebih mudah diidentifikasi
daripada verba transitif. Hal tersebut disebabkan makna ketelisan verba transitif
bergantung pada sifat ketakrifan dan kejamakan argumen nomina yang
mendampinginya. Ketelisan verba tersebut juga dipengaruhi oleh elemen lain dalam
kalimat.
Kata kunci: telis, atelis, titik akhir alami, situasi, tipe situasi
INTRODUCTION
Telicity is a universal semantic concept related to the inherent temporal meaning of a situation. 1
Telicity consists of a telic and atelic meaning. A situation is telic if it has an inherent goal or
terminal point. When the goal is achieved, the situation finishes. On the other hand, an atelic
situation does not have the terminal point. Since Garey (1957) introduced the term telic and
atelic for the first time, the study of telicity has driven many linguists to explore the linguistic
realization of the concept. The distinction between telic and atelic feature of a situation is
important, particularly for languages which have a grammatical system that split perfective
from imperfective aspect, such as English, French, Russian, and many Slavic languages.
However, it does not mean that the concept of telicity is not important for non-aspect languages,
such as Indonesian.
The concept of telicity in Indonesian is important to depict a situation perceived by a
speaker. An Indonesian speaker has an option in expressing an aspectual meaning of a situation:
explicitly or implicitly. Indonesian has some lexical words to explicitly express the perfective
Nurhayati
meaning, such as telah, sudah, and habis, as well as the imperfective meaning such as sedang,
tengah, and lagi. However, one expression may result different interpretations based on the
telicity of the sentence expressed. Consider the following example.
(1) Dia tengah berada di antara kerumunan para penggemarnya,
sementara suaminya tengah merapikan ruang ganti pakaian.
‘She was [imperfective] among crowds of her fans,
while her husband was tidying up the dressing room.’
The use of tengah in the first clause of the example expresses the situation of being among the
crowds as close to the reader without resulting an implication that the situation has not finished
yet. On the other hand, using tengah in the second clause indicates that ‘the process of tidying
up the dressing room is still in progress’ and the implication that ‘the process has not finished
yet’. The different interpretation of tengah is caused by the different telicity of the two clauses.
The first clause is atelic, whereas the second is telic.
Telicity in Indonesian is also important to decide what kind of verb form chosen to
express a situation. The situation of ‘singing’ can be expressed using (2) or (3).
(2)
Dia bernyanyi di depan para tamu.
‘She sang in front of the guests.’
(3) Dia menyanyikan lagu Tanah Airku di depan para tamu.
‘She sang Tanah Airku song in front of the guests.’
The ‘situation-in-the world’ that is referred by the two sentences is the same, but the speaker
described the situation using a different characterization. In (2) the speaker percieved the
singing situation as an action that does not have a natural end point. The singer can halt her
activity at any point and the situation of singing in front of the guests is true. On the contrary,
the speaker of (3) perceived the situation of singing as a complete situation that has an initial,
medieval, and natural end point (culmination). If the singer stopped singing the song before
singing the final part of the song, the situation cannot be described by the sentence (3). The two
examples are due to the concept of telicity. Sentence (2) expresses an atelic situation whereas
sentence (3) expresses a telic situation. It shows that telicity in Indonesian is related to the verb
form.
The importance of the telicity concept in linguistic study has attracted the attention of
some linguists such as Comrie (1976), Lyons (1977), Mourelatos (1981), Dik (1989; 1994), and
Smith (1991). They conducted the study of telicity concept and its expression in some languages
in the world that will be explicated later. Unfortunately, there are very few studies of the topic
in Indonesian. Usually, the concept of telicity is discussed at a glance in the broader topic such
as aspect, tense, or other temporal concepts. Two studies that have a relation with the telicity
concept in Indonesian were conducted by Tadjuddin (1993) and Montolalu (2001).
Tadjuddin (1993) analyzed the expression of aspectual meaning from Russian to
Indonesian. There is one point that should be criticised from Tadjuddin, related to the concept of
telicity. Citing Comrie’s argument, Tadjuddin (1993:42) explained that telicity is an inherent
meaning of verbs. He said that a telic situation describes “proses menuju sasaran akhir” and
“tercapainya sasaran akhir” (1993:42). The first limitation is quoted from Comrie’s statement:
“a process that leads up to a well-defined terminal point” (Comrie1978:45 in Tadjuddin
1993:42-3). The statement actually has not finished yet, because there is an embedded clause
“..., beyond which the process cannot continue” (Comrie 1978:45). The additional explanation is
very important, because it focuses on the attention that the ongoing process of the telic situation
is restricted by the terminal point. This internal time that expands from the beginning to the
terminal point of the situation is the inherent feature of the telic situation. An example of the
telic situation is a situation of ‘sinking’. The situation has an initial point that is the beginning of
falling down from the surface of water (a river, a pond, sea, etc.); succesive stages, that is the
process itself; and a terminal point, such as the bed of the river. However, a telic situation does
152
not concern with whether the process must go on until it achieves the terminal point or not. The
achieving or not achieving a terminal point is related to the aspectual character. Therefore,
Tadjuddin’s second limitation of the telic definition is misleading. His argument is quoted
from Comrie (1978:47): “ In expressions referring to telic situations it is important that there
should be both a process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point”. Instead
of being interpreted as ‘tercapainya titik akhir’ (acheiving a terminal point), it should be
interpreted as ‘memiliki titik akhir’ (having a terminal point). My argument is based on
Comrie’s following explanation:
With a telic situation, it is possible to use a verbal form with imperfective
meaning, the implication being that at the time in question the terminal point had
not yet been reached; indeed, it is possible to state explicitly that the terminal
point was never reached, as in Mary was singing a song when she died. (Comrie
1978:47)
Montolalu (2001) studied aspectual meaning in Indonesian discourses. Using the
Smith’s concept of situation types, Montolalu presented the aspectual meaning of a discourse.
However, she did not explain how to decide the meaning in Indonesian. For example, Montolalu
(2001:182) explained that a ter-V in (4) has a telic meaning because the verb expresses
“menyatakan mencapai hasil yang disebutkan kata dasar” (achieving the result stated by the
base verb) and “peristiwa telah tercapai” (the event has been achieved).
(4) Perum Angkasa Pura Dua tercatat sebagai pembayar PBB terbesar.
‘The Angkasa Dua Ltd. has been recorded as the largest tax payer.’
The explanation implies that, according to Montolalu (2001), a telic situation refers to the
succesful of achieving the terminal end point. The explanation shows that Montolalu (2001)
blends the concepts of telicity and aspectuality. It is incorrect because the meaning of telic
situation is the process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point. The telic
situation can be expressed using a perfective or an imperfective aspect.
The present study is an attempt not to confound telicity and aspectuality. In this paper, I
would like to discuss how the concept of telic and atelic situations is performed in Indonesian.
Generally, a telic or atelic situation is expressed by a verb and its arguments. But, it is a verb
that has a potential meaning of telicity. The potential meaning is or is not realized when the verb
is used as a predicate together with its arguments in a sentence. This study has two purposes.
The first is to examine the relation between the verb forms of Indonesian and the telic or atelic
meaning. The second is to identify the kinds of arguments that influence the telicity of the verbs.
THEORETICAL CONCEPTS OF TELICITY
Human beings use several ways to perceive realities in the physical world. The result of the
perceiving activity is the description of realities in someone’s mind that are called situations
(Comrie 1976:13; Lyons 1977:483) or states of affairs (Dik 1989:89). To express the situations,
a speaker tends to classify them into certain types of situations based on their inherent temporal
structures. The way the situations are classified into certain types of situation is called
actionality (Bache 1997:218). Some linguists, such as Comrie (1976), Mourelatos (1981), Dik
(1989; 1994), and Smith (1991), are interested in studying the actionality and how to express the
actionality in a language.
Every linguist uses different ways to classify situations into types of situations. By
using the term inherent aspect or semantic aspect, instead of actionality, Comrie (1976:41—51)
makes opposition between punctual vs. durative situations, telic vs. atelic situations, and state
vs. dynamic situations. The terms of the situation types follow inherent temporal features of the
situations. It means that Comrie (1976: 41—51) uses the features of (+ punctual), (+ telic),
and (+ dynamic). Mourelatos (1978 in Verkuyl 1993:50—51) also uses the same temporal
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Nurhayati
features to classify situations into four categories: states, processes, developments, and punctual
occurrences. Verkuyl (1993:50) assumes that the classification follows the idea of Vendler
(1957) and Kenny (1963) for categorizing verb-types. Dik (1989:91) uses a term states of affairs
(SoAs) instead of situations to refer perceived realities. Dik (1989:91) also uses the three
inherent temporal features, (+ dynamic), (+ telic), (+ punctual/momentaneous), and adds two
more features, (+ control), and (+ experience) to classify SoAs into six types: position, state,
accomplishment, activity, change, and dynamism. And finally, using the inherent temporal
features of dynamicity, telicity, and punctuality, Smith (1991:30), followed by Brinton (2000)
and Cruse (2004:287),
classifies situations into states, activities, accomplishments,
achievements, and semelfactives. The above explanation shows that the temporal features of
dynamicity, telicity, and punctuality have significant roles in classifying situations into types of
situations.
In this section, I will not explain the three features in more detail, but I will explain one
of the inherent temporal features, i.e. telicity. The two other features will be explained if they
have relationship with the explanation of telicity. Strictly speaking, this section consists of the
explanation about the basic concept of telicity and what language expressions are used to
express telicity.
The term telic and atelic, as proposed by Garey (as quoted in Binnick 1991:189), is as
follows: telic situations have inhrent terminal points or natural culminations and atelic situations
“do not have to wait for a goal fot their realization”. Some linguists, such as Comrie (1976),
Mourelatos (1978), Hopper and Thompson (1990), Dahl (1989), and Smith (1991), develop the
telicity concept in order to differentiate activity from accomplishment. The two types of
situation are both dynamic and durative. The different feature is that the first does not have a
natural goal whereas the second has. Therefore, an activity is categorized as an atelic situation
and an accomplishment is a telic situation. Based on the concept, Comrie (1976:47) gives a
limitation that the telic situation consists of “both a process leading up to the terminal point as
well as the terminal point” Thus, the situation in (5) is telic because the situation shows a
change of stages (+ dynamic) and lasts in time (+ durative) towards the inherent terminal point,
that is completing reading a novel.
(5) Patrick read a novel.
When, for example, in the middle of reading a novel, Patrick must go out, we cannot report the
situation as “Patrick read [past] a novel” because he has not completed reading it. On the other
hand, the situation in (6) is atelic because it does not have the inherent natural end point or
culmination.
(6) Patrick read.
The activity of reading may continue or be stopped at any time, but it cannot finish.
From the definition of the telicity, Comrie (1976:47) differentiates telic situations from
achievements that is proposed by Vendler (1967). One of the semantic features of an
achievement is [– durative] or punctual. It does not proceed for certain time because an
achievement type of situation just shows the change of state of affair, not the process toward the
process.
The problem occurs when the definition of telic situation is used to describe certain
situations such as “falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race”. The situations can
be perceived either as punctual with no internal part of situation or as durative with internal
temporal part of the situation. The first interpretation is derived from the perception that the
four situations are the moment of changing the state of affair. They do not consist of ‘processes
as a requirement of a telic situation (see Comrie 1978:47). However, Mourelatos (1978) and
Smith (1991) have different opinion about the telicity of the situations. According to the two
linguists, the four situations are categorized into achievement type of situation that is telic.
Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:180– 181) distinguishes telic from atelic situations based on
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whether or not a situation has terminative states of affairs. For him, a telic situation is an
occurrence or dynamic situation that has a terminative state of affair while an atelic situation is
the one that does not have a terminative state of affair. Thus, according to Mourelatos (1978 in
Binnick 1991:181), an activity is an atelic situation and an event is a telic situation. The telic
situations, according to Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:181), consist of two subtypes: (i)
developments or accomplishments with the durative property and (ii) punctual occurrences or
achievements with the punctual property. Smith (1991) also has a thought that the telic feature is
the property of both accomplishment and achivement. As an consequence of her idea, she
creates a new type of situation, that differentiate an achievement from an instantaneous atelic
situation that is called semelfactive.
The second interpretation is resulted from the argument that the situations of “falling
asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race” consist of preparatory process that leads to a
terminal point. When the terminal point is achieved, there is a change from “being awakened”
to a condition of “sleeping”; from “being alive” to “death”; from “being visible” to “being
unvisible”; and from “doing the race” to “being a winner”. The second interpretation results that
the four situations can be depicted using imperfective aspect and be considered as having telic
meaning. The interpretation comes from Freed (1979) that categorized the situations as “gradual
achievements”. “Falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race” are instantaneous
situations that are culminative. Reaching the culminative point is the essential feature of the
situation. It is the typical feature of achievement. However, the situation of “falling asleep” is
initated by an other phase that embeds the situation. The feature makes the gradual achievement
similar to accomplishment and have a telic feature.
In English, the first interpretation is expressed using the verbs fall, die, fade, and win
with perfective aspect, while the second interpretation is expessed using the verbs with
imperfective aspect. In Indonesian, there are verbs such as tertidur ‘fall asleep’, mati ‘die’,
lenyap ‘fade’, and memenangi balapan ‘win the race’ to refer to the first interpretation of the
situations. However, Indonesian speakers have different perception in viewing the preparatory
process that leads to the situation. The first two situations can be percieved as having the
preparatory processes, but they are treated as autonomous situations, not being embedded into
the situation. The preparatory processes of the two situations are expressed using a verb merasa
mengantuk ‘feeling sleepy’, an adjective sekarat ‘dying’, respectively. The other two situations
are considered as having preparatory processes embedding to the punctual situations if the verbs
lenyap and memenangi balapan are combined with durative adverbs such as dalam waktu 20
menit (within 20 minutes).
My opinion is that telicity is a semantic feature of a dynamic and durative situation.
This feature is important to differentiate accomplishment from achievement. An
accomplishment is telic whereas an achievement is atelic. Some achievement situations that are
initiated by a certain process can be grouped as a “gradual achievement” that is telic. The
gradual achiement will describe a process leading up to the culmination if it is viewed using
progressive aspect, but a pure achievement will describe the iterative occurence if it is viewed
using the same aspect.
So far, I have explained the concept of telicity as a property of a situation. In this
section, I am going to discuss how the concept of telic and atelic is expressed in a language.
Comrie (1976:45) says that “situations are not described by verb alone, but rather by the verb
together with its argument (subject and objects)”. Other linguists such as Dik (1989), Binnick
(1991), Smith (1991), and Verkuyl (1993) have the similar idea as Comrie’s. They argue that
situations are expressed in the level of sentences or clauses. Below is the summary of the
semantic and syntactic properties related to the meaning of telicity taken from Comrie
(1976:45—46), Dahl (1981:79—90), Binnick (1991:190) and Smith (1991: 232—239).
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(i)
There are verbs have telic or atelic potential features. In English, verbs
such as, make, build and paint are examples of potential telic verbs;
whereas run, swim, walk, and laugh are examples of atelic verbs. In
German, erkämpfen ‘achieve by means of a fight’ is telic, but kämpfen
‘fight’ is atelic.
(ii) The verbs with an atelic potential meaning express telic situations if they
are combined with a directional prepositional phrase or completive
adverbials. In English the verb walk describes an atelic feature in Martin
walked, but it describes a telic feature in Martin walked to the beach. The
former, Martin walked describes a situation of walking that does not have
natural end point. The agent of the situation can stop walking anytime.
Whenever he stops, we can say that he walked or he has walked. The
latter describes the situation that goes on until reaching the natural end
point. When subject reaches the beach, the situation finishes. On the
contrary, when subject stops walking before reaching the beach, it would
be inappropriate to say Martin has walked to the beach.
(iii) Verbs with a telic potential meaning express atelic situations if they are
combined with mass nouns and bare plurals. In English, He built a house
expresses a telic situation, but he built houses expresses an atelic
situation.
(iv) Certain particles, such as in, at, and on in english can have an atelic effect
from a telic expression. John wrote the report is telic, but John wrote at
the report is atelic.
(v) A verbal English prefix re- forms telic expression, such as in rewrite and
reread.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The present study uses two kinds of data: verbs and sentences. To explain the potential meaning
of telicity that is inherently contained by a verb, I use a number of verbs as data taken from
Chapter IV of Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et all. 1998) and Chapter I of
Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar (Sneddon 1996). The two chapters discuss Indonesian
verbs and provide a number of varied examples based on their syntactic feature (transitive vs.
intransitive verbs) and on their forms (primary vs. secondary verbs/derived verbs). The verbs
must have semantic features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative] because a verb can have telic or
atelic meaning if it has the two features.
To select the kind of verbs, I used the following semantic and syntactic parameters:
(i)
(ii)
A dynamic verb can answer the question Apa yang dilakukan oleh
subjek? ‘what does subject do?’ or can be used to make an imperative
sentence. For example, tiba ‘arrive’ berlari ‘run’ and pulang ‘go home’
are dynamic verbs because they can answer the question and can function
as a predicator of an imperative sentence, whereas mempunyai ‘have’ is
stative or non-dynamic. The result shows that I have to eliminate
mempunyai from the data list.
A durative verb can answer the question Berapa lama situasi
terjadi/berlangsung? ‘how long does the situation happen?’. Based on the
test, I also have to eliminate the verb tiba from the data list, because the
verb expresses the momentary event and can answer the second question.
The next step is analysing the data to decide whether a verb is potentially telic or atelic.
Based on the telicity concept proposed by Comrie (1976:45—46), Dahl (1981:79—90), Binnick
(1991:190) and Smith (1991:232—239), a telic verb inherently has a goal or a terminal point. It
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is a matter of semantics parameter. Pulang is a verb depicting a situation that has a natural end
point. When an agent arrived home, the situation of ‘going home’ could not continue. On the
other hand, berlari expresses the situation that goes with unlimited duration. Subject of the
action can stop or continue any time s/he wants. The verb pulang has a telic potential meaning,
whereas berlari has an atelic potential meaning (see the semantic parameter).
Sentences are the second kind of data that are used to identify the influence of
arguments in depicting the telicity of a situation. The sentences must consist of verbs with the
semantic features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative]. They were taken from the two books,
newspapers, and from internet. To complete the kind of data, I also created sentences that were
not found from the previus sources. In this analysis I used some techniques such as ellipsis,
substitution, expansion, opposition, and paraphrase.
RESULTS
The Expressions of Telic and Atelic Situations in Indonesian
Using assumptions that a potential meaning of telicity is expressed by verbs, I start analyzing
Indonesian verbs as a unit of analysis. To identify the difference of a telic verb and an atelic
verb, I analyze the verbs in a sentence that contains singular nouns or noun phrases as the
argument. The aim of the limitation is to build a sentence that expresses a single situation. The
influence of arguments in expressing telicity will be explained in the next part.
In this paper, the semantic parameters that are used to identify a telic or atelic sentence
are as follows.
(i)
Indonesian verbs have an inherent meaning that potentially refers the telicity.
(ii) Telicity is a feature of dynamic and durative sentences.
(iii) The potential meaning can be realized or remain potential if the verbs are
in a sentence level based on their constellations with other arguments.
(iv) A telic sentence expresses a situation that inherently has a goal or a
terminal point whereas an atelic sentence expresses a situation that does
not have a terminal point.
(v) When the terminal point is reached, the situation finishes and the telic
sentence implies a meaning of changing a state of affair.
(vi) The situation expressed by an atelic sentence can stop any time but can
not finish.
(vii) The non-inclusive adverbial phrase selama… ‘during...’ collocates with
an atelic sentence but the inclusive adverbial phrase dalam waktu … ‘in
(time)’ collocates with a telic sentence.
The Potential Telicity of Indonesian Verbs
Based on their forms, Indonesian verbs are classified into two categories; those are simple or
affixless verbs and derived verbs.2 Verbs in the first category can directly function as
predicates. On the other hand, the derived verb can function as a predicate after being added by
certain affix(es) or derived through other derivational processes. According to Alwi et all.
(1998:101) derived verbs are “verba yang dibentuk melalui transposisi, pengafiksan,
reduplikasi, atau pemajemukan (pemaduan)” (verbs that are derived from the processes of
transposition, affixation, reduplication, or compounding). In this paper, I will only discuss the
derived verbs from the process of affixation and transposition. The two other derived verbs,
reduplication and compounding, will be studied in the other occasion. Transpositional verbs,
such as jalan or berjalan ‘walk’, cangkul or mencangkul ‘hoe’, and sendok or menyendok
‘spoon’ according to Alwi et al. (1998:101) are verbs derived from noun. The affixes of the
verbs does not function to change the meaning, but to mark the formality of the form. The
discussion of the type of verbs will be included in the discussion of affixed verbs.
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The Affixless Verbs
Among the affixless verbs taken from Alwi et all. (1998) and Sneddon (1996), there are at least
twenty five verbs that have the semantic feature [+ dynamic] and [+ durative]. Based on the
potential telicity, they are grouped into three.
duduk
lari
mandi
mohon
tampil
terbang
tidur
tumbuh
turut
pergi
naik
turun
I
‘sit’
‘run’
‘bath’
‘beg’
‘appear’
‘fly’
‘sleep’
‘grow’
‘participate’
‘go’
‘go up’
‘go down’
karam
lewat
pulang
roboh
tenggelam
terjun
tumbang
lenyap
II
III
‘sink’
makan ‘eat’
‘pass
minum ‘drink’
‘come back’ potong ‘cut’
‘fall down’
‘sink
‘jump’
‘collapse
‘disappear’
Group I consists of verbs that inherently have meaning of unended activities. The situation that
is expressed by the verbs is the one which does not have a natural end point. Someone may run,
sleep, grow, sit, beg, bath, appear, fly, and participate for unlimited time. He can halt at any
point of the situation time. The verb terbang, for example, can be used to express the situation
of flying without being limited by a natural end point. Sentence (7) expresses the situation of
flying without having a natural end point. There is no culmination in the situation.
(7)
Burung elang itu terbang tinggi sekali.
(The eagle flew very highly)
(atelic)
When the bird suddenly stops flying, the sentence still has a truth value. From the inherent
meaning, it can be said that the group I has a potential atelic meaning. The verbs are categorized
into intransitive verbs because they do not need objects on the sentence level.
The verbs in group II are also categorized as intransitive verbs. However, the verbs
express the situations that are different from the situation expressed by group I. The second
group of verbs expresses the situation that has a natural culmination. Someone who sinks
[tenggelam] will finish sinking if he/she reaches the bottom of the river, the swimming pool, the
sea, etc. It means that the situation of sinking consists of process leading up to the bottom of a
place. The verb pulang ‘go home’ expresses the situation of moving to the initial place. If in the
middle of the activity, before arriving at the initial place, someone cancels the activity, the
situation of pulang has not been achieved. The verb lenyap expresses the process of fading
object gradually until the object cannot be seen anymore. The example of the sentence that
describes the kind of situation is as follows.
(8) Bayangan itu perlahan-lahan lenyap di balik pepohonan .
‘The shadow gradually disappeared behind the trees.’
The last group of the verbs is categorized as transitive verbs. We find the difficulty to
identify the telicity of the verbs because it depends on the feature of their arguments. The role of
arguments in deciding telicity will be explicated later.
The Affixed and Transpositional Verbs
Most of the Indonesian verbs are formed by the process of affixation. Some affixes can be
embedded both to intransitive and transitive verbs and some of them can only be embedded to
either intransitive or transitive verbs. Based on the explanation of Alwi et al. (1998:119—146),
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intransitive verbs can be formed by adding affixes meng-, ber-, ber-/-kan, ber-/-an, ter-, and kean, whereas transitive verbs can be formed by adding affixes meng-/ -kan, -i, per-/-kan, per-/-i,
di-, and ter-.
Among the prefixes that derive intransitive verbs, prefix ter- and ke-/-an generally build
verbs that do not have the feature [+ dyn, + dur]. Therefore, I will not analyze the kinds of
verbs. The intransitive verbs that have the feature [+ dyn, + dur] are derived by adding prefix
meng-, ber-, and ber-/-an, to their base. Verbs containing meng- perform either telic or atelic
situations. The meng- intransitive verbs (meng-Int-Vs) that have meaning ‘become [base]’ and
‘go to [base] tend to have a potential telic meaning. The verbs are exemplified as follows.
Meaning: ‘Become [base]’
Meaning: ‘Go to [base]’
Membatu ‘harden’
Mengering ‘dry’
Membusuk ‘decay’
Memutih ‘become white’
Menyempit ‘tighten’
Membesar ‘enlarge’
Menyatu ‘integrate’
Mendarat ‘land’
Melaut ‘go to sea’
Menepi ‘move to the side’
Mengutara ‘go north’
Verbs such as menyatu ‘integrate’, mendarat ‘land’, membatu ‘harden’, and memutih ‘become
white’ express a process towards a culmination, those are being united, reaching a land area,
being hard, and being white respectively. When the culmination is reached, the activities finish.
Therefore, they are categorized as telic verbs.
On the other hands, other meng-Int-Vs that have meanings ‘consume [base]’, ‘resemble
[base]’, ‘produce sound [base]’, and ‘collect [base]’ inherently describe situations that do not
have the culmination. The situations they describe can be halted but cannot finish. The verb
merokok ‘smoke’, for example, expresses the situation that a subject consumes cigarettees.
There is no natural end point that the subject must achieve. When at any time the subject ceases
smoking, it can be implied that he has smoked. The feature leads to conclude that the meng-IntVs of this type have a potential atelic meaning. Some other examples of meng-Int-Vs with an
atelic meaning are as follows.
Meaning ‘consume [base]’
Meaning ‘resemble [base]’
Meaning ‘produce sound of [base]’
Meaning ‘collect [base]’
Mengopi ‘drink coffee’
Membukit ‘resemble a hill’
Menyemut ‘resemble ants’
Mengeong ‘miouw’
Meraung ‘roar’
Memekik ‘scream’
Mendamar ‘collect resin’
Merumput ‘collect grasses’
Intransitive verbs that are derived by combining a base form plus ber--kan express the
stative situation, such as berdasarkan ‘based on’, beranggotakan ‘have as members’, and
‘beristrikan ‘have as a wife’. Therefore, the verbs are nor discussed in the paper.On the other
hand, ber- and ber--an that create patterns ber-Int-Vs and ber-Int-Vs-an form affixed verbs that
have various actional features. Among them which have features of [+ dynamic] and [+
durative] are the derived verbs that have meanings ‘use/wear [base]’, ‘result [base]’, ‘conduct
activity of [base]’, ‘undergo the event of [base]’, and ‘reciprocal’. They express atelic situation.
Those kinds of verbs express the situation that go on without having culmination. The
following table shows some atelic verbs that are formed by adding ber- and ber—an.
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Meaning of affix ber- and ber—an.
‘use [base]’
‘result [base]’
‘conduct activity of [base]’
‘undergo the event of [base]’
‘reciprocal’
Examples
Bersepeda ‘(to go) using bicycle’
Berlayar ‘(to go) sailing’
Berkata ‘say’
Berteriak ‘shout’
Bepergian ‘go’
Berguguran ‘fall several times’
Berjualan ‘sell for a living’
Berpelukan ‘embrace each other’
Bersahutan ‘answer each other’
As I said in the previous explanation, the Indonesian transitive verbs can be derived by adding
the affixes meng-, -kan, -i, per-/-kan, per-/-i, di-, and ter-. Most of transitive verbs that contain
prefix ter- express the stative meaning. Therefore, I will not analyze the kind of verbs. Prefix
di- builds passive verbs. The prefix has a close relationship with the active prefix of meng-.
Based on the syntactic property, I will discuss the telicity of the meng-V and di-V together.
The transitive verbs using affix meng- express a meaning ‘melakukan perbuatan yang
dinyatakan oleh kata dasar’ (to do the activity that is stated by their base form) (Alwi et al.
1998:119). The kind of verbs can express either telic or atelic situations. The examples of the
verbs that have telic meanings are mengambil ‘to fetch’, menjual ‘to sell’, menutup ‘to close’,
membuka ‘to open’, and membangun ‘to build’. Those verbs, as exemplified below, are used
to describe the situation that has a natural end point.
(9)
Ia mengambil topi itu lalu meninggalkan aku sendiri.
‘he fetched the hat and leaved me alone.’
(10) Mia bangkit dari tempat duduknya, lalu membuka jendela dan menutupnya kembali.
‘Mia stood up, opened the window, and closed it.’
(11) Aku membangun rumah ini dalam waktu satu tahun.
‘I built this house in a year.’
The verb mengambil in sentence (9) describes the situation that proceeds until subject succeeded
to move the hat from the first place to his hand. The change of the state of affair marks the
natural end point of the situation. If the subject stops the activity before reaching the terminal
point, the situation still contains the natural end point, but it is not clear whether the subject
continue to reach the end point or not. To illustrate, consider the following example.
(12) Ia sedang mengambil topi itu ketika tiba-tiba terdengar orang mengetuk pintu.
Ia lari melewati pintu belakang, meninggalkan aku sendiri.
‘He was fetching his hat when suddenly someone knocked on the door.
He run away passing through the back door and leave me alone.’
The use of the aspectual marker sedang in sentence (12) expresses that the end point has not
been reached. The example (10) expresses the situations of opening and closing the window that
each of them contains natural goal. The first goal is the change from closing to opening while
the second goal is the change from opening to closing. The natural end point that is expressed
by the example (11) is the result of building, that is new new house.
The use of prefix di- for the verbs above results the passive construction. Changing
from active to passive does not change the telicity of the sentence. The passive forms of the
examples (9) to (11) are as follows.
13 Topi itu diambilnya, lalu ia meninggalkan aku sendiri.
‘The hat was fetched and then he left me alone.’
14 Mia bangkit dari tempat duduknya, lalu jendela itu dibuka dan ditutup kembali.
‘Mia stood up, the window was opened and then it was closed .’
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15 Rumah ini dibangun dalam waktu satu tahun.
‘This house was built in a year.’
The passive sentences express the situations that proceed to the goal; those are completing
activities of fetching the hat, opening and closing of the window, and building the house. The
difference between meng-V and di-V is related to the focussing.The active sentences focus on
the actor while the passive ones focus on the recipients.
The verbs such as memakai ‘to wear’, melihat ‘to see’, membawa ‘to bring’, and
memegang ‘to hold’, are the example of atelic verbs. In a sentence that has singular arguments
(subject and object), the verbs depict situations that are on going without any terminal point.
Subject can do the activity as long as he can. He can stop anytime without changing the property
of the situation.
From the above exlanation, there is a tendency that the telic feature of meng-V and di-V
depends on the inherent meaning of their base. If the base has the potential telic meaning such
as ambil, bangun, buka, and tutup, the affix verbs are also telic. On the other hand, if the base is
atelic, the affix verb is telic. It can be concluded that adding prefix meng- or di- cannot influence
the telicity ofthe base verb.
Affix (me-)/-kan can be combined with verbs, verbal phrases with ber-, nouns,
adjectives, and prepositional phrases to construct transitive verbs (Alwi et al. 1998:119). The
transitive verbs of this kind express two kinds of meaning : (i) ‘melakukan perbuatan yang
dinyatakan oleh kata dasar’ (conduct the activity stated by its base) and ‘menyebabkan
sesuatu/seseorag menjadi (kata dasar)’ (causative meaning). Most of the transitive verbs
containing the affix (me-)/-kan have the potential telic meaning. Here are the examples of the
verbs.
Base
Verb
Adjective
Noun
Prepositional Phrase
Derived Verb
menjualkan ‘sell for someone’
mengerjakan ‘do’
Mengeringkan ‘to dry/to evaporate’
Membebaskan ‘to
Meminggirkan ‘put to the edge’
Memojokkan ‘put to the corner’
Mengeluarkan ‘take outside’
Mengedepankan ‘set forth’
Meaning
(conduct the activity)
causative
locative
locative
Based on the inherent meaning of the verbs, there is a tendency that most of the
transitive verbs with an affix (me-)/-kan containing the feature [+ dyn, + dur] express telic
situations in a sentence level. The telic meaning can be seen in the following examples.
(16)
(17)
(18)
(19)
Ibu menjualkan rumah temannya. ‘My mother sold the house of her friend’
Saya mengeringkan baju seragam . ‘I dryed the uniform’
Dia memojokkan lemari pakaian saya. ‘He put my wardrobe to the corner’
Perempuan itu mengeluarkan sebuah surat dari dalam tas.
‘The woman takes a letter out from her bag.’
Sentence (16) expresses a situation that has a natural end point that is the state of being
sold out. The situation of selling the house proceeded until someone bought it. It is the
description of a telic situation. The similar description is expressed by the sentences (17), (18),
and (19). The sentence (17), for example, implies that we can not say the situation of drying the
uniform finishes until the uniform is in a dry condition.
Sneddon (1996:84) says that there are two major functions of transitive verbs with -i:
locative -i and repetitive -i. The locative verbs with -i need objects that are places or persons to
which the actions are directed. The objects function as recipients or locations (Sneddon
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1996:85). Like the other transitive verbs, -i locative verbs also have telic or atelic inherent
meanings. The examples of telic -i locative verbs are as follows:
menandatangani
mengakhiri
memagari
menamai
mewarnai
menguliti
memenuhi
menghabisi
mendekati
‘to sign’
‘to end’
‘to fence’
‘to name’
‘to colour’
‘to peel’
‘to fulfill’
‘to finish off’
‘to approach’
melompati
melangkahi
memasuki
menemui
menutupi
mengenali
mendapati
mendatangi
menyeberangi
‘to jump over’
‘to step over’
‘to enter’
‘to meet’
‘to cover’
‘to recognize’
‘to find’
‘to visit’
‘to cross over’
On the other hands, the following list of -i locative verbs describe atelic situations:
mengipasi
mensponsori
membuntuti
mendalangi
‘to fan’
‘to sponsor’
‘to trail after’
‘to mastermind’
mengurangi
mendampingi
menangisi
menghalangi
‘to reduce’
‘to stand beside’
‘to weep over’
‘to prevent’
The second group of transitive verbs, the repetitive -i verbs, expresses the situations that
occur more than once. It can be said that the repetitive –i verbs depict atelic situations because
the situations can be performed again and again without natural ending. The examples of the
repetitive –i verbs are:
menciumi
menebangi
mengambili
memukuli
‘to kiss repeteadly’
‘to chop down repeatedly’
‘to fetch repeatedly’
‘to hit repeatedly’
mengangkati
menggigiti
menggaruki
menembaki
‘to lift repeatedly’
‘to bite repeatedly’
‘to scratch repeatedly’
‘to shot repeatedly’
Other transitive verbs are verbs with per- and –kan or –i. Some transitive verbs need only per-,
such as memperbanyak ‘to multiply’, mempermudah ‘to make easy’, and mempersulit ‘to make
difficult’, but some other verbs need both per- and –kan or –i, such as mempermainkan ‘to
make fun of’, mempersenjatai ‘to arm with’, and memperingati ‘to commemorate’. Just like the
other transitive verbs, the verbs with per- and –kan or –i have potential meaning of telicity. But
most of them inherently express atelic situation. The group of verbs that have causative meaning
such as memperbesar ‘to enlarge’, memperjelas ‘to clarify’, memperindah ‘to make more
beautiful’, and memperpanjang ‘to extend’ are atelic. They depict situations that proceed for
unlimited time. There is no terminal point that should be achieved. The agent of the situation
can go on or stop his activity any time. On the other hand, there are only several verbs with
per- and –kan or –i that inherently have telic interpretation. Among them are memperisitri ‘to
take as wife’, mempertemukan ‘to meet’, and mempersatukan ‘to unite’.
Verbs derived from the process of reduplication tend to express an atelic meaning such
as, berteriak-teriak ‘to shout repeatedly’, pukul-memukul ‘to hit each other’, menimang-nimang
‘to move a child up and down in the arms repeatedly’, and menyobek-nyobek ‘to tear something
repeatedly’. They have potency to express situation that occurs more than one time and do not
have a certain natural ending.
The Influence of Arguments and Other Complements in Expressing Telicity in Indonesian
As explained from the previous discussion, a situation is signaled by a verb together with its
arguments (subject and objects) in a sentence level. In this section, attention will be paid to the
influence of the arguments and other complements in a sentence in expressing the telicity of a
situation. The semantic aspects of arguments that influence the telicity of a sentence are
plurality and genericity. As being discussed in the previous part, a sentence that has a singular
162
definite subject and/or object expresses a single situation. In this environment, the potential
telic/atelic meaning of a verb occurs. Consider the following sentences.
(20) Mobil itu tenggelam ‘The car sank’
(21) Pesawat itu terbang ‘The car flew’
(22) Pak Tino menggambar kuda ‘Mr. Tino drew a horse’
Each of the three sentences describes a single situation. However, the situations described in
(20) and (22) are different from the one in (21). Sentences (20) and (22) describe telic situation,
while sentence (21) describe an atelic one. In (20), the situation of sinking proccedes towards
the bottom (of the river/sea). It is the natural end point of the situation. If, for example, the car is
lifted before reaching the bottom, the situation can not be described using the sentence (20). The
telic meaning of the sentence is built by the combination of the singular definit noun and the
potential telic verb. In (22) the telic meaning of drawing a horse is expressed through the
interaction of a proper name, a single definit noun, and a potential telic verb. Sentence (21), on
the other hand, describes the atelic situation because the activity of flying does not have a
natural end point.
To show that the form of noun as an argument can influent the telicity of a sentence, I
will substitute the definite singular noun mobil itu in (16) with an indefinite plural noun banyak
mobil ‘many cars’ such as in:
(23) Banyak mobil tenggelam ‘Many cars flew.’
The situation described in (23) consists of several telic subsituations. It is called a multiple
situation (Huddleston and Pullum 2002:123). The whole sentence describe an atelic situation
because the sentence does not give information when the situation finishes. The problem is
what formal marker of a noun is used as an indicator of telicity. Unfortunately, the marker of
definiteness is not obligatory in Indonesian. Alwi, et all. (1998:285) state that noun can stand
alone without an article or any quantifier in a sentence. It can refer to a singular entity, some
entities, or all entities. They give an example of the word anjing ‘dog’. The reference of the
word depends on contexts of a sentence containing the word. In a sentence
(24) Anjing suka tulang. (Alwi, et al. 1998:285)
‘Dogs like bones.’
the words anjing and tulang refer to all dogs and bones in general. However, in a sentence such as
(25) Aku tadi dikejar anjing.
‘I was chased by a dog a moment ago.’
the word anjing refer to a certain dog eventhough there is no article that accompanies the noun.
The explanation implies that in Indonesian, the difference between a generic and specific
concept is not grammatically marked. The characteristic of Indonesian nouns make us consider
that the telicity of a sentence is also based on the context.
Beside the arguments, other components can also influence the telicity of a sentence.
The atelic situation described in (21) can be changed into telic one by adding a certain adjunct in
the sentence. The sentence (26) below is the modification of sentence (21):
(26)
Pesawat itu terbang mengitari markas besar kami.
‘The plane flew around our headquarter.’
Adding adjunct mengitari markas kami changes the atelic sentence of (21) become a
telic one. The situation described in (26) is a complete situation that has a natural end point. If,
in the middle of flying, the plane fell down, the situation can not be described by using sentence
(26). Another adjunct can also change the telicity of sentence (21). A temporal adjucnt such as
dalam waktu satu jam ‘in one hour’ can change the atelic sentence become a telic one. Look at
the following modified sentence:
163
Nurhayati
(27)
Pesawat itu terbang dalam waktu satu jam.
‘The plane flew in one hour.’
When the plane has flown during thirty minutes, the situation described by (27) has not
completed.
CONCLUSION
The explanation of the relationship between the concept of telicity and the verb forms in
Indonesian shows that the telic or atelic meaning inherently contained by a verb depends on
their semantic and syntactic features. The study gives a description that only the dynamic and
durative verbs contain the meaning of telicity. The finding of the study can be summarized as
follows.
(i)
Affixless intransitive verbs can have either telic or atelic meaning. Their
telicity depends on their basic meaning. For example, tidur ‘sleep’ is
atelic because, the meaning the verb refers to a certain activity that does
have natural end point. Tidur can happen in unlimitted time. On the other
hand, tumbang ‘collapse’ performs a situation that is bounded by a
terminal point. Therefore, tumbang has a potential telic meaning.
(ii) It is more difficult to identify the meaning of telicity contained by the
affixless transitive verbs in isolation. The telic meaning of this kind of
verbs depends on their arguments. For example, makan ‘eat’ is telic in
saya makan sepotong kue ‘I ate a slice of cake’, but it is atelic in saya
makan nasi setiap hari ‘I eats rice everyday’.
(iii) Affixed intransitive verbs can also express either telic or atelic meaning.
It is the semantic feature of the verbs that are more decisive.
(iv) There are some group of affixed verbs that tend to perform a certain
telicity: (a) the transitive verbs with affix –i that express repetitive
meaning have an atelic potential meaning; (b) most reduplicative verbs
have an atelic potential meaning; (c) intransitive verbs with ber- -an have
a telic potential meaning; and (d) most of intransitive verbs with ter- have
an atelic potential meaning.
(v) The forms of arguments and other complements of a sentence determine
the telicity of sentence. The summary of the above explanation is as
follows: (a) the arguments with the definite, singular, or countable feature
do not change the telicity of verbs; (b) the arguments with the indefinite,
plural, or uncountable feature influence the telic verbs to form atelic
sentences; (c) certain directional prepositional phrases or completive
adverbials influence the atelic verbs to form telic sentence.
NOTE
1
2
*
The term situation is used to cover various ‘things’ that can be expressed through a clause (Declerck
1991:14)
The terms affixless is suggested by M. Umar Muslim, PhD. as the reviewer of the paper. Actually he
suggested the affixed verbs for the the verbs that are not categorized as affixless verbs. However, the
group of verbs are formed not only through affixation. They are also formed trough transposition,
repetition, and compounding. In this paper I use the term derived verbs instead of affixed verbs.
I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft; and for
much earlier version, I am thankful to Dr. Harry Aveling, Ph.D. DCA, an Adjucnt Professor of
Southeast Asian Literature, from LA TROBE University, for his reading and editing through the
paper ; and I also would like to thank M. Umar Muslim, PhD. for his helpful comment.
164
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165
and
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
SOME NOTES ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
LANGUAGE USE AND MORAL CHARACTER:
A CASE OF LINGUISTIC CORRUPTION IN INDONESIAN1
Freddy K. Kalidjernih*
freddy.kirana@gmail.com
Abstract
One way to explore the linkages between language use and national character is to
scrutinize the way the national language is corrupted, or “linguistic corruption”.
Linguistic corruption can be understood as a way of speaking that does not comply with
accepted language standards, but rather tends towards ill-considered, irresponsible,
haphazard or even dishonest expression. This frequently occurs in the public arena, a
place where one would expect the primacy of courteous, well ordered speech in the
interests of broad “national advancement”. This self-reflexive paper examines several
cases which exemplify language corruption. Linguistic corruption (as flawed
expression) may occur through imperfect education, a matter which is beyond the scope
of the present paper. More importantly, this paper proposes that linguistic corruption
often reflects the attitude that language need not comply with principles, and proposes
an analogy between unthinking disregard for linguistic principles and a similarly
unthinking disregard for moral principles. This is manifested in the character and
identity of part of the Indonesian nation, and is in part a reflection of the cultural
hegemony of the political elite and bureaucracy.
Key words: linguistic corruption, Indonesian, I-grammar, I-morality, moral character,
morality, rules, representations, intentionality, taken for granted
knowledge, blurring (the) boundaries
Salah satu cara meneluri keterkaitan antara pemakaian bahasa dan karakter bangsa
adalah meneropong bagaimana bahasa bangsa itu “dikorup”, atau “korupsi bahasa”
(linguistic corruption). Korupsi bahasa dapat dipahami sebagai suatu cara berbahasa
yang tidak mematuhi kaidah bahasa, tetapi lebih merupakan ekspresi yang asal-asalan,
“semau-gue”, tidak peduli, tidak bertanggung jawab atau bahkan tidak jujur. Ikhwal
ini sering terjadi pada ranah publik tempat santun-berbahasa dan keapikan berbahasa
diharapkan dan dijunjung tinggi demi kemajuan suatu bangsa. Makalah refeksif ini
menelaah beberapa kasus yang mencontohkan korupsi bahasa. Korupsi bahasa
(sebagai ekspresi yang keliru) dapat terjadi melalui pendidikan yang salah, suatu
masalah di luar cakupan makalah ini. Makalah ini berargumen bahwa korupsi bahasa
sering merefleksikan sikap bahwa berbahasa tidak perlu mematuhi prinsip-prinsip, dan
mengajukan suatu analogi antara perlakuan tanpa penalaran tentang kaidah-kaidah
bahasa dan perlakuan tanpa penalaran prinsip-prinsip moral. Ikhwal ini
termanifestasikan dalam karakter dan identitas sebagian bangsa Indonesia, dan
sebagian merupakan cermin dari hegemoni kultural elit politik dan birokrasi.
Kata kunci: korupsi bahasa, bahasa Indonesia, asal-asalan, “semau gue”, karakter
moral, moralitas, kaidah-kaidah, representasi, intensionalitas,
pengetahuan yang sudah membudaya, pelenyapan batas tersamar
“But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought…”
George Orwell
Freddy K. Kalidjernih
IS LANGUAGE RELATED TO MORAL CHARACTER?
Recently much attention has been paid to breaches of morality, such as abuse of power,
corruption, injustice and violence in public domain, however the misuse of language, here the
Indonesian language, is largely ignored. While many people believe that it is necessary to
introduce a solid character education to equip young Indonesians with positive values to
enhance national progress, they also believe that misuse of the national language is
unproblematic. Language is seen as having little connection with moral character. It is only an
instrument for achieving specific goals, and words are no more than ideas that are subjective
and relative.
In fact, language is related to moral character. Language as a metaphor for thinking
about the nature of society has led many scholars to study linguistic expression in relation to
social action. The concept is not new. Well before contemporary scholars proposed a parallel
between verbal expression and mental processes, George Orwell (1946:1-8) wrote his famous
essay “Politics and the English Language” from which the opening quotation is drawn.
Speaking of what he saw as the decline of a language, he wrote that English “… becomes ugly
and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it
easier for us to have foolish thoughts…”. Here he seems not to be advocating a Sapir-Whorf
linguistic relativity/determinism approach, but rather looking at language and thinking as
analogous, interactive processes.
Subsequent and more specialist linguists and social philosophers have taken these ideas
further. They include Austin (1962) and Searle (1969) on speech acts, Grice (1989) on
conversational postulates, maxims and implicatures, and Brown and Levinson (1987) on
politeness. Various social and political issues have also been examined through “text and talk”,
featuring the production and reproduction of social inequality and domination, such as racism
and sexism in the last few decades (Kress & Hodge 1978; Fowler, Hodge, Kress & Trew 1979;
Fairclough 1989; Van Dijk 1993; Wodak 1997; Chilton 2004; Lazar 2005; Van Leeuwen 2005).
All of these studies suggest a relationship between language and morality.
Employing Noam Chomsky’s generative grammar, Mikhail (2011, 2007), Harman
(1998, 1999, 2005), and Roedder & Harman (2008 [2010]) find that the rules of morality are
analogous to the rules of grammar, and that moral theory is in some respects analogous to
linguistic theory. These last two authorities note that while Chomskyan linguists are concerned
with I-grammar as the abstractly specificable properties of a person’s language, moral theorists
are concerned with a person’s moral standards, which can be called I-morality. Roedder &
Harman (2008 [2010]: 4-5) argue that:
Just as a grammar specifies the structure of a well-formed linguistic sentence
by using a specialized linguistic vocabulary, an I-moral grammar might specify
the structure of impermissible actions, using a specialized moral vocabulary.
That is, just as English grammar might specify how a noun phrase and verb
phrase combine to form a grammatical sentence, an I-moral grammar might
specify that that certain actions, in virtue of their structure, are impermissible,
e.g. intentional harm directed towards an innocent person without reason. In
this way, an I-moral grammar might specify certain action-assessment
relationships—or, indeed, character-assessment or situation assessment
relationships. Thus the rules of an I-moral grammar would generate a set of
impermissible actions, just as a linguistic grammar generates a set of
grammatical sentences. An I-moral grammar would have to specify the relevant
structures of the objects of moral assessment (e.g., acts, character traits,
situations, etc.) using a specialized moral vocabulary, perhaps including terms
like ought, obligation, duty, justice, fairness, right, wrong, responsibility,
excuse, justification, etc.
168
Embracing such generative linguistics concepts as competence and performance, and
principles and parameters, they suggest a number of examples to show that transformative
principles within I-grammar can also be found in certain transformative principles within Imorality. As they further argue (Roedder & Harman 1998 [2010]: 8 )
The linguistic analogy suggests that it might be fruitful to suppose that there is
a distinction between moral competence and performance in something like
Chomsky’s technical sense of the terms “competence” and “performance”. As
in the linguistic case, we might suppose that other considerations beyond one’s
assumed I-morality affect moral intuitions.
John Mikhail (2007) postulates that humans possess an innate moral faculty which is, in
some respects, analogous to the faculty for language. Taking John Rawls' remarks in his nowclassic Theory of Justice (Rawls 1971) about a possible analogy between linguistics and moral
theory, he concludes that moral cognition crucially depends on the creation of our complex
mental representations of actions and their components (Mikhail 2011). Citing Chomsky (2000:
71), Harman ( 2001) proposes that the notion of misuse of language is relevant to the study of
group identification, authority structure, and the like, but it has yet to be taken seriously in
linguistics.
This paper addresses the nexus between language and morality in the context of
contemporary Indonesia. Flawed acts of expression (language corruption) and flawed moral
behaviour both articulate the shared “taken for granted” dimensions of everyday life and the
unresisted hegemonic knowledge of the Indonesian elite and bureaucrats. Their misuse of
Bahasa Indonesia often serves as a model for everyday life and expression. Coupled with
imperfect education, it contributes to illogical, inconsistent and inaccurate (improper or
unacceptable) corporate and individual moral character. This taken for granted knowledge, such
as essentially nonsensical words (including scientific concepts) and sentences, generates a
commonsensical knowledge which many Indonesian live by.
Debate continues within the social sciences and humanities relevant to issues of
linguistic behaviour and moral conduct as a social practice. These include the formalismfunctionalism debate within linguistics, and social psychology’s debate between the social
constructionism and social representationism schools of thought. To me, one school’s
perspectives can help “fill the gap” left by another.
This paper is divided into three sections. Section 2.0 discusses the importance of seeing
language and other social (notably moral) actions both as rules and representations. It discusses
rules and representations, and briefly sketches the concept of intentionality. This helps to clarify
the characteristics of mental states which are then expressed in linguistic and moral behaviour.
While noting that “behaviour” as a reflex or automatic action is commonly contrasted with
“action” as a conscious, purposeful thought or deed, I find difficulty in distinguishing between
extreme cases of these. In considering the misuse of language and issues of morality as both
being the products of deeply entrenched socialization, I will use the terms behaviour and action
interchangeably. Section 3.0 briefly discusses issues of habits and misbehavior. Section 4.0
discusses issues of logic, consistency and accuracy in the use of some words and concepts by
native speakers of Indonesian, and is based on field research interviews (see Appendix). Section
5.0 presents some implications of the issues discussed in this paper.
RULES, REPRESENTATIONS, AND INTENTIONALITY
Language and moral character can both be viewed as mental objects with semantic properties
which are socially produced. Within the social representational perspective, Gerard Duveen
(Duveen and Lloyd 1990; Duveen and De Rosa 1992) proposes that these mental objects evolve
through three different genetic transformations: the ontogenetic levels which involve the
169
psychological and cognitive aspects of the self; the microgenetic levels where actual interactions
occur, and the sociogenetic levels of change where particular representations are diffused
through society. Duveen considers the microgenetic levels are the motor for genetic
transformation of social representations. Duveen’s framework helps us understand how our Ilanguage and I-morality are represented in social context.
Language is a system of symbolic representation of a mental state which is socially
and/or environmentally constituted. Cognitive and psychological determinants of an individual’s
character (identity) are implicated in its production. Self-evidently, language cannot be unique
to an individual. If it were, there could be no common language and no communication.
Likewise, the values related to human social conduct are not unique to individuals. People’s
behaviour and morality are relative to the prevailing social environment. Moral character is thus
socially constituted (represented), and linguistic and moral actions are intersubjective rather
than subjective.
Both language and human moral behavior have underlying rules which govern the
normative and non-normative. In using a language, we need to follow certain principles and
parameters in order to make ourselves understood. Some of these are universal, for example the
three “modal” categories of “obligatory”, “permissible” and “forbidden”. In English these are
expressed as must, may, must not; in Latin as debitum, elicitum, interdictum; in Indonesian as
wajib, mubah, haram and so on (Bybee & Fleischman 1995). Similarly there are universal
standards, such as honesty, fairness, politeness and responsibility that we should uphold, and
rules against killing, cheating, lying and doing harm. All of these can be referred to as human
‘moral grammar’.
A standard language can contain non-standard dialects, and an individual within a
language or dialect may have a unique way of using it, or an ideolect. Whether a person
communicates using the standard language, a dialect or a personal ideolect is situationally
determined. Similarly there are moral “languages’, dialects and idiolects, and a person’s choice
of moral behaviour is often dependent on situational clues (Doris 2002, Ross & Nisbett 1991,
Mischel 1968, Fletcher 1966). Doris (2002) notes that behavioral differences are due less to
dispositional differences than to situational ones. People act similarly in similar situations, to a
great extent without the consistency required for trait attribution. Despite this, it is my
contention that people need to observe certain universal and local rules so that society can
function well. Without this guidance people can manipulate the environment to justify changing
their behavior, and others may be subjected to such manipulation. Virtues are like rules of
language that regulate individual and group conduct. In expressing ourselves by using language
as well as involving ourselves in other social actions, we cannot claim that we have an
inalienable right to our own virtues or that our virtues are always as good as anyone else’s.
Apart from rules and representations, we should note that linguistic and social action
involves ‘intentionality’, namely the power of our minds being directed towards some
meaningful target. Our linguistic expressions show how logical, systematic, consistent and
accurate our beliefs or propositions are. Similarly, people’s behavior can be consistent, rigorous,
appropriate and meticulous, responsible, or otherwise. The durability of these qualities can be
referred to as moral character. For example, the statement “The political elite should not be
prosecuted for the sake of saving face” demonstrates a mental representation that face-saving is
more important than punishing a politician who has committed a crime. How logical, accurate,
responsible and appropriate the statement is can be evaluated in terms of justice (and other
relevant criteria). Thus, a person’s mental representation can serve as a reliable indicator of
what that person will do. To a great extent, the character of our mental state can be reduced to a
kind of intentional content.
170
HABITS AND SOCIAL ACTIONS
Behaviourists suggest that inappropriate communication or action stems from a mismatch or
distortion of stimuli (observable inputs) and responses (observable outputs). In its application to
language learning this can result in “error”, caused by incomplete mastery of the language’s
rules, or by “mistakes” due to (for example) boredom, fatigue, or carelessness. Cognitivists, on
the other hand, suggest that although people have the ability to relearn ideas, knowledge and
skills, in fact many of them are content to continue practicing what they are accustomed to
(Tomasello 1999). We do not have direct access to “a singular, stable and fully knowable
external reality. All of our understandings are contextually embedded, interpersonally forged,
and necessarily limited” (Neimeyer 1993:1-2). We tend to go down the road we are used to. We
take up and internalize what we consider “true”, and we perform and routinize this action
because it has proven to work. We either fail to recognize its flaws, or we consciously decide
not to correct them. This behaviour provides no possible feedback structure or error control
regulator.3 In the absence of self-reflexive questioning, the ‘garbage in and garbage out’
processes are (re)produced as a “natural order of things”.
So far I have discussed some general issues concerning the close relationship between
linguistic actions and moral actions, and how the national language of Indonesia may be
corrupted. Against this background, the following section looks at some specific examples of
linguistic corruption, and to the extent to which linguistic corruption reflects other social
misbehavior.
LOGICAL, CONSISTENT, AND ACCURATE DIMENSIONS IN THE USE OF
INDONESIAN
This section examines the extent to which some Indonesian people have logical, consistent and
accurate intuitions of their national language, as reflected by several everyday words or
concepts. For this purpose I conducted five brief interviews (about 45 minutes each) with ten
people. I selected words for discussion that could elicit responses indicative not only of the
respondents’ linguistic but also of their moral grammar. The five interviews were separately
conducted in a very relaxed atmosphere between January 2011 and May 2011 in Jakarta,
Bandung and Pontianak. For ethical issues, the respondent’s names are not given.
(1) Interview in Jakarta with two Bahasa Indonesia language teachers. One, a mother with
two children, teaches at a primary school (Informant A), while the other teaches at
secondary school level (Informant B) and is a father with three children.
(2) Interview in Jakarta with two secondary school leavers. One works at a bank, the other
one is a carpenter (Informant C and Informant D)
(3) Interview in Jakarta with two secondary school students (Informant E and Informant F)
(4) Interview in Pontianak with two undergraduate university students, one studying
forestry (Informant G) and the other studying economics (Informant H)
(5) Interview in Bandung with a citizenship education lecturer (Informant I) and a secretary
with undergraduate degree in economics, working in a university, (Informant J)
To discuss logical reasoning in using Indonesian, the words I used as examples were:
·
·
·
sosialisasi (derived from the the English “socialization”, with the Indonesian meaning
of “to inform, to introduce”);
lembaga pemasyarakatan (prison, jail), and
kurang mampu (literally “less able”, used to mean “poor”.2
In talking about issues of inconsistency, I used examples which violate normative collocations
by changing one part of the collocated cluster or “word package”. The collocations used were:
171
·
·
·
loncat tinggi (jump high),
lompat jauh (jump far), and
susah, sulit and sukar (words approximately meaning ‘difficult’ or ‘in a difficult state’
in English).
In discussing the issues of accuracy, I used the example of truncated compound words, all
denoting “a variety of” or “various”, as in
·
·
·
berbagai (-bagai),
beragam (-ragam), and
bermacam (-macam).
The use of these words has rarely been contested in Indonesian language studies circles.
The official dictionary (Kamus Bahasa Indonesia) produced by the state-owned Language
Center (Pusat Bahasa) suggests several meanings for them, however it seems that careful users
of the language should question how logically, consistently and accurately they are used in
everyday speech. It is necessary to give some ideas of what I mean by logical, consistent and
accurate as follows.
(a) By logical, I mean in agreement with the principles of logic or reasoning. A logical
thinking process strives to be free from such fallacies as making sweeping or hasty
generalizations and drawing irrelevant conclusions. Thus sufficient evidence and
prudence is of high importance.
(b) By consistent, I mean a stable and systematic intuition. A person’s character is
consistent if that person possesses a behavioural trait which is uniformly manifest in a
wide variety of conditions.
(c) By accurate, I mean free from error or mistake; exhibiting correctness, exactness or
closeness to fact or truth, often resulting from the exercise of painstaking care or due
diligence. Accuracy implies conformity to a standard or model or a true value. It
depends on the how the data is collected, and is usually judged by comparing several
measurements from different sources.
Using Cognates and Euphemisms
(a) The interviews with informants A, B, C, D, I and J showed that they considered
sosialisasi (socialization) to have one meaning only, namely “to introduce” or “to
inform”. The informants seem were unfamiliar with the original meaning of sosialisasi
(socialization) derived from sociology (notably symbolic-interactionism). In sociology,
socialization (also known as enculturation in anthropology) is the process by which an
individual (especially a child) acquires the knowledge and personality needed to
become a full member of a society. In this context, socialization is seen not as
something external to the individual self, but internal, in which the individual is shaped
by social interactions with his or her parents and other people (significant others). In
this context, sosialisasi is a “false friend” of socialization in English.
(b) Informants E and F considered lembaga pemasyarakatan (LP) or lapas as synonymous
with prison or jail. However when they were prompted to consider the meaning of
masyarakat (society), they doubted whether lembaga pemasyarakatan makes sense in
relation to “rehabilitating” a criminal. Prison is a place where convicted criminals are
confined as punishment. Their confinement is an effort to make them aware of the
crimes in the hope that they will not repeat them. A “society” is a large group of people
sharing the same customs, laws and social institutions, and can also denote an
organization, a community or a social class. In society there are many non-criminals and
undetected criminals, but the conditions in a free society are very different from a
prison. If a prison is an institution for socialization, we may ask if it can prepare
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criminals to join (for example) the Linguistic Society of Indonesia (Masyarakat
Linguistik Indonesia). Thus, as a euphemism for prison or jail, lembaga
pemasyarakatan is illogical. Although a prison is a social institution, it is inaccurate to
assume that a prison is a socializing institution.
(c) The interviews with informants G and H showed that they assumed kurang mampu
(literally “less able”) to be the same as “poor”. But when they reflected that “poor”
means having little money or few material possession, while kurang mampu refers to
“having less capacity or ability”, they realized that kurang mampu is an inaccurate and
illogical euphemism for poor. In Indonesian, another meaning of poor (miskin) is “to
lack something”, as in Dia miskin pengalaman dalam menyanyi di depan umum (She
lacks the experience of singing in public). Conversely, in Indonesian mampu denotes
possessing the skills or knowledge required to do something, as in Ina mampu
mengangkat koper 20 kg (Ina is able to lift a 20 kg suitcase). One synonym of mampu in
this sense is sanggup – to be able to or capable of doing something.
Shortening and Blending Words
(d) Informants A, B, I and J preferred to use berbagai, instead of berbagai-bagai; beragam,
instead of beragam-ragam and bermacam, instead of bermacam-macam. They also
considered berbagai-macam is an acceptable form. Although they understood that the
correct expressions are the reduplicated forms, they considered that shortening and
blending them is unproblematic. Of course, this is a violation of Indonesian grammar,
where bagai, ragam and macam are all bound morphemes that cannot stand alone. The
reduplicated forms are the correct ones.
Changing Words: Collocation or Diction?
(e) Data from the interviews with informants A, B, C and D showed their inclination to use
susah, sulit and sukar interchangeably. All these words denote “difficult” or “in a
difficult state”. Initially they treated the three words as synonymous and
interchangeable, depending on personal whim. However once they were exposed to
contexts where these three words may or may not be used, they realized that they could
use them in a more systematic (accurate and consistent) way without reducing and
possibly enhancing “communicative values”. Thus, susah tends to refer to emotion, sulit
refers to problematic situations or conditions, and sukar refers to reasoning, such as
solving mathematical problems. For example, one cannot say *Hati gadis itu lagi sukar
(or *Hati gadis itu lagi sulit), but Hati gadis itu lagi susah (The girl’s heart is aching).
(f) On first enquiry, informants A and B considered loncat and lompat to be synonymous.
Both words mean “jump”. In subsequent discussion they realized that it is possible to
use the two words in a more systematic way. The word loncat properly refers to the
movement of one’s body to a vertical direction, while lompat refers to horizontal
movement. Thus, loncat tinggi and lompat jauh (jump high and jump far), and loncat ke
bawah and lompat ke depan (jump down and jump forward). In English both loncat and
lompat can only be translated as to “jump” (upwards, downwards, forwards and
backwards). In Indonesian, loncat tinggi and lompat jauh are respectively the athletic
events of high jump and long jump. In Indonesian, jauh cannot be collocated with
loncat (*loncat jauh) and tinggi cannot be collocated with lompat (*lompat tinggi).
LINGUISTIC CORRUPTION AS TAKEN FOR GRANTED AND UNRESISTED
KNOWLEDGE
The foregoing discussion reveals that Indonesian is corrupted at least in three ways: 1) the
tendency to use words which do not make sense, hence illogical language; 2) the tendency to
173
use words which do not follow the grammar, hence inconsistent language, and 3) the tendency
to use words using one’s own rules, hence inaccurate or improper or unacceptable language.
One striking phenomenon is that most Indonesians tend to undervalue accuracy or precision,
consistency and logical reasoning in using their national language. They accept error easily, and
seldom think and reflect on the language that they use, particularly new words. Language is but
a means of communication to achieve some specific goals. If the goals are achieved, they do not
consider inappropriate and incorrect expressions as problematic. Such perceptions and practices
make it difficult to develop a culture that encourages systematic, logical and communicative use
of language.
Many Indonesian people tend take incorrect expressions for granted, and accept them as
“natural things”. There is lack of negotiated representation and creative effort to resist the
dominant forces in language use. People tend to uncritically internalize and perpetuate the forms
of thought, feelings and other social practices received from and shaped by the world view of
dominant groups. As a result, linguistic corruption at elite levels becomes linguistic corruption
in the everyday life of the common people.
Linguistic corruption which is not politically motivated appears to be the unthinking,
unconsidered use of language in a way which, if we reflected on it, we would know is incorrect,
but which we use anyway. This happens because not all our knowledge and social
representation is stored in our brains. Our social knowledge is located in social or public space
(Harre 1981). More disturbingly, language corruption has implications for the values, belief
systems and social practices of many Indonesians. It goes beyond an attitude of indifference in
response to uncertainty.
BLURRING THE BOUNDARIES
This short section is intended to link the issues discussed in the literature review with those
exposed from the interviews. In this way we can see the relationship between language
production and moral behaviour by questioning why people prefer lapas to penjara? We can ask
why a criminal is more often diamankan (secured; safeguarded) than ditangkap (being seized or
captured)? Possibly this is because these words blur the boundaries.
·
·
·
Penjara is unequivocally a bad place to be – it is negative. Lapas, with its embedded
reference to masyarakat, is much more positive. We can relate to it without thinking of
prison bars, bad food and misery.
Even sosialisasi is tainted. It is preferred to verbs meaning ‘to tell, inform, introduce’
something that authority is going to do. Programs to mensosialisasikan something are
often a concealed directive from authority which will change something, and which
people might tend to resent or reject. Linking the directive with the word sosial
implicates the people, society, masyarakat in the process, and therefore makes it more
acceptable.
The word tangkap (catch or seize, as in ditangkap polisi) is an assertive action verb. No
one wants it to happen to them. Aman is much softer, with connotations of being secure,
safe. It blurs the boundary between the act of forcefully arresting a criminal, and the
expression of making people secure and safe.
For the criminal it does not matter if he is ditangkap or diamankan, or if he goes to a penjara or
a lapas. But it does matter to us – we want to think the world is a nice place, so we soften (blur)
its rough edges with evasive language.
This might be harmless self deception, but taking it further, what is the real difference between
gratifikasi (reward) and suap (bribery). Whatever semantic games we play, in many cases they
are both essentially the same thing. The only difference is that suap happens before the action it
pays for, while gratifikasi comes after it. The effect on the recipient’s bank account is exactly
the same, and they are both immoral. They are very often “informal” payments to secure
174
benefit. The flow-on effect of preferring lapas and diamankan is that we can accept the word
gratifikasi and not question its morality. Using it blurs the edges of the concept of bribery, and
(unless we really think about it) makes it seem morally acceptable. Verbal slippage (e.g. penjara
to lapas) extends to moral slippage – we can justify acts that violate morality by giving them a
fuzzy name.
This is only an extension of standard New Order diction – not usurping power from
Sukarno but Supersemar – with its clear reference to the likeable Javanese wayang kulit
character. Or Gestapu, linking the PKI (Indonesia Communist Party) with the savagery of the
German Gestapo. Or, the State sponsored killing of half a million people allegedly “directly or
indirectly” involved in the 1965 attempted ‘coup’. But, do not call it the massacre of the PKI – it
was only a pembubaran (disbanding) which sounds much nicer. It eases our collective
conscience and prevents us from reflecting on the morality of the act.
Once we accept the principle that the unpleasant can be rendered inoffensive by giving
it an inoffensive name, we open the doors for unacceptable moral behaviour to be made
acceptable – or at least for its moral status to be made uncertain. When these words become
embedded in the popular dialect, they are the first words we think of. If we are non-critical, they
are the words we will use. This is precisely what George Orwell (1946: 1-8) argued some seven
decades ago. Following his reference to slovenly language and foolish thoughts (cited above),
he observed:
When you think of a concrete object, you think wordlessly, and then, if you
want to describe the thing you have been visualizing you probably hunt about
until you find the exact words that seem to fit it. When you think of something
abstract you are more inclined to use words from the start, and unless you
make a conscious effort to prevent it, the existing dialect will come rushing in
and do the job for you, at the expense of blurring or even changing your
meaning.
A dialect which corrupts language by ameliorating the unpalatable can make it easier for us to
uncritically accept the immoral.
IMPLICATIONS
Research on the use and misuse of Indonesian can help us to understand the problems of moral
behavior that have afflicted some of the people of Indonesia. Our identity is a social product in
the dynamic interaction of our consciousness and capacity for knowledge on one hand, and our
physical and social environment on the other. According to Breakwell, in the construction of
self, “identity is being internalized and in turn provides infrastructure for meaning-making
which is continuously stable” (Breakwell 2010: 6.1).
In view of the foregoing discussion, and with the possibility of making a contribution to
the future of language study in Indonesia, there seems to be a need to explore issues of language
and morality that extend the existing literature of discourse analysis in the country. It is
necessary to look at the extent to which collective misuse of language suggests the possibility of
collectively social misbehavior in the society. 3 If the misuse of language can be seen as related
to social misbehavior, the topic of this paper and its arguments may offer some lessons to
parents, language teachers and educators, particularly in Indonesia: a correct and appropriate use
of language should serve as a role model for our young generations, because it contributes to
clearer thought and better moral character.
My argument is that moral grammar has a complex set of rules, principles and concepts
which generate a person’s mental representation, and that this may enable that person “to
determine the deontic status of an infinite variety of acts and omissions” (Mikhail 2007:144).
However, some of its predetermined core properties are “innate”, and must be triggered and
shaped by appropriate experience. As Chomsky (2000) maintains, with their linguistic
175
competence, normal children must be prepared to acquire language which reflects their
linguistic environment. A child brought up in Italy acquires a version of Italian. The same child
brought up in China acquires a version of Chinese. Children do not need to learn the formal
grammar. They only need to set the parameters in relation to their environment.
Harman (2005) argues that if we look at how children acquire language by way of their
I-grammar, then the same children should acquire their moral standards through their I-morality.
It should thus be unnecessary to purposely teach these moral standards unless there is a “poverty
of the moral stimulus”. I argue that this poverty does in fact exist, and evidence for its existence
can be found in the corruption of the national language and corresponding poverty in national
patterns of everyday morality. Hence it seems that greater exposure to formal moral instruction
may be necessary in the interests of broad “national advancement”.
NOTE
1
2
3
*
In recent years, many scholars tend to use “identity”, rather than “character” in social theory. While
character is considered to be relatively stable, permanent and internal to a person, identity is seen as
fluid and socially constructed. For the purpose of this paper, “character” and “identity”, along with
“moral character” and “social identity” will be adopted and used interchangeably where possible.
“Moral character”, “moral behavior”, and “morality” will be also used interchangeably because the
focus of this paper is on the language in use (social context).
I am indebted to David Henton, who first made me aware of the problems of sosialisasi, lembaga
pemasyarakatan and kurang mampu. Insofar as the issues of linguistic corruption in Indonesian are
concerned, we have some common interests. However, he may disagree with the ways I deal with the
issues.
I am aware of the distinction made between Durhkemian “collective representations” and
Moscovician “social representations”. I will not enter the debates in this paper. Durkhemian
“collective conscience” refers to the shared beliefs and moral attitudes that give cohesion to a society.
This sort of “mechanical solidarity’ is important in simple societies, but this integrating principle is
less important in complex-modern societies where the advanced division of labor creates interdependency (organic solidarity). To me, the focus of the Durkhemian method is on social rather than
psychological facts.
I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft; and for
much earlier version
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APPENDIX
Excerpt of Interview 1
Researcher:
Have you, sir and madam, ever used (the word) sosialisasi?
Informant A:
Yes. Sosialisasi. Often. Often use.
Informant B:
Of, course. Often. From sosial with inflection, becoming sosialisasi. It can
be mensosialisasikan or disosialisasikan.
Researcher
In your opinion, sir and madam, actually, what does sosialisasi mean?
Perhaps, you can give an example in a sentence?
Informant A:
Sosialisasi means. Introducing something to public.
Informant B:
Yes. To the community. So that people know about it, something from the
government. Such as gas-cylinder or law.
Researcher:
So, mensosialisasikan means to inform to public?
Why not use memperkenalkan (introducing) or diperkenalkan (to be
introduced to), instead?
Informant B:
Yes. Correct. For example … the government mensosialisasikan
(introduce) laws so that people know. The word sosial (social) fits well
for society.
Informant A:
Exactly. Probably, usually it does not incur any charge. If the government
mensosialisasikan (introduce) something, they do not charge. The 3
kilogram cylinder gas is distributed free. This is just an example.
Researcher:
Any other meanings? Have you ever looked up in a dictionary?
Informant A:
Yes. I think I have ever done so. But, I cannot remember it well. But, the
common (meaning) of sosialisasi in that one (I mentioned before).
Informant B:
Yes. The common meaning is that one. Menosialisasikan (introducing)
gas cylinder. Mensosialisasikan (introducing) rules …laws.
Researcher:
Can children be disosialisasikan (socialized )?
Informant A:
Mensosialisasikan (socializing) children? I don’t think so.
You mean. Children are diperkenalkan (introduced) to public?
It can be if the children are being popularized. Such as becoming a
celebrity.
Informant B:
Informant A:
Generally, it’s a thing or a law that is socialized…
Researcher:
Let’s talk about something else. What about loncat (jump) and lompat
(jump)? Are they different?
Informant A:
It seems synonymous. Loncat jauh (jump high)is the same as lompat jauh
(jump far)
Researcher:
What about loncat tinggi (jump high)? Can we say lompat tinggi (jump
high)?
Informant A:
Yes, it’s uncommon. I seldom hear (people say) lompat tinggi. It seems …
never. May be, (we) cannot say it like that.
Informant B:
Melompat-lompat (to jump repeatedly) is the same as meloncat-loncat (to
jump repeatedly)
Researcher:
Frog meloncat (jump) or melompat (jump)?
179
Informant A:
Usually melompat.
Researcher:
If we say loncat refers to a vertical direction and lompat refers to a
horizontal direction?
Informant B:
Correct. It seems better. Systematic.
Informant A:
It’s strange. I think up to now it has never been discussed. It seems (the
meanings) are the same. Synonymous. The are interchangeable, but
vertical and horizontal is also possible. It’s better.
Researcher:
What about susah, sukar and sulit (all refer to’ difficult’ state)’?
Informant B:
Usually, they can be interchangeable. For example, sukar to find a job.
Susah or sulit to find a job.
Informant A:
Yes. Quite similar. Only that, if her heart is susah[referring to ‘sad’ or
emotional state], it cannot be changed to her heart is sulit or sukar.
Researcher:
If someone claims that susah refers to emotion, sukar refers to reasoning
[such as soving mathematical problems] and sulit refers to problematical
situation? Aren’t they more systematic? Consistent?
Informant B:
Yes. .. clearer. But, people tend to use them interchangeably. In
dictionary, it seems no explanation (about it).
Informant A:
It depends on the people … There are some people who like using susah
all of the time. There are people who like using sulit. It depends on the
context too.
Informan B:
But, it’s better if they are systematized. The problem is that whether
people will follow (are happy to accept this classification).
Researcher:
What about beragam-ragam and berbagai-bagai?
Informan A:
What do you mean?
Researcher:
Isn’t ragam (variety) a bound morphem? ‘Also, bagai ( variety)? If we
reduplicate them, they will become beragam-ragam and berbagai-bagai.
Like macam, becomes bermacam-macam (a variety of).
Informant A:
But, beragam is already common.
Researcher:
Isn’t it being cut short? Incomplete?
Informant A:
Yes. Its’ true.
Informan B:
Usually, it’s berbagai. Berbagai-bagai doen’t sound good. It’s just more
formal.
Informan A:
Yes. berbagai-bagai sounds awkward. Beragam-ragam too.
180
Researcher:
Do you know the meaning of sosialisasi? Can you exemplify in a
sentence?
Informant C:
Already heard (so many times). Mensosialisasikan (socializing) the use of
new uniform.
Informant D:
Mensosialisasikan means introducing (something) to those who haven’t
known. Such as from the government… mensosialisasikan something.
Researcher:
Have you ever heard a sentence ‘Children socialize themselves with their
environment?’
Informant C:
It seems not yet. Can it be like that? But, it seems possible. Bersosialisasi.
Yes … something like get together. With friend.
Informant D:
Not like that. Sosialisasi means becoming social. There are some
awareness (concern). Such as social concern.
Informant C:
Yes… Yes…Correct…correct. It is possible.
Researcher:
Do you often use susah, sulit or sukar when expressing something?
Informant C:
It seems, if it is me ….(I) often use susah. Also, sulit, If sukar, (I) rarely
(use it). It depends on … the situation.
Informan D:
It seems that sulit is better. If (we) use susah, it seems it related to
something bothersome.
Researcher:
So, you more frequently use sulit than susah and sukar?
Informan D:
Yes. Yes. More or less like that.
Informan C:
Yes. It’s the same. But, I …(use) susah more frequently. Because, people
also like to use susah.
Researcher:
Can you exemplify in a sentence … for susah and sulit?
Informan C:
Oh… susah, I’m broke.
Informan D:
To me …’ Don’t be susah-susah (bother) thinking about uncessary things.
Better do something; … more or less like that.
Researcher:
Can we say ‘His heart is susah (aching) because his girl friend has left
him.’ And ‘His heart is sulit or sukar (aching) because his girl friend has
left him?
Informan C & D:
Of course. It is impossible.
Researcher:
So, does the three (words) have the same meaning?
Informan C:
Yes. I have just thought about it. If susah … seems to refer to emotion.
Researcher:
What about sukar.
Informan D:
Similar, but referring to problem. For example, a difficult problem.
Researcher:
Okay, difficult problem. But, what about sukar?
Informan C:
I don’t know. Confused.
Informan D:
Mathematics. Usually it is mathematics we say sukar. But, it can be the
other two. Depending on the speaker… whatever grabs him. For
example, my legs are sukar to be moved. (I have difficulty to move my
legs)
181
Researcher:
What does LP stand for?
Informant E:
Lembaga Pemasayarakatan. (Institution for socialization)
Informan F:
Jail. Lapas is …prison (penjara), jail (bui).
Researcher:
Does masyarakat ( people or society) outside the prison the same as
masyarakat (people or society) inside the prison?
Informan E & F:
Different.
Informan E:
A prison is for criminals.
Informan F:
Masyarakat … like us.
Researcher:
So, lapas is only for particular persons and not for masyarakat (people)
like us who are free?
Informan F:
Convicts. Law offenders. A corrupt person like […]
Researcher:
But, in your opinion, why is it called lembaga pemasyarakatan? Aren’t
those in the prison part of the society?
Informan F:
Yes. Memasyarakatkan (to socialize) bad people. Oh yes, but it seems
impossible.
Informan E:
Like a school. Bad people are placed in the prison. If they are released,
they can be accepted by their society. Already smart. Will never think of
commiting crimes again.
Informan F:
Well … you must be wrong. How can they become smart. There are a lot
of smart people are jailed. Those who are not guilty are also sentenced to
jail.
Informan E:
Wait a second. Smart means they have been brainwashed. Not going to
commit a crime. Those who used drugs are also sent to jail, but they are
not criminals. They are just ‘self-destructive’. Their families become sad,
something like that.
Researcher:
But, you said that masyarakat is for good people. Jail is for bad people?
Why is jail called masyarakat (society or people)? Why not a place for
rehabilitating law offenders? And, not LP.
Informant E:
Probably, it is just too long?
Informan F:
I have no ideas. LP is LP. Jail. Continuously (people are) being watched.
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Reseacher:
Have you ever heard th word kurang mampu?
Informant G & H:
Yes.
Researcher:
Do you know the meaning?
Informan G:
Isn’t it the same as miskin (poor)… orang miskin (poor people)?
Informan H:
Orang miskin (poor people; the poor) is usually called orang kurang
mampu (less able people).
Researcher:
Is it correct that miskin (poor) the same as kurang mampu (less able)? If
kurang mampu (less able), what is the measurement? Miskin (poor?)
Informan G:
Difficult to measure. But, miskin means (that one) has no money, isn’t it?
Reseacher:
Is kurang mampu (less able) means the same as have no money? Are you
sure have no money?
Informan G:
Yes, sure, there is … but just a little.
Informan H:
Yes. Kurang mampu means having a little money. Treasure. Miskin, we
have to beg to other people.
Researcher:
But, why they are treated as synonymous.
Informant G:
I have no idea. I just follow what other say.
Informan H:
I don’t know too. We learned from our teachers. Our teachers learned
from their teachers.
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Researcher:
Exceprt of Interview 5
Can you make a sentence using sosialisasi, madam?
Informan I:
Sosialisasi? The university is going to mensosialisasikan (introduce) a
regulation that forbids smoking in the campus.
Researcher:
What is disosialisasikan (being introduced) and who is disosialisasikan
(being introduced)?
Informan I :
Of course, the regulation.
Researcher:
Isn’t the people? University students and staf … and visitors?
Informan I:
The forbidding regulation which is disosialisasikan (introduced).
Informan J:
Yes… being introduced as regulation. Like the government that
mensosialisasikan (introduce) the wearing of helmet.
Researcher:
If I say ‘children are bersosialisasi or disosialisasikan (socialize
themselves with or being socialized into) their environment’, what do you
say?
Informan I:
Isn’t environment that is being socialized to the children?
Informan J:
Something like that.
Researcher:
All right. Have you, sir and madam, ever used bermacam-macam (a
variety of or various).
Informan I:
Yes. Frequently. To shop bermacam-macam ( a variety of) things.
Informan J:
Yes. Correct.
Researcher:
What about berbagai (a variety of), can it be berbagai-bagai. For
example, berbagai-bagai (a variety of) things?
Informan I:
I think it is not common. No one ever use berbagai-bagai. If it is berbagai,
yes … berbagai cara ( various ways), berbagai kendaraan (a variety of
vehicles).
Informan J:
Yeah.. berbagai orang (various people), berbagai makanan (various
(types) of food). Sometimes, berbagai-macam (various types of food).
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Tahun ke-29, No. 2
LOOKING AT LINGUISTIC CHALLENGES
IN SCIENCE CLASSROOMS
Pramela Krish
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
pramela@ukm.my
Mastura Othman
Institut Perguruan Perempuan Melayu Melaka
mbo@ippm.edu.my
Abstract
The sudden switch to teaching Mathematics and Science in English in primary and
secondary schools drew varied reactions from educationists, social activists, politicians
and parents. Science and Mathematics teachers who were trained and have taught these
two subjects in Bahasa Malaysia (BM) for a long period were forced to teach the content
subjects in English. This paper reports an ethnographic investigation carried out in the
Science classrooms in a rural secondary school in Malaysia. The qualitative data from
observations, interviews and reflective journals were analysed using the ethnography of
communication framework. The findings revealed that the linguistic challenges faced by
these teachers while delivering the Science lessons and it portrayed the reality of the
Malaysian Science teachers and the education system to some extent.
Key words: Teaching Science, linguistic challenges, ethnography of communication
Perubahan tiba-tiba untuk mengajar Matematika dan Sains dalam bahasa Inggris di
sekolah dasar dan menengah menarik reaksi bervariasi dari pendidik, aktivis sosial,
politisi dan orang tua. Sains dan guru Matematika yang dilatih dan telah mengajar dua
mata pelajaran dalam Bahasa Malaysia (BM) untuk jangka waktu lama dipaksa untuk
mengajarkan mata pelajaran konten dalam bahasa Inggris. Makalah ini laporan
investigasi etnografis yang dilakukan di kelas Sains di sekolah menengah pedesaan di
Malaysia. Data kualitatif dari pengamatan, wawancara dan jurnal reflektif dianalisis
menggunakan kerangka etnografi komunikasi. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa tantangan
yang dihadapi oleh linguistik guru sementara memberikan pelajaran Sains dan
menggambarkan realitas guru Sains Malaysia dan sistem pendidikan untuk batas
tertentu.
Kata kunci: Ilmu Pengajaran, tantangan linguistik, etnografi komunikasi
INTRODUCTION
The abrupt change in the teaching of Mathematics and Science in English policy in the year
2003 brought many hurdles not only to the students and parents but teachers. The mainstream
teaching and learning processes in the education system are done in the national language
Bahasa Malaysia (BM) but the teaching of Mathematics and Science was carried out in the
second language (English). This move was seen necessary in order to meet and compete with
the global needs and demands. On the contrary, the teaching and learning of Science in English
became very difficult to most teachers and learners who faced linguistic challenges. The
professional task was forced on these teachers without sufficient training in enhancing their
proficiency in the second language. This paper reports the study undertaken on the Science
teachers.
The Science curriculum was designed to provide students with the knowledge and skills
in science and develop thinking skills and strategies to enable them to solve problems and make
decisions in their everyday life (Ministry of Education Malaysia, 2002). The Science and
Mathematics curriculum as well as other subjects in the secondary school curriculum also seek
to inculcate noble values and love for the nation. However, Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan
(2007) identified two pedagogical limitations: Changes are needed in science and mathematics
teaching. Teachers should place less emphasis on students’ acquisition of information,
presenting scientific and mathematical knowledge through lecture, asking for recitation of
acquired knowledge and working alone. More emphasis should be placed on students
understanding of a particular concept, guiding students in active learning, providing
opportunities for discussion and elaboration and encouraging them to work with peers and
teachers. According to Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan (2007), the government’s recent
policy on the use of English as the medium of instruction in science and mathematics would
provide students the opportunities to keep abreast with the rapid development of knowledge in
science, mathematics and technology.
Merino and Scarcella (2005) believe that teaching Science and other academic subjects
in English language to learners is both a challenge and an opportunity, especially at the
secondary level. In the case of Science subjects, this means students have to master challenging
Science standards while learning the language of Science. Through observations, Science and
English were not favoured by most learners in schools. Therefore, the change in the policy was
seen as ambitious and unacceptable to this group of teachers and learners.
To overcome this situation, the ministry provided the continuous support programme at
the school level. The Buddy Support Programme stressed on a collaborative effort between
Mathematics and Science teachers with their language counterparts. Competent English teachers
were appointed as ‘Critical Friends’ to science and mathematics teachers in schools. The
teachers were also supplied with self-instructional materials to facilitate their own learning
(Ahmad Zabidi Abdul Razak and Rahimi Md. Saad, 2007). Ong and Tan (2008) in their
research on the same issue, found out that teachers’ prior educational background, the linguistic
environment, peer support and the students’ linguistic proficiency affected the pace of transition
to the new policy. This warranted a study find on two important issues. Firstly, how did the
Science teachers deliver their lessons? Secondly, how did the Science teachers perceive the
teaching of Science in English?
The Hymes (1970) SPEAKING Grid was employed as a valuable framework in
describing communicative events for a group whose cultural or social norms are not of those of
the majority group (Holmes, 2008:398).
Holmes (2008:437) also clarifies that the ethnography of speaking framework also
provides a means of describing communicative events in any culture. In the school
environments, rules are sometimes made explicit as who may talk, in what order, about what
topics and for how long. Thus this framework becomes appropriate as the investigation focused
largely on the communication activities in Science classrooms in the secondary school setting.
THE SCIENCE CLASSROOM
Kauffman, et al. (2006:82) comment the language used in the classroom as:
The language of the classroom is, for most students, substantially different from
the language of the home, the peer group, and the streets. It is typically more
formal, more precise, and more directive than the conversational speech used by
most students outside the classroom.
In this context, Science teachers should be the role models for their students in handling the
challenge of switching to another language in fulfilling their teaching tasks. Teachers ought to
be more positive towards any paradigm shift in the academic world (Mastura Othman and
Pramela, 2011) as a positive reaction would surely contribute to the credibility and quality for
the teachers’ immediate customers. However, due to the linguistic deficiency, many of the
Science teachers definitely experience great discomfort in delivering the subject. This is
especially true for teachers who have been trained in BM. Brown (1994:105) supported the fact
that teacher’s delivery of knowledge was crucial since every ear and eyes are supposedly to
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focus on the teacher. To be an effective teacher, one must be knowledgeable in the subject
taught and proficient in the language to deliver.
Nunan (1995:189) also emphasises that teacher talk is of crucial importance for
classroom organisation and the processes of acquisition. It is because through the language,
teachers either succeed or fail to implement their teaching plans. Nunan also outlines the factors
to come into account in determining the appropriateness of a teacher talk as:
·
·
·
The point in the lesson in which the talking occurs.
What prompts the teacher talk; whether it is planned or spontaneous, and if
spontaneous, whether the ensuing digression is helpful or not.
The value of the talk as potentially useful input for acquisition.
Therefore the effectiveness of a Science teacher’s talk in delivering his or her lessons very much
depends on the competency in English.
A Science classroom is of a setting with its own genre, specific jargons and
terminologies which are additional to the second language acquisition. The classroom as ‘coral
gardens’ (Breen, 1985) in Kramsch (1993: 11) displays discourse between the learner and the
language, between the teacher and the learner, and among learners and is the process by which
we create, relate, organise and realise meaning (Riley, 1985) in Kramsch (1993: 11).
Therefore, to create a more interesting learning environment, teacher talk in English for the
Science classrooms should provide the learners with familiar opportunities to connect the
scientific knowledge that they are exposed to in the classrooms to as many events as possible in
their real lives.
Moreover, as natural as it can be, in speaking we seldom set a specific goal in the
beginning and it is normal if the goal occurrence is multiple within the discourse. In contrast,
teachers’ talk in Science classrooms is often set up with specific learning outcomes to be
achieved at the end of the lesson. The competent teachers’ talk in English to deliver the content
subject input and classroom control will determine the effectiveness and how successful are the
process of teaching and learning of Science. The skills involved in the teachers’ talk differ from
writing as it is more practical, physical, instant and spontaneous. Furthermore, the tone, rhythm,
stress and intonation that associate with the English language obviously differentiate it from
BM. The BM interlanguage influence also affected the accent and linguistic structures in the
teachers’ talks.
In addition, teachers of Science ought to model proper pronunciation of the English
language sound system, grammatical structures and suitable vocabulary choice. However, in
this case whereby most of the Science teachers are also still in their attempt of mastering the
English language, the effectiveness in modelling the supposed pronunciation of the English
language to the learners is rather limited. The limitation is more than relevant as speaking is not
only about making sounds, but combining body language.
METHODOLOGY
In this ethnographic investigation (Mastura Othman, 2007) data was collected from classroom
observations, audio recorded classroom discourse, interviews with Science teachers: Teacher 1
(T1) and Teacher 2 (T2) and two students: Student 1 (S1) and Student 2 (S2), and from journal
entries from the Science teachers.
The observations were carried out during actual teaching by two female Science
teachers in four selected classrooms. The observations checklist focused on the following items:
a. linguistic complexity (pronunciation, grammatical and structural,
pragmatics)
b. sociolinguistics and sociocultural aspects (code-switching and mixing)
c. teaching strategies/styles (questioning, repetition, instruction)
187
d. teaching materials (genre, traditional chalk and talk, electronic media) and
e. other relevant information
The teaching and learning processes in the science classrooms were also recorded and
carefully transcribed. The interviews with T1 and T2, regarding their perceptions towards the
implementation of the policy and interviews with the two students (S1 and S2) were also
carefully transcribed to be analysed. The journal entry expressed T1’s feelings and expectation
in fulfilling the task of teaching her subject in English while T2 refused.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
The investigation was analysed according to the Hymes SPEAKING grid (Schriffin 1994:141)
which displays a description of all factors that are relevant in understanding how a particular
communicative event achieves its objectives (Wardhaugh, 1986:239).
The Hymes SPEAKING grid analysis comprehensively described the investigation of
the selected classrooms taught by T1 and T2. Both teachers were required to teach Science in
English without proper training and sufficient proficiency in the language. Both had different
views on the implementation of the EteMS policy. The analysis was done according to the
acronyms following Kramsch’s (1993: 37-38) explanation on Hymes SPEAKING grid which
was introduced by Dell Hymes in the 1970’s:
S-Setting refers to the time and place - that is, the physical set up of the class. Place
includes the space occupied by teacher and students; the movements of participants within that
space; the seating arrangement; the temperature, background, noise, place, size, and quality of
the blackboard, etc. Time includes the time devoted to each activity, its timing within the whole
lesson, its relative length, its pace, and the presence or absence of concurrent activities.
All four classes were conducted in the science laboratories of a rural secondary school
in Melaka. The setting and the seating arrangement was convenient for both teachers and
students to enable them to carry out relevant experiments to the topics taught. The topics were
taught according to the syllabus for the year. In addition, the laboratories were well-equipped
with apparatus and chemicals for the scientific experiments.
The laboratories were also well equipped with computers, LCD projectors and wide
screens. The equipment came from the budget of the Ministry of Education in supporting the
implementation of teaching of Mathematics and Science in English. Five 40 minutes periods
were allocated for Science subject in a week. Science experiments are best conducted in the
science laboratories. Double periods are always allocated for relevant experiments on the topic
taught as to ensure sufficient time for successful experiments. T1 provided the opportunities for
her students from both classes to be involved in the reaction of metal and oxygen experiments.
T2 demonstrated the bell jar evaporation process experiment and requested her Class 4 students
to observe.
P-Participants include combinations of speakers and listeners in various roles that are
either given to them or taken on during the lesson.
In the context of this investigation, the participants referred to T1 and T2. The classes
were mainly teacher centred as T1 and T2 did most of the talking and the students listened.
Both teachers were qualified to teach Science, but were trained to teach Science in English only
after attending short courses conducted by the Ministry of Education to ensure the
implementation of the EteMS policy. Their English language proficiency of the teachers in
some ways led to the limited roles played by both teachers. Even so, T1 tried her best to be
more open in providing a non-threatening environment in her lessons when she allowed room
for jokes from one of her students.
188
Voice 3: <42> [To avoid potassium
manganate, jump out, from...
T1
<43> = [Jump out/, aha, aha, (giggle), to avoid potassium
manganate, jump- out?, from the test tube/?, yes, or no/?
The monotonous lesson was livened up and T1 took a break from the lesson at least for
a while and offered a stress free learning and teaching processes. Moreover, due to teachers’
personalities and attitudes towards the English language, T1 was seen more optimistic about
teaching of Science in English compared to T2. T1 was highly motivated and confident in
delivering her lessons especially to the lower forms compared to T2 who often revised to teach
Science in BM instead of attempting to improve her English.
This showed her reluctance in implementing the new policy. She even reserved her
comments on the policy implementation by not writing any journal entry of her opinion. In
contrary, T1 displayed positive attitude towards the EteMS policy. It was evident exhibited in
the first line of her unabridged journal entry to the investigator regarding the changing of policy
in teaching Science and Mathematics;
...I prefer to teach science in English because of the following…
E-Ends refer to the purpose of the activities and what participants seek to accomplish.
These can be short term learning goals i.e. the linguistic, cognitive, or affective outcomes of a
particular activity, or they can be long term goals such as motivations or attitudes or specific
professional outcomes. Through observations, it was established that the short term goals of
both teachers’ lessons in all four classrooms were to prepare the students for examinations, at
school and national levels. Due to the high expectation of the school authorities, district and
state education Department, the ministry and parents, examinations have always been the
ultimate goal. This is supported in the exchanges of T1 and T2:
T1: <015> before we start class/, right? We’re going to answer the- PMR model, PMR
model question paper! So?- Before thatI would like to do revision with you!
T2: <020> Okay, so, I think eh, with the student, is important for you, to think
your aah, end year, eh, end year of exam, examination. So, eh, you can
refer your notes or your text, eh, you can refer your notes eh, or your text okay,
find out the answer. Okay, question number one,
The importance of passing examinations at school or national levels were emphasised by both
T1 and T2.
T1: <126> remember, aa::, this question..., usually question number!, five, question
number five,
<127> <L1>Rugi tak jawab, this one is very simple question,
Via code-switching, T1 asserted that her students must give specific attention to number
question number five. “Rugi tak jawab” (It is a loss if you do not answer) carried a huge
message in the examination context. T2 provided similar guidance for her students for the
coming examination;
T2: <063> for that answer okay, you must make ahh explanation, they want explanation, in
Malay eh <L1>perkumuhan (excretion) is it?, okay, okay so during this process,
Chong!, eh you have?, what is eh, what is the substance ending during this
process?,
Neither students nor the teachers were to be blamed. Both parties were playing their specific
roles to fulfil the hidden agenda of the education stakeholders to ensure every student to pass the
189
examinations. Mission was accomplished if the teachers were able to guide their students to
answer the examination questions correctly.
A-Act sequence refers both to the form and the content of utterances, both to what is
said and what is meant by the way it is said. The teachers’ talk was largely in the form of
delivering and transforming information on the subject content. In this autocratic teacher
dominant process of teaching and learning, all four classroom discourse was filled with more
Teacher Talking Time (TTT) than Student Talking Time (STT).
Both teachers portrayed their dominance over the students to a certain extent in their talk. This
is beneficial for classroom management and control as agreed by Ng (1993:6) that someone has
to have power to control the others regardless of the size of the organisation. Basically,
Malaysian classrooms often have an enrolment of between 30 and 40 students.
K-Key refers to the tone, manner, or spirit in which a particular message is conveyed:
whether serious, factual or playful. The key can be conveyed verbally and non-verbally and the
two may sometimes contradict each other. The teachers in all four classrooms switched from
formal to informal approach.
T2:
<101>
Voice:
T2:
Voices:
<102>
<103>
<104>
okay question D, for the food chain (not clear) okay on figure three, who
wants to try?
who want to try?
okay how many eh level eh in this food chain?
three…
When the students’ (S) opinions upon T2’s talk were sought, the responds were as follows:
S1:
Q:
S2:
Uhm.. (pause)<L1> kelas ni sometimes boleh faham, kalau tak faham juga refer
reference book.
[Sometimes I can follow this class, if not I have to refer to the reference book].
Do you understand your teacher’s language?
Yes, but sometimes the pronunciation-wrong, <L1>Dia guna bahasa yang senang nak
ajar
[he uses simple language to teach].
It was rather difficult for the teachers to vary their styles in using the language as they
themselves were in the transitional period of changing the language of their teaching task.
Therefore, there was not much interaction in their classrooms. The transactional language
function which was the ‘message-oriented’ and business type of talk was performed largely by
T2, as Morley (2001:73) suggests:
Transactional language is used for giving instructions, explaining, describing,
giving directions, ordering, inquiring, requesting, relating, checking on the
correctness of details, and verifying understanding. The premium is on
message clarity and precision. Speakers often use confirmation checks to make
sure what they are saying is clear; they may even contradict the listener if he or
she appears to have misunderstood.
I-Instrumentalities refers to the choice of channel (e.g. oral or written) and of code
(mother-tongue, foreign language, or a mix of codes or code-switching).
The teaching and learning activities were often of the oral and written forms.
Instructions were given orally and in written forms for the experiments and reports to be done.
As far as oral activities in the teacher talk were concerned, code switching and code mixing
were not properly managed but emerged in almost the entire lessons, especially T2 who was
with low English proficiency and less confidence in the language compared to T1. Often she
completely switched to L1 when she wanted to explain further on how important it was for the
students to keep notes for all the chapters taught.
190
T2 :
<182>
<183>
but for the notes for the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, okay eh I’ve looked
at your notes until the chapter four is it? Chapter four eh, isn, nit?
<L1> lepas tu tak tengok lagi, jadi, maknanya eh tolong lengkapkan eh, sebab
apa eh, ini penting untuk objektif awak okay eh, saya percaya eh bila awak
tulis itu satu cara belajar lah, bila awak menulis semula eh, cari perkataan
perkataan penting penting okay eh, sebab bila awak menyalin, okay, macam
term term yang penting eh respiration, okay eh awak tulis ayat tu penuh okay
eh, jadi bila awak ditanya eh aah definition okay awak kena keluarkan balik
semula benda tu, jadi kalau baru pertama kali tu nak tulis aah awak akan
dapat habislah tak boleh jawab, at least eh bila awak dah tulis sekali,dah
baca sekali okay perkataan tu akan datang balik, tunggang terbalik tak
pe,tunggang terbalik takpe, yang letak pangkal letak hujung, hujung letak
pangkal
pun takpe eh asalkan okay eh maksudnya sama eh, tapi kalau maksudnya dah
berubah, aah [after that you won’t see it again, so, meaning eh,please
complete eh, because it is important for your objective, I believe when you
write, it is a method of studying when you rewrite, look for the key words okay
because when you’re copying okay, like the important terms eh, respiration,
okay eh you’ll write full sentence okay eh, so when you’re asked for the
definition, you have to bring out everything, so if it is the first time for you to
write, you won’t be able to answer, if you write at least once, read once the
words will come back, although they are not in order as long as the meaning
is not changed but if the meaning is changed aah]
Both teachers did not possess the sufficient linguistic proficiency required in their talk,
the use of OHP, course wares, computer note-book and the LCD projector provided by the
Ministry of Education were able to assist them in transmitting subject taught input to their
students. T2 even read directly from the text book in order to avoid further blunders in her talk
which was full of unnecessary fillers like eh and okay. For example:
T2:
<108> Amirah, Amirah, okay, so, py, the pyramid of number okay based on the food
chain?
(pause)
<109> okay the pyramid number eh, okay eh, okay, eh (not clear) okay at the base of
this pyramid, okay it is a producer, okay so when you ah draw this pyramid of
number, okay you must okay write on eh each stages,
N-Norms of interaction and interpretation refer to the way participants in the lesson
interact and interpret what is said or what they are reading. Overall, both teachers’ classes
followed the norms of Malaysian classrooms; not interactive and encouraging enough to
practise the speaking skills. The transcriptions of the investigated Science classrooms exhibited
that the discourse were bound in the teacher centred teaching and learning processes. The
students were not provided ample opportunities in exchanging turns with their teachers to
express themselves in the process.
T1 :
Voices:
T1:
<105>
this is our heart, then, this one at the top, I draw for you the lungs,
alright and at the bottom here the whole part of your body,
<106> body,
<107> okay, now with the help of our textbook, page twenty-one, look at
page twenty-one, okay, look at page twenty-one, right okay, listen, put
down your pen, put down your pen, listen here, focus!,
<108> how to explain the blood flow, ah, put down your pen, Wei Keong, (pause)
right, so the blood flow here, eh the, the sorry, (teacher uses the diagram of
191
Voices:
T1:
Azri:
<109> the body for explaining) path one, path one, you have two
path, path one and path two,
<110> two,
<111> alright, from our right atrium here, okay, blood flow to the lung, to
carry the oxygenated blood, here, here, from heart to the lung, alright after
that, from lung go back to the heart, from lung go back to the heart, right?
this is first path or path one alright this is path one, where blood flow from
<112> our, our right atrium to our lung, then from our lung/, back again to our
heart understand!, this is path one, (pause-teacher writing notes on the
chalkboard)
right, from (pause-teacher continues writing notes on the chalkboard) this
<113> is path one, understand?, alright ah, Azri stand up, explain about
the flow of blood in path one, blood flow,
blood flow, (not clear)
<114>
Furthermore, display type of questions (Long and Sato, 1983 in Crookes and Chaudron,
2001:39) where the questioner already knew the answers were favoured by the teachers.
Obviously, teachers were more interested in finding out whether their transfer of input was fully
understood by their students and no further action was expected from them. It is also a wellknown fact that the Asian learners generally and specifically Malaysian learners have been
brought up to respect the wisdom, knowledge and expertise of ‘authoritative’ figures like their
parents, teachers and lecturers (Koo, 2006:171).
In addition, code-switching and code-mixing were the options offered by and to both
teachers and students in the Science classrooms. Whether it was a beneficial speech
accommodation or face saving strategy, code switch and mix between English and BM are the
norms shared by both Science teachers. Therefore, to achieve the short term goal of utilising
English as the medium of instruction in the Science classroom is greatly questionable.
G-Genre refers to the type of oral or written activity students and teacher are engaged
in, casual conversation, drill, lecture, discussion, role-play; grammatical exercise, written
summary, report, essay, written dialogue. The diagrams, pictures, vocabulary, terminologies and
experiments that come into the teachers’ talk portrayed a particular genre which directly defined
the Science classrooms. However, the classrooms were not in line with the skills needed for
Science subject to search, select and decide correct information. This was due to the teachers’
teaching styles in the talk that largely providing as much information as possible for the
examination. Students were not given sufficient opportunity to explore their own academic and
psychological potential develop into their human capital for the nation’s future.
HOW DO THE SCIENCE TEACHERS PERCEIVE THE TEACHING OF SCIENCE
IN ENGLISH?
Due to many factors, teachers had different perceptions on the implementation of the EteMS
policy. Teachers’ personal ability and attitudes on the language determined the way in which
they translated the particular policy into their teaching tasks. T1’s positive attitude towards the
EteMS policy was clearly portrayed in her unabridged journal entry. Her willingness in writing
up the dedication represented how opened she was in implementing the policy. She was ever
ready to shift from her normal teaching paradigm and ventured into a new dimension of
fulfilling her teaching task. She realised that she was not optimally utilising her linguistic
potential. Therefore, teaching Science in English was the best opportunity for her professional
self improvement and developed to benefit her students;
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T1 (T1)
It can improve my English. It has been long time for me not communicate
in English (since 1981-after SPM)
... our students should expose to English, if they need to do further study at
overseas, especially in the field of medic and engineering.
After use English for a few months, I feel more brave (confident) to
communicate in English although sometimes not so correct (broken English).
But a few months later I able to convey science lesson fluently in simple English
and I know my students can understand me.
....as a science teacher I have my own principal (prinsip), i.e. “I am
teaching science in English, I’m not English teacher”. As long as my students’
can understand the content of science lesson
In fact over time, T1 gained her confidence to perform in the second language. She wanted to
be the best role model to her immediate clients by collaboratively working with them to achieve
excellence both in the language and the subject taught. She did not want the students’ negative
attitudes towards the English language to hinder the effectiveness of the teaching and learning
processes in the Science subject;
the most problematic area, ah, in teaching Science in English, ah the attitude of students,
attitude of students they are quite difficult to change the attitude, to overcome the problem,
ah to overcome the problem, with to use English in Science
that is the the problem, but, but, minority of students have confidence, to, to use English in
class, but majority of them ah, especially Malay students, they feel shy to speak English in
class, because, ah maybe, ah especially for form one students...
T1 was positive helping her students with the second language acquisition. She was
very sure of what she was doing with the language in teaching her subject especially to the
lower secondary (Form 1-3). She was convinced too that by preparing her lesson before
entering the upper secondary classes (Forms 4-5); it helped her in mastering English language.
She was extremely sure her students would improve their English language when they have to
learn Science in English.
T1 positively believed that she improved because the assistance of her Critical Friends
in the BSS programme. She was now confident with her pronunciation and how to teach her
students to write reports on their experiments in the passive voice. She was optimist and ever
willing to continue teaching Science in the English language. She was hundred percent sure that
teaching Science in English is easier. To her, English offers better vocabulary and
terminologies to her subject compared to BM. All in all, T1 said “Yes” to the teaching of
Science in English.
T1:
Rs:
T1:
<52>
<53>
<54>
Rs:
T1:
<55>
<56>
I would like to chose, I prefer hundred percent English,
why?,(distraction from school’s announcement made for the day)
why?, because ah, easy to convey the lesson in English, because sometimes
they use the very accurate, accurate,
terms?,
terms,
Teacher 2 (T2)
Regarding the implementation of the EteMS policy, the student complained to T2 for using too
much BM instead of English. She was teaching the upper formers (Forms 4-5); therefore the
students were more vocal and aware of the change in policy. As a result, T2 resorted to BM
when she was not able to deliver in English.
193
T2:
<11>
that’s why eh…, when I’m teaching, I’m trying to use English.
Rs:
T2:
Rs:
<12>
<13>
<14>
<15>
but! When I want to talk eh…, out of the =[teaching],
=[Hmm hmm]
out about the fact eh… I will use Malay
okay, second question is, would you think that your teaching helps the second
language acquisition, meaning that a…, a…, second language acquisition, or
that is the learning of English
no, not at all (giggle)
not at all! why! Why would you think?
because eh, the student eh, when aa…when asking the question (not sure),
before this when they answer the question respiration, the the facts eh, that has
given respiration, in the process,
the students a…, they asking to add some words, okay to make my sentence
complete eh, but eh, the student eh, cannot hish,
I think, I think eh, that girl eh, lost, may be she has the idea, the answer, eh
she, but to make sentence to answer the question, difficult,
like me the facts I know eh, that respiration, okay resp, respiration, oxygen and
glucose, glucose is added but in science, the word added, cannot be used,
it is not added, it oxidized, so the terms, it’s the term aa…
T2:
Rs:
T2:
<16>
<17>
<18>
<19>
<20>
<21>
<22>
<23>
<24>
<25>
before this we use malay eh, this is usual use the word, but when we want to
start it okay, this is the first year, so this word eh, must be call for the,
we must call the word very fast in our mind very, [very difficult]
On the other hand, T2 admitted that teaching Science in English will improve her own
command of the language. She thought she was braver and able to overcome her shyness, for
example in giving instructions to her students. However she believed that did not benefit her
students.
Rs:
<27>
T2:
Rs:
T2:
<28>
<29>
<30>
<31>
Rs:
<31>
T2:
Rs:
T2:
<32>
<33>
<34>
<35>
<36>
Do you think that, teaching Science in English is helping your own English
language acquisition?
(giggle) my, I think, yes, it makes me more brave, (giggle)
okay make you braver, in what way?
okay, to talk the simple simple instruction, I think I,
now can talk eh, simple simple instruction to the student, but not before,
I feel very shy to talk in English,
not now! Oh that’s good. Do you feel that your student benefit from your
teaching of Science in English?
no!
why not?
not, because, cannot, maybe, maybe they don’t read at home,
the science is the subject you must know the, the, the, the, the, fact,
it must be cleared, okay you, you the student not do their own word, like
bahasa like BM, eh, buat ayat-ayat, ayat biasa, ayat merapu tu tak boleh, ayat
merapu eh, in science no marks,
T2 was of the thinking that her teaching of Science did not help her students and vice
versa. She was positive that, the students would understand better if they did their own reading.
Her bad pronunciation as she thought too has caused her students not to understand her talk in
the English language. T2 did not think that she should be blamed for not utilising the English
language when her students themselves did not do so.
194
T2:
no, no the student cannot learn anymore when I am teaching,
that’s why when I am teaching I am read the text, refer to that and read it, I
think eh, the student can understand more by reading the text himself
compare to…
because I think my pronunciation is very worse, (giggle) the student cannot,
cannot, understand,
that’s my opinion, I don’t know eh, what, what do you think? How my
pronounsation, is it cleared?
T2 felt the burden of having to read repeatedly in order for her to prepare for her daily
lessons and to improve her mastery in the English language. Even if she tried to enrich her
vocabulary by reading newspapers, she was always confused over the terms. However, instead
of referring to the dictionary, she preferred to read the BM version of the topics to be taught.
T2:
<52>
<53>
aah…, right now I must read the text, this aah.., not two eh, okay three times,
when I not complete the three times I am no confident,
I must read eh, at least three times,
the text, the reference, too much time for me,
I must prepare one week before the lesson,
no, at the same time I must read like the article eh, like the pollution eh,
I must read the newspaper, I’m trying, I’m focus on the term, the terms,
T2 did not really agree that the BSS programme helped her in carrying out her talk in
English while teaching Science. She would like to reverse the process of teaching the Science
subject in BM. She prayed hard that the authorities would revert to teaching Science in BM. In
a nutshell, T2 indirectly putting a “No” to the implementation of the EteMS policy.
Language Challenges Faced by the Teachers
Both teachers were not trained to teach or possessed adequate knowledge in English. Hence,
they faced several challenges.
Language Drills vs Content Input
The Science teachers have professionally taught the subject in BM for a significant number of
years. Therefore, to instantly switch to another language in fulfilling their teaching task was not
at all simple. The teachers realised what their students were going through with the change of
policy. As a result, instead of emphasising on the input of the subject content in her talk, T1
drilled her students with the pronunciation of the scientific vocabulary, for example;
T1:
Class:
T1:
Class:
T1:
Class:
T1:
Class:
T1:
Class:
T1:
Class:
T1:
Class:
<258>
<259>
<260>
<261>
<262>
<263>
<264>
<265>
<266>
<267>
<268>
<269>
<270>
<271>
yes, number one, ah, okay read altogether, number one, because,
because,
blood flow,
blood low,
sorry, sorry, because,
because,
blood,
blood,
pass through,
pass through,
heart,
heart,
twice,
twice,
195
Teachers Talking Time vs Students Talking Time
Students and teachers of the investigated Science classrooms did not practice two way
interactions. All classrooms talk were typically teacher centred. Teacher Talking Time (TTT)
was longer than the Students Talking Time (STT). The teacher centredness was extremely clear
in T2’s talk in Science Classroom 3. For example:
<043>okay, are you sure? If you cannot remember okay (pause) okay you
can refer okay, you follow exam, okay, okay please remember okay,
the definition the the meaning, eh for several terms okay eh, that is
used eh okay, in that chapter,
<044>okay, so for this chapter okay, the meaning of food chain, food web,
pyramid number okay, composer okay you must remember, okay
<L1> simpan dalam kepala (keep in mind) so the word okay in Malay,
I think eh, maybe eh, you don’t have eh, you don’t eh facing this any
problem okay,
<045>right on terms and but in English okay you must remember word for
the meaning (not clear), okay refer your text eh, one seven six okay, a
sequence of organism okay, during energy transfer okay, refer okay
for the food chain given in your text, the definition okay the system,
(a student reading from the text book-not heard)
Teacher 2: <046>yes, okay, the feeding relationship okay, between living organism eh,
in the ecosystem okay, interruption between living organization okay?
So, living organism consist of, plant and animal okay, okay, eh the
food chain, between relationship between organism,
<047>okay but at the same time in the ecosystem aa, the also eh you get a
relationship between living organism and the nun-living organism,
okay eh, so the nun-living organism we call eh, aa the are-biotic
component (not clear-asking a student) define the wild, bio
component, okay the component of are-biotic component?
(Pause-10-)
Teacher 2: <048>the biotic component is the living organism okay, so the are-biotic
component in the nun-living okay, the nun-living okay, the nun-living
okay, the figure 3, Ma, ri, ni, Mariani,
Mariani: (not clear)
Teacher 2: <049>humadity, yes, humadity, the amount of vapour in the atmosphere,
okay Farhah,
Farhah:
(not heard)
Teacher 2: <050>okay, light intensity, okay what else, Tong?
Tong:
(not clear)
Teacher 2: (not clear-teacher writing on the board)
<051>okay, continue okay, the food chain, okay what is the food chain, the
(not clear) between the living organism and the ecosystem,
(Teacher writes on the board)
Teacher 2: <052>today is very important for your exam, I am trying to help you eh, to
master your exam, (pause) okay eh, explain (not clear) okay eh the
word explain, so the answer eh,
<053>when you are answer explain, it is different okay, with the state eh,
<L1>dinyatakan eh, so you must state eh, name okay eh, the way (not
clear) two ways, Hidayah, name energy loss in the food chain (not
clear)
Hidayah: (not heard)
196
Pronunciation, Vocabulary, and Structure
Due to the insufficient level of proficiency, both teachers’ talk was weak particularly in the
pronunciation of English words, poor choice of vocabulary and grammatical structures. T2 in
her talk was also confused over some of the terminologies like removal, removable, corrode,
corrosion and corrosive. Consider T2’s choice of vocabulary in the following exchange:
T2:
T1:
T2:
<146>
Look at the land slide okay, when the okay aah trees okay in the forest
become removal okay, the land okay, the ground okay eh, will be what?
<L1>terdedah,(exposed) aah will be corrot, corrot, corrosion, corosive,
<L1>ia akan dihakis (it will be washed away) okay by the rain okay,
<025> artery carrying what type of blood?, we have two types of blood, last time
we’ve learn is it?
<024> okay, it means the producers, in the garden ecosystem, look at the word
here, okay the word producers, it means okay, more than one okay, is it?,
Unnecessary Code Switching and Mixing
In order to overcome the fear of making mistakes in their talk and to hopefully accommodate
their students, T1 and T2 resorted to code switching and code mixing. However, if the code
switch and mix patterns were looked into, they contradicted Brown’s (1994:105) suggestions;
code switching should be done if the following advantages were gained:
·
·
·
·
·
Negotiation of disciplinary and other management factors
Brief descriptions of how to carry out a technique
Brief explanations of grammar points
Quick pointers on meanings of words that remain confusing after students
have had try at defining something themselves
Cultural notes and comments
For example, in explaining how would temperature affect the process of drying up wet clothes
outside the house, T2 simply switched code which could possibly confuse the students instead
of making her explanation clearer;
T2:
<055>
Voices:
T2:
<056>
<057>
okay<L1> yang ini (this one) the temperature, <L1>suhu bagi dia
kering baju hari tu, kita sidai kat luar, kat luar yang mesti panas, tak
boleh hujan betul? Ah, kalau hujan, basah (the temperature to dry up
the clothes, we have to hang them outside and it must be a hot day not
raining. If it rains, wet)
<L1> basah (wet)
<L1> basah, tak kering, kalau hujan, kalau tak hujan?(wet, not dried, if it
rains, if there’s no rain),
The Questioning Techniques
On the other hand, teachers’ questioning techniques in testing the students’ understanding of
their input were rather projected. The questions were posted to the students with expected
answers boxed in the pattern of ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ and correct answers were usually repeated by
either teachers or the students. The students were left without the opportunities to explore and
develop their thinking potentials. For example:
Classroom 1:
T1:
<078>
Voices: <079>
Helmi, which one is the most active one?, magnesium, or copper?
[magnesium]
197
Classroom 2:
T2:
<089>
Voices: <90>
Do you know respiration? Class?
yes…
Consciously or not, teachers seldom provided ample opportunities to their students with
silent ‘thinking’ period in responding to their questions. During the teaching and learning
processes Brown (1994: 112) warns that, teacher talk should not occupy the major proportion of
a class hour; otherwise teachers are not giving students enough opportunity to talk.
IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION
English language is not a second language which could be mastered overnight. As a matter of
fact teachers of Science have already gone through the process of teaching and learning the
English language but the policy switched to BM as the medium of instruction in Malaysian
schools. Thus teachers were professionally required to become proficient in BM to keep pace
with the change.
The discourse in four selected Science classrooms in a rural secondary school, unfolded
the struggle of the teachers and students. According to Mastura Othman and Pramela (2011),
both teachers and students were not only cognitively but also linguistically challenged with the
implementation of this policy. The sudden change which required the teachers to teach without
proper foundation took the teachers by surprise. This problem was even more pronounced in
the rural schools. The finding goes to show that a proper well-planned transformation is needed
before implementation.
The Science teachers’ linguistic deficiency was the most significant predicament in
assuring the effective implementation of the EteMS policy. Thus a sound language support for
the teachers should be offered by the Ministry of Education for the Science and possibly for all
teachers for their professional self development.
This investigation was carried out before the Ministry of Education decided to withdraw
the policy. However, where and whenever changes in the education policy is made, it should not
be an ad-hoc affair. Views and opinions from all parties and stakeholders especially teachers,
who are the agents of implementation must be consulted. In fact any future planning and
changing in the policy should be systematically and carefully acted upon (Mastura Othman and
Pramela, 2011). This is because it is a tremendous loss if the students do not benefit from the
implementation of any policy.
The findings from this study could provide the realistic
classroom situation faced by the teachers and students and could suggest new approaches of
how to overcome such predicaments.
NOTE
*
I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft
REFERENCES
Brown, H. D. 1994. Teaching by Principles. An Interactive approach to Language Pedagogy.
Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall.
Crookes, G. and C. Chaudron. 2001. Guidelines for Language Classroom Instruction in CelceMurcia, M. 2001. Teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language. Third Edition.
Boston: Heinle and Heinle.
Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan. 2007. Promoting Cooperative Learning in Science and
Mathematics Education: A Malaysian Perspective Eurasia Journal of Mathematics,
Science & Technology Education, 3 (1), 35-39. ISSN: 1305-8223
Holmes, J. 2008. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Harlow: Longman.
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Contexts, Journal of Language Teaching Linguistics and Literature. Vol. XI, 2006.
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Rizan Tengku Mohd Maasum et al. (Eds), Classroom Practices in ESL & EFL Contexts.
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199
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
Resensi Buku
Judul: Introducing Functional Grammar (Second Edition)
Penulis: Geoff Thomson
Penerbit: London: Hodder Arnold. 2004
Tebal: 300 halaman
Siti Wachidah
Universitas Negeri Jakarta
wachidahdjawad@yahoo.co.id
PENDAHULUAN
Buku ini hampir sama dengan banyak buku yang bertujuan mengenalkan systemic functional
grammar (tata bahasa fungsional sistemik) kepada pemula, seperti di antaranya buku An
Introduction to Systemic Functional Linguistics (Eggins, 2004) dan Using Functional
Grammar: An Explorer’s Guide (Butt, et al., 2000). Meminjam kata Butt et al., buku ini
merupakan “an introduction to the Introduction” (Butt et al., 2000:iv, huruf miring dari aslinya).
Penulisan buku ini didasari oleh empati penulis terhadap para pemula dalam disiplin ilmu
bahasa fungsional, termasuk mahasiswa, guru, dan peneliti bahasa lainnya, yang kemungkinan
besar akan mengalami banyak kesulitan memahami berbagai penjelasan yang panjang dan rinci
tentang bagaimana bahasa berfungsi sebagai alat bagi manusia untuk melakukan berbagai
tindakan serta penggunaan sekian banyak terminologi yang tidak lazim atau belum pernah
sebelumnya (2004:ix).
Edisi kedua ini diterbitkan sebagai revisi dari edisi pertama, sejalan dengan terbitnya
buku Introduction to Functional Grammar edisi ketiga yang ditulis oleh Halliday bersama
dengan Matthiessen (Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004), yang memuat banyak revisi terhadap
kedua edisi sebelumnya (Halliday, 1985; 1994). Berbeda dengan Butt et al. (2000) dan Eggins
(2004), buku ini secara khusus dimaksudkan sebagai pengantar untuk dapat membaca buku
Introduction to Functional Grammar (Halliday, 1985; Halliday, 1994; Halliday dan
Matthiessen, 2004), yang sampai saat ini menjadi rujukan utama disiplin ilmu tersebut. Untuk
itu penulis sengaja mengikuti sedekat mungkin model pemaparan dan landasan berpikir yang
digunakan Halliday dan Mathhiessen, meskipun tidak harus dalam urutan dan perspektif yang
sama. Sebagai pengantar, buku ini tentunya tidak selengkap buku Introduction to Functional
Grammar. Misalnya, buku ini tidak memuat paparan tentang groups dan phrases, agar dapat
lebih fokus pada pemaparan tata bahasa pada tataran klausa. Sebaliknya, buku ini memasukkan
hal-hal lain untuk memudahkan pemahaman. Sesuai dengan sumbernya, bahasa Inggris
digunakan sebagai landasan pembentukan teori bahasa fungsional yang dipaparkan dalam buku
ini.
FORMAT DAN GAYA PENULISAN
Buku ini berisi 300 halaman yang terbagi ke dalam sepuluh bab yang rata-rata tidak terlalu
panjang: tujuh bab berisi antara dua belas sampai dengan dua puluh satu halaman, dan tiga bab
yang membahas ketiga metafungsi bahasa, yang merupakan inti dari tata bahasa fungsional,
terdiri atas 39 halaman untuk metafungsi interpersonal, 34 untuk metafungsi textual, dan paling
panjang 52 halaman untuk metafungsi experiential. Setiap bab diawali dengan pengantar umum
(meskipun tidak semuanya diberi judul ‘Introduction’, diikuti oleh pemaparan materi disertai
banyak contoh analisis teks otentik, dan diakhiri dengan latihan, ‘Exercise’, untuk menerapkan
konsep atau teori yang dipaparkan dalam bab tersebut untuk menganalisis teks-teks yang
diambil dari berbagai sumber otentik. Kunci jawaban diberikan di bagian belakang buku
Nurhayati
(halaman 253-282). Pada bagian ‘Futher Reading’ (halaman 283-287), buku ini mencatumkan
beberapa sumber yang perlu dibaca jika pembaca ingin mendalami materi di setiap bab.
Sumber-sumber yang disebutkanpun dipilih buku-buku yang dianggap mudah didapat dan
dipahami oleh pemula dalam disiplin ilmu ini.
Gaya bahasa yang digunakan penulis mirip dengan gaya bahasa yang digunakan guru
dengan muridnya, dengan tata bahasa yang mudah dan kalimat yang pada umumnya tidak
terlalu panjang dan kompleks. Pronomina I, you, we, dan us sangat sering digunakan sehingga
pemaparan lebih terkesan sebagai penyampaian pesan secara personal, akrab, dan mudah
diikuti. Terhadap istilah yang baru disebutkan, penjelasan atau definisi langsung segera
diberikan, juga dengan menggunakan tata bahasa dan kosa kata yang mudah dipahami. Setiap
pemaparan suatu fungsi hampir selalu diberikan contoh penerapannya untuk menganalisis teks,
dan contoh inipun diberikan penjelasan secara bertahap dan rinci.
Karena sasarannya juga mencakup pembaca yang mungkin masih sangat awam tentang
analisi bahasa pada umumnya, dalam menjelaskan konsep penulis hampir selalu mengawalinya
dengan menyebutkan hal-hal yang kongkrit dialami atau ditemui dalam hidup sehari-hari. Jika
istilah linguistik perlu digunakan, penulis mengawali dengan menggunakan istilah yang telah
lazim digunakan dalam pemaparan teori bahasa selama ini.
ISI BUKU
Untuk menjaga agar tidak terjadi salah penerjemahan atau penyebutan istilah, dalam pemparan
isi buku ini semua peristilahan disebutkan tetap dalam bahasa aslinya, bahasa Inggris, dan jika
perlu disertai dengan padanannya dalam bahasa Indonesia yang diletakan di dalam kurung.
Buku ini diawali dengan memberikan rasional bahwa untuk menganalisis bahasa sebagai alat
komunikasi pendekatan fungsional lebih tepat dibandingkan dengan pendekatan formal
(berbasis bentuk), terutama pendekatan Transformational-Generative (TG) yang dikembangkan
oleh Chomsky. Dengan beberapa contoh, penulis menunjukkan bahwa TG lebih tepat digunakan
untuk menganalisis bahasa sebagai suatu struktur dan kurang mampu dalam menganalisis
bahasa sebagai suatu sistem makna dan Keterkaitan antara bahasa, konteks dan fungsi juga
mulai dibahas untuk menunjukanbetapa pentingnya pengaruh konteks dalam menentukan
pilihan bentuk bahasa yang dianggap mampu mengungkapkan makna yang dimaksud dengan
efektif.
Untuk masuk ke dalam inti pembahasan, clause (klausa) adalah topik pertama yang
disajikan karena klausa merupakan satuan bahasa yang menjadi dasar analisis gramatika
fungsional. Buku ini menunjukkan cara mengidentifikasi klausa dan unsur klausa dengan
menggunakan konsep rank scale. Konsep ini didasarkan pada asumsi bahwa setiap satuan
makna pada setiap rank (level atau tingkatan) dapat diurai ke dalam satuan-satuan makna yang
lebih kecil di bawahnya. Klausa, yaitu satuan bahasa yang dalam bahasa Inggris terpusat pada
kelompok verba, merupakan satuan makna tertinggi. Satuan ini terbentuk oleh satuan-satuan
makna yang lebih kecil di bawahnya, yaitu group (kelompok kata), yang terdiri atas word (kata).
Di bawah kata adalah satuan makna terkecil, yaitu morpheme (morfem). Selain itu, ada satuan
makna yang memiliki posisi setara dengan group, yaitu phrase (frasa), khususnya prepositional
phrase. Penulis mengutip penjelasan Halliday dan Matthiessen (2004:311) tentang perbedaan
kelompok kata yang disebut group, yaitu ‘an expansion of a word’ dan kelompok kata yang
disebut phrase, yaitu ‘a contraction of a clause’. Satuan makna yang terbentuk oleh lebih dari
satu klausa disebut clause complex (kompleks klausa). Tata bahasa fungsional tidak
menggunakan istilah sentence (kalimat) untuk menyebut satuan makna di atas klausa, karena
kalimat hanya dapat berlaku untuk bahasa tulis, dan terlalu sulit untuk bahasa lisan.
Untuk mengawali pembahasan aspek fungsional, penulis memberikan pemaparan umum
tentang apa yang dimaksudkan dengan konsep ‘fungsional’. Pertama dipaparkan tentang ketiga
metafunction (fungsi besar) yang dikenal dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional, yaitu experiential
(salah satu dari dua jenis metafungsi ideational (Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004:309-310)),
202
interpersonal, dan textual. Setiap klausa secara serentak memainkan ketiga fungsi tersebut
secara serentak. Setiap metafungsi mencakup jaringan fungsi-fungsi yang lebih spesifik, yang
secara keseluruhan menjadikan bahasa sebagai suatu jaringan sistem pilihan (system of choices).
Berbeda dengan Halliday dan Matthiessen (2004), buku ini ‘seolah-olah’ menambahkan
metafungsi keempat, yaitu metafungsi logical, yang sebenarnya adalah bagian dari metafungsi
ideational. Metafungsi ini agak berbeda dengan metafungsi lainnya karena berfungsi pada
tataran di atas klausa, yaitu pada clause complex.
Setelah itu dipaparkan tentang dua konsep terkait dengan peran konteks dalam
pemilihan unsur gramatika dalam pengungkapan makna, yaitu register dan genre. Dalam
memaparkan konsep register, penulis mengutip definisi yang diberikan dalam Halliday dan
Hasan (1985/89), yaitu ‘variation according to use’, yang mencakup tiga dimensi konteks yaitu
field, tenor dan mode. Field terkait dengan metafungsi experiential, tenor dengan metafungsi
interpersonal, dan mode dengan metafungsi textual. Genre didefinisikan dengan menggunakan
bahasa yang mudah dipahami, yaitu ‘register plus purpose’, yang menunjukkan bahwa
pemilihan makna, urutannya, serta unsur-unsur kebahasaan yang dipilih untuk membangun
sebuah teks ditentukan oleh tujuan yang hendak dicapai.
Pemaparan selanjutnya adalah tentang ketiga metafungsi. Masing-masing dipaparkan
secara terpisah secara rinci dan mendalam. Pertama, metafungsi interpersonal. Pemaparan
mencakup berbagai aspek kebahasaan yang dapat dipilih untuk berinteraksi dengan orang lain
dan saling bertukar informasi, barang dan jasa, yaitu (1) Mood (dengan huruf besar) yang terdiri
atas Subject dan Finite, (2) mood (dengan huruf kecil) atau tipe klausa (yang mencakup
declarative, interogative dan imperative), (3) modality yang dikontraskan dengan polarity, dan
(4) appraisal atau penilaian yang merefleksikan fungsi judgement dan appreciation.
Kedua, metafungsi experiential. Pemaparan difokuskan pada aspek transitivity. Istilah
transitivity dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional menggambarkan peran sentral verba dalam
merepresentasikan pengalaman, karena menurut teori tata bahasa fungsional hanya ada satu
jenis pengalaman yang dapat dinyatakan dalam satuan makna klausa, yaitu proses. Proses
memiliki tiga ciri, yaitu (1) terjadinya atau adanya proses, (2) participant yang terlibat dalam
proses, dan (3) circumstance yang melingkupi proses. Dari unsur verbalah dapat ditentukan
jenis proses yang diungkapkan oleh suatu klausa (material, mental, relational, verbal,
existential, atau behavioural), dan juga fungsi semua participant yang terlibat dalam setiap jenis
proses (actor, senser, goal, phenomenon, sayer, dsb). Circumstance mencakup, antara lain,
waktu, tempat, alasan, tujuan, cara, dsb. Pada akhir bab ini juga disinggung sedikit tentang
analisis metafungsi experiential dari perspektif ergativity.
Ketiga, metafungsi textualyaitu kemampuan bahasa untuk menyusun alur makna dalam
penyampaian pesan, khususnya peran theme (tema). Dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional istilah
theme mengacu pada unsur makna yang disebut pertama dalam klausa. Di sini dipaparkan empat
hal yaitu (1) cara mengidentifikasi tema, (2) tema dalam clause complex, (3) multiple theme
(tema ganda), dan (4) beberapa kesulitan dalam menganalisi tema.
Terkait dengan metafungsi tekstual, buku ini menyoroti secara khusus fungsi cohesion
(kohesi). Pemaparan tentang kohesi diawali dengan memperjelas fungsi kohesi, dengan cara
dikontraskan dengan fungsi coherence (koherensi). Bab ini difokuskan pada pemaparan tiga alat
kohesi, yaitu reference, ellipsis, dan conjunction.
Pemaparan berikutnya adalah pada tataran di atas klausa, yaitu clause complex
(gabungan klausa). Pada tataran ini yang bekerja adalah metafungsi logical. Dalam bab ini
dipaparkan tentang dua tipe hubungan antar klausa, yaitu (1) hubungan ketergantungan logis,
yang terdiri atas fungsi hypotaxis dan parataxis, dan (2) hubungan logiko-semantik, yang terdiri
atas fungsi expansion (dalam bentuk elaboration, extension, dan enhancement) dan projection
(berupa quote, report, dan fact). Fungsi expansion dan projection masing-masing dipaparkan
secara lebih mendalam dalam bagian terpisah.
203
Nurhayati
Paparan berikutnya adalah tentang fungsi yang bekerja di luar (beyond) klausa, yaitu
fungsi metafora. Istilah metaphor digunakan secara khusus dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional
untuk membedakan fungsi pengungkapan makna yang dilakukan secara congruent. Dengan kata
lain, metaphor artinya tidak congruent. Setara dengan ketiga metafungsi yang dikenal dalam
tata bahasa fungsional, ada tiga jenis metaphor, yaitu experiential/logical metaphor,
interpersonal metaphor, dan textual metaphor, yang masing-masing dipaparkan dalam satu bab
terpisah.
Terakhir diberikan contoh analisis teks dalam ketiga dimensi analisis: interpersonal,
experiential, dan textual. Objek analisis adalah dua teks yang berbeda bentuk: percakapan yang
terjadi dalam ruang operasi dan petikan dari sebuah buku teks kedokteran. Di sini juga
disebutkan tiga kegunaan pendekatan tata bahasa fungsional, yaitu untuk (1) melaksanakan
analisis wacana (discourse analysis), (2) menentukan materi ajar berbagai program pendidikan
bahasa, dan (3) melaksanakan analisis wacana kritis (critical discourse analysis).
KOMENTAR
Secara keseluruhan buku ini telah memenuhi cita-cita penulisnya untuk dapat dibaca oleh
pemula dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa fungsional. Kemudahan bukan hanya terpancar dari bahasa
yang digunakan tetapi juga dari penjelasan dan contoh-contoh yang digunakan, yang dipaparkan
secara rinci dan bertahap. Jika pembaca mengikuti sistematika penyampaian dalam buku ini
serta mengejakan latihan menganalisis teks yang diberikan di setiap akhir bab dengan sunguhsungguh, dia akan terlibat secara konseptual dan parktis sekaligus, yang menjadi syarat untuk
dapat memahami cara menganalisis teks dengan pendekatan fungsional. Materi yang telah
dipilih penulis dalam setiap bab dapat dianggap cukup membekali pemula sebagai dasar untuk
dapat memahami dan mendalami teori tata bahasa fungsional dimaksud dengan membaca
sumber-sumber yang ditulis oleh Halliday dan koleganya.
Perspektif lain yang dimasukkan penulis untuk menjelaskan berbagai konsep ternyata
bukan hanya cukup efektif untuk memudahkan pemahaman, tetapi juga memperkaya
pemahaman bahkan bagi pembaca yang sudah lama berkecimpung dalam disiplin ilmu ini.
Latihan yang diberikan di akhir setiap bab juga bukan hanya perlu bagi pemula, tetapi juga
dapat digunakan oleh pembaca lainnya yang lebih mahir untuk meningkatkan kemampuan
menganalisis teks dengan pendekatan fungsional. Hal ini terutama karena adanya kunci jawaban
dari setiap soal yang diberikan di bagian belakang buku ini. Oleh karena itu, buku ini layak
direkomendasikan sebagai rujukan utama bagi pemula dalam disiplin ilmu ini, terutama bagi
mahasiswa dalam mata kuliah Introduction to Functional Grammar dan sejenisnya.
Tentunya buku ini tidak dapat diandalkan sebagai satu-satunya solusi untuk dapat
memahami teori bahasa fungsional dengan mudah, karena dalam upaya memberikan penjelasan
fungsi bahasa secara global dan kontekstual teori linguistik fungsional memang memerlukan
pemaparan dan penjelasan yang panjang dan rumit serta berbagai istilah dan jargon yang belum
pernah dikenal dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa yang atelah lama dikenal selama ini yang memang
perlu untuk menjelaskan sistematika fungsi bahasa. Jikapun digunakan istilah yang sudah lama
dikenal (misalnya theme, metaphor, sentence) sangat mungkin mengacu pada konsep yang tidak
persis sama atau bahkan berbeda sama sekali. Kesulitan dalam memahami buku ini
kemungkinan juga disebabkan karena adanya interferensi atau pengaruh dari penguasaan teori
linguistik yang sudah tertanam sebelumnya (yang kemungkinan juga justru memudahkan).
204
RUJUKAN
Butt, D, Fahey, R., Feez, S., Spinks, S., dan Yallop, C. (2000) Using functional grammar: an
explorer’s guide (edisi kedua). Sydney: NCELTR, Macquarie University
Eggins, S. (2004) An introduction to systemic functional linguistics (edisi kedua). New York:
Continuum.
Halliday, M.A.K. (1985) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi pertama). London: Edward
Arnold.
Halliday, M.A.K. (1994) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi kedua). London: Edward
Arnold.
Halliday, M.A.K. dan Matthiessen, C. M. I. M. (2004) Introduction to functional grammar
(edisi ketiga). London: Edward Arnold.
205
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
JELAJAH LINGUISTIK
Rubrik ini membuka peluang untuk saling berbagi di antara kita tentang beberapa
kemungkinan topik ini:
a. pencanangan metode penelitian linguistik yang belum lazim digunakan
b. daur-ulang metodologi penelitian linguistik
c. persoalan data yang – meskipun barangkali belum ditemukan pemecahannya –
penelusurannya berpeluang membuka sesuatu yang baru yang belum pernah
menjadi perhatian peneliti terdahulu
d. penerapan teori linguistik tertentu untuk menjelaskan data bahasa seperti
bahasa Indonesia yang membuat peneliti mempersoalkan teori yang
bersangkutan
METODE: DARI SINTAKSIS KE PRAGMATIK
Bambang Kaswanti Purwo
Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya
bkaswanti@atmajaya.ac.id
Pernahkah Anda menemukan kesulitan ketika mencoba menjelaskan tentang bahasa Indonesia?
Saya alami itu ketika berhadapan dengan kata sudah dan jadi. Kalau kita buka KUBI, makna
sudah adalah ‘telah’. Kalau kita buka telah, maknanya ‘sudah’. Ini tentunya bukan urusan
kamus, melainkan tata bahasa. Namun, kalau kita buka buku tata bahasa Indonesia, tidak juga
tertera penjelasan yang memadai.
Kata jadi, di dalam kamus Inggris-Indonesia John Echols, bermakna ‘end up doing
something”: <saya jadi lihat film>. Namun, bagaimana menerapkan makna jadi ini pada kalimat
<jadi rapat siang ini?>, yang jawabannya dapat berupa kalimat singkat <jadi> atau <tidak
jadi>? Kalimatnya tidak hanya tak bersubjek, melainkan juga mengandung sesuatu yang
tersiratkan sebab penutur dan petutur sama-ama tahu apa yang dimaksudkan. Samalah halnya
dengan sudah, yang juga dapat dituturkan dalam kalimat tak bersubjek <sudah tadi di jalan>,
misalnya, sebagai jawaban penolakan terhadap ajakan <ayo makan menemani saya>.
Bagaimana menjelaskan ini, termasuk yang tersirat itu? Dengan cara apa? Sintaksis –
persisnya “sintaksis mandiri” (autonomous syntax), yang tidak memperhitungkan konteks –
tidak dapat dipakai untuk menjelastuntaskan kalimat tak bersubjek itu, kalimat khas dalam
bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia. Berbeda halnya dengan bahasa seperti bahasa Inggris yang
sintaksisnya secara lebih ketat mewajibkan adanya subjek secara eksplisit (kecuali pada
beberapa konstruksi tertentu). Bahkan, kalau tidak ada subjek pun, subjek diada-adakan, seperti
< It rained > vs. <Hujan>; <It’s hot today> vs. <Panas hari ini>.
Upaya menjelaskan tata bahasa dengan memperhitungkan konteks ini saya sebut
“membangun tata bahasa baru”. Ini terlahir ketika saya menyiapkan makalah untuk “State of
Indonesian Studies Conference”, memenuhi undangan Southeast Asian Program, Cornell
University, 28–30 April 2011. Kelahiran topik ini disulut oleh fokus konferensi itu, yang dibuat
sama untuk setiap enam panel (anthropology, art history, history, language, government, dan
ethno-musicology): kajian Indonesia ditinjau dari masa lalu, ke masa sekarang, dan menuju
masa depan.
Di masa lalu hingga kini tata bahasa Indonesia sarat dengan hasil penjelasan
berdasarkan sintaksis (“mandiri”). Karena mengabaikan yang tersiratkan itu tadi, ada yang tak
terkuak. Ke masa depan, untuk membuka tabir misteri bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia, perlu
dibangun tata bahasa baru, bukan dengan mengandalkan sintaksis saja, melainkan juga
pragmatik. Maksudnya, analisis kalimat dengan menelusuri konteks pemakaiannya: menguak
mengapa sampai dituturkan kalimat seperti (1a), dan bukan yang lain.
Diskusi Ilmiah
(1) a. Pertunjukan sudah mulai ketika kami sampai.
b. The performance had already started when we arrived.
Bukannya tidak mungkin menganalisis sudah dengan “sintaksis mandiri”, tanpa
konteks. Mungkin saja itu dilakukan, tetapi hanya sebagian kecil saja mengenai seluk-beluknya
yang tersingkap dengan cara seperti itu (periksa uraian mengenai contoh (2)). Tanpa
mempertimbangkan konteks – hanya dengan mengamati yang kasat mata saja – makna perfektif
pada sudah dapat dijelaskan dengan rangka pikir “sistem kala” (tense system), sebagaimana
yang dipakai dalam menjelaskan kalimat Inggris (1b) itu. Apabila ada dua peristiwa atau
perbuatan yang berurutan (start dan arrive), apa yang berlangsung lebih dahulu (start), dalam
bahasa Inggris, diutarakan dengan perfektif dan dalam bahasa Indonesia dengan sudah. Akan
tetapi, bagaimana dengan sudah pada (2)?
(2) a. Saya sudah di parkiran sekarang. Ruang kerjamu di mana?
b. I’m in the parking lot now. Where is your room?
Apakah hanya itu saja makna sudah, yaitu makna yang disepadankan dengan perfektif,
berdasarkan penjelasan dengan rangka “sistem kala” itu? Camkanlah makna sudah pada (2),
yang tidak tertampung dalam rangka itu. Berbeda dengan sudah (1), sudah (2) tidak berpadanan
dengan perfektif pada bahasa Inggris. Pada konteks itu kalimat dengan perfektif tidak berterima:
<*I have been in the parking lot now>.
Masih ada lagi pemakaian sudah yang tak terjelaskan dengan rangka pikir sistem kala
itu: baik yang temporal <dia sudah kawin> maupun yang tidak <sudah kaya, cantik lagi>
(Kaswanti 2011b). Samalah halnya dengan makna jadi pada dua kalimat “bersinonim”
(<rapatnya tidak jadi> dan <kita tidak jadi rapat>) ini, yang mustahil terjelaskan dengan
pendekatan sintaksis “mandiri” tadi. Penjelasannya – tidak dapat tidak – menuntut
pemerhitungan konteks pemakaian di dalam komunikasi.
Yang mengasyikkan di sini ialah – sebagaimana yang dapat diikuti pada Kaswanti
(2011a–d) – rangka pragmatik yang dipakai untuk menjelaskan makna sudah pada pelbagai
konteks itu dapat juga diterapkan untuk menjelaskan pemakaian kata seperti jadi (dan juga
sampai (Kaswanti 2011c)).
RUJUKAN
Kaswanti Purwo, Bambang. 2011a. “Constructing a New Grammar of Indonesian: A Trip from
Expectation to Reality”, Conference on “The State of Indonesian Studies”, Cornell
University, 29–30 April 2011.
--------. 2011b. “Sudah in Contemporary Indonesian”, ISMIL 15, Universitas Islam Negeri
Malang, 24–26 Juni 2011.
--------. 2011c. “The Indonesian sampai: From Space to the Deictics (of Time and Person) and
to the Pragmatics (of Precipitation)”, Workshop on Deixis and Spatial Expression in
Indonesian Languages, Osaka, 22–23 Juli, 2011.
--------. 2011d. “Membangun Tata Bahasa Baru Bahasa Indonesia: Lajur Pragmatik”, KIMLI
2011, Bandung, 9–12 Oktober 2011.
208
Tahun ke-29, No. 2
BINCANG ANTARA KITA DARI DUNIA MAYA
TERIMA KASIH: KAPAN KITA MENGUCAPKANNYA?
From: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo <bkaswanti@atmajaya.ac.id>
To: Masyarakat_Linguistik_Indonesia@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, February 21, 2011 2:15 PM
Subject: [mlindo]
Sejawat, para pencinta bahasa Indonesia:
Timothy Hassall, dosen bahasa Indonesia di ANU, Canberra, merasa prihatin terhadap
perkembangan bahasa kita. Bagaimana dengan kita?
Ada yang bisa membantu menjelaskan kapan orang Indonesia mengucapkan terima kasih? Para
pemelajar bahasa Indonesia yang bertutur dalam bahasa lain sungguh menantikan jawaban ini.
Ada yang tertarik untuk melakukan penelitian tentang ini?
Link: http://bahasakita.com/2011/05/03/to-thank-or-not-to-thank-in-indonesian/
Salam,
bambang
From: rina marnita <rmarnita@yahoo.com>
Sent: Tuesday, February 22, 2011 4:41 PM
Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?
Pak Bambang dan 'rekan2' di mlindo,
Menurut pendapat saya yang masih belajar ini, dalam menjawab pertanyaan Pak Bambang ini
mungkin perlu kita pertimbangkan aspek budaya penutur bahasa Indonesia. Dalam
menggunakan bahasa Indonesia, orang Indonesia mungkin tidak bisa lepas seutuhnya dari
pengaruh budaya lokal mereka. Kemungkinan besar mengucapkan terimakasih sifatnya juga
'cultural specific'. Sebagai contoh: dalam masyarakat Minang tradisional, maupun generasi tua
dan orang-orang yang tinggal di pedesaan di masa sekarang ini, terima kasih diungkapkan
dengan cara yang khas, yaitu secara tidak langsung. Sering ungkapan terima kasih dinyatakan
dalam bentuk pertanyaan yang tidak memerlukan jawaban. Seseorang yang diberi benda
biasanya akan berkata 'Eh, baa dek baagiah pulo ambo baju' (Eh, kenapa saya dikasih pula baju?
atau Lho, kok saya dikasih baju?). Adakalanya respon mereka berupa pernyataan, yang
mungkin kedengaran ekstrim bagi orang luar, seperti 'ndeh, jan diagaih-agiah pulo ambo baju
lai' (Duh, jangan dikasih pula saya baju' / Wah, saya gak usah dikasih baju '). Kadang2 respon
itu dalam bentuk kalimat pujian yang diiringi dengan eskpresi wajah atau gerak tubuh yang
menunjukkan rasa senang, seperti: 'I, rancaknyo lai(Wah, bagusnya). Respon jenis ini kadang2
diikuti oleh kata 'mokasih yo' (terima kasih ya).
Hal ini juga mungkin terkait dengan nilai budaya masyarakat Minang. Orang tua, misalnya,
menganggap tidak perlu mengucapkan terimakasih kepada orang yang lebih muda yang
memberikan bantuan (meskipun bantuan itu atas permintaan orang tua) karena membantu orang
tua (lebih tua) dianggap sudah merupakan kewajiban. Hal ini juga tercermin di antaranya dari
bentuk kalimat yang digunakan dalam meminta pertolongan yang umumnya dalam bentuk
imperatif, tanpa kata tolong, dan dalam bentuk pertanyaan yang tidak membutuhkan jawaban,
Diskusi Ilmiah
Contoh:
1) Ambiaklah kain lai, Na. Ari ka ujan. (Angkatlah jemuran, Na. Hari mau hujan).
2) Baa dek indak baambiak kain Na? Ari ka ujan. (Mengapa jemuran belum diangkat Na?
Hari mau hujan)
3) Indak ka baambiak kain na. Ari ka ujan. (Apakah jemuran tidak akan diangkat, hari (kan)
mau hujan)
Biasanya respon terhadap ketiga tuturan ini adalah berupa perbuatan 'mengangkat jemuran' yang
diiringi, atau tidak, dengan ucapan 'yo mak (ya Mak), atau alasan. Dan, jarang sekali ada
komunikasi ataupun interaksi sesudahnya yang memberi kesempatan yang memberi perintah
untuk mengucapkan terimakasih (kalau ini dianggap perlu oleh si pemberi perintah).
Rina Marnita AS
From: Agus Santoso <agus.santoso2009@yahoo.com>
Sent: Tuesday, February 22, 2011 10:34 PM
Menarik sekali bahwa budaya lokal ikut serta dalam memberikan pengaruh dalam
berterimakasih. Pertanyaan saya, bu Rina, apakah ketika orang Minang berbahasa Indonesia,
mereka tetap mempertahankan tatacara mengucapkan terima kasih itu ataukah mereka
meleburkan diri kepada ciri bahasa Indonesia yang bersifat nasional?
Sebagai orang yang berbahasa Indonesia, saya mengucapkan terima kasih ketika (tidak
berdasarkan urutan apapun):
1) Saya menerima bantuan dari orang lain.
2) Saya mendapatkan hadiah.
3) Orang memberikan perhatian kepada saya.
4) Orang melakukan sesuatu yang harus saya lakukan.
5) Orang memberikan nasehat.
6) Orang memberikan uang kembalian ketika saya berbelanja.
7) Orang memberikan pelayanan yang bagus.
8) Menolak ajakan dengan halus.
9) Memberikan penghargaan kepada orang lain setelah mereka mendengarkan saya, misalnya.
10) Mungkin bisa ditambahkan oleh yang lainnya?
Salam,
Agus Santoso
http://agus-santoso.com/buku/
From: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo <bkaswanti@atmajaya.ac.id>
Sent: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 12:51 PM
Subject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?
Saya tertarik untuk mengamati yagn no. 8 lebih jauh. Di situ “terima kasih” = “tidak”, dan tidak
terbatas pada “menolak ajakan halus”, termasuk juga menolak “tawaran” (minum, makan,
dsb.). Untuk penolakan seperti ini tidak pernah kita katakan “Tidak/Nggak, terima kasih.”,
sebagai padanan dari “No, thanks.”.
Pertanyaan: bagaimana kita mengatakan “yes, thank you”. Benarkah tidak bisa kita katakan “ya,
terima kasih”? [terima kasih dengan “ya”]
Atau, bisakah “terima kasih” kita pakai sebagai jawaban “menerima tawaran”, meskipun tidak
terucap kata “ya”. [terima kasih tanpa “ya”]
210
Atau, kalau kita menerima tawaran, jawabannya cenderung “tanpa kata”? Misalnya, ditawari
mengambil kue, langsung mengambil kue, tanpa kata?
Atau, kalau dengan kata, apa yang kita ucapkan? Terucap “Terima kasih”-kah? Atau, apa?
bk
From: Yassir Nasanius <yns@atmajaya.ac.id>
Dear all,
Apakah terjemahan 'thank you for not smoking', yaitu 'terima kasih Anda tidak merokok', bisa
masuk kategori no. 10 yang dibuat Pak Agus?
Salam,
Yassir
Pak Bambang yth,
Saya rasa kita hanya mengucapkan terima kasih saja ya. Kalau tidak ada kelanjutannya, berarti
no, thanks. Kalau dilanjutkan dengan mengerjakan sesuatu yang dimintakan, berarti yes, thanks.
Oleh sebab itu, banyak pembelajar bahasa Inggris yang terjebak dalam masalah ini ketika
mereka harus membedakan yes/no, thanks. Kita cenderung hanya mengatakan thanks dan hal ini
membuat penutur berbahasa Inggris menjadi kebingungan karena mereka mengharapkan
yes/no..:)
Mungkin ada ide lain dari teman-teman lain yang ingin menambahkannya?
Salam,
GAS
http://agus-santoso.com/buku/
From: rina marnita <rmarnita@yahoo.com>
Terima kasih atas responnya pak (berarti kita juga mengucapkan terima kasih ketika pendapat
kita direspon seseorang terlepas apakah kita setuju atau tidak dengan respon tersebut)
Ya, sebaiknya kita memang 'melebur' dalam budaya/ciri kebahasaan secara nasional ketika
menggunakan bahasa Indonesia. Namun, selama ini umumnya kita mengajarkan'bagaimana dan
kapan mengucapakan terima kasih' ketika mengajarkan tata krama pada anak2 kita, yang
mungkin saja kita (sangat) dipengaruhi oleh nilai2 budaya dan kebiasaan yang kita anut (atau
mungkin kita sudah punya panduan tertulis nasional tentang aturan berterimakasih ini?).
Mungkin faktor latar belakang pendidikan seseorang juga mempengaruhi pak; makin tinggi
tingkat pendidikan seseorang makin 'standar' perilaku berbahasanya.
Terima kasih (kenapa berterimakasih lagi ya?)
211
Diskusi Ilmiah
From: E. Aminudin Aziz <aminudin@upi.edu>
Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 1:39 PM
Nimbrung dikit nih.
Kalau saya pikir sih, sesuai dengan hakikatnya, seseorang akan berterima kasih manakala telah
ada pihak lain (dalam hal ini khususnya mitra tuturnya) yang telah berbuat baik kepada penutur.
Artinya, si penutur memang ingin menunjukkan 'penerimaan' terhadap rasa 'kasih' yang telah
diberikan mitra tuturnya itu. Nah, kalau justru ada seseorang yang telah diberi 'kasih' itu tidak
'diterimakan', maka kita bisa katakan bahwa orang tersebut tidak tahu terima kasih.
Lalu, kalau pada akhirnya ada ungkapan terima kasih yang di luar konteks di atas, seperti
misalnya setelah dipecat gituh (?), maka ungkapan terima kasih tadi tidak boleh/tidak bisa
dipandang sebagai ungkapan terima kasih yang tulus, yang --seperti kita banyak baca dari
tulisan Brown&Levinson dan para peneliti lain ttg Kesantunan Berbahasa-- memang berterima
kasih itu bisa mengancam wajah alias face-threatening act. Artinya, memang tidak selalu mudah
untuk berterima kasih secara ikhlas itu.
Oh ya, terima kasih kepada yang telah membaca komentar ini (dengan ikhlas)....(smile...!!!)
Salam,
eaa
Terima kasih, pak, untuk inputnya. Saya rasa semua aspek harus kita amati/jelajahi supaya kita
memiliki perspektif yang menyeluruh karena hakikat riset adalah mendokumentasi segala aspek
yang terkait di dalamnya dan pastinya ada sedikit gesekan-gesekan juga yang merupakan
kekecualian yang daripadanya kita justru mendapatkan keutuhannya, dalam hal ini, misalnya
penggunaan ujaran 'terima kasih' dalam setiap aspeknya.
Salam,
GAS
From: su santo <susantonanda@gmail.com>
Salam bahagia dari India...
Mungkin pembahasan aspek intonasi ujaran 'terima kasih' juga tak kalah menariknya untuk
dilibatkan.
Dengan mencermati tonic syllable, yang pada gilirannya tonic foot, kita mendapat latar fonetik
untuk menentukan alur nada ujaran 'terimakasih' tersebut. Hal ini tentunya dilakukan dengan
sangat memperhatikan pengaturan advanced pitch range pada instrumen yang digunakan
(misalnya PRAAT) yang mungkin berbeda dari satu konteks ke konteks yang lain, dari satu
bahasa ke bahasa yang lain ataupun dari satu penutur ke penutur yang lain.
Susanto
www.mrsusanto.blogspot.com
212
Dear all,
Kalau tidak salah, diskusi mengenai 'cara berterima kasih' ini dipicu oleh artikel Tim Hasall
yang mengemukakan kebingungannya ketika mencoba memakai 'terima kasih'. Tampaknya Tim
dan mahasiswanya memakai kerangka tindak tutur 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris
ketika mencoba memakai 'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia. Jadi, masalahnya apakah
tindak tutur 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris itu sama dengan tindak tutur 'terima kasih'
dalam bahasa Indonesia? Menurut Pak Amin, seseorang akan berterima kasih manakala telah
ada pihak lain (dalam hal ini khususnya mitra tuturnya) yang telah berbuat baik kepada penutur,
sehingga tindak tutur ini dimanifestasikan melalui 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris dan
'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia? Akan tetapi, seperti ditulis rekan-rekan yang lain, tindak
tutur yang termaktub dalam 'thank you/thanks' sangat dipengaruhi budaya masyarakat berbahasa
Inggris dan tindak tutur yang termaktub dalam 'terima kasih' sangat dipengaruhi budaya
masyarakat pemakai bahasa Indonesia? How do we reconcile these two facts?
Salam,
Yassir
Di samping unsur fonologi, saya rasa kajian tindak tutur (seperti berterima kasih atau meminta
sesuatu) yang bersifat lintas budaya merupakan kajian yang sangat menarik. Di dalam literatur
pengajaran tahun 50-an, Contrastive Linguistics, saya kira, belum banyak berkutat dengan tindak
tutur (paling-paling hanya sampai pada tataran kalimat). Mungkin Contrastive Lingustics ditambah
pragmatics perlu direvitalisasi untuk mengkaji topik seperti speech acts across cultures (tindak tutur
dalam pelbagai bahasa) atau implicatures across cultures (implikatur dalam pelbagai budaya).
Salam,
Yassir
From: E. Aminudin Aziz <aminudin@upi.edu>
Rekan-rekan,
Yang saya percayai adalah bahwa dalam bahasa (dan budaya) apapun, tindak tutur berterima
kasih itu PASTI ADA. Hanya, yang mungkin berbeda adalah realisasinya. Ingatlah misalnya
dalam studi yang dilakukan dalam projek CCSARP oleh Blum-Kulka dkk, kita menemukan
kenyataan betapa beragamnya realisasi pertuturan MEMINTA (Requesting) dan MEMOHON
MAAF (Apologies). Keragaman tsb dibuktikan lebih lanjut dalam beberapa riset berikutnya.
Dengan demikian, sudah pasti bahwa realisasi tuturan (termasuk di dalamnya unsur fonologis)
akan sangat khas sesuai dengan budaya tempat bahasa itu hidup. Bahkan, bukankah kita akan
menyatakan terima kasih atau tuturan lainnya secara berbeda 'hanya' karena situasi lingkungan
(konteks) berbeda? Dan itulah kekayaan bahasa dalam budayanya, saya pikir.
Salam,
eaa
213
INDEKS
atelic 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164
Buginese dialect 69
blurring (the) boundaries 167
code-switching 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146
communication 19, 33, 34
comparable particle 53, 56, 61, 62, 65
conversation analysis 1, 2, 5, 13, 14, 101
covert voice alternation 111, 115
cultural scripts 19, 23, 33
difficult translation 85, 86
ethnography of communication 185
forms of greeting 69
(funny) control 111
I-grammar 167, 168, 169
I-morality 167, 169, 170
impossible translation 85, 86
Indonesian 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,
172, 173, 174, 175, 176
intentionality 167, 169, 170
kena 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126
language extinction 35
language vitality 35
language revival and revitalization 35
linguistic and poetic iconicity 85, 97
linguistic challenges 185
linguistic corruption 167, 171, 173, 174, 176
Manado Malay 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144
moral character 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176
morality 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176, 177
multicultural 19
multilingual 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 140, 144, 146
Natural Semantic Metalanguage 19, 21, 22
pragmatics 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, 101
pragmatic particle 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 65, 66
poetry translation 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 93, 94, 97
politeness 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 101
representations 167, 169, 170, 176
rules 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 174, 175
Sidrap 69, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82
situations 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163
subtle translation 85, 86, 97
taken for granted knowledge 167, 169
Teaching Science 185
telic 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164
terminal/natural end points 151
type of situations 151
INDEKS PENULIS
Kasper
1
Darmojuwono
19
Ibrahim
35
Sari
53
Amir
69
Kadarisman
85
Omar
101
Nomoto dan Wahab
111
Pangalila
133
Nurhayati
151
Kalidjernih
167
Krish and Othman
185
216
Terima Kasih
Redaksi Linguistik Indonesia mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para
mitra bebestari yang telah berkenan mereview artikel-artikel yang
diterbitkan dalam Linguistik Indonesia edisi Februari dan Agustus 2011,
yaitu:
1. Patrisius Istiarto Djiwandono
Universitas Ma Chung
2. M. Umar Muslim
Universitas Indonesia
3. Hasan Basri
Universitas Tadulako
4. E. Aminudin Aziz
Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia
5. Siti Wachidah
Universitas Negeri Jakarta
6. A. Effendi Kadarisman
Universitas Negeri Malang
7. Mahyuni
Universitas Mataram
8. Dwi Noverini Djenar
University of Sydney, Australia
9. Bahren Umar Siregar
Unika Atma Jaya
10. Katharina Endriati Sukamto
Unika Atma Jaya
11. Faizah Sari
Unika Atma Jaya
12. Bambang Kaswanti Purwo
Unika Atma Jaya
13. Yassir Nasanius
Unika Atma Jaya
Jakarta, Agustus 2011
Redaksi Linguistik Indonesia
FORMAT PENULISAN NASKAH
Naskah diketik dengan menggunakan MS Word dikirimkan ke Redaksi melalui e-mail
pkbb@atmajaya.ac.id atau dalam bentuk disket dan satu printout. Panjang naskah,
termasuk daftar pustaka, adalah minimal 15 halaman dan maksimal 30 halaman, dengan
spasi tunggal dan jenis huruf Times New Roman 11 point. Naskah disertai dengan
abstrak sekitar 150 kata dan kata kunci (key words) maksimal tiga kata. Abstrak dan
kata kunci ditulis dalam dua bahasa: bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, diletakkan
setelah judul naskah dan afiliasi penulis.
Kutipan hendaknya dipadukan dalam kalimat penulis, kecuali bila panjangnya
lebih dari tiga baris. Dalam hal ini, kutipan diketik dengan spasi tunggal, menjorok ke
dalam (indented) sepuluh karakter, letak tengah (centered), dan tanpa tanda petik. Nama
penulis yang dirujuk hendaknya ditulis dengan urutan berikut: nama akhir penulis,
tahun penerbitan, dan nomor halaman (bila diperlukan); misalnya, (Radford 1997),
(Radford 1997:215). Catatan ditulis pada akhir naskah (endnote), tidak pada bagian
bawah halaman (footnote).
Setiap rujukan baik artikel maupun buku tanpa dipilah-pilah jenisnya, diurutkan
menurut abjad berdasarkan nama akhir, tanpa diberi nomor urut.
· Untuk buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) judul buku cetak miring, (8) titik, (9) kota penerbitan, (10) titik
dua (colon), (11) nama penerbit, dan (12) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut:
Gass, S.M. dan J. Schachter. 1990. Linguistic Perspectives on Second Language
Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hutabarat, S. 1995. Pemerolehan Fonem Bahasa Batak Karo pada Anak-anak Usia
Tiga Tahun. Jakarta: Gramedia.
· Untuk artikel dalam jurnal: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5)
tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tanda
petik tutup, (11) nama jurnal cetak miring, (12) volume, (13) titik, (14) nomor (kalau
ada), (15) koma, (16) spasi, (17) halaman, (18) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut:
Chung, S. 1976. “An Object-Creating Rule in Bahasa Indonesia.” Linguistic Inquiry
7.1, 41-87.
Zwicky, A.M. 1985. “Heads.” Journal of Linguistics 21, 1-30.
· Untuk artikel dalam buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5)
tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tanda
petik tutup, (11) berilah kata "Dalam", (12) titik dua, (13) nama editor disusul (ed.),
(14) koma, (15) halaman, (16) titik. Buku ini harus pula dirujuk secara lengkap dalam
lema tersendiri, seperti pada contoh berikut:
Dardjowidjojo, S. 2007. “Derajat Keuniversalan dalam Pemerolehan Bahasa.” Dalam:
Nasanius (ed.), 233-261.
Nasanius, Y. (ed.). 2007. PELBBA 18. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.
· Jika ada lebih dari satu artikel oleh pengarang yang sama, nama pengarangnya ditulis
ulang secara lengkap, dimulai dengan tahun terbitan yang lebih dulu, mengikuti
contoh ini:
Shibatani, M. 1977. “Grammatical Relations and Surface Cases.” Language 53, 789809.
Shibatani, M. 1985. “Passives and Related Constructions: A Prototype Analysis.”
Language 61, 821-848.

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