December 2007 Newsletter
Transcription
December 2007 Newsletter
Special Issue on Women and Sex SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER NEWSLETTER ISSUE 4 MCLA December 2007 Inside this issue: Inspiring Woman: Annie Sprinkle 2 Too Complex for Television: The Invisibility of Queer Women of Color 3 The Myth of the Slut 4 Sexualization Manifestation Revelation 5 A Promise of Purity 6 SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIALISSUE ISSUEON ONWOMEN ADOLESCENTS WOMENAND ANDSEX STRENGTH SPECIAL Page 2 Inspiring Woman: Annie Sprinkle by Sigourney Wendt Annie Sprinkle: porn star, performance artist, or feminist? Can she be all three? Many, who have avidly debated Annie Sprinkle and her “motives”, have deemed her nothing more than a sex worker, who is capitalizing on bringing pornography to the stage (The New Criterion). While Annie Sprinkle, herself, does not deny her past of illegal and taboo activities, she has consistently used her experiences as a basis for teaching others about the pleasures of human sexuality, the dangers of unsafe sex, and the importance of demystifying the human body (anniesprinkle.org). Born Ellen Steinberg in 1954 to her academic parents, Annie Sprinkle never considered herself a particularly open or sexually expressive child. Her shy and timid ways, however, soon changed after she became a cashier in a porn theater at the age of eighteen. She quickly developed an interest and curiosity in sex, moving on to become a prostitute and later, onset assistant for and actress in various pornographic films. By the early 1980s, Annie Sprinkle had starred in over 150 pornography loops and 50 pornography films. Motivated by her experiences in the adult film industry, Sprinkle decided to write and direct an adult film that would later change the standards of pornography. Her film, which became the second bestselling adult video in 1981, was one of the first to show women in sexually aggressive roles, enjoying the pleasures of sex (anniesprinkle.org). Thereafter, Sprinkle made it a point to openly discuss her feelings and thoughts about sex and the porn industry. She took a sex-positive position— upholding the value of expressing one’s sexuality and pornography’s initiative in expressing sexual fantasies, while identifying the conservative/negative sex culture of the United States and the downsides of the porn industry. Sprinkle’s decision to leave the mainstream porn industry in the 1980s and to further advocate the positives of sex and female liberation was not surprising, especially after her attempts to promote safe-sex and awareness of AIDS in the porn industry were ignored (anniesprinke.org). Following her love of art and pleasure, Sprin- kle sought out the stage, where she could seemingly engage in both, and confront many of the issues concerning sex and sexuality. In one of her infamous performances, “Public Cervix Announcement”, Sprinkle actually inserted a speculum into her vagina on-stage and invited the audience to look at her cervix with a flashlight. Her performance didn’t end here, however, as she later engaged in a “sex magic masturbation ritual”. While Sprinkle argued that her actions were meant to personalize and demystify the female genitalia, and openly speak out about the liberation of sex, Republicans denounced her artistic performance on the Senate floor. Many of the Republican senators, particularly Jesse Helms, were enraged by her performance, which they considered to be pornography, notably because this performance had received federal funding from the National Endowment for the Arts. As the Senate argued over whether controversial art should receive federal funding, Sprinkle continued to write, direct, and perform in various theater pieces (anniesprinkle.org). Performances such as “Annie Sprinkle’s Herstory of Porn: From Reel to Real” and “Post Porn Love”, which discuss the myths and truths behind sex and sexuality, are two of Sprinkle’s performances that are currently touring. Aside from her work as a performance artist, Annie Sprinkle has written several books, taught classes and workshops, given lectures, and has been an active member of many public service projects. In 2002, Annie Sprinkle became the first porn star to receive her Ph.D. when she received her doctoral degree from the Institute for Advanced Study of Human Sexuality in San Francisco, in Human Sexuality (anniesprinkle.org). Despite the controversy surrounding her work, Sprinkle has been recognized for her honest and sincere approach to advocacy and educating others about the often repressed and stigmatized topics concerning sex and sexuality. Annie Sprinkle has certainly transformed American culture, whether we agree with her efforts or not. She has avidly debunked myths concerning the sexuality of men and women, and has tried to bring an open mind and a sense of tolerance to sex, which is so often devalued in our society. Sources: www.anniesprinkle.org The New Criterion-November 2002 SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIAL SPECIALISSUE ISSUEON ONWOMEN WOMENAND ANDSEX Occupations Page 3 Too Complex for Television: The Invisibility of Queer Women of Color by Raechel Doughty While women face a wide array of stereotypes about their sexuality, women of color are ever further maligned. Their bodies and sexuality are exoticized and fetishized in our culture. Lesbians and bisexual women also must deal with a more complex set of judgments. When stereotypes about race, gender and sexual orientation intersect, there are many layers of false preconceptions. While quality, realistic roles on television for women, people of color and GLBT (gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender) people are already sparse, queer women of color become invisible under these layers of bias. According to an annual study done by GLAAD (Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation), cable television is growing more inclusive. GLBT representation on cable TV has increased 60% in the past year. The number of queer people of color as series regulars has doubled, from seven to fourteen, with quite a few of these being women. However, the situation is not as promising for broadcast networks, where only 1.1% of series regular characters in the 2007-08 broadcast television lineup represent GLBT people. This percentage has actually gone down in the past few years. Of these GLBT characters, two are women, and only one is a person of color. There are no queer women of color series regulars on broadcast television. In recent years, gay characters on TV have multiplied due to very popular shows centered on gay characters such as “Will and Grace” and “Queer as Folk”. It is important to note, however, that these shows represented affluent white gay males. Queer as Folk’s ensemble cast featured only two lesbians, who had much less screen time and plot involvement than their male counterparts. They were also mothers, and this aspect of their personas was emphasized to the exclusion of their social and professional lives. They were also white, as was the entire cast. “Noah’s Arc”, which had two seasons on the Logo channel and is now being turned into a film, was another ensemble cast show starring gay characters - but its cast was all black. The show was popular and a step towards more diversity in GLBT programming, but it featured no lesbians. The home of nearly half of lesbians on TV is Showtime’s The L Word. This ensemble cast consists of all women, and several women of color. Jennifer Beals (of Flashdance fame) has played a main character since the show’s inception, and one of the first storylines of the series focused on her biracial heritage in a realistic and sensitive way. Although Beals’ father was African-American, she has primarily played white characters throughout her acting career. The show also currently features a deaf character and a FTM (female to male) character. Though it has made great strides for visibility, it is not without its own set of problems. Most of the characters are affluent, and lead glamorous, melodramatic lives. Max, the FTM character, was originally Moira, the show’s only butch lesbian who was quickly scripted to be transgender. While it is very rare to see transgender people on television, some viewers felt the show fell into the trap of binary gender that makes transgender people invisible in the first place - the only female with “male” attributes, by default, became male and thereafter adhered to aggressive male stereotypes, with nothing between female and male represented. The show’s Latina lesbian, Papi, is seductive and promiscuous, a stereotype often directed at Latina women. The show also has never had a Native American or Asian lesbian, but this is a problem everywhere on television, where Native Americans and Asians are underrepresented in general. Where, then, can we find realistic people of color, women and GLBT people? It may be obvious, or it may be surprising, but reality television does relatively well when it comes to diverse, accurate portrayals. Lesbians on unscripted television are wellrepresented and, naturally, more well-rounded than characters. Although some "dating genre" shows aim for sensationalism - for example, MTV's Shot at Love starring Asian and bisexual entertainer Tila Tequilamany popular and longstanding reality shows allow queer women of color to be seen as completely normal. The Real World, which is considered to be the first reality show, has always included people of color and GLBT people in their casting, and several queer people of color have been cast over the years, including two women. The genre has flourished and unscripted shows like Survivor and America’s Next Top Model regularly feature lesbians. An AfricanAmerican lesbian was a contestant in ANTM’s very first season. However, in a later season, the sexuality of white, masculine-looking lesbian contestant Kim Stolz was discussed over and over, while fellow contestant Nik Pace, a feminine biracial lesbian, had her sexuality completely ignored. (Continued on page 9) SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIALISSUE ISSUEON ONWOMEN WOMENAND ANDSEX OCCUPATIONS SPECIAL Page 4 The Myth of the Slut by Holly Huffstutler What makes someone a slut? How do you tell a bad girl from a good one? Why do we need to? Of all the levels of inequality that women have had to deal with, the sneakiest most pervasive one is that women are split into two groups: the nice girls and “that dirty slut who I heard screwed the whole football team. ” The decision of whether a girl is good or bad is made early and can define who she is for many years. The presence of a “slut” in every junior high or high school is the direct result of a general lack of sexual knowledge. Kids entering puberty develop their innate curiosity about sex, but they are often scared away from freely exploring it because of pregnancy and STD threats. That unfulfilled curiosity about sex, combined with its forbidden status, gets projected onto the girl or girls labeled as sluts. The girl who gets the promiscuous label hung on her is usually the one the pack identifies as different from them in any number of ways. The first “difference” often comes down to skin color and body type. The possession of a certain type of body is what often gets girls labeled as sluts: the hourglass figure (large breasts, curvy hips, small waist). It has been held up as a prime example of female fertility, ideally suited for child bearing and sex. In her book, Slut! Growing up Female with a Bad Reputation, Leora Tanenbaum discusses the many ways in which a slutty identity is created, based on anecdotes from girls she interviewed. Many of them were assumed to be sexually active in their late junior high and early high school years. “When everyone else in class is wearing training bras, the girl with breasts becomes an object of sexual scrutiny” (Tanenbaum: 8). This seems to be based on an entrenched, almost medieval, and ridiculous belief that a woman’s curves get curvier “under a man’s touch,” instead of being the genetic accident that they are. A girl’s looks can be scrutinized in other ways besides cup size. Girls who are prettier are often targeted out of jealousy alone. Some girls are marked as sluts because they look more “exotic” than the rest of their classmates. This often comes down to the stereotype of women of color, the “hot Latina” and so forth. A fantasy that is held up as the contrast to the Victorian, yet disturbingly enduring, ideal of white women: chaste and modest. The designation of a school slut also carries overtones of economic snobbery. “Regardless of her family’s economic status, the ‘slut’ is thought to be ‘low-class’ and ‘trampy’” (Tanenbaum: xvi) and poorer girls are often considered to be promiscuous because of this connection. The situation is not helped when their unsympathetic classmates interpret their tight clothes to be a confirmation of their sexual desperation and availability, when in fact they are a byproduct of not being able to afford new shirts when they grow, drawing more attention to their already scrutinized breasts. Family background can add to these reputations in other ways. Many girls who were labeled as “tramps” several decades ago, were called that because their parents were divorced. The assumption was, in the words of my mother who was assumed to be “fast” in high school, that “If the parents slept around…then I must too, right?” If the reasons for being named a slut are many and varied then so are the punishments that come from the people who do the naming. They all seem to fall under the umbrella of “slut-bashing.” This is when the stories that make up their reputations get exaggerated and spread far and wide. Intriguingly, the same bunch of stories seem to have been circulating since the 50’s. Examples of this can be found in the brilliant movie about hostile teen life, Mean Girls. Incidentally, every girl in that movie is defined by her sexuality. The rumors that get whispered about all the girls come to a head in the “burn book” sequence. One girl (a “burn out”, what a surprise, she is one of the outsiders) reads that she “made out with a hot dog”. That’s one of those ubiquitous stories like “screwed the whole football team.” There’s another recyclable tale, one that I’ve encountered. I was slightly oblivious in high school; if we had a designated slut, I didn’t notice. But reading a story in Emily White’s Fast Girls: Teenage Tribes and the Myth of the Slut made me remember the same story told to me in high school. A girl reportedly had maggots in her vagina, because she had pushed raw hamburger meat inside herself so her dog would “eat her out”. It’s possible, of course, that the girl from my hometown submitted her story to White. But if that’s not true then this is just one of those bits of slander that gets attributed to many of these girls. Tanenbaum breaks down the subtext of these rumored slutty exploits: “‘kinky’ sex isn’t normal, and therefore ‘good’ girls don’t engage in it” (Tanenbaum: 89). (Continued on page 7) SUSAN SUSAN B.B. ANTHONY ANTHONY WOMEN’S WOMEN’S CENTER CENTER SPECIAL SPECIAL ISSUE ISSUE ON WOMEN ON WOMEN ANDAND SEXOCCUPATION Page 5 Sexualization Manifestation Revelation by Brandee Simone In February 2007, the American Psychological Association released a monumental study entitled “Report of the APA Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls.” This report has become the topic of much discussion, and has been followed by an endless assortment of response articles. The report defines what sexualization means, presents evidence to support its existence, and explores the consequences of sexualization in our culture, especially the consequences it has on the lives of young girls. What is most disturbing about this article is that it brings to light that the sexualization of young girls is happening in many forms, which range from the very subtle to the overtly obvious. So what exactly is sexualization? The American Psychological Association defines sexualization as occurring when a person’s value comes only from her/ his sexual appeal or behavior, to the exclusion of other human characteristics. Sexualization also occurs when a person is sexually objectified, e.g., made into a thing for another’s sexual use. Sexualization also happens when sexuality is inappropriately imposed upon a person, such as when elements of adult sexuality are forced upon children. This is much different from healthy, age-appropriate, self-motivated sexual exploration. The APA report offers several examples to clarify their definition of sexualization: • “Imagine a 5-year-old girl walking through a mall wearing a short Tshirt that says “Flirt.” • Consider the instructions given in magazines to preadolescent girls on how to look sexy and get a boyfriend by losing 10 pounds and straightening their hair. • Envision a soccer team of adolescent girls whose sex appeal is emphasized by their coach or a local journalist to attract fans. • Think of print advertisements that portray women as little girls, with pigtails and ruffles, in adult sexual poses.” All one needs to do is take a stroll through a mall or turn on the TV to see that sexual innuendo abounds in advertising for children’s clothing, toys, and dolls, as well as in the music, movies, video games, magazines, and television programs that are marketed to children. In April 2006, The New York Times published an article explaining that the Hasbro Company was getting ready to release a line of dolls that was modeled after the markedly sexual R&B group The Pussycat Dolls, whose hit 2005 single emphasized the lyrics “Don’tcha wish your girlfriend was hot like me?” This line of dolls was to be marketed to 6-9 year old girls, and featured short, bottom-revealing skirts, heavy makeup, and cleavage. This style of doll is not too far removed from its predecessor, the Bratz dolls, which featured similarly scantily-clad females with coy looks on their faces. A problem with such toys being marketed to young girls is that they often serve as archetypal models for them to imitate and look up to. One month after announcing their intention to market the Pussycat Dolls toy dolls to 6-9 year old girls, which garnered immense public scrutiny, Hasbro decided not to market them after all. Although these particular dolls did not end up being put in the hands of 6 year old girls, they are just one out of the virtually endless examples of products and images that are, every day, put in the hands and imprinted in the minds of young girls. The APA Task Force reported on the consequences that these types of marketing campaigns have on young girls throughout their lives. Overwhelmingly, it showed that in recent years, the levels of body image dissatisfaction, appearance anxiety, low self-esteem, selfdisgust, and internalized objectification have risen dramatically as girls move from childhood to adolescence. Between 2002 and 2003, the number of girls under the age of 18 who had plastic surgery (such as breast implants or nose jobs) nearly tripled. Additionally, research has linked sexualization to the three most common mental health problems that occur in women: eating disorders, low self-esteem, and depression. The rise in eating disorder rates among young women is closely tied to the every day assertion of unattainable cultural beauty ideals extolled by the media. The report aptly points out that eating disorders occur not only in individuals, but in the population at large. In addition to mental health, sexualization has also been linked to consequences on physical health. For example, studies have shown that the onset of cigarette smoking in adolescent girls is closely linked with body dissatisfaction. On a more internal level, sexualization affects the attitudes and beliefs of young girls, who are more (Continued on page 8) SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIAL ISSUE ON WOMEN AND SEX Page 6 A Promise of Purity by Katie Hermance “’You’re here to celebrate the idea of purity,’ intones the pastor solemnly. ‘You find people in the sack all the time in the movies…But God has a better plan.’” According to an article in The Economist, purity balls are springing up all over the nation. In a world where women are objectified in everyday life through media, movies, and music, the idea of daddy’s little girl has ceased to be as prominent as it was back in Beaver Cleaver’s day. Some evangelical Christians are introducing what has become known as purity balls, in an attempt to reinstate daddy’s little girl. It all started in the spring of 1998 when Randy and Lisa Wilson of Colorado Springs began organizing with their Generations of Light ministry the idea of a purity dance. According to Mary Strange, reporter for USA Today, “Their mission is to preserve girls’ chastity by building healthy father-daughter relationships.” The ball, according to Strange, includes dressing up in prom dresses and tuxedos, vows from the father and daughter, a symbolic purity ring, and a first dance after which a wedding cake is served. According to the Hollywood’s Youth Group, fathers at the purity balls pledge to protect their daughters’ purity and virginity as the “High Priest of my home.” Meanwhile, virgins pledge to remain pure declaring that “virginity is my most precious gift to offer my future husband.” Young women who have already had sex have their own pledge in which they “repent” from their “impure” actions of the past. Strange continues by noting that this past year, people in 48 states and several other countries participated in these events in which young girls, starting as young as the age of eight, promise not to have sex until they are married. The fathers, in return, promise to protect their children’s chastity until they marry. The so-called Purity Revolution has even produced “chastity couture” including shirts and underwear claiming the young girls’ pledge of virginity until marriage. Most teens, male and female, who pledge not to have sex until marriage “will have sex—likely risky and unprotected—within a few years of taking the pledge. Close to 90% will have sexual intercourse before marriage”, claims Strange. The active relationship of a father and daughter benefits the child both mentally and emotionally, Strange adds. Yet, many people agree that something doesn’t feel right about a father imitating marriage with a daughter. Strange goes on to criticize the purity ball by declaring that “Many of these girls are pledging away something they don’t even understand they have,” also that, “they are literally placing their sexuality in his hands (the father).” The stereotype that sex is a taboo and that it is “dirty” seems to be the message being sent to these young girls. One might question where their mothers are in all of this. Answer: sitting on the sidelines, watching, silent. Strange brings it all together by saying that this “Purity Revolution puts women and girls in their place, and that place is defined by, and subordinate to, the men in their lives.” The power that the father, after the pledging, symbolically has over the daughter is that of a patriarchal system that America has not seen since before the Women’s Suffrage Movement. The mothers are watching and waiting, the fathers are pledging to protect their daughters, so what are the sons doing? The Economist Newspaper article answers this question in at least one instance. In Colorado Springs, a family has “created a private ‘manhood celebration’ for their 12 year-old son. He is handed an engraved sword and urged to ‘grow into the weight of manhood,’ which includes purity.” The young girls are given a chastity belt and the young boys are given a sword. If one were to ask Freud what he thought about all this, surely he would identify the sword as a phallic symbol. The weapon, which is held by the male, is meant to overpower and protect the obedient female. Psychologist Deak adds that, “purity balls deprive girls of the critical judgment they need when the high-pressure moments arrive” according to Charlie Gillis of the Maclean Paper. Another instance to notice, Gillis mentions, is that fact that if in fact the young girl who made the promise to her father ends up breaking that promise, the emotional damage of being a disappointment could be devastating. Gigi Stone of ABC News interviewed a South Dakota mother who counsels youth at a local church. This mother, Deanne Keegan, is afraid that teen pregnancies are going to sky-rocket because the teens know so little about what sex is and how to protect oneself. Brett Murkle, a firm believer in purity balls responded that, “There’s a lot of temptations in life and we’re trying to teach our girls to be strong against those temptations and meet them with the appropriate behavior” (ABC News). (Continued on page 9) SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIAL ISSUE ON WOMEN AND SEX Page 7 The Myth of the Slut (continued) If the girls labeled are so diverse, why do they all get tacked with the same label? According to Tanenbaum, it’s not really about the girl. “’Slut bashing’ is about keeping sexuality in control…and an efficient way to do that is to deal with one person at a time as a kind of scapegoat. It’s a message to everybody, not just a message to that one girl, though she is clearly sacrificed in the process. That message is: ‘if you step out of line, this will happen to you, too.’ Because “good” girls can become “bad” girls in an instant, slut-bashing controls all girls.” And the labels are uncontrollable, because it’s so rarely based on what you do, only how you are seen. The actual level of sexual experience of each girl is irrelevant; you can be a virgin and still get called a slut based on your cup size or some other mindless reason. If a girl thinks she can avoid speculation by having sex within a monogamous relationship, she’d likely be wrong. If word is spread that their sex is outside the norm or “kinky” then she’s still a slut even though she’s not promiscuous. Why? Because good girls don’t do “that”. The reason why so many girls get labeled and can’t see it coming even if they try to adapt to the “good girl” standard, is that the rules for what makes someone a slut are always changing. “The definition has broadened; it changes from community to community and from school to school” (Tanenbaum: 88) and conceivably from clique to clique. What’s considered normal in one group of friends may get a girl ostracized in another. The torments of slut-dom don’t stop at mean girls hissing insults at you in the hall way or spray painting “whore” on your locker. Punishment can go a lot farther than that, and here’s where it gets horrifying. In the eyes of their judges, sluts deserve to be taught a lesson, and this can often escalate to rape. Her attackers believe the rumors about her promiscuity and decide they also should be having sex with her. If she says no, they either write it off as playing hard to get or they don’t care if she’s saying no. While this assumption speaks to a wider problem of not being able to distinguish rape from consensual sex, it also assumes that once you are no longer a virgin, you are fair game, your body now belongs to anyone but you. This is why defense attorneys in rape cases examine past sexual histories of victims; if they’ve been sexual, then they asked to be raped. The problem with that is some girls get called sluts because they were raped or abused. So, if a rape victim gets punished for her part in a sexual act by getting raped, that’s a pretty mind boggling vicious circle. Vicious is the operative word here. So why does all this happen? Why does there need to be someone terrorized as a slut in every high school or junior high? Why do people still preposterously equate breast size with sexual experience? Why is a girl who expresses natural sexual curiosity, whether she pursues it or not, considered dirty? The real reason is the scariest part, because there is a deep, secret, unshakable belief that women are sexual objects, but they should not enjoy sex. Sources: Mean Girls. Dir. Mark Waters. Writ. Tina Fey. Paramount, 2004 Tanenbaum, Leora. Slut! Growing Up Female with a Bad Reputation. New York:HarperCollins, 2000. White, Emily. Fast Girls: Teenage Tribes and the Myth of the Slut. Berkely Trade, 2003. SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIAL ISSUE ON WOMEN AND SEX Page 8 Sexualization Manifestation Revelation (continued) and more often nowadays exhibiting narrower perceptions of femininity, sexuality, and gender roles. The more women are sexualized in the media, the more real-life young girls are trained to see female gender roles in a constrained, stereotyped way. The APA report states: “The sexualization and objectification of women in the media appear to teach girls that as women, all they have to offer is their body and face, and that they should expend all their effort on physical appearance.” Boys and men are also negatively affected by the sexualization of girls and women in the media. If boys and men are repeatedly exposed to narrow ideals of female sexual attractiveness, it may be more difficult for them to find “acceptable” partners, so limited is their view of female beauty. According to the APA report, studies show that men’s exposure to pornography leads them to devalue the worth of their actual female partners. Sexualization also affects older women, who find that the media is telling them that they need to appear younger in order to be more attractive and to fit the feminine beauty ideal of how an older woman should look, which is often to hide, cover up, or surgically reverse the signs of aging. Not surprisingly, sexualized media images of women and girls have become such a common occurrence in our society that many young girls understand them to be the “norm.” A 2006 article by the Women’s eNews reported on a study that was done in which adolescent girls were shown hypersexualized media images of women, such as Jessica Simpson music videos, and asked to respond to them. Most adolescent girls reported that these images were “no big deal.” A 16 year old student involved in the study commented that “Women that sell their sexuality on TV influences the way we want to be. For girls that already have low self-esteem it makes them feel even lower.” So what can we do to help the young girls in our lives, to somehow help reverse the negative impacts that these sexualized images are having on the girls in our culture? Major emphasis must be placed on teaching young people media literacy. Media literacy is the ability to analyze, critique, evaluate, understand, deconstruct, and think critically about images, sounds, and messages from the media. Many organizations are out there which help to promote media education and literacy. One example is the Media Education Foundation, which produces educational videos that aim to inspire viewers to think critically about the structure of the media industry, the content it creates and perpetuates, and its impact on our culture. The APA’s report also offers many suggestions of how to raise public awareness of the media’s sexualization of girls, and how to educate and train parents, educators, health care providers, etc, to help teach media literacy and positive sexuality to children. Sources: American Psychological Association, Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls. (2007). Report of the APA Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Retrieved from www.apa.org/pi/wpo/ sexualization.html “As Pop Music Seeks New Sales, the Pussycat Dolls Head to Toyland” by Jeff Leeds, The New York Times, April 17, 2006 “Hasbro Ends Plans for 'Pussycat Dolls'” author unknown, The New York Times, May 26, 2006 “Teens Call Hyper-Sexualized Media Images 'Normal'” by Sandra Kobrin, Women’s eNews, October 29, 2006, http://www.womensenews.org/ article.cfm?aid=2940 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Media_Literacy http://www.mediaed.org/about Bratz Babyz, marketed to 3 year old girls. SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOMEN’S CENTER SPECIAL ISSUE ON WOMEN AND SEX Page 9 Too Complex for Television: The Invisibility of Queer Women of Color (continued) Whether she chose not to discuss it on the air or it was edited out is unclear, but Stolz stated that it was no secret to the rest of the cast and she suspects that the producers didn’t want the show to be seen as “the gay show”. The second season of Project Runway featured a more explicit example of producers editing out a woman of color’s sexuality. The fact that the show includes many gay men of many different backgrounds is no secret, and a discussion of sexuality and coming out among several contestants was shown on the air. What was not shown on the air was any mention of African-American contestant Zulema Griffin’s (pictured above) lesbianism. This was in no way an act of omission on Griffin’s part she openly discussed her long-term relationship on camera, and enthusiastically agreed, when directly asked by the Bravo network, if she wanted to be promoted in the gay market. An article in the prominent GLBT-centric magazine The Advocate discussed the gay male contestants, but not Griffin, before the season aired. In an interview with the same magazine after the show aired, she stated that this was most upsetting to her, and she immediately realized she was going to be represented inaccurately. She also expressed in this interview that black people on reality television are often treated unkindly, and the details of her personal life might have endeared the audience to her when the producers wanted to cast her as a villain. Men, white people, heterosexuals, and cisgendered people (those whose gender identity matches their biological sex) see representations of themselves constantly - they are on every network and can play any number of roles. They can find happy, healthy, realistic portrayals of people like them without even trying, and often don’t even realize that lack of diversity in the media is a real problem. Realistic characters on television that a person can relate to are affirming, but also increase the general viewing audience’s awareness and sympathy. More inclusive, accurate representations of queer women of color could make the world an easier place for them to live, dispelling harmful stereotypes about what it means to be female (or transgender), a lesbian (or bisexual), and a person of color. Sources: http://www.glaad.org/eye/ontv/07-08/overview2007.php http://www.afterellen.com/archive/ellen/People/ jenniferbeals.html http://www.afterellen.com/TV/2006/10/realitytv.html?page=0% 2C0 http://www.afterellen.com/TV/2006/4/butches.html?page=0% 2C0 http://www.advocate.com/issue_story_ektid32599.asp http://www.afterellen.com/TV/2005/5/qaf.html The Promise of Purity (continued) While supporters of purity balls explain the dance as a time when father and daughter have a chance to begin a closer relationship that will benefit both the child and parent, in the long run, there are many critics. Strange sums up the critics’ view by declaring that “the assumption that the father is the Lord’s stand-in in the household is as dangerous as is the idea that his ‘undefiled’ daughter is a princess” (USA Today). Sources: <www.hollywoodpurityball.com> “Hollywood Goes Pure.” Hollywood Youth Group:2007. Strange, Mary. “A dance for chastity.” USA Today. March 2007. November 2007. “In praise of chastity.” The Economist. 2006. Nov. 2007. 381.8504: 37. Gills, Charlie. “Dad’s Your Prom Date.” Maclean’s. 120.39. Oct 2007: 66-68. Nov. 2007. Stone, Gigi. “Purity Balls Include Big Night Out with Cake and Vows, but No Groom.” ABC News. March 2007. Nov. 2007. <abcnews.go.com>. ISSUE 4 DECEMBER 2007 Mail to: Phone: 413-662-5497 E-mail: womenscenter@mcla.edu Campus Center Room #322 MCLA North Adams, MA 01247 Susan B. Anthony Women’s Center Quiz: Women and Sex Take this quiz to find out how much you really know about issues pertaining to women and sex. 1. What percentage of series regular characters in the 2007-08 broadcast television lineup represent GLBT people? A. 0.6% B. 1.1% C. 3.3% D. 6.2 % 2. Research has linked sexualization to which of the following combination of mental health problems in women? A. Eating disorders, low self-esteem, and depression B. Low self-esteem, anxiety, and depression C. Eating disorders, anxiety, and depression D. Low self-esteem, depression, and obsessive-compulsive disorder In how many states are people known to be participating in purity balls? A. 8 B. 19 C. 36 D. 48 Answers: 1. B; 2. A; 3. D 3.