CV - Eurocid

Winning reports
European Commission
Winning reports
2

Content
Information
 Foreword Comissioner Olli Rehn................................................................................ 4
 Foreword European Youth Press................................................................................ 6
 Foreword Café Babel ...................................................................................................... 7
 Background on the Journalist Award....................................................................... 8
 Imprint............................................................................................................................. 173

Content
 Hungary · Szabó Zsuzsa
What is the image of Europe now?............................................................................................. 71
 Ireland · Anna Patton
The blame game ............................................................................................................................... 78
 Italy · Antonella Andriuolo
The importance of being called… European . ...................................................................... 82
 Kosovo (under UNSCR 1244) · Artan Mustafa
Golden years of the demons ....................................................................................................... 88
Winning Articles
 Albania · Thimi Samarxhiu
Risks of entry into the European family................................................................................... 10
 Austria · Ulla Ebner
From xenophobia to support....................................................................................................... 14
 Belgium · Nico Schoofs
Maseratis sell best in Romania..................................................................................................... 18
 Bosnia and Herzegovina · Dajana Mirić
Bosnia and Herzegovina accession to the EU ....................................................................... 23
 Bulgaria · Nadya Ivanova
Albanian and Serbian students reflect on conflict in Kosovo.......................................... 26
 Croatia · Hrvoje Krešić
Trading greenhouse gas emission units................................................................................... 32
 Cyprus · Marios Psaras
Environmentalists on board… ................................................................................................... 36
 Czech Republic · Tomáš Lindner
Dawn above Sin City........................................................................................................................ 39
 Denmark · Sara Maria Glanowski
The shamefaced journey back.................................................................................................... 46
 Estonia · Karl Haljasmets
Role of European Union in world politics............................................................................... 50
 Finland · Janne Toivonen
Bought peace.................................................................................................................................... 54
 France · Elif Kayi
Have pity! Stop going on at us about Turkey… ................................................................... 59
 Germany · Kathrin Breer
The lives of others ........................................................................................................................... 65
 Greece · Eleni Fotiou
The half full glass............................................................................................................................. 69
 Latvia · Jānis Vēvers
Five years after “yes” to the European Union . ...................................................................... 92
 Lithuania · Liuminata Mickute
Five years in the union of values................................................................................................. 97
 Luxembourg · Jakub Adamowicz
Expansion: a proven instrument of peace............................................................................ 100
 Malta · Kurt Sansone
The EU bogeyman that never came… almost.................................................................... 104
 The Netherlands · Bram Peeters
The flower bridge is closed........................................................................................................ 109
 Poland · Maciej Zasada
Better not tell your loved ones.................................................................................................. 112
 Portugal · Débora Miranda
Ossi/Wessi, 20 years later............................................................................................................. 116
 Romania · Matei-Marcel Martin
Nothing new on the Eastern front .......................................................................................... 121
 Romania · Antoniu Adrian Bumb
Roots................................................................................................................................................... 127
 Serbia · Milena Stošić
European Houses Project............................................................................................................ 134
 Slovakia · Slavomíra Gašperová
Fight for ”non-freedom”.............................................................................................................. 138
 Slovenia · Veronika Gnezda
One border, two different stories............................................................................................ 141
 Spain · Isabel Benitez Ortiz
Report on the European Union................................................................................................ 148
 Sweden · Clara Bergström
Pop across the border.................................................................................................................. 154
 Turkey · Faik Uyanik
One year in the club ..................................................................................................................... 160
 United Kingdom · Neale Lytollis
Street Football Festival................................................................................................................ 167
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4
¡
FOREWORD
¡
FOREWORD
¡
Commissioner Olli Rehn
¡
Commissioner Olli Rehn
5
Dear Friends,
I am very pleased to see that the “2009 European Young Journalist Award – Enlarge
Your Vision” has been such a success. With
over 600 participants taking part in this
year’s Award, young people throughout
Europe have demonstrated once again,
their keen interest in European affairs and
eagerness to voice their views on the European Union’s enlargement policy.
As the EU provides new perspectives for
the region of South East Europe and now
to Europe’s North-Western corner as well,
with Iceland, it is not just the landscape of
Europe that is changing, but its vision, too.
2009 is a historic year celebrating the 20th
Anniversary of the fall of the Iron Curtain
and 5 years of EU enlargement towards
Central and Eastern Europe. It is important
that young people get inspiration from previous generations that fought so hard for
democracy and become actively engaged
in European politics.
democracy, the rule of law, prosperity and
well-being throughout Europe.
Reflecting and writing about this transformation is an important service which
European journalists can provide to the
successful growth of our Union. The idea
behind the “2009 European Young Journalist Award – Enlarge Your Vision” remains to
foster dialogue and networking on a European level. Europe is full of diversity and it
does not stop at the borders of the European Union.
We now live on a continent that is much
safer and more peaceful than when the integration process began 50 years ago. We
will continue to build on our shared European values as we progress with European
integration and the peaceful reunification
of West and East. Young European citizens
in particular are taking advantage of our
community of diverse values and cultures,
as it is gets easier to travel and discover
our neighbours. In the long run, you are
the ones who will benefit most from EU Enlargement.
During its 50 year history, the European
Union has grown from six original member
states to 27. The Western Balkan countries
and Turkey could also soon join once they
meet the conditions for membership. As
Commissioner for Enlargement, my goal
is to extend the area of peace, stability,
By formulating and questioning your visions of the future Europe, you are actively
taking part in the process of European integration. I very much appreciate the spirit
of your generation which is confronting life
with freshness and curiosity. In this booklet you will find all of the original winning
articles of the European Young Journalist
Award. These articles show the variety of
not only our languages, but also our ideas
and perspectives concerning the enlarged
unity of our European continent. I invite
you to read these articles and enjoy the
different perspectives on EU enlargement
from both inside and outside the European
Union.
Olli Rehn
Member of the European Commission
Responsible for Enlargement
6
¡
FOREWORD
¡
FOREWORD
¡
European Youth Press
¡
Café Babel
Dear colleagues,
As the umbrella organisation for over
48,000 young journalists all over Europe,
we were amazed by the idea of a “European Young Journalists Award” and we put
all our energy into the successful realisation
of this competition together with the European Commission, for the second year in a
row. Our belief was that young journalists
were engaged in reporting on European
issues that transformed the face of Europe
20 years ago and that are still shaping today’s Europe. The overwhelming results of
the award (more than 600 participants)
confirmed that the young journalists are
aware of the progress achieved in the last
two decades and want to report about it.
This year’s edition focused on the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Iron Curtain and
on the integration of Central and Eastern
European countries in 2004 and 2007. This
was the process that made possible the
mobility, the exchanges and the creation
of a generation of young people for whom
the concept of Europe is touchable. They
experience “Europe” everyday, wherever
they go, whatever they do. Although their
perspective might be different, they are
united by a common European lifestyle.
Imagine a newsroom composed of young
journalists from Albania, Germany, Poland,
Estonia, Belgium, and Moldova. They have
7
Dear Europeans,
to cover together a European event and
produce a magazine one and a half days.
Will they be able to harmonize their different work styles, surpass their cultural differences and will they enjoy working together? The European Youth Press offers this
experience to young media makers all over
Europe through Orange magazine, like at
the final conference of the 2008 European
Young Journalist Award in Ljubljana.
In its five years of existence, European
Youth Press has managed to create a huge
network of young media makers all over
the continent and not only. We believe this
network is part of the generation that will
change the way European media looks like
in the coming years, the generation that
will shape the public opinion on European
topics. “European Young Journalist Award”
is a beautiful proof of this fact. These are
the journalists of the 21st century.
Congratulations to all the national winners
of this year’s edition of the European Young
Journalist Award and welcome to the network (if you are not already part of it)!
Alfhild Boehringer
Board member of the European Youth Press
The possibility to participate within the
growing and continuously evolving European sphere is a democratic right, but also
a responsibility that might not be as easily
accessible as one may imagine. Europe is
still, to a certain extent, a patchwork of nation-states where society remains within its
traditional physical borders. Participating
in the public sphere more than often implies being submitted to the national public
sphere. Today, the creation of a European
public sphere is essential to contemporary
democratic extension and the continuation
of democratic journalism.
The theme of this year’s “European Young
Journalist Award” was based around the
fall of the Berlin Wall, some 20 years ago,
and the new emerging Europe that has
come to see the light ever since. Indeed,
cafebabel.com was formed in 2001 as an
initiative to give voice to the “euro generation”, not necessarily in tune with the major
national media distribution. Since its creation, its objective has been to provide European society with a new kind of media,
mixing amateur and professional journalism and fully translated into six languages
(English, French, German, Italian, Polish,
and Spanish).
This year, Cafebabel.com has collaborated with the “European Young Journalist
Award” competition; a project supported
by the European Commission’s Directorate
General for Enlargement, which is perfectly
aligned with the identity of cafebabel.com.
This is a prestigious award that elects winners throughout Europe, creating a young
journalistic team that reflects upon our
emerging European community.
Europe is much more than a simple institution gathering Member States. Europe is
the playground on which we form our lives,
on which we construct our careers and
future families; it is a vibrant patchwork
that overthrows national borders for the
realisation of an interacted, dynamic and
cosmopolitan sphere. Cafebabel.com aims
to stimulate the European sphere from a
non-conservative medial fashion, where our
community of 9,000 “babelians” participate
in our extended idea of a European media.
See you soon at cafebabel.com!
The European team of Cafebabel.com
8
¡
BACKGROUND ON THE JOURNALIST AWARD
¡
BACKGROUND ON THE JOURNALIST AWARD
“Enlarge your vision”
The European Young Journalist Award on
EU enlargement was the first award of its
kind for young writers, students or freelancers aged 17–35. The submissions were
accepted between 1 February and 31 May
2009 from the EU member states as well as
from candidate countries (Croatia, Turkey,
the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia) and potential candidate countries (Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Serbia and Kosovo under UNSCR 1244). The
competition for young journalists from all
over Europe was jointly organised by the
European Commission’s Directorate-General for Enlargement in cooperation with the
European Youth Press and Café Babel.
In the historic year 2009, when celebrating
the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Iron
Curtain and five years of EU enlargement
towards Central and Eastern Europe, the
pan-European competition garnered over
600 young journalists in 35 countries. They
were encouraged to reflect upon and express their views about the European Union’s enlargement policy.
9
Winners’ trip
The competition received a large number
of entries dealing with topics such as the
benefits and challenges of EU enlargement, perspectives on future member
states, European values and European
integration. Participants were given the
following themes in order to provide
them with orientation and inspiration for
their pieces:
¡
¡
¡
20 years since the removal of the Iron Curtain: has the integration with the Central
and Eastern European countries changed
the face of Europe?
Five years after: the impact of the accession to the EU of the ten member states
that joined in 2004
The quest for EU membership: why is
the European perspective crucial for the
Western Balkans and Turkey?
¡
Accession into the EU of new member
states: good for the EU or good for the
acceding country?
¡
What does belonging to the EU mean for
you/your country?
National juries composed of media representatives selected one national winner
in each country. Winners were selected
according to
¡
The relevance of the content in relation to
the topic,
¡
Originality in the treatment of the subject,
¡
Journalistic style,
¡
Quality of writing,
¡
Ability to catch the reader’s attention
and the
¡
Effort put into the preparation of the
article.
According to the competition rules, entries
had to be published in 2007, 2008 or 2009
and be written in one of the official EU languages or one of the languages of the candidate and potential candidate countries.
Articles were submitted via the competition
website: www.EUjournalist-award.eu. In addition to competition rules and information
on participation, this platform provides insights on the topic of EU enlargement and
youth journalism in Europe. All winning articles are presented on the website in their
original form and young journalists are
also able to take advantage of the opportunity to network via the integrated online
community.
All national winners are invited to a trip
to Berlin, taking place from 29 August to
2 September 2009. In the German capital,
they will meet representatives from politics,
media, academics and civil society to discuss various issues linked with the enlargement of the European Union.
In addition to the experience of the journey,
the aspiring journalists will participate in a
closing conference with media and politics representatives from various countries
as well as seasoned journalist “mentors”
from the national juries. At the final conference, the issues that were tackled in the
articles will be discussed in depth. As all of
the young journalists are involved in issues
related to EU enlargement, media and politics, one of the aims of the conference is to
help these writers find potential partners
for their journalistic work. In workshops
and panel debates, experts from international politics and media will be able to
share their perspectives on the situation of
the history of EU enlargement towards Turkey and the Balkans and the history of the
Iron curtain.
10
¡
ALBANIA
¡
ALBANIA
¡
Thimi Samarxhiu
¡
Thimi Samarxhiu
CV
Thimi Samarxhiu was born on 15 May 1988 in Tirana,
Albania. Currently he is studying Communication and
Journalism at the UFO University in Tirana. He has been
a reporter for Libertas Journal since January 2009, before
which he worked as a presenter for Radio Stinet and as a
journalist for UFO Education TV. In addition to his native
language Albanian, Thimi also speaks English and Italian.
Summary: “We want Albania to be like the rest of Europe”. This was the leitmotiv of
every Albanian citizen; young, old, man or woman in the 90s; nothing more than a
country without any distinction of religion, region and idea. Albanians wanted to
have their country – tired of 50 years under dictatorship, with no connecting bridge
to the rest of the world – free and to realise the denied European dream. Now, with
20 years having passed since that time, Albanians are again seeking Europe, although not as before. This is due to the fact that regardless of the radical changes
our country made, it never become like the rest of Europe. Policy, destabilisation,
economy, the year 1997, and a couple of other reasons withheld, to some extent, our
snail-pace towards the EU doors. Some days ago, Albania submitted the candidatecountry application, which was a great achievement. But what information do the
Albanians have about the EU? Perhaps there are just a few people, apart from politicians, who know the benefits and the “costs” of an EU membership. For the queues
of people, who for years have been standing by the embassy doors waiting to have
a visa granted, the EU membership is translated into just a visa-free movement.
Estimation of jury: The jury members decided on “Risks of entry into the European
family” by Thimi Samarxhiu as the national winner of the EYJA competition in Albania because of the original approach in describing a difficult topic, while confronting
widespread prejudices in an analytical manner. The jury thought the article interestingly presented the micro context of the EU integration process, as it is usually the
macro-scale aspects that are represented. The article not only had the ability to capture the interest of the reader, but was also praised with treating the issue with originality. It reveals a unique and interesting interpretation of the social, cultural and
existential changes for the EU future of Albania. The author gives an understanding
of the influences Albania’s upcoming EU integration has on daily life. From a stylistic
point of view, the article that was published in the print and web versions of the “Libertas”, was also of a high standard.
11
Risks of entry
into the European family
“We want Albania to be like the rest of Europe.”
This was the leitmotiv of every Albanian citizen; young, old, man or woman in the 90s;
nothing more than a country without any distinction of religion, region and idea. Albanians
wanted to have their country – tired of 50 years
under dictatorship, with no connecting bridge
to the rest of the world – free and to realise the
denied European dream. Now, with 20 years
having passed since that time, Albanians are
again seeking Europe, although not as before.
This is due to the fact that regardless of the
radical changes our country made, it never become like the rest of Europe. Policy, destabilisation, economy, the year 1997, and a couple
of other reasons withheld, to some extent, our
snail-pace towards the EU doors.
S
ome days ago, Albania submitted the candidate-country application, which was a
great achievement. But what information do
the Albanians have about the EU? Perhaps
there are just a few people, apart from politicians, who know the benefits and the “costs”
of an EU membership. For the queues of people, who for years have been standing by the
embassy doors waiting to have a visa granted,
the EU membership is translated into just a
visa-free movement. Perhaps this truly is what
Albanians are looking for, because after being
tied to 20-years of policy and bureaucracy in
the embassies, they seem to have surrendered.
They are looking forward to what they have
been continuously seeking for 20 years; to see
“Albania to be like the rest of Europe”.
B
ut how much time has gone by, how much
blood has been spilt across borders and
how many bodies have been lost at sea? No
one can give answers. Policy-makers consider
the EU membership as a personal achievement
and exploit this for political purposes, forgetting – or pretending to forget – that in fact this
is not a merit, which belongs to them alone, but
to the entire people. The difference between
the policy-makers and the citizens is the fact
that both these parties consider the EU totally
differently. The policy-makers see it with eyes
that want to profit, while the people consider
it “a breaking of the chain” that has kept them
tied up for 65 years. Albanians do not know
exactly what will happen after Albania’s EU
membership because the Albanian state has
not made enough of an effort to inform the
public of the advantages and disadvantages of
an EU membership. The citizens are in total
darkness and know nothing of what will really
happen after the “EU wind blows”.
T
he introduction of the common currency,
euro, to Albania is supposed to be the first
start. But with the new currency starting to be
used in Albania, consequently the Albanian
economy will be facing big challenges ahead.
12
¡
ALBANIA
¡
ALBANIA
¡
Thimi Samarxhiu
¡
Thimi Samarxhiu
And how will this be translated into economic
development of our country? If in the West,
the average salary is somewhere around 800 €
and the average salary in our country is not
more than 300 € then there is a need to have
common prices, which will bring about a deterioration of the economic situation in our
country. Another point left in the shadow by
our state is also the customs duties, which fill
the state budget. With the EU membership,
this tax will be eliminated, which in return
means fewer revenues for the state. Will the
state still be capable in a situation where its
budget will have fewer revenues to ensure the
Albanian citizen is equal to the European citizen? This would probably be very difficult due
to a number of additional elements, which do
not allow Albania to be equal to other states.
Albania’s hasty membership into EU will bring
about a chaotic situation, because our country
may find itself in an economic breakdown.
Actually, Albania cannot afford all expenses
that the EU requires her to make and this may
cause Albania’s to not truly “exist” within this
organisation.
A
nother point of debate is the equality between Albanian and European workers.
Although we think we have made a number of
reforms in education, Albanian university diplomas are not recognised in other countries.
If an Albanian graduate looks for a job in a
European Union state, he/she will be refused
because of the perception and lack of information about universities in Albania. This is
a disadvantage for our country because its intellectuals cannot be employed, even in high
posts, in other countries because their diplomas are not recognised. This situation should
change before the EU membership, otherwise
it will be too late and Albanian graduates will
be forced to work in low paid, low-skilled jobs
in EU member states.
E
mployment is another serious problem for
our country. Eventually the figures of unemployment will be very high, which results in
more families living on the poverty line. The
European Union has funding and aims to alleviate unemployment and poverty, but how
much value will all this be for our country
when many of its citizens are still getting their
daily bread on credit? Although most funds
may be used to strengthen the state of our
country, these amounts of money will need
to be paid back one day; in one way or another. The price to pay will be born by the rank
and file citizens, who are only asking a easier
process of application on visas and nothing
more. However, the state does not intend to
inform its citizens of the negative aspects of
the EU, because if this happens, membership
might be considered a curse and not as a salvation. But nothing of this sort is important
for Albanians – they are only demanding free
movement. Some old people have not seen
their children for years, because embassies
keep refusing their visas. Jobless youths wander through the streets, because embassies see
them as dangerous and refuse to issue them
visas. Whole families are split for many years
because the bureaucracy in embassies causes
delay on any possibility of a family reunion.
Albanians almost blindly believe in the idea of
free movement and close their eyes to any bad
consequence stemming from the European
Union membership.
W
hat would an EU membership really
mean? Free movement, security, more
investment, higher income and in the end; the
fulfillment of a dream. Even though we are
already quite close to the realisation of this
dream, no one can exactly say when is this going to happen. The EU is seen as a salvation
by the people, and as a personal merit by the
politicians. Perhaps Albania still needs some
more time to actually understand what their
country’s EU membership really means.
13
14
¡
AUSTRIA
¡
AUSTRIA
¡
Ulla Ebner
¡
Ulla Ebner
CV
Ulla Ebner, a radio and online journalist for the Austrian
Broadcast Company ORF, studied history and cultural administration at the Universities of Graz (Austria) and Alicante (Spain). She obtained a Masters degree in 1999. For
several years she worked in the field of development cooperation with NGOs in the Dominican Republic and in India. Ulla has produced several videos for UNIDO and a TV
documentary on Philippine rice farmers for the AustrianGerman-Suisse Channel 3sat. Ulla received the Austrian
Radio Award for Adult Education in both 2007 and 2008.
Article summary: This radio piece examines the situation of the Roma minority in
Hungary and how the Hungarian government is dealing with the problems they
experience. Over 8–12 million Roma live within the EU; three quarters of them in
the new Member States in Eastern Europe. Despite the EU spending over 300 million euros on projects that aim to improve the lives of the Roma population, the EU
Commissioner Vladimir Spidla has admitted Europe was not prepared for the social
problems that came into the EU with enlargement. Since last year, the media has
increasingly featured headlines about violence against the Roma. In November and
February, Roma people were murdered in Hungary. Although the country has one of
the best minority laws in Europe and the government has started a programme to
eradicate the Roman shanty towns and is also taking measures to stop the discrimination of Roma children in schools, the situation remains horrifying and somehow
it seems that nothing really works.
Estimation of jury: The jury members unanimously decided that Ulla Ebner’s radio piece “From xenophobia to support” reached the highest levels of style, quality,
research and reliability. In this masterpiece the 35-year-old journalist describes the
situation of the Roma in Hungary and how the Hungarian government’s integration
projects affected their state. The radio show takes a look at the situation in Hungary
and how the Hungarian Government is dealing with its Roma minority. The picture
is quite contradictory; on one hand, the social situation of the Roma population is
horrifying, while on the other; Hungary has one of the best minority laws in Europe
and the Hungarian Government has begun a programme to eradicate the Roma
shanty towns and is also taking measures to stop the discrimination of Roma children in schools. Ebner attempts to approach the topic from a different angle and
is able to show the reader that there is a different perspective to the issue. Furthermore, the radio piece is the best in linguistic excellence and style.
15
From xenophobia to support
Hungary’s unpopular Roma minority
T
he village of Hidas in south-west Hungary,
a few kilometres from the city of Pecs, has
2,600 inhabitants – of which around 150 are
Roma. A corrugated iron fence separates the
uppermost street from the rest of the village.
It is up here that we find Hidas’ Roma ghetto, which is home to some 19 families. Some
of the houses here have stood for decades as
rough and unplastered brick structures. In
some doorways, white curtains flutter in the
windblown gap where a door should be.
I
n the lower part of the village where the
“Hungarian” Hungarians live, they have
every modern facility; gas, electricity, running water and even a sewer system, explains
Sándor Orsós, President of the local Roma selfadministration, as the elected bodies representing the various ethnic groups in Hungary
are called. However, none of these facilities
have ever quite made their way up here. In the
55 years that this “Gypsy Settlement” has been
established, the local rubbish collector has
not been seen even once in this street. Until
recently, the settlement’s entire water supply
consisted of just two communal wells.
Capitalism and its losers
N
o one knows precisely how many Roma
live in Hungary. This is because ethnicity
data is not officially gathered, in order to prevent discrimination.
I
t is estimated that 600,000 of the 10 million
Hungarians are Roma. The majority live in
the north-east or south-west of the country,
and in the capital, Budapest. However, they do
not constitute a single homogeneous group –
linguistically, socially or politically.
T
he Roma are among those who lost the
most with the fall of communism in
Hungary. Under the communist regime there
was work for everyone. The Roma were widely
employed in the state’s heavy industries, and
especially in construction or mining. In Hidas
there also used to be a lignite mine which offered employment opportunities, but this too
has now been shut down.
U
nemployment in many Roma settlements
is as high as 80 %, with most of the inhabitants living on welfare. Interestingly, the
more children they have, the more welfare
benefit they receive – which maybe one of the
reasons why there are usually so many children in Roma families.
16
¡
AUSTRIA
¡
AUSTRIA
¡
Ulla Ebner
¡
Ulla Ebner
Difficulties in closing down the ghetto
The Roma Ghetto in Hidas is now scheduled
to be demolished and cleared out.
T
he Hungarian government has set aside
60 million Forint, the equivalent of 250,000 €,
for the construction of new houses in the
“Hungarian” part of the village and the cost of
re-settling the Roma families there.
T
hese “settlement closures” are part of the
Hungarian government’s comprehensive
Roma integration programme. Since 2005
they have begun closing down Roma ghettoes
in 33 villages, explains Andor Ürmös, Head
of the Department of Roma Integration in the
Ministry of Social Affairs. Ürmös is convinced
that having the Roma living among the majority population will lead to much-needed improvements in their education and health care.
The ghetto closures are rarely accomplished
without conflict. For example, in the neighbouring town of Váralja, some “Hungarian”
townspeople threatened to thwart the settlement closure project by calling a referendum. They didn’t want the “dirty” Roma to
be their neighbours, says József Búzás of the
local Roma self-administration. They say that
it would tarnish the town’s image. For Andor
Ürmös in the Ministry of Social Affairs, the intolerance displayed by the majority Hungarian
population is at present the greatest obstacle
to successfully implementing the integration
programme.
Far-right extremist protests and Molotov
cocktails
V
iktória Mohácsi would agree with that
assessment. She is one of two Hungarian
Roma women who currently represent
Hungary in the EU Parliament, and an expert in education and human rights matters.
Mohácsi is concerned about the increasing anti-Roma sentiment in the country. Violent attacks intensified in the course of 2008. Petrol
bombs have been repeatedly thrown at buildings where Roma families live. In November,
two people were killed in one such attack.
T
he police rarely suspect racist motives,
complains Mohácsi, despite the fact that
in most cases, the attacks in many towns have
been preceded by a parade through the streets
by the extreme-right Hungarian Guard. She
believes that Hungary is currently the second
most dangerous European country for the
Roma – after Italy – and that this is related to
an increasing polarisation in Hungarian society, and a simultaneous growth in right-wing
radicalism.
G
hettoisation in schools Before Viktória
Mohácsi went to Brussels, she pushed a
law through which prohibited the relegation of
Roma children to separate school classes.
M
ohácsi explains that, unlike some other
Eastern European countries, Hungary
ensures that all children go to elementary
school – even Roma children. However, it’s
the quality of the education that seems to be
the problem. Many Roma children are placed
directly into special classes for children with
learning disabilities, even though no-one has
actually tested them to verify if they do in fact
have learning disabilities. Others are placed in
separate classes for “normal students,” but unfortunately the teaching there is much worse.
A
ll of this is supposed to have been forbidden since 2003, but Mohácsi estimates
that at least 400 schools still have illegal separate classes. Katalina Szajbély of the Office of
the Ombudsman for Minorities, is convinced
that the biggest obstacles to implementing the
law are the parents of the majority Hungarians.
Many parents simply do not want their children sitting next to Roma children in class. As
soon as a principal begins to mix the classes
together, the parents remove their children
from that particular school and enrol them
where there are no Roma, Katalina explains.
Unusual minority rights
I
t should be noted that Hungary has unusual minority laws. The 13 recognised ethnic groups living in the country are permitted to establish their own schools and teach
their specific minority language, as well as to
17
elect their own “ethnic self-administration”.
When local governments want to enact laws
that will particularly affect a minority, they
must consult the ethnic self-administration.
Overall, discrimination against the Roma in
Hungary is not due to bad laws, but to their
(lack of) implementation, Katalin Szajbély says
emphatically.
I
mprovements in sight? What should be done
then to ensure that the majority population – and mayors or school principals – actually
implement the laws? What can be done to make
sure that integration programmes really catch
on? In Hidas and Váralja, they are attempting
to achieve this through dialogue and by raising awareness among the majority population.
Larry Olomoofe of the European Roma Rights
Centre, on the other hand, does not believe
in raising public awareness. It doesn’t matter
whether people want to respect others’ rights
or not, he says, they need to be forced to do
so. He is doubtful that this will substantially
improve the lot of the Roma in Europe over
the next generation or two, but he is convinced
that the Roma’s fight for their rights in Europe
will become more radical in the future.
18
¡
BELGIUM
¡
BELGIUM
¡
Nico Schoofs
¡
Nico Schoofs
CV
Nico Schoofs was born in 1977 and is currently living in
Gent. He has been working as a journalist for the Belgian
magazine Vacature for more than five years and was recently awarded the Journalism Prize for his article on development aid by the Flemish government.
Summary: “Romania Calling” is a report on how attractive Romania has become for
Belgian investors since the accession to the EU. The story features two parts; one part
is a report on a Belgian jeans producer in Giurgiu; the other is a story on Cluj-Napoca,
which is emerging as Romania’s Silicon Valley. This booklet features the second article
“Maseratis sell best in Romania”.
Estimation of jury: In this article, the journalist tackles issues relating to the European
Union in an original way by interviewing Belgian and Romanian citizens from very different social and cultural backgrounds. As the journalist visited Romania to make this
report, he manages to catch the reader’s attention with very concrete examples of the
day-to-day life in Romania. The journalistic style and the quality of writing are very
good and the lay-out of the article is attractive, with lots of pictures.
19
Maseratis sell best in Romania
A
n ex-shepherd in a 145,000 € car, and
apartments in Bucharest costing 10,000 €
per month to rent. But there are also 6,000 villages without sewage systems and running water, and an emptying countryside. “Welcome
to Romania.”
I
n the north of Bucharest a man crosses the
street, tightly clutching a pair of suitcases.
They contain hundreds of thousands of euros
in cash, which he is taking to the bank. The
honest franchise owner told everyone who
would listen how happy he would be if he sold
eight Maseratis in a year. In the first month he
has already sold six. Today he sells the most
Maseratis in the world.
F
rom the La Belle Epoque Belgian bar I
peer out at a Bentley and a Rolls-Royce.
In this setting on Avenue Radu Beller – popularly known as “Show-Off Avenue” – I talk to
Dirk Timmerman, Economic and Commercial
Attaché of Flanders Investment and Trade.
Dirk Timmerman: “I’ve seen apartments of
250 to 300 sq m at a monthly rent of 8,000 €
to 10,000 €. ‘Is that with one or two swimming
pools?’ they ask me in Brussels.” A European
comparison study by PricewaterhouseCoopers
puts Romania at number one on a list of profitable real estate investments. An investment
of 100,000 € will produce a profit of 4.14 times
the starting sum in ten years.
M
ention real estate magnate Gigi Becali to
a Romanian, and he will laugh heartily.
The super-rich president of Steaua Bucharest
football club and highly sought-after TV guest
was, in a previous life, a shepherd! He inherited
a large tract of farmland from his father, and
after the fall of the dictator Nicolae Ceaucescu
in 1989, he bought more strategically located
land at a snip, among other places around a
military base and around the airport. Today,
Mr Becali is a euro billionaire. He recently
bought a Maybach for 145,000 €. In a film clip
on YouTube you can see him forcing open its
door with a crowbar, after a collision.
R
omania has a narrow upper band of these
Becalis, an as-yet small middle class, and
a lot of have-nots in the countryside. At least
6,000 of the 13,000 Romanian villages have no
running water and sewage systems. The average Romanian farmer with a horse and cart
owns five hectares. With the strict European
agricultural policy and cheap imports, they
face hard times. It’s a considerable problem,
because 40 % of Romanians work in agriculture. Those farmers frequently cannot write
and don’t know how to request European
funding. A few individuals do succeed in getting hold of a tractor via state organisations
and European funds. But a lot of Romanian
farmers’ sons head to Germany, Spain, France,
Italy or to the rapidly developing Romanian
20
¡
BELGIUM
¡
BELGIUM
¡
Nico Schoofs
¡
Nico Schoofs
cities. The countryside has become a retirement home for the older Romanians. At the
end of 2006, 211,000 Romanians worked in
Spain. Today there are 505,000. All together
they would form the second-largest Romanian
city after Bucharest. In Spain they have even
dedicated a proverb to them: “Wherever there
are four Romanians on a building site, you
don’t need a crane.”
A
fter the Romanian revolt against the
Ceaucescu regime in 1989, many small
farmers got their land back. Today that fragmentation is slowing growth. Timmerman: “I
have received enquiries from Belgian farmers,
because you can still buy farmland here for
1,000 € per hectare. But you are dealing with
long, narrow strips and several owners. And
sometimes the one in the middle refuses to sell.
Nevertheless, the farmland offers growth opportunities. But to quote a couple of examples:
currently only two slaughterhouses in all of
Romania come up to European standards, and
there is only one producer of frozen potatoes.
In other sectors, too, such as environmental
sanitation, Timmerman sees numerous openings for foreign companies. “But cheap clothing manufacturing in Romania, that’s gone.”
received any. “That’s why you’re still sitting on
garden chairs. Ah, I’m not bothered about it
any more. I have a bathroom here with a toilet,
but without a door. They see that as just a detail. You have to adapt, otherwise you’ll have a
heart attack. I’ve adapted.”
T
he Romanian construction industry is the
fastest growing of all European Member
States. At the end of last year it had increased by
33 % compared to a year earlier. Timmerman:
“But because one in ten Romanians work
abroad, they can no longer find construction workers. Romanians work mainly in the
construction, hotel and catering industries in
Spain and Italy, because of the language and
mentality. Romanian construction companies
have therefore lobbied for more flexibility in
the immigration laws to allow them to bring
in Pakistanis, Indians and Chinese.” For the
first time in its history, Bangladesh recently
allowed 100 of its workers fly to Romania.
The Italian tyre manufacturer Pirelli recruits
skilled Romanian workers in Italy for its
Romanian production centres.
T
Bengali Construction Workers
immerman: “The Romanian government
is working on a plan to bring Romanians
back from foreign countries, by promising
them, among other things, cheap loans.”
C
T
onstruction workers walk in and out of
Dirk Timmerman’s house. Construction
workers who would have been long gone, had
the agreed deadline of November 2007 been
met. Timmerman asked weeks ago for quotations for office furniture, but he still hasn’t
he Flemish are discovering Romania,
as becomes clear from the figures Dirk
Timmerman mentions. Exports to Romania
have grown by 30 % in one year. Timmerman:
“These are figures that not a single other
country has achieved. Since August last year
I’ve handled the files of 165 Flemish companies. They are largely attracted by the domestic market of 22 million Romanians.”
The Communist Legacy
G
rigore Cobalcescu 46, Second f loor,
Apartment five, Sector one in Bucharest.
Jan Glas from Bruges lives here in a historic
building. He is a managing partner at TPA
Horwath Quintus, which deals with accountancy, staff administration, audits and taxation. Next to his home is a lawyer’s office.
Glas started his career in the early nineties
at Deloitte, as a consultant for Central and
Eastern Europe. “Then it was Poland, Hungary
and Slovakia that beat the drum. Romania also
had its revolution in 1989, but here the opposition didn’t come to power. From 1989 until the
end of 1996, the communist party remained
in control, under the name ‘social democrats’.
You barely saw any privatisation or democratisation, with the result that there was also
little investment. President Iliescu, who was
in office for ten years during the period from
1990 to 2004, once said: ‘The market system
is wrong.’ So you shouldn’t be surprised that
Romania has to come from behind.”
I
n 1997, Jan Glas was offered a job at a BelgianRomanian consultancy in Bucharest, which
wanted to attract Belgian investors. Glas:
“Because Romania was still the least developed
country in 1997, it offered the most opportunities. And it is the only country in Eastern
Europe with a manageable language. We were
too early, however, because when the oppo-
21
sition came to power, they had to line their
pockets first.”
A
t the end of 1998 Jan Glas started his own
accountancy office in Bucharest, aimed at
small to medium-sized foreign companies that
didn’t want to deal with the big boys or with
local accountants. “At the beginning I worked
with a local partner, which was a legal requirement. I had one big advantage. I didn’t make
any big investments, and I still had no family.
After one year there were five of us, after two
years nine, and today we have 55 employees.
The big boys didn’t consider me a competitor,
and the Romanian accountants were aiming
at another type of client. Belgians and Dutch
still form 35 % of our clients. We are cheaper
than the ‘Big 4’. And with respect to the local
offices we can get Western European clients in
more easily because I am a Belgian.”
“The salaries we pay our staff, certainly the
managers, are not far below those in Brussels.
The shortage of good people makes the salaries
rise rapidly. With accession to the European
Union, even more Romanians are certain to
leave. But the highly educated ones seldom
leave any more. You are even seeing a return of
Romanians who have made a career abroad.”
G
lass believes Romanian employees to
be less efficient. “For the work that one
Belgian does, you sometimes need three here.
They have very little initiative, are not very
creative, and not proactive. They were never
allowed to think under communism. The new
generation, which has never experienced com-
22
¡
BELGIUM
¡
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
¡
Nico Schoofs
¡
Dajana Mirić
munism, carries the great hope for change.
The average age of our team is, not surprisingly, rather low.”
T
he arrival of Carrefour, large hotel chains
such as Marriot and Hilton, Renault, and
Mittal Steel five years ago have ensured, according to Jan Glas, a major breakthrough.
Now Renault has arrived, another 300 companies will follow. And if Carrefour invests,
“Zara”, “Marks & Spencer”, “Gucci”, and others will all appear. Jan Glas: “It is ridiculous
how much the Romanians consume. There is
hardly a Romanian who saves a single euro.
The newest craze is foreign travel.”
A
s a result of its accession to the EU at the
beginning of 2007, Romania will receive
30 billion € in European support between
2007 and 2013. Jan glass views this gloomily.
“In Bucharest, if you want to, you could attend a seminar on European structural funds
every day. But I still rarely see any structural
funds in a project. 5 billion € per year, for six
years: you figure it out. That’s a lot of asphalt,
a lot of bureaucracy, and a lot of consultants.
But the Romanian government has hardly any
programmes. Politicians are in disagreement,
and there are problems with compulsory purchases. If I was Europe, I would, for example,
give Romania x number of euros per 100 kilometres of motorway built, with very strict
deadlines.”
Logistical Gateway
O
ptimists see Romania as the new eastern
logistical gateway to Europe. The large
hypermarkets (Carrefour, Cora, Metro, etc.)
reported a 30 % increase in profits at the beginning of January compared to the previous
year. Meanwhile, the Belgian stock exchange
listed Warehouses De Pauw (WDP), active
in the development and rental of logistical
and semi-industrial real estate, has bought
950,000 sqm at five strategically located sites.
On two of those five sites, WDP wanted to
start building semi-industrial properties in
individual packets of 5,000 to 10,000 sqm in
mid-2008. The potential investment value
could run to 150 million euro. Glas views
Romania as a transport link between East
and West. “President Constantinescu predicted back in 1997 that Romania would become the transit country of Europe, and the
eastern port of Constanza would bring in all
goods from the East. That is nonsense. That
700-kilometre route to Western Europe takes
thirteen hours by truck. The infrastructure
in Romania today is zero point zero, and that
is by far the biggest handicap. Romania has
barely 200 kilometres of motorways, of which
one hundred kilometres already existed during communism. That means enormous costs
for imports and exports. But Romania has
enormous logistics and production potential.
It will remain the cheapest country in the EU
for the next 20 years. Probably no one else will
join. Croatia perhaps, but that country is already more advanced.”
CV
Dajana Mirić is 28 year old student living in Banja Luka,
Bosnia. She studies at the Banja Luka College and works
part-time in the law department at the energy company
“Elektrokrajina”. In her freetime she likes to read, travel
and listen to good music.
Summary: Over the years, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s accession to the European Union has been considered as the “Promised Land”, as the moment that will remove all
of our problems. I do not think that this is the case and that our country may lose
more than it gains. It is appropriate to mention the loss of political and economic independence, as we already face a similar situation right now, when the EU (through
the High Representative), directly or indirectly imposes on us the belief that we are
neither clever nor capable enough to take our destiny in our own hands. Albeit
called European Union, over the years, different treaties and integrations have been
forcing small countries to make great efforts to gain entry to this exclusive society.
I do not claim that this is negative. However, I believe that no-one yet knows what
consequences we will face and what we will have to renounce in order to fulfill the
numerous criteria. We have been forced to rush for a promised “possible” future welfare, yet we want to be a member of a society that is not even sure whether it wants
us. The only thing, which is completely certain so far, is that we do not deserve it.
Estimation of jury: The jury has chosen Dajana Mirić’s article as the winner for the
European Young
Journalist Award 2009 because of its originality and systematic apEstimation
of jury:
proach of the topic. It reveals a unique and interesting interpretation of the desire
of many people in Bosnia and Herzegovina to join the EU. The article catches the
reader’s attention from start to finish and is easy to follow.
23
24
¡
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
¡
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
¡
Dajana Mirić
¡
Dajana Mirić
Bosnia and Herzegovina accession
to the EU
F
or years now the accession of Bosnia and
Herzogovina (BiH) to the EU has been spoken of as our arrival to the promised land – the
moment when all our problems will be solved.
I do not believe this. I believe that our country has a lot more to lose than it has to gain
through EU membership. It is unnecessary to
dwell too much on the potential loss of political, legislative and economic independence,
because we are in a similar situation at present,
when the EU, via the High Representative, lets
it be known both directly and indirectly that,
in its opinion, we are not clever enough or sufficiently capable of managing our own affairs.
In this essay I wish to concentrate on some
other equally important questions, which I believe are of great importance when considering reasons against EU accession.
T
he migration of populations from undeveloped to developed countries is a problem with which we are all very familiar. From
the beginning of the 1990s – and the terrible
events in this region which we are all familiar
with – the primary aim of young and educated
people was, and remains, quite simple: “to get
out of here”. As well as the problems that arise
from the lack of an educated workforce, a further obstacle is the reduction in the number of
people capable of work – those who effectively
fill the state’s coffers. This problem is already
having an impact on the economy of both our
own country and similar states, and with time
it will become more and more obvious.
F
rom an economic point of view, the process of EU accession may be considered in
a narrow or a wider sense. In the wider sense
it involves the connection of national economies into a single-world economy. In the narrower sense it involves companies’ business
affairs, a change in the movement of goods,
services and knowledge, and the migration of
capital in light of foreign direct investment.
(J. Komazec, Uticaj globalizacije na tržišno
poslovanje [Influence of Globalisation on Doing
Business in a Market Economy], MediaPromet,
Belgrade, 2007.) Our country will only be capable of providing a cheap workforce. And
I am afraid that we will only be able to work
as manual labourers who will be, both literally
and figuratively, led by others.
P
olitically speaking, EU accession is also
marked by an interesting paradox: namely
that borders are erased but, ironically, are at
the same time strengthened. Within the union, it appears that a country’s policies concern everybody, but are simultaneously nobody’s business. And no-one seemingly has
the power to do anything to change this situation. (N. Chomsky, Mediji, propaganda i sistem
[Media, Propaganda and the System], Online,
Zagreb, 2006)
L
aws on human rights are paramount. But
only where some of us are concerned. For
others they really are not important. We save
each other from tyranny, but in doing so we
destroy ourselves. There are numerous examples
of this, but they all reflect Orwell’s famous sentence from Animal Farm: “All animals are equal,
but some animals are more equal than others.”
I
n the end, we should mention one more exceptionally important matter, and that is the
problem of preserving the environment. EU accession brings with it technological development, prosperity, progress and, unfortunately…
pollution. Facing the dilemma of money or ecology, the powerful still choose money. Simple but
true. What is worse is that this is not entirely
incomprehensible.
I
f we consider the possibility of building a factory in our neighbourhood, which we know
will certainly harm plant and animal life, but
will create hundreds of jobs, the choice always
falls on the side of the factory. That situation
changes when we ultimately realise that the factory could endanger the lives and health of our
children.
I
t is exactly the same thing with politicians and
the CEOs of large multinational corporations.
Of course they are careful to preserve the environment. But not in Bosnia, not in Serbia, not
in… Honduras – just in their own countries.
T
he great attraction is the European Union,
and other forms of integration and alliances,
that have for years been forcing small countries
to make great efforts to break into that select
company. I am certainly not claiming that this is
a bad thing, in fact quite the opposite. However, I
do think that nobody yet knows with confidence
what the consequences are, or exactly what we
will have to give up in order to satisfy the endless conditions membership requires.
25
W
e are forced to chase after some promised
“potential future” advantage. It is sad, but
true that we wish to be part of a group which is
not sure that it wants us, but at the same time is
quite certain that we do not deserve membership
right now.
G
lobalisation has already brought us changes
in our way of life, in the way we think, and
the manner in which we conduct business. As
I have already stated, but will repeat, nothing
is simply black or white. All changes have both
their good and bad sides. And it’s the same with
EU accession.
W
e should familiarise ourselves with both
the good and the bad, and then, on the
basis of the facts, make a conscious decision as
to what we want and what price we must pay for
it. Otherwise it could just happen and then we
may realise our mistake too late. As the proverb
says: “Be careful what you wish for, you just might
get it.”
26
¡
BULGARIA
¡
BULGARIA
¡
Nadya Ivanova
¡
Nadya Ivanova
CV
Nadya Ivanova is a third year Journalism and International Studies student at the Medill School of Journalism
at Northwestern University (USA). She works as a reporter
and assistant news editor at the university’s online magazine North by Northwestern and is currently reporting on
global freshwater for the online news desk, WaterNews
and interning at Circle of Blue, a US-based international
network of journalists, scientists and communications
designers. Before joining Circle of Blue as the Medill Journalist in Residence, Nadya completed an internship at
bTV, the major national TV channel of Bulgaria. She also
worked as a reporter for a local Bulgaria newspaper and
as a Bulgarian correspondent for the UK-based Soccer
International.
Article summary: Serbian and Albanian American students in Chicago dig up their
childhood memories and talk about the conflict that is tearing their homelands
apart. In Chicago, first-generation Serbian and Albanian immigrants work together,
study together and can even make friends with one another. This article looks at a
rarely treated topic of reconciliation between the two nations. It explores how the
distance from the Balkans, the new American culture and the mentality of the new
Serbian and Albanian generation can enlarge the visions about Kosovo, even in the
generation that grew up with the Kosovo conflict.
Estimation of jury: Nadya Ivanova’s article, “Albanian and Serbian students reflect on
conflict in Kosovo”, is a prime example of Europe’s creative and innovative potential.
With its strong statement and clear vision for the future of EU enlargement, the article
raises awareness of important issues such as cultural and ethnic tolerance. What distinguishes this piece from all other participant’s work is not only the vivid expression,
but also the deep understanding of the hot topics that shape Europe’s future. After all,
the reason for our rich cultural heritage, is the one thing young people in Europe have
in common; they are all different.
27
Albanian and Serbian students
reflect on conflict in Kosovo
I
mmediately after Albanian American, Anisa
Myzaferi, learned about Kosovo’s independence from Serbia last February, she called all
her friends and updated her Facebook status.
Her skin prickled as she watched YouTube videos of thousands of ebullient ethnic Albanians
streaming through the streets of New York.
“My country is being given what it deserves. It’s
history fixing itself. I felt amazing! I would remember this for the rest of my life”, she says.
B
ut to Serbian American, Bojan Manojlovic,
the news was a surprise that stirred up his
emotions over an old painful problem. He
joined about 5,000 demonstrators in downtown
Chicago as they fluttered Serbian, Bulgarian,
Macedonian, Romanian, Irish and Mexican
flags in opposition to Kosovo’s independence.
O
n the streets of the city in Feb. 2008,
hundreds of Albanian immigrants and
American-Albanians waved their country’s
red-and-black flag; Serbs gathered at Holy
Resurrection Serbian Orthodox Cathedral to
mourn the loss of Kosovo, which they consider
the birthplace of Serbian culture and identity.
Later, a crowd at an Elmhurst hotel toasted
the American recognition of Kosovo’s declaration of independence, while Chicago-area
Serbs shouting “Kosovo is Serbia!” flooded
Federal Plaza to protest the secession and the
American support for it.
W
ith more than 200,000 residents of
Serbian descent – the largest population outside Serbia’s capital, Belgrade – and
more than 20,000 residents of Albanian origin – Chicago awoke in a verbal tug-of-war.
F
ive thousand miles away in the Balkans,
when Kosovo declared independence, the
Albanian majority in the new capital, Pristina,
danced and enjoyed fireworks while the Serb
enclaves protested for days on end. After more
than 70 years as a Serbian province, Kosovo –
a small region in the central Balkans with a
population of just under two million, split between an Albanian majority and a Serb minority – seceded from Serbia in the style of the
American declaration of independence. The
piece of land just half the size of New Jersey
is the Balkan Pandora’s Box and Tower of
Babel, its black sheep and, recently, its newborn child.
28
¡
BULGARIA
¡
BULGARIA
¡
Nadya Ivanova
¡
Nadya Ivanova
S
erbs and Albanians have disputed the territory for centuries on a thin edge of compromise, hate, simmering conflict and ethnic
cleansing. But in Chicago, first-generation
Serbian and Albanian immigrants also work
together, study together and can even make
friends with one another.
N
ine years ago, Myzaferi and her parents moved to Chicago from Albania.
Manojlovic, a native of Kosovo, has been living
here since 2002. They partnered in the debate
team at Lane Tech College Prep High School
in Chicago, and they have remained friends at
Northwestern University.
D
eep inside, they also share memories of
a conflict that has divided their countries for centuries. In the spring of 1997, when
Myzaferi was huddling in her apartment’s
storage closet during Albania’s civil conflict,
Manojlovic was still playing with his Serbian
and Albanian neighbors in Goraždevac,
Kosovo. A year later, she watched as thousands
of Albanian refugees from Kosovo thronged to
her city of Vlorë, while Manojlovic himself escaped Kosovo for Lazarevac, in the outskirts
of Belgrade.
N
o children’s tale could teach Myzaferi the
moral of these stories. “There are no more
dolls at the point when you see stuff like that
happening. But it gave me a real understanding of what the world could be and what war
is. War is very real”, says Myzaferi, who was 11
when the collapse of the pyramid investment
schemes in Albania unleashed a bloody conflict between armed civilians and the military
on the streets of Vlorë before spreading to the
rest of the country.
“I can now differentiate between Russianmade guns by their sound. I can differentiate
between grenades and RPGs. I can differentiate a Kalashnikov from an Albanian rifle”,
Myzaferi says. She remembers having an AK47 beside her bed while shooting, bombing and
anarchy were reigning outside on the streets.
O
nce only a geographical region, Kosovo
has been disputed between its two major ethnicities for centuries. Serbs call Kosovo
the cradle of their civilisation, pointing to
the remnants of Serbian medieval culture.
Albanians go as far back as the Bronze Age,
when the land was occupied by the ancient
Illyrian tribes with whom they identify. For
decades Kosovo’s history has depended on
which historian you ask.
“People from both sides have perfectly good
things to say”, says Andrew Wachtel, director
of the Roberta Buffett Center for International
and Comparative Studies at Northwestern.
“The precise problem is that the stories from
both sides are perfectly coherent. But you have
two incompatible sets of stories.”
A
fter the fall of the Ottoman Empire at the
beginning of the 20th century, the Kosovo
province passed to the newly-formed Yugoslav
Federation. According to the Serbian constitution of 1974, Kosovo was an autonomous
province of Serbia, but it also maintained an
ambiguous “dual status” as a federal unit of
Yugoslavia. The province entertained its own
parliament and government, but did not have
the power to secede.
W
hen President Slobodan Milošević came
to power in 1989 in pursuit of a “Greater
Serbia”, a group of Kosovo Albanians began to
demand more political rights. Tensions culminated in 1998 in a confrontation between the
Serbian military and the Albanian guerrilla formation known as the Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA). Serbia’s attempt to suppress the provocation led to state-organised ethnic cleansing.
I
n 1999, as an American-led NATO coalition began air strikes over military and civilian targets in Serbia, Yugoslav and Serbian
forces drove out hundreds of thousands of
ethnic Albanians, who took refuge in Albania,
Macedonia and Montenegro. Most Serbs also
escaped the region, but KLA and Kosovo
Albanians organised occasional reprisals
against the remaining Serbian population. The
rest of the timeline has been on our TV screens
for years – sporadic violence, thousands of refugees, peacekeeping operations, international
criminal trials and political disputes paved the
29
way for Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence on 17 February 2008.
F
or Myzaferi, independence put history
back into place. It brought the “small reparation” that “made (the Kosovo War) worthwhile for those who died.” For Manojlovic, it
created a sense of loss, as “the core” of Kosovo
has historically always been “part of Serbia.”
But the events in 1998–1999 opened a wedge
between the two groups that transcended historical claims.
“(They) elevated hatred to a new level to the
point that people had to flee from both sides”,
Manojlovic says. “And you only hear about
the Albanian people who had to flee because
the Serbs were so awful to them. But you have
people like me and countless other people who
had to move out of Kosovo. Sometimes the
media portray the Serbs as the Ubermonsters
who are just trying to wreak havoc to everyone
around them.”
A
fter the war, many refugees returned to
their homes within months. Milošević
died in prison at the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in March
2006 in the middle of his trial. Kosovo lived in
limbo for nearly a decade, while the unraveling
Yugoslavian Federation became the federated
union of Serbia and Montenegro in 2003. It
once and for all disappeared from the political
30
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BULGARIA
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BULGARIA
¡
Nadya Ivanova
¡
Nadya Ivanova
map when Montenegro separated from Serbia
three years later.
S
ometimes people get involved in a conflict
only because of their birthplace or nationality. To succeed, each side has to create a strong
group identity, often by demonising a common antagonist. Croatian journalist Slavenka
Drakulić, who lived through the Serbo-Croatian
conflict in the early 1990s, wrote in 1994 that
war reduces people to one dimension – their nationality. Animosity in Kosovo created the generalisations of “us” versus “them”, the “Serbs”
versus the “Albanians”, regardless of personalities and social backgrounds.
“Kosovo reminds me of two lions fighting over
the same carcass”, Manojlovic says. “One of
the lions caught the carcass, and there’s another one praying on it, and they are both ripping on it. Two strong lions are battling for a
carcass that’s too small for them.”
T
his story conjures up associations with old
Balkan wrangling. “Everybody is the best,
everybody was there first, everybody has the
greatest history”, Myzaferi says. “The Balkans
are not united. It’s like a wolf – it doesn’t know
its own strength.” As the conversation digresses into Albanians’ proud, “strong-headed”
and “stubborn” nature, it sounds remarkably
similar to the way Manojlovic describes Serbs:
“stubborn, smart, cunning, stubborn”, he says,
pausing for a second before continuing, “stub-
born, religious, devoted, loyal”. He stops to
think again. “Stubborn”, he finally says and
smiles.
A
fter years in the focus of international
media, however, visually powerful metaphors tend to oversimplify the Balkan dynamics. Myzaferi and Manojlovic’s generation – the
generation that grew up with the Kosovo conflict – must cope with what they both think is
now an irreversible process.
B
ut while traditionally Kosovo has aroused
notions of suspicion, radicalism and open
confrontations, among educated, middle class
immigrants in Chicago, conflict might be the
exception.
K
eli and Aida Fera arrived in Chicago from
Albania in 2001. Back at home, she was a
high school teacher, and he worked as an electrical engineer. Now Aida, a housewife, looks
after her two young children, while Keli is a
truck driver for FedEx Ground. When refugees from Kosovo arrived in her town in 1998,
“every single Albanian house” opened its door,
Aida remembers. The Fera family gave shelter
to five people for a month and a half. Their
neighbours on the second floor hosted three
Kosovars, while other neighbours accommodated 12 newcomers for five months.
In Chicago, Keli has many Serbian colleagues
but they never discuss Kosovo at work. No
tension arises like it did “back there”, in the
Balkans, he says.
“You have to distance the Serbian people from
the Serbian politicians. These are two different
things”, says Aida, who now feels estranged
from politics and much closer to the daily
grind. “Maybe this has softened this anger. It
is in the blood, this anger between Serbians
and Kosovo. People don’t care so much here.”
T
oday, the world’s youngest state looks
into its own backyard of uncertain identity, soaring expectations, crumbling infrastructure, corruption and unemployment rate
of about 50 %. In the past year, 54 countries
recognised Kosovo’s independence. While the
United States and most of the European Union
members welcomed The Republic of Kosovo as
a sovereign state, the United Nations Security
Council remains undecided on its status.
T
he old questions of this disputed land still
hang over the new Kosovo republic. In the
final sequence of the 1995 film Underground,
director Emir Kusturica creates a metaphor of
the Balkan people. As wedding guests celebrate
on the shores of a river, the piece of ground on
which they stand breaks apart from the mainland and slowly floats away, but guests are too
engrossed in dancing to notice as the water
carries them off into an unknown destination.
Kusturica’s imagery of the failures to make
sense of history has kept coming back from a
31
revolving door through the centuries, as division, nationalism and uncertainty have persisted in one of Europe’s most diverse lands.
B
ut among immigrants in Chicago, there
is space for the moderate voices as well.
“I’m just tired of all this hate and all this killing, and all of this devaluation of human life”,
Myzaferi says. “You are going to die anyway,
so just let people be.”
32
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CROATIA
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CROATIA
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Hrvoje Krešić
¡
Hrvoje Krešić
CV
Hrvoje Krešić is 28 years old is currently living in Zagreb.
He has professional journalism experience from his freelance work for the Croatian arts and literature portal
www.booksa.hr and from his current job at the popular
Croatian daily “Novi List”, where he has been working since
2005. He is also a student of Anthropology and Croatian
Language and Literature at the University of Zagreb and
is correspondent from Croatia for “The International Correspondents – Media Network” (Schwengsbier, Schwanitz
& Partner). Beside his native language Croatian, Hrvoje is
also fluent in English and German. He played waterpolo
professionally for 2nd division club “Jadran” in Neum for
over 10 years.
Article summary: In September this year, Belgium bought two million units of clean
air from Hungary. It is not known what the value of this transaction was, but it is
reasonable to assume that the number written in the selling contract has a greater
number of zeros than the quantity of air purchased. Although at first glance someone might think the opposite, this purchase is not a part of a fog-selling story – at
least not literally – but rather of a new emerging market, which could be interesting for all countries in the former Eastern bloc. With entry into the European Union
Croatia will also enter the system of trading emission units of greenhouse gases.
According to the UN Kyoto Protocol, the objective of which is to reduce the risk of
global climate change, this is one of the ways that can reduce global pollution and
global warming. It is somewhat ironic, given infamous episodes in their recent past
that some states of Central and Eastern Europe could be in very advantageous market position when it comes to trading greenhouse gas units. Will they be able to take
advantage of that, and what does that mean not only for their national economies,
but for their eco-systems as well?
Estimation of jury: The jury has decided that the work of Hrvoje Krešić described, in
an objective way that was comprehensible to the general public, the trade in emission units of greenhouse gasses, arguing the ethical dimension of this new trade
model among the countries that signed the Kyoto protocol. The jury decided that
the article was written in accordance with the standards of serious journalism, praising the author's intent to deal with the so-called demanding subjects, of which there
is an increasing lack in the print media.
33
Trading greenhouse gas emission units
Buyers of clean air, or a clear conscience?
T
he United Nations Kyoto Protocol, which
has been signed by 160 countries, requires
industrialised nations to significantly reduce
the amount of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere by 2012. With the onset of European
Union membership, the Republic of Croatia
will also become a participant in the greenhouse gases trading system.
I
n September this year Belgium bought two
millions units of clean air from Hungary.
The monetary value of this transaction is not
publicly known, but the figure is likely to contain the same number of zeros, if not more, as
the amount of air actually purchased. Although
at first glance you would be forgiven for thinking the opposite, this is not literally a sale of
air, but rather a promising new market for all
former eastern block countries – and therefore for Croatia too. Because, by becoming a
member of the European Union, the Republic
of Croatia will also join the greenhouse gas
emissions trading system. According to the
Kyoto Protocol, which aims to lessen the risk
of global climate change, the trading of these
environmentally damaging gas emissions is
one of the ways in which global pollution, and
global warming, can be reduced.
A
s noted above, the Kyoto Protocol has
been signed by 160 countries – but not by
the United States. The document requires industrialised nations to significantly reduce the
amount of greenhouse gases emitted into the
atmosphere by 2012. Each of the protocol’s signatory countries is set an annual quota, which
defines the quantity of greenhouse gases it is
permitted to release into the atmosphere. The
quotas vary from nation to nation, depending
on the country’s size, industry, climate, population and other factors. After the defining of
quotas, emission trading operates according to
the following principle: large polluters whose
quotas are not sufficient can purchase the right
to release certain quantities of greenhouse
gases from those who pollute less, i.e. those
who have not reached their allocated quotas.
For example, last year Japan released a record
1.37 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide into the
atmosphere, significantly more than the upper
limit envisaged by the Kyoto Protocol. In order to stay within the legally stipulated range,
Japan will have to buy the right to release each
“surplus” tonne from another nation. In doing so, it will most likely look for a seller in
Europe – not in “good old” Europe, however,
but in the new EU member states.
I
t is somewhat ironic that the countries of
Central and Eastern Europe find themselves
in a very advantageous position in the global
market, especially bearing in mind certain notorious events in their recent past. The fall of
the Berlin Wall precipitated huge social, political and economic changes throughout the region. These changes resulted in many former
industrial giants stopping production, often
for an entire decade, either due to war or scan-
34
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CROATIA
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Hrvoje Krešić
¡
Hrvoje Krešić
dalous and incompetent privatisation (assuming, of course, that they were lucky enough to
avoid their industries being destroyed completely.) However, reduced industrial output
leads to less environmental pollution, which
means that today, and despite substantial economic recovery in some countries, these states
can sell large quantities of clean air to interested buyers – just as Hungary, which potentially
has over 100 million “surplus” units of emission rights until 2012, has done to Belgium.
The sale was carried out on an international
level and the signing of the agreement was
ratified by senior officials right at the top of
each country’s environment ministries. The
price of the transaction, as a Belgian Ministry
for Climate and Energy spokeswoman put it, is
“confidential and the matter of a private agreement between both parties”. In other words, it
has not been made public. Off the record, it
is said that secrecy surrounds this information
because Hungary does not want to endanger
its negotiating position in the next talks. This
is understandable, considering that it will not
be the only country to offer its “clean air” on
the market. However, some ecologists have described this type of trade as the “crediting of
hot air”, usually commenting that it is simply a
cheap way to honour the obligations stipulated
by the Kyoto Protocol. It is because of such
criticism that signatory country governments
have added clauses under which sellers of surplus quotas must invest their earnings in the
development of environmentally friendly technology. This form of investment is also called
a Green Investment Scheme agreement.
“Hungary is one of the first countries to participate in the global sale of emissions and the
Green Investment Scheme”, said Imre Szabo
from the Hungarian Ministry of Environment
and Water, adding that, in line with rules on
re-investing resources in the development of
environmentally friendly technology, funds
from quota sales would be invested in the energy efficiency of residential and public sector
buildings.
A
ccording to data from last year, the largest polluter is Germany, which released
around 490 million tonnes of greenhouse gases
into the atmosphere. The next is Great Britain
with 256 million tonnes, followed by Italy with
226 million tonnes. Germany and Italy exceed
their stipulated quotas to a considerable extent – Germany by around 30 million tonnes
and Italy by around 15 million. On the other
side of the coin, Russia and Poland have the
most quotas to sell.
T
he draft Allocation of Greenhouse Gas
Emission Quotas in the Republic of
Croatia Plan for 2010 to 2012 was presented
to public economic operators for the first time
in the Croatian Chamber of Economy (CCE)
late last week. These operators will be participants in the greenhouse gas emissions trading
system.
“Croatia will not immediately participate in
the trading of greenhouse gas emissions inside
the EU, rather it will trade within Croatia until
the Croatian register is fully coordinated with
the EU register, up to perhaps a year after EU
entry”, said Nikola Ružinski, state secretary
at the Ministry of Environmental Protection,
Physical Planning and Construction, while at
the same time inviting all those present to give
their observations and suggestions regarding the draft plan. Assistant Minister Daniel
Schneider said that around 100 companies
in Croatia were covered by the plan, which
means that by the end of 2012 they must reduce greenhouse gas emissions by around ten
percent.
“The company will itself decide whether to invest money in reducing greenhouse gas emissions in its own plants (for example, by introducing new technologies) or whether it would
be more worthwhile to purchase emission quotas from another company which has managed
to reduce its emissions more than required. A
Croatian company can also, for example in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, invest in renewable energy projects, thus covering its binding quota
by up to 15 %”, said Schneider.
W
im Maaskant, a representative of the
CARDS 2004 project, explains how
Croatia will introduce a national greenhouse
gas emissions trading plan, which, in line with
the international system, will not discriminate against companies. “The Croatian government is expected to accept the Allocation
of Greenhouse Gas Emission Quotas in the
Republic of Croatia Plan (for the period of
2010 to 2012) this December. It should also be
accepted by the European Commission before
its annual recess next year, and the trading of
greenhouse gas emissions is forecast to begin
in January 2010”, said Maaskant.
35
36
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CYPRUS
¡
CYPRUS
¡
Marios Psaras
¡
Marios Psaras
CV
Marios Psaras is 29 years old and works as a teacher
for state primary schools. In addition to his teaching, he
works as a producer for music radio stations, SuperFM
104.7 and 95.7 and as a presenter and executive producer
of a weekly TV show on CyBC1. Marios gained experience
as a reporter covering a number of festivals, such as the
International Festival of Youth and Students in 2005 and
the 2007/8 European Youth Week, where he produced articles that were broadcast and published in various European media. Marios has acted, directed and written for a
number of theatrical performances and short films and he
has also written a TV game for young children.
Summary: “Protecting the Mediterranean Environment” was the motto of forty
young people who came from every part of the Mediterranean Sea to exchange
ideas, hopes, propositions, suggestions, experiences and dreams for a better future
of peace, solidarity and environmentalism.
Organised and funded by the Salto-EuroMed Recource Centre, the “Youth in Action”
Programme and the National Agencies of Greece and Cyprus, the training course
gave young people and members of environmental NGOs from all the Mediterranean countries an opportunity to experience something unique – it was the first time
that an environmental training course would actually take place in the sea!
Estimation of jury: This article was chosen because it surpassed all other competiEstimation
of Cyprus
jury: in terms of quality, communicative value and professional use
tion
entries in
of journalistic language. The chosen topic is very relevant and is presented in a lively
and convincing manner, which captures the reader’s attention until the end.
37
Environmentalists on board…
“Protecting the Mediterranean Environment”
was the motto of forty young people who came
from all corners of the Mediterranean Sea to exchange ideas, hopes, propositions, suggestions,
experiences and dreams for a better future of
peace, solidarity and environmentalism.
O
rganised and funded by the SaltoEuroMed Recource Centre, the “Youth in
Action” Programme and the National Agencies
of Greece and Cyprus, the training course gave
young people and members of environmental NGOs from all the Mediterranean countries an opportunity to experience something
unique – it was the first time that an environmental training course had taken place on the
sea.
S
ailing across the Aegean Sea to the Cycladic
Islands, these forty young people soon realised that they should start acting like sailors, rather than sitting down taking notes!
Despite coming from 16 different countries
(Spain, France, Italy, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus,
Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia,
Morocco, Hungary, Malta, Portugal) and having many cultural, religious and political differences, they found no difficulty in adjusting
to this new yet demanding experience. They
soon settled into a productive, harmonious
co-existence.
T
he boat in which this training course took
place was in actual fact not being used
to produce new sailors. It was being used for
much deeper purposes – to raise awareness
on how to protect the Mediterranean environment, to develop ideas on how the Youth in
Action and the EuroMed programmes can be
used in this field and to enhance active citizenship through the creation of a structured
dialogue between participants and stakeholders on environmental issues. What better
place for such an event to take place than the
Mediterranean Sea itself?
T
he young environmentalists were involved
in a variety of activities. During their
group discussions, or plenary sessions, they
dealt with numerous ecological topics such as
water management; pollution and its impact
on social life; desertification; renewable energy; eco-tourism; eco-politics and sustainable
development. The participants also discussed
the most crucial environmental problems that
their countries face, eco-practices implemented
in their regions, as well as suggestions on how
their ideas, and those of their NGOs, could
be developed into ecological programmes and
practices.
D
uring their visit of the Cycladic Islands,
the participants had the opportunity to
meet with many officials, including mayors,
clergymen, and the locals, with whom they
could discuss the environmental situation on
the islands. They covered matters such as sewage treatment, waste management, building
development, environmental education and
renewable energy. The participants were able
to ask questions and make suggestions on environmental practices and policies that could
38
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CYPRUS
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CZECH REPUBLIC
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Marios Psaras
¡
Tomáš Lindner
be implemented on the islands. The young environmentalists were also able to visit small villages on the islands, where they could admire
the traditional Cycladic art and architecture and
experience the traditional way of life – which
in many cases turned out to be particularly
ecological.
T
he participants were separated into five
working groups: Environment, EuroMed,
Newspaper, Photo and Video. The Environment
group analysed the environmental situation of
the Cycladic islands, suggesting solutions on
the various problems they face and created
environmental friendly practices in the form
of an ecological code. The EuroMed group examined the relationships developed among the
participants in the context of the diversity that
characterised the particular team. For example,
they analysed the similarities and differences
among themselves to determine the possible
ways it could affect the training course, resulting in the conclusion that the special conditions
of this training course actually helped the team
to overcome any differences and build relationships easily and quickly. The members of the
Newspaper group prepared articles based on
interviews taken from participants and locals
on issues relevant to the training course, as
well as other environmental topics. The Photo
group prepared a PowerPoint presentation covering every aspect of the training course based
on humorous, fictional scenarios. In addition
they delivered a very artistic set of pictures
named “Ecological flags”. Last but not the least,
the Video group produced two short videos: a
documentary describing the whole training
course and a reportage with interviews taken
from participants and locals on the environmental issues related to the training course.
A
dmittedly, the quantity, quality and variety of activities that the participants
were involved in during this unique training course has given them the opportunity to
raise awareness on the way they themselves
can substantially contribute to global sustainable development, with a special focus on the
Euro-Mediterranean area. What is more, the
training course strengthened the participants’
initiative and creativity. Moreover, it has promoted networking among young environmentalists on a European and international
level and has prepared the ground for similar
activities, projects and training courses in the
future, not only in their countries but also internationally. Once again young people proved
that youth can make the difference… It is just
a matter of trying!
CV
Tomáš Lindner, born 14 September 1981, comes from
Pernink in the Ore Mountains (“Krušné hory”). He studied
Politics at the Charles University in Prague and went on to
briefly volunteer on projects in Zambia. Since 2008 he has
been working as an Editor in “Respekt” weekly, where he
leads the international department. He is the author of a
book of reportages from South Africa “Čekání na období
dešťů” (“Waiting for the rainy season” – publishing house
Doplněk, 2008).
Summary: The reportage about Bulgaria uses an example of a small town and the
story of two local “businessman”. The article shows how the Bulgarian mafia changes after the accession to the EU and discusses the pressure from Brussels.
Estimation of jury: The Czech national jury praised the originality of the article and
the obvious research efforts that went into its composition. The comprehensive article was easy-to-read and had the ability to catch the reader’s attention.
39
40
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CZECH REPUBLIC
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CZECH REPUBLIC
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Tomáš Lindner
¡
Tomáš Lindner
Dawn above Sin City
T
wo hundred thousand Czechs will enjoy the Bulgarian sun this year. But only
a few of them will realise that they are actually spending their holiday in the shadow of
the local mafia. Organised crime has accumulated a vast amount of power and influence
in Bulgaria. In fact, their control has become
so absolute that the European Union recently
discontinued payments to its poorest member
due to fears of organised corruption. But ordinary Bulgarians are thankful for this. Why?
They believe that only Brussels can protect
them and prevent their holiday paradise being
transformed into a perfect mafia state.
S
in City. Large black Mercedes, BMWs
and Audis are parking in front of the entrance to a huge red-painted club situated at
one of Sofia’s main junctions. Their registration plates, such as C 9999 or C 0330, let all
the passers-by know that these vehicles are
driven or owned by powerful figures. At midnight, Resslava, a little star of Bulgarian pop,
will sing at the club. The venue is full of mirrors. The walls and ceiling are decorated with
biblical paintings and motifs, and the stage
glimmers with colour in the centre of the club.
Tables are served by waiters in orange vests
with bow ties around their necks.
T
welve large, tall and square-shouldered
men sit at the biggest table just next to the
stage and order a round of Red Bulls. Resslava
starts her show right at their table. Whilst
she is singing about making love, Mercedes
automobiles, bitter Martini and sweet smiles
at sunset, some of the men are busy stuffing
notes down her deep cleavage. Sin City, is a wellknown Sofia club where the “B”-rated mafiosi
have fun, together with actors, models, sportsmen – and the adjutants and protectors of
Bulgaria’s powerful oligarchs.
T
hese “businessmen” represent an ever growing worry for the European Union, which
Bulgaria joined in 2007, together with Romania.
The government is fighting a battle with the mafia that has proved so unsuccessful that Brussels,
afraid of the total pilferage of EU money, discontinued the supply of European funds to
Sofia some time ago. This week, the European
Commission is to decide whether the situation
in the south of the Balkans has improved enough
to allow the EU’s poorest member to draw on the
EU’s coffers once again.
H
owever, as Bulgaria changes, so does the
mafia. The more prominent figures do
not behave as “wild-east” gangsters any longer,
but as concerned entrepreneurs. The town often described as a model of mob administration controlled by doubtful businessmen is,
according to Bulgarian journalists, Dupnica,
a town of 50,000 people situated seventy kilometres south from Sofia.
What a wonderful world
“I see trees of green, red roses too, I see them
bloom for me and you, and I think to myself,
what a wonderful world”. The famous Louis
Armstrong song “What a Wonderful World”
serenades young people walking through the
summer heat in Dupnica Square – just between the Rila Hotel and the municipal office
building where the flags of Bulgaria and the
European Union are fluttering. The sound of
jazz classics even carries to the office of the
town hall where Atanas Janev, the mayor, in
the presence of Prague journalists, talks relentlessly about his “Dupnica miracle” – that
is, the town’s administration system, which
has been allegedly becoming increasingly more
popular in municipalities all over Bulgaria.
A
t the same time, seven tall muscular men
dressed in black trousers and tight black
t-shirts, sit in silence on chairs in the secretary’s office of the mayor. The biceps of these
bodyguards are decorated with massive tattoos and most boast shaven heads or short
haircuts. They are here to protect the creators
of the Dupnica model, the main advisers to the
mayor and the town’s most prominent businessmen – Messrs. Plamen Galev and Angel
Christov – whose own ‘advisory board’ also
has its own office in the town hall.
“Since the end of communism nobody has
done anything for the people here. As prominent local businessmen we wanted to improve
something, and therefore we began to take care
of the town on our own in our free time”, says
Plamen Galev, who used to work as a member of a special police unit in the fight against
terrorism and organised crime up to the mid-
41
1990’s. A large gold watch glitters on the wrist
of the man who, according to the Bulgarian
media, controls Dupnica as his own feudal
fiefdom, along with his business partner. “We
have replaced the dysfunctional management
and currently we are supported by all local
political parties. The more people like us, the
better Bulgaria will get on”, Plamen adds. The
tiny mayor, sitting between both his strapping
business advisers, nods in silence.
Godfathers from Dupnica
“Have you seen The Godfather Part 1? When
someone was in trouble, they came to the
Godfather and he always found a solution.
Similarly, here you go to see the ‘Brothers’.
Since they rule, the streets of the town are
clear and small criminality has totally disappeared – nobody steals and it is safer here than
at any other place in Bulgaria”, stated Bobi, a
student attempting to explain Dupnica’s system of government.
P
lamen Galev and Angel Christov met
each other when they worked together in
an elite police unit, but all of Bulgaria knows
them as “The Galev Brothers”. Have you seen
The Godfather, Part 1? A similar situation
exists here. Various nicknames were given
to the big businessmen who became mysteriously rich in the 1990’s. However, the “business” careers of Godfathers with nicknames
such as the “Russian”, the “Doctor” or the
“Banker” already lie alongside them under the
marble tombstones which carry their carved
effigies in the central cemetery of Sofia. They
were victims of the 120 unexplained murders
committed in Bulgaria since 2001. It is in this
“Bulgarian business environment” that Plamen
42
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CZECH REPUBLIC
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CZECH REPUBLIC
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Tomáš Lindner
¡
Tomáš Lindner
Galev and Angel Christov have thrived. That
same environment also explains the presence
of their bodyguards, who accompany them
everywhere, and also their fortress-like residence – which resembles a military installation rather than a house.
I
n the village of Ressilovo, ten kilometres
from Dupnica, the plaster of the majority of
houses is falling off. Elderly men are sitting in
front of a supermarket, smoking and watching
the road, where cars rarely pass by. It was here
that the “Galev Brothers” built their complex.
Its function, as Angel Christov describes it, is
to “organise seminars and conferences for the
elite of Bulgaria”. The building is protected
with a high concrete wall, bordered with poles
and lighting; from outside all that can be spotted are several windows, allegedly made of
bullet-resistant glass.
W
hilst we are looking at the bastioned
residence a neighbour, who previously
tried to dissuade us from approaching the
wall, is wildly gesticulating with a mobile
phone. Right after he has put his phone in his
pocket, our phone rings. At the other end is the
Galev Brother’s assistant. “Where are you?” he
asks. Suddenly the much anticipated, but also
much-postponed meeting with the “Brothers”
is suddenly possible. “Go back to Dupnica. The
businessmen want to meet you. Now.”
Balkan myths
R
umen Petrov, the Minister of the Interior,
and leader of the non-reformatory wing of
the ruling socialists, seemed to most Bulgarians
almost indestructible. Last year, for example,
he provided an escort in presidential style to a
mafia boss who was supposed to give testimony at court. It was also revealed at Christmas
that the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Petrov’s
ministry) handed a Bulgarian passport to a
Serbian drug dealer who had been expelled
from the country before by the courts. But not
even these scandals forced his resignation. He
was finally “brought down” this spring when
two-year-old snaps were published of a secret
meeting he held with the “Galev Brothers”.
Today, they claim that the meeting involved
discussions with the Minister concerning the
findings of a study into organised crime.
The media in Sofia were even moved to write
about the Minister’s successful role in bringing about the mafia gangs’ suspension of hostilities in the months preceding the country’s
entry into the EU. Nobody has ever been able
to attribute any mischievous behaviour to the
Galevs. Should you ask any Bulgarian however
(speaking anonymously, of course), they are
all pretty clear about one thing – the Galevs
are Mafiosi.
P
lamen Galev and Angel Christov are the
only ones who truly know exactly how
they attained their power. During the bad
years, 1 million people left Bulgaria – and
those who stayed became poor. The “Brothers”
made the most of the crisis. Not even the citizens of Dupnica are certain about how their
“Brothers” gained such power. “I only know
the mythology about their rise, but that is typical for the whole of Bulgaria”, says Tihomir
Bezlov, the most well-known Bulgarian criminal sociologist from Sofia’s think-tank, the
Centre for the Study of Democracy. “During
their work for the Ministry of Internal Affairs
in the first half of the 1990’s they were in close
contact with the underworld. Due to an al-
leged scandal when they helped criminals,
they had to leave the service in the middle of
the decade, and then they began to do business
in Dupnica”, says Bezlov, who edited the study
about the power of the mafia in Bulgaria.
I
t is likely that they probably utilised their
large network of contacts and information
sources in gaining control over the town’s
businesses and businessmen. “They used to
claim for a long time that they were just employees of a certain foreign company with its
residence in the Seychelles, and they traded
in luxurious cars, possibly stolen in the West,
but nobody has ever proved it. Mostly they became rich during the international embargo
against Milosevic’s Yugoslavia, even if it is not
clear how”, Bezlov says. “The embargo against
Serbia helped local organised crime, similar to
the way prohibition helped the American mafia in the 1920’s and 1930’s.”
D
upnica’s location is also highly relevant
in this context. Ordinary employees in
the region adjoining Serbia often used to fill
canisters with petrol and drive to the border.
Smarter hustlers managed to earn tens of millions of dollars on trade with petrol, oil and
other merchandise. Dupnica is situated right
at the hub of this frontier region.
After the Traces of the Grimm Brothers
“They are not bad people, they act politely.
In the 1990’s nothing worked here and everybody was poor. The Galevs utilised this situation to gain power. If they had not appeared,
somebody else would have”, says a sixty-year
old ex-professor who used to teach Plamen at
the technical secondary school. Today life is a
43
little better, yet he still has to supplement his
salary (which is 155 lev, approximately 80 €,
and prices are just negligibly lower than in
the Czech Republic) with income from construction work. The incomes of ordinary
Bulgarians dropped by three quarters in the
early 1990’s. At that time Bulgaria lost its main
markets – links to Europe were severed by the
war in Yugoslavia and the Serbian embargo,
since the majority of Bulgarian exports were
transported by trains and trucks to the West.
Trade with Russia also fell due to the local
economic crisis. Since then, as noted earlier,
about a million people have left Bulgaria for
work abroad – mostly the younger ones, and
those who were more adventurous and smarter. The number of inhabitants dropped from
nine million then to the present seven and a
half million.
W
e are chatting to the teacher of the
“Brothers” in one of Dupnica’s restaurants. We ask if he is afraid of his ex-student?
This may sound like journalistic fiction, but
at precisely the same moment we pose this
question, an elegant-looking gentleman sits
at the neighbouring table in this otherwise
empty cafeteria. Suddenly, the teacher ends
our friendly conversation. Before he leaves
he quickly whispers that the man at the next
table is the father of a partner of one of the
“Brothers”, and therefore he cannot say any
more to us. Other Dupnica citizens say that
they are not afraid of the “Brothers” – principally because they stay out of their way.
H
owever, the Galevs have never harmed a
certain dissident who lives in Dupnica
with his family. He is a vet by profession, with
rings and a golden watch shining on his hands
44
¡
CZECH REPUBLIC
¡
CZECH REPUBLIC
¡
Tomáš Lindner
¡
Tomáš Lindner
and wrist as he walks in the town. He never
stops explaining to foreign journalists, and
also to the Bulgarian media, that the town is
ruled by a pair of mafiosi and that someone
needs to remedy this state of affairs. His name
is Parvan Dangov. He is a member of the leadership of the governing Socialist party and a
former mayor of Dupnica. What the manager of the Dupnica town hall and his pair of
“advisers” call the “Dupnica model”, Parvan
Dangov and journalists call a “private town” or
even a modern feudal society. “Feudalists have
power which does not emerge from elections.
They live behind a wall, separating them from
their serfs, own the most beautiful horses and
prettiest women. And they show their power
off to make everybody afraid of standing up
against them”, Dangov complains. Nobody
elected the “Galev Brothers”, yet they control
the town through their ‘advisory board’. They
live in an armoured residence, moving mostly
behind the smoked glass of their large black
cars. Recently, they even walked through the
town with weapons in their hands accompanied by their bodyguards. They claim that
their security service managed to evict all the
small criminals from the town – yet nobody
can recall how this actually happened.
“Dangov is a depressed, incapable alcoholic.
He could not cooperate with local businessmen and now he just spreads slander!” That
is Plamen Galev’s response to the accusations
of his fellow citizen and the public seems to
be on his side. When Dangov invited the then
Ministry of Interior, Rimen Petkov, to Dupnica
two years ago, the town square was full of people demonstrating for “their” businessmen, as
they waited for the Minister and the journalists from Sofia.
A
s Dangov explains, the people probably
did it out of fear – otherwise they would
have lost their jobs in the companies which
are mostly owned by the “Brothers” and their
partners. The full picture can, however, be a
little more complex. “People lost their trust in
normal politics”, says Tihomir Bezlov, a Sofia
expert in organised crime. “That’s why they
stick to local authorities – successful, smart
businessmen who are usually suspicious of
illegal activity, but who give jobs to the people in the region. A similar system as that in
Dupnica works in a number of other Bulgarian
towns, including the big Black Sea resorts and
ports, such as Varna and Burgas.”
T
he “Brothers” do not show off their power
as obviously as they used to. They act as
efficient, concerned businessmen trying to develop their town. They do not talk to Bulgarian
journalists, but they do accompany us through
the town outlining their successes; a new, shining, air-conditioned bus station with a giant TV
screen (the Galevs control local bus transportation); a school canteen, just being restored;
a rest park, with a stage for concerts and theatre
performances, in the process of construction.
There is also a planned children’s yard, called
“After the Traces of the Grimm Brothers”. The
name was inspired – so they say – by a future
kiddies slide at a gingerbread house, and not
by the apparently coincidental similarity with
the Galev Brother’s nickname.
W
e are passing through the town behind
a black Mercedes driven by Plamen
Galev. During the drive, the Brothers greet
local policemen and issue orders to workers
at construction sites. “Don’t you know about
any job?” an elderly lady asks at a new railway
station. The teachers of the school that is being renovated stand in the line to greet their
“Brothers”.
T
he businessmen still have many other
plans. A visitor feels as though he or
she could be in Switzerland, rather than the
Balkans. “We are going to build a cinema and
a colourful singing fountain at the square. And
the town will also have a university. A private,
Russian university which will be paid by the
Muscovite government”, says Atanas Janev,
the mayor. And he does not appear to be afraid
of ever running out of money. “There are top
businessmen and sportsmen of the town on the
advisory board. They have friends everywhere,
and that’s why we can get money easily from
the Ministry of Sports, Culture and so on.” Job
orders for current public construction projects
all went to local building companies, the mayor informed us. The biggest of them are owned
by Plamen Galev and Angel Christov.
45
46
¡
DENMARK
¡
DENMARK
¡
Sara Maria Glanowski
¡
Sara Maria Glanowski
CV
Copenhagen-born freelance journalist, Sara Maria
Glanowski, is currently working for the Danish daily
newspaper Politiken, where she has been since 2009. She
graduated from the Department of Journalism at the
Southern University of Copenhagen in 2009, before which
she conducted an internship at Politiken. She gained additional experience as a journalist and hostess at the publicly owned national broadcast network, TV2, in 2005 and
at DR, the Danish Broadcast Cooperation.
Summary: Sara Maria Glanowski travels through Poland searching for her lost family. Her only lead is a creased piece of paper with an address of a village in the South
of Poland. This is the village that her great grandmother left during World War I and
never returned to, as she had committed the biggest sin a catholic woman of her
time could ever commit – by having Sara’s grandfather outside of marriage. Three
generations later, Sara takes the journey that her great grandmother never dared to
take, hoping not only to find her Polish roots, but also to receive absolution for the
sin that has kept the family apart for generations. On the journey to her destination,
which is a large family wedding, Sara faces her worst prejudices about Poland, but
also meets an ambitious and idealistic young generation of Polish citizens who are
fighting to change the underdog image of their country. “The shamefaced journey
back” is a personal story that contains a much deeper story on, not only the role of
religion in Poland over time, but also about tradition, prejudices, hopes, dreams for
the future, meeting the unknown and finding your roots.
Estimation of jury: The Danish jury was unanimous in their decision to choose Sara
Maria Glanowski as the winner for her article on the EU Enlargement and Poland.
The article was awarded not only for its originality and the quality of its journalistic
approach, but also its deep analysis of the topic. The well-researched article is both,
informative and interesting to read.
47
The shamefaced journey back
P
oland means cheap Warsaw blondes, car
thieves and vodka drinks. Europe’s eternal underdog. A land from which many Poles
simply flee. Journalist Sara Maria Glanowski
boards the ferry to Swinoujscie – and instantly
embarks on a personal journey through all the
prejudices, preconceptions and stereotypes that
characterise Poland and its people. Across the
Baltic is her Polish family, whom she has never
met. And, maybe, absolution for the indiscretion of her forebears, which has separated the
family for generations.
“It’s beginning. This is bloody-well Poland alright”, the photographer squeals delightedly
and clicks, as a woman in imitation leopard
fur and white jogging shoes glides past us.
Yes, Poland is corny and kitsch, a faded colour photo from the 1980s, a grey scene from
a Kieslowski movie. Poland means vodka alcohol, car thieves and cheap Warsaw blondes.
Poland is Europe’s “African” nation, from
which the inhabitants have taken flight and
now make their living as underpaid dogs
throughout the rest of Europe.
W
T
ith a dreamy, half-dazed glance and
jeans virtually painted on, a woman
glides down a silver pole on an empty dance
floor. The nearby photographer is visibly overexcited and slides his camera flash up and
down over her breasts, bare abdominal skin
and bleached curls.
I
t has only been a few hours since we rolled
our suitcases aboard the Swinoujscie ferry.
Past the restaurant with pleated swag curtains,
Hammond organ and ham shanks. Past the
jacuzzi with the young couple in the halogen
spotlight and pink wicker furniture. Up on
Deck Eight the low-ceiling nightclub resembles
a steamy strip joint with mirrors on the walls
and red sofas. Two bouncers drag a young
bloke with swimming eyes right through the
nightclub and out on to the deck.
hat’s what I thought as I rummaged
through all my worst prejudices regarding
our large neighbour to the east. But I myself
am one of them, one of these so-called underdogs. Because even though I have never met
them, don’t speak a word of the language and
have never visited the country, my roots lie
right there on the other side. Somewhere down
there is my Polish family. Somewhere down
there is part of me.
The man from Lviv
I
dump myself on to one of the nightclub’s
barstools between two Polish engineers, who
introduce themselves as Tomasz and Tomasz.
They offer me a vodka and insist that I must
be Polish. “Just a feeling, but you look like a
Polish girl”, they say and clink their glasses to-
48
¡
DENMARK
¡
DENMARK
¡
Sara Maria Glanowski
¡
Sara Maria Glanowski
gether. Possibly, I think. That’s the nub of it –
and it’s what I am setting out to discover.
to be here on all fours weeding beets than to
starve down there.
T
A
he story of my Polish roots is one of
shame, guilt and denial. At the heart of
it is a young woman who was forced to leave
Poland and did something back then that was
so terrible that she could never travel back
home again. And a family who bowed their
heads in shame for generations and paid for
her sins.
T
he young woman was my great-grandmother, Jadwiga Glanowska, and I can
only remember her from when I was very small
and called her “my grumpy great granny”.
There was something pent-up and restrained
about her, as she sat there in her corner chair,
beneath the pictures of Jesus and the Virgin
Mary, and folded her gnarled hands. But she
was not sitting there entirely of her own free
will. As a matter of fact, she only came here
because she was hungry.
D
uring the First World War, my greatgrandmother was 23-years old when
she was chased out of her rural village of
Przeginia, in what is currently Poland, to a
refugee camp in eastern Hungary. At the time,
the little village was part of Russian Galicia,
which was turned into a battlefield in Russia’s
fight against the Germans and the Austrians.
So when a couple of Danes came down to
recruit workers for the beet fields, my greatgrandmother jumped on the wagon to the
nearest rail yard and took the long train ride
up through Germany to Barløse on the island
of Fyn. For, despite everything, it was better
t night, as the moon hung pale in the
dark sky, men – like wolves baying beneath the girls’ windows – tried to climb up
to them via the drain pipes. The maidens held
the fierce hordes at bay by pouring milk, eggs
and butter down on them. But one of the men
would eventually succeed in fighting his way
up through the rain of egg whites and masses
of milk – and into bed with my great-grandmother. His name was Josef Saranski. He came
from Lviv. And that night he became my greatgrandfather.
The greatest sin
T
he man from Lviv would turn out to be a
disaster for Jadwiga Glanowska. Because
she was not the one he wanted to take home
again once the war was over. And having a
child out of wedlock, for a Catholic such as
my great-grandmother, was one of the greatest sins a woman could commit. Thus she gave
birth to my grandfather alone and in shame,
and for the rest of her days he was nothing
more to her than a great burden. He was living, breathing proof of the sin that tied her to
Denmark, and prevented her from ever travelling back to Przeginia and looking her family
or friends in the eye.
D
uring the days, while she worked the
fields together with the other young
women from the farm, she hid him in the attic until the manager heard a baby crying one
day through a window. He marched straight
through the beets with my grandfather in his
arms, and my great-grandmother had to bow
her head, grovel in confession and admit that
the child in his arms was hers.
“We knew it, we knew it. You are a Polish girl”,
yell Tomasz and Tomasz, whilst laying their
arms around me, ordering another bottle of
vodka. “Na zdrowie, Sara”, they say, and we
toast each other.
B
ut Jadwiga Glanowska was never able to
accept my grandfather as a son. Instead,
she put him in an orphanage, and when they
met many years later one Sunday in front of
the Catholic Church in Odense, she scarcely
paid him any notice. My grandfather tried to
invite her home to supper, but always received
the same quiet reply: “We have food enough
at home.”
B
y then Jadwiga Glanowska had legally
married a Danish man and had two
children with him. These were her ‘rightful
children’, my great-grandmother explained
to grandfather, who desperately tried to buy
forgiveness for his mother’s sin – and his
own sense of guilt – by donating hundreds of
thousands of Danish Kroner to the Catholic
Church. But he never succeeded in winning
Jadwiga Glanowska’s love, and his final hopes
were extinguished when he sought her out beside her deathbed, only for her to wave him
away. Only her “rightful children” were allowed to sit with her.
49
The wrong stuff
A
nd now I was on my way to Poland.
I wanted to take the shameful trip back,
the one my great-grandmother never took.
I had no idea what to expect down there and
whether this had anything to do with me in
the slightest. My only clue was a crumpled slip
of paper with an address in the rural village of
Przeginia in southern Poland. The village my
great-grandmother left many years ago.
C
ontinues on Tuesday, when Sara Maria
Glanowski is to meet a relative of her
own age in Warsaw. On the way, she follows a
blonde in a black cat suit and white limousine,
and confronts her own prejudices on a road
trip during which nothing goes as expected.
50
¡
ESTONIA
¡
ESTONIA
¡
Karl Haljasmets
¡
Karl Haljasmets
CV
Karl Haljasmets, 19-year-old student, recently graduated
from the Tartu Hugo Treffneri Gümnaasium, having specialised in humanistic studies. He has worked as a reporter
and a photographer for a school newspaper, with experience contributing to both printed and online youth magazines. Karl is an enthusiastic blogger, texts on various social issues, often relating on his EU person a blog. He has
taken part in the Youth Exchange Programme. One of his
future wishes is to study international relations.
Summary: “Role of European Union in world politics. The present day and possibilities” In my view, the EU is the sound of reasonableness in the world. We cherish our
surroundings and are able to think globally; therefore it would be beneficial to all
of us if our power to shape worldwide politics would be greater. When the EU wants
the rest of the world to take us seriously then we, in my opinion, need to commit
to four threshold questions. Firstly, nobody will take us seriously if we do not have
shared opinions on different foreign policy issues. Secondly, it is hard to set anything
into function if the internal differences are too big. We have to assist the weaker
countries to integrate with the EU’s older and richer countries so that they can be
equal partners in the future. Furthermore, we are not independent when we rely on
energy resources from non-EU countries. I hope that the solution can be found in
unconventional energy sources, which is why we should further invest in science.
Lastly, we have to react to the situation with Africa, because soon we will not have
the capacity to deal with their refugees. To conclude, results do not come overnight
but we have to work on them at present.
Estimation of jury: The winning article is a serious investigation into the essence and
the challenges of the EU. The author refers to the problems the Union currently faces
in a skillful manner and is able to provoke its readers to think about the future of both
to the national Member States, as well as that of the EU. Despite the article being written as an essay and being published in a web blog, the jury feels its theoretical conceptions are well complemented with citations, facts and credible figures. Even when
compared with articles of more traditional journalistic style, the author shows positive
ability to compile a compact text with a rich amount of well-analysed thought.
51
Role of European Union in
world politics
The present day and possibilities
T
he EU is a voice of reason in the world
today. Sustainable development and reducing greenhouse gas emissions are close to
all our hearts, and the EU is the voice of the
world’s conscience when expressing concerns
about the environment. To take just one example, a recent survey by the UK government
found that the biggest fear gripping young
people is apprehension over the future of the
planet and, as Europeans already see the world
as an integrated whole, it would clearly be beneficial if our power in shaping international
politics was greater.
I
n its very essence, the European Union
is quite unique. It is not a sovereign state,
but it is far more than simply an intergovernmental organisation. We exercise great global
economic power, and are the world leaders in
negotiating trade liberalisation. Naturally, all
of this is underpinned by self-interest. The
European Union was formed as an economic
organisation and it still has little political authority. This is because there are currently
27 states in the union, each with their own
cultural and national characteristics, and although they may all cooperate in their own interests it is much more difficult to coordinate
a common foreign policy. Historical differences and disagreements between large countries
have also contributed to the vagueness of the
current foreign policy, and unfortunately we
are not perceived as particularly serious when
we adopt diverse viewpoints on different foreign policy issues.
I
n future we must arguably be more prudent in our politics both within and outside the union, and prudence should be the
keyword for the future of the EU. Finding a
common viewpoint is often not that difficult. Each country must take into account the
opinions of the others, and sacrifice its own
self-interest for the sake of a common goal.
Just as importantly, the internal functioning
of the European Union must be efficient. The
Europa.eu website points out that, as military
equipment becomes increasingly complex and
expensive, in the future member states will
have to cooperate more and more in the production of arms. This is the right direction for
future development, as it will be possible to
cut the overall costs of defence while increasing our military potential and the mobility of
the armed forces. It is unfortunate, but undoubtedly true, that strength counts too much
in the modern world. Victor Hugo said that a
day would come when bullets will be replaced
by votes, but until then we must maintain our
military capabilities. This need not require
52
¡
ESTONIA
¡
ESTONIA
¡
Karl Haljasmets
¡
Karl Haljasmets
an increase in total spending on defence, but
rather, necessitates greater cooperation between states.
S
peaking hypothetically, we can compare
the European Union to an average family. Jaan, the father, works as a lecturer at the
University of Tartu. For the next year he wants
to lecture at the University of Uppsala to gain
professional experience and a broader perspective. However, his family are currently experiencing problems. Jaan’s son, Mart, is 14 years
old and has been caught smoking in school for
the second time, whilst his daughter, Tiina,
has problems studying and complains that her
parents are not paying her sufficient attention.
If Jaan goes to work abroad for a year the situation could get even worse. And even his wife,
Mari, who supports her husband in every way,
advises him that it would be better to wait another year before going to Uppsala. Jaan is an
understanding man, and he agrees. He stays at
home and goes to Uppsala some time later. In
the meantime, thanks to the parents’ care, the
family’s domestic problems have been solved
and Jaan is in a position to continue his career.
This story is not a literal analogy for the EU
but, in my view, the EU should (metaphorically, of course) act like Jaan for the next few
years.
S
ince 2004 twelve countries have joined the
Union. For that reason alone we should
first focus on the internal policy of the EU, in
order to help the new member states integrate
with the older and well-developed partners.
Regionally, there are large differences and the
relatively weaker states should be helped to
achieve equal status with the nations already
in the Union. When internal affairs are in
order, we will be ready to participate fully in
global politics. Of course, it would be quite
wrong to say that no-one hears our voice now.
Our size ensures that we are already listened
to, and the European Union is the world’s biggest trade partner. However, right now there
is one inescapable issue in international politics – and that is energy.
M
ost of the energy sources used at present
are non-renewable. But, unfortunately,
the EU does not control many of these nonrenewable sources of energy. This limits
the EU’s ability to push its ideas forcefully
and puts the focus more on diplomacy. The
European Union’s views are already widely
heard throughout the world, and if it takes
the correct decisions now, the states in our
particular region have the opportunity to take
the leading role on this issue. Everything is in
place for this to happen. But to achieve this
laudable objective, financing has to be directed into research, and especially into alternative sources of energy. In 2004, investment by
the European Union in research was 1.9 % of
GDP, but by 2020 it should be 3 %. This shows
some progress, but even so, isn’t this growth
too slow? We are still a long way behind the
USA, and this current level of investment
may not be adequate enough to create a globally competitive knowledge-based society. The
work of young researchers should be strongly
supported – after all, just one flash of genius
may ultimately mean a great deal. This could
make the EU energy economy almost totally
independent from other countries, and an independent energy economy also means greater
autonomy from other countries. We would no
longer need to worry about energy. The idea
that we should go out and invent something
completely new may seem ridiculously simple,
but do we have any other choice?
O
n a different, but equally significant note,
Africa is increasingly becoming the focus
of our attention. The continent offers a terrible
example of all the current calamities the world
faces: famine; lack of clean drinking water; the
massive spread of AIDS; the drying-up of major rivers etc. But how does this relate to the
European Union? It’s quite simple. We are all
affected by the destitution of Africa. Everyone
has seen pictures of starving Africans who
have tried to cross the Mediterranean Sea in
tiny boats. It is very difficult, perhaps impossible, to successfully integrate these large
numbers of refugees into our society. Malta,
to name just one EU member, takes this issue
very seriously and has succeeded in bringing
it to worldwide attention. Cultural differences
are immense and the social burden on society
is huge. One-off financial aid packages and
humanitarian aid are no longer sufficient.
Fortunately, the Cotonou Agreement has provided a strong base for finding a solution. It
aims to promote and enhance the development of African culture and economies, and
strengthen and diversify African relations
with the EU. In order to help Africa find its
feet a serious development plan is needed, and
while it may be commendable to talk about
the historical duty that we have towards the
continent, often it appears that no-one is actually interested in it. Africa has to manage
efficiently on its own in the future, and the
European Union has to support it strongly as
it attempts to do so. I am very supportive of
the idea of supporting the African Union because, although it may perhaps seem as though
we are merely being kind hearted, we will ac-
53
tually benefit from it, as the flow of refugees
will stop and the EU will have another strong
ally in the future.
E
urope has so far not had a strong common foreign policy. Indeed, it can be said
that there has been almost no common foreign
policy at all. If we do not wish to see a world
dominated by one great power in the future,
then we need a common foreign and security
policy. Success will not be achieved overnight,
but we should start making an effort towards
it today.
54
¡
FINLAND
¡
FINLAND
¡
Janne Toivonen
¡
Janne Toivonen
CV
Janne Toivonen is a professional journalist, currently
working for the leading daily newspaper Helsingin Sanomat. Previously he has been employed by the Finnish
Broadcasting Company YLE and the daily newspaper of
his home town Pori, Satakunnan Kansa, where his winning articles has also been published. Janne is 31 years old
and has a Master of Social Sciences and a Master of Arts in
European Studies.
Summary: The article is a road trip through Eastern Europe, focusing on the transition of the former socialistic countries in the European Union. The main scene is a city
in Poland that was ruined during World War II, but is now a leafy and vibrant town,
filled with students. In Wroclaw, the article takes a brief glance at the expatriate life
of a Finnish family working for a Polish office of a Finnish mobile phone company.
The power of the European Union cohesion funds and the integration with the Central European countries can be seen everywhere: Europe is now becoming increasingly uniform with the same products, living standards and cultural objects freely
moving throughout the EU countries. Although this might have made Europe duller,
it has brought a greater prize: peace. Regardless of whether you like money and the
markets or not, financial solidarity is the backbone of European integration.
Estimation of jury: Janne Toivonen’s article “Bought peace” on Poland is a fluently
written and easy-to-read article that is able to provoke thought. It discusses the historical background in an interesting manner, and is able to present the relevant EU
policies. Although the piece is still an unpublished text version, the Finnish jury feels
the piece shows obvious potential.
55
Bought peace
M
uddy streets, ruined buildings and surrendering soldiers are all seen on the
video. The picture is jerky, because it does
not use 25 frames per second, like a modern
television picture does. Despite this twitching
chaos you can understand what is happening;
the war is ending. The surrendering soldiers
have a wide-winged eagle on the breast of their
jackets, and on their heads they wear a helmet
that curves along the ears to protect the back
of their heads.
T
he place is Wroclaw, formerly Breslau in
Prussia and Germany, the capital of the
Polish province of Silesia. In May 1945, Breslau
was a heap of ruins that people had been fighting over for three months with all kinds of
weapons. In 2009, Wroclaw is a metropolis with
lots of water and parks, a UNESCO World
Heritage Site, and over 100,000 students. Yet
you can still see bullet holes and traces of grenade explosions on many houses.
I
push the stop button. Tired Breslau turns
into the present. An American TV chef
shows a set of knives that can cut a normal fish
fillet more finely. The chef ’s excited explanation is dubbed in Polish. The whole set costs
89 zloty.
I have come here to meet a friend of mine.
H
e is from Finland, from the city of Pori,
and has moved to south-eastern Poland
for two years with his wife and child, to work
at a plant of the mobile phone manufacturer
Nokia. My friend manages the work of six
Polish engineers. For their salary the Poles organise the numbers zero and one in satisfactory lines, lines that benefit the Finnish company. They get paid less than Finns for their
work. “There has been a lot to learn about the
working culture, but in playing football, the
Poles are magical”, my former wingback friend
laughs at the door. The Finns perform; the
Poles want to get to know each other. Only after you have played cards together, or managed
to pass the opponent’s defence with successful
push-and-runs will the work start flowing and
humour must not be forgotten either.
T
he workday is beginning. When you walk
straight to the west from the apartment
and pass over an old railroad, you can get to
work in ten minutes. Many people use public
transportation because the traffic jams in a city
of 700,000 inhabitants are nerve-wrecking. My
friend’s home is located in a brand new apartment building that has a guard standing in the
yard. Many of the people living in the building
have been risk-assessed as possible burglary
victims by security.
I
take a bottle of cola from the refrigerator
and another DVD disc from the shelf. I put
it into the DVD drive and the propagandafilled reality of socialist Poland opens up on
the screen.
Colourful smiles, flowers, friendship, military
power. New residential areas and their open
squares, workers looking content, full grocery
56
¡
FINLAND
¡
FINLAND
¡
Janne Toivonen
¡
Janne Toivonen
stores. While watching each and every photo I
am filled with suspicion of deception, noticing
very careful choice of angles and the removal of
raw material, in case something unwanted happens to be shown. Mentions of “Solidarność”
and “Pepsi-Cola” flash by in the last snippet.
We have reached the 1980s. I try to find English
text on the side of my cola bottle, in vain. The
global drink has been manufactured under licence by a Polish soft drinks company.
I
t is hard to imagine that as late as the 1980s
the country was a part of the other team,
whose captain was the Soviet Union. Nuclear
warheads were being built, so that the other
warhead team would not gain the upper hand.
Even back while we – in Soviet-influenced
Finland – drank cola by the litre, bought VCRs
and went consumer crazy, in Gdansk people
went on strike.
I
start to fill my backpack. After Switzerland,
Germany, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech
Republic, I have the last part of my trip ahead
of me, from Wroclaw to Berlin. Two thousand kilometres on the rails and I am ready
to forget the claims made by populist politicians. Europe is not a fragmented, or cluttered
hodgepodge of cultures, it is almost exactly
the same everywhere. You can have pizza and
imported beer in every city. You can withdraw
money with a foreign card. You can watch
English football on cable television at an Irish
pub and you can hear the same hit lists from
the local radio station.
B
eautifully reconstructed old city centres
surrounded by residential areas, industrial areas and railroads. It is expensive in the
marketplaces, cheaper on the back streets, and
the outskirts show the reality, the real face of
the city, reflecting whether it is truly healthy
or not. Half the continent has a common currency, and most people know more about what
pop stars are doing than the occupations of
their neighbours.
had purpose behind the Iron Curtain, that of
crafting the land and ideology, and some recall the socialist times with fondness. When
in 2004 the Poles were asked whether the
economic system was worth renovating after
1989, a third of respondents said no.
T
T
hat is what the modern, safe – and in its similarity, admittedly often boring – Europe
is like. And sometimes, in the middle of construction tarpaulins, between road construction sites and on the walls of public buildings,
you can see a flag with twelve yellow stars on
a dark blue background. The flag tells a story
of a different kind of construction, a construction project between countries. But why were
coins not chosen instead of stars?
T
he machinery – that was founded in the
1950s to share steel and coal to restrain
the passion for war – is already a complicated power source with almost thirty gears.
The machinery operates on euros, which is
not necessarily bad in any way. You will get
to know the person with whom you do close
business and cooperate. You will understand
him better. Cultures, ideas and people travel
as the by-product of economic crossover, and
before you know it, a complicated neighbour
can become a friend in just a few decades.
D
uring the age of the Iron Curtain, resentment was a given; either capitalism or socialism had to be hated. Maybe there was nothing fundamentally wrong with that, excluding
the injustice and decay. From time to time,
friendships in the East were strengthened with
tanks, people disappeared from their homes
and languished in jails, and neighbours’
movements monitored. Yet people’s lives still
hat year, in 1989, Poland was a forerunner. It held the first free elections after
the Iron Curtain had been torn down. The
Solidarity movement led by Lech Walesa had
been gnawing at the foundation of the coercion for almost nine years, and when it won
the elections, the Eastern house of cards began
to crumble.
T
he yellowed cards were swept aside and
the board game was switched to a new
one. Piles of coins became the game chips. The
rules of the game were easy; whoever collects
the most chips is the strongest. The West received new markets, the East received cola and
hamburgers. The common people did not see
any streams of coins, and did not always even
understand why the board game had to be
changed, but were all consoled with a promise:
when there is enough money, it will eventually
also fall into the pockets of the poorest. In the
outskirts people are still waiting for the fulfilment of that promise.
T
hen in 2004, on May Day, the new market
economies joined the European Union. A
few of them followed later. A heaven opened
for the countries that had been rusting behind the Iron Curtain, and the clouds were the
Union’s structural fund, cohesion resources
and the social fund. They had been created
as instruments of solidarity; the poorest and
most wretched would get the most. Regional
57
politics takes a third of the EU’s budget, and
during the current period, 347 billion € have
been reserved for integration. That would run
the entire country of Finland for seven years.
L
ook at the maps of regional policy in the
EU. Countries where GNP is, at best, 75 %
of the EU average have been marked on it in
red. These are marginal countries; regions that
have lost out in the structural changes of industrialisation, or that are sparsely populated,
agriculturally intensive areas. Attempts have
been made to lift the marginal countries with
the help of money streams worth billions of
ECUs and euros. The objective has been some
sort of a quality standard, a club where no one
wears a worn-out jacket, a club where both the
investor and the citizen would associate the
star flag with the values of safety and quality.
S
till, during the May Day eve of 2004, a fifth
of Finns, every eighth Belgian and five million Britons lived on the red-coloured areas.
Then May Day came and the cards of poverty were re-dealt. The marginal areas of old
member countries from Lisbon to Rovaniemi
became rich overnight, on paper. Not a single
Finnish or Belgian yard is considered a marginal area anymore. Instead the red colour has
melted, ironically, back to behind the former
Iron Curtain. Currently Poland receives 60 billion € from the EU fund, whereas Finland will
have to do with just slightly over 1.5 billion €.
58
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Finland
Janne Toivonen
That is completely fair.
T
he cold cash is used for real things:
roadworks, plastering, educational programmes, cultural boosting. Despite the Eastern
income level and the GNP still dragging way
behind the West, the difference to the past is
seen almost everywhere. The rich give to the
poor and in turn they receive a better-off business partner – and as a by-product we are experiencing a time of peace for the whole continent. It is not naive to say that.
N
ot all of the pine needles greyed by carbon emissions are green yet. A traveller
in Berlin cannot yet escape the thought of that
one August morning in 1961 when the citizens
woke up to flying plaster and the cigarette
smoke of armed men, when a wall was being
built between the city’s people. You can still
hear stories in pubs about three cousins being
stuck on the eastern side and two on the western side.
W
e are only now getting to know each other
again. We have the euro and the Erasmus
programme. Populists are not afraid to use any
remaining fear of a country’s neighbours as a
weapon in elections. A Polish plumber and a
Romanian beggar are both a threat to Western
prosperity. But the threats have always turned
out to be unnecessary: cheap labour has not
flooded all of Western Europe, and no one has
had to give up their own way of life. “Je reste
en Pologne, venez nombreux,” said a Polish
plumber with the looks of a hunky dancer in a
travelling advertisement targeted at the French
a few years back: “I’m staying in Poland, you
should, too.” That was Poland’s counteraction
to the climate of fear.
I
say goodbye to my friend and look for carriage number 34 of the Wroclaw–Berlin
train. The train is identical to the one I took
a week earlier between Košice and Prague;
clean and air-conditioned, and I buy an omelette and a cheap pint of beer in the dining car.
I nap for a few hours and when I wake up, the
world outside the window looks to be in the
same position as before. In the sunshine you
can almost forget the socialist background of
the Berlin television tower and the East Berlin
suburbs.


France
59
Elif Kayi
CV
Elif Kayi studied economics and foreign languages at the
University of Lyon – with two exchange years in Berlin and
in the Netherlands. She then did her Masters in European
Studies at the University of Hamburg. Since February 2006,
she has been working as an independent journalist for various media (Berliner Zeitung, Neues Deutschland, Books,
L’Arche…) – focussing on the issue of islamism, the country
of Turkey and the migration processes around the Mediterranean area. In addition she has worked as a media analyst
in Montpellier since August 2007 and as a freelancer since
August 2008. She is the correspondent for France, as well
as for the French-speaking parts of Luxembourg, Belgium
and Switzerland for the daily press review euro|topics (of
the German Federal Agency for Civic Education).
Summary: During the EU-US summit in Prague on 6 April, US President Barack
Obama supported Turkey’s membership of the European Union. French President
Nicolas Sarkozy answered back that he had always been against the membership
and would remain so. While the elections of the European Parliament are approaching, the debate around Turkey's EU-membership has come back to the forefront of
discussions in some EU countries, especially in France. The discussions often deal
with the question of Turkey’s geographical and/or cultural belonging to Europe.
With the article I wanted to warn against the dangerous drifts of such discussions.
Estimation of jury: The jury rewarded Elif Kayi’s article “Have pity! Stop going on at
us about Turkey”, for its original and high quality journalistic technique. “The article
deals with Turkey’s entry into Europe and takes a relevant and sensitive approach
to the topic. Elif Kayi threads humour and a mix of sometimes conflicting, political
and cultural messages throughout the article, while asking the reader to create their
own vision of Europe. The author writes a powerful opinion column through which
she shows her deep knowledge of French and European politics and portrays these
two spheres with much accuracy.” The article was published on the website, Mediapart.fr in April 2009.
60

France


Elif Kayi

Have pity!
Stop going on at us about Turkey…
S
ome subjects are clear cut. Quite simply, you
are either for or you are against. Whatever
your views, you do not remain undecided.
Indecisiveness concerning these kinds of topics
would be dismissed as typical political vacillation. And, in politics, if one is without a clear
opinion, one is obliged to keep quiet, thank
you very much. Certain issues also gradually
mutate over time, fading into insignificance or
becoming reserved for “experts” propping up
bars the world over.
T
his is precisely one of those subjects which
some might think had been relegated to
the backburner – only for it to return to haunt
our newspapers, sites, blogs and bars so that
we have to dust off the cobwebs and start discussing it all over again. The subtlety of the
debate is rarely striking, but the sheer passion
involved, wel… That is universal. We become
animated, we exult, we attack, we lambast, we
defend and we regroup. If perhaps you don’t
feel ready for the confrontation yet, why not
take a few moments to immerse yourself in
Wikipedia to at least acquaint yourself geographically with the region in question? Or try
to recollect a few snippets from your dim and
distant history lessons. And then, because as
in all matters political, it is often practice that
makes perfect, go right in to battle!
A
re you for or against Turkey’s entry into
the European Union? This is a question
to which any politically and reasonably normal
individual ought to have a clear and precise
response. The more uncertainty you tend to
show, the less likely you are to be trusted. Let’s
take, for example, the instance of the president
of the French Republic, Nicolas Sarkozy, having
a dig at the American president Barack Obama,
who had dared to pressurise the Europeans
by supporting the Ottoman… excuse me…
Turkish candidacy. Sarkozy said: “I have always been opposed to their entry and I remain
so.” That’s the kind of strong political conviction that we like, is it not?
I
t’s much better than the bluster of certain
politicians, such as François Hollande, who
“thinks that there is a sort of confusion, that
Europe’s interest is the interest of NATO and
the interest of the United States (…) it is there
that we are able to understand that Nicolas
Sarkozy has made a real error in fully entering
into NATO.” If anyone in the room reading
that statement understands even vaguely what
this stance means, please raise your hands.
No… for this question an acerbic response is
required, accompanied by as little commentary
as possible; otherwise, we will get completely
bogged down in the whole issue. Abandoned
France
Elif Kayi
after the launch of negotiations in October
2005, and having become painful to listen to
at the time thanks to its incessant repetition,
the subject of Turkey’s EU accession has just
become flavour of the month again due to
Obama putting his foot in it during a press
conference at the EU-US summit in Prague.
With the arrival of the European elections,
there were indeed some spoilsports who once
again waved the spectre of this bogeyman under our noses. But on the whole, in this time of
global economic crisis, steep unemployment,
and social as well as human distress, Turkey
could well have done without it.
R
61
ecently, while looking up the profile of a
friend on the much-loved social networking site that is Facebook, I noticed (nothing or
almost nothing goes unnoticed nowadays…)
that she had just joined a group answering to
the charming name of: “I bet I can find one
million persons who don’t want Turkey in
the EU.” Well, despite the rather proselytising moniker, everyone has a right to their own
opinions. I sent her a brief, humorous message
asking her what was the meaning of this “mischievous anti-Turkish propaganda” to which
she had signed-up. I think that my friend took
this message seriously, as she replied that it
was not a matter of propaganda, but of a serious group where everyone was able to express
their position freely and openly, and that I was
welcome to join. Well, I wasn’t really sure that
“welcome”, in this case, was the appropriate
word, but I understood what she meant by her
remark. If I was “for”, it was up to me to come
and offer my views. Usually I like discussing
these kinds of subjects, but in this instance, I
must admit that just the very title of the group
had already worn me out.
A
t school (in France), I chose German as my
first foreign language. In the 5th grade
we used to use a textbook entitled “Komm
mit nach Deutschland!” (Come with us to
Germany!). It dated from the period prior to
the fall of the Berlin Wall and, as with the
majority of linguistic textbooks, it aimed to
show different facets of the Federal Republic
of Germany. Addressing the phenomenon of
migration, one chapter dealt with Germany’s
Turkish population, and told the story of little Ali who had come from his home village –
somewhere in the depths of Anatolia – to
Stuttgart. The first pictures depicted scenes
of Ali and his parents’ daily life in the village:
no electricity; no running water; and no car,
although there was transport by donkey. Ali’s
mother was totally delighted when, on arriving in Germany, she discovered the fantastic
light-switches and the whistling kettle that
was heated on the stove, as well as all the other
formidable inventions of modern times.
L
ittle Ali – whose skin, eyes, hair and eyebrows were inevitably very dark – was not
liked by his classmates. This is how he came
to befriend another “Außenseiter” (outsider).
Tiny Uwe, spotty and short-sighted, had also
been rejected by the majority. On their way
home from lessons, Ali and Uwe often walked
past a department store. In the window, there
62
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France
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Elif Kayi

was a small radio-cassette player. Ali dreamed
of possessing such an object, but he had no
money. So he decided to steal one. But he
was apprehended by the security guards who
called the police, who then in turn called his
father. When his father arrived he was furious,
and the story ended with a lecture, and Dad
declaring sharply to his crestfallen son in front
of the policemen: “But what do you want? Do
you want us to be sent back to Turkey?” This
is how French kids got to know Germany’s
Turkish immigrants. Ja, komm mit nach
Deutschland!
C
uriously, in class, nobody spoke to me
about this subject. Nobody even asked
my opinion on this story. Nobody asked me
whether things really were like that in Turkey,
or whether people really did travel about by
donkey. I wouldn’t claim that I was an expert
on the country, but having visited it several
times by that point, I would have been able to
contribute a comment or two. With hindsight,
I realise that my classmates really couldn’t
have cared less about Turkey. The Turks, in
Germany or elsewhere, came way down on
their list of priorities. Just between you and
me, why should they have had any particular interest in it when I can clearly remember
(when I was in my “teens”) having to point
out to several adults exactly where Turkey was
geographically situated? No, it was not next
to Yugoslavia – which by that time no longer
existed – nor was it in the Arabian Peninsula,
nor on the continent of Africa…
F
or a long time, for most French people
Turkey’s image was that of a faraway land,
vaguely sunny (purely by way of information, you can ski in Turkey), vaguely Muslim,
vaguely touristy and frankly, above all else,
uninteresting.
But, as ever, times change and “everything’s
going to the dogs”… as they say in old-folk
jargon.
N
owadays, everybody – or almost everybody – knows where Turkey is. Or believes they know where Turkey is. And, thanks
to Mr. Philippe de Villiers, we have, moreover
resolved the oh-so-tiresome issue of whether
the country is situated in Europe or in Asia;
Turkey belongs to “Eurasia”. I would be eternally grateful if my geographer friends would
take pity on me for my lack of education, and
explain to me exactly what and where this
continent called Eurasia is.
N
owadays, everybody also knows that
Turkey demonstrates shortcomings in
the realm of human rights: the Kurdish question; freedom of the press; rights for women
and homosexuals, etc. However, there are
some good souls who are passionate about
equality and democracy in Turkey, and who
are involved in a daily struggle to change this
situation. So, does anyone offer to give them a
helping hand? No. They shut the door on them.
The thinking goes something like this: “Our
own democracy poses us enough problems al-
France
Elif Kayi
ready, we don’t need to go around poking our
noses into other people’s troubles.” To use the
old proverb, we look after our own back yard
and let other people look after theirs. In other
words, we mind our own business and let others take care of theirs. But what of those who
can’t or won’t? That raises one or two interesting questions…
F
or example, nowadays, everybody knows
that Turkey is a big country. Err, precisely
how big, in fact? Sixty million? No, one hundred million… is that it? More? Well, let’s just
say that there are very many people living
there. And, furthermore, everybody knows
that Turkey is a rather poor country and, given EU regulations concerning the free circulation of labour, its membership of the union
would lead to an invasion of Turkish workers
in search of jobs here. This is without taking
into account the cost to the European Union
of such a membership. No, really… in a time of
economic crisis, too… it is not a good idea.
N
63
owadays, everybody also knows that
Turkey is a Muslim country. Phew, there
it is, I said it! That’s the cat out of the bag.
There, that single thought begins to make people wriggle in their seats and perspire under
their armpits. We have finally arrived at the
famous question of the continent’s cultural
tradition. For, certainly, Europe’s cultural heritage is above all Christian… Judeo-Christian,
in fact, for those with bad consciences who
wish to draw a veil over Europe’s repeated ef-
forts to eradicate the Jewish culture and its
presence.
S
o, yes, Turkey is a country where the
Muslim religion is in the majority. 99 %
according to official figures, which, of course,
do not take into account the number of agnostics or atheists. And yes, Europe’s cultural
heritage is based first and foremost on the
aforementioned Christian and Jewish cultural
heritage – despite the latter being historically
very badly treated. Some will argue that Islam
also had a distinct presence in Europe in the
past, and left considerable pieces of evidence
to prove it. Others will also discuss the fact
that today, several million migrants originating from Muslim nations also live in the countries of the European Union. Others will go on
to say that Turkey also possesses a significant
Christian cultural heritage (it is suggested that
those who don’t believe this immerse themselves in the current edition of “Géo”).
B
ut who will dare to claim that culture and
identity are not seen as timeless and finite
values that are in a state of perpetual motion
and transformation? Europe is built on an idea,
and around a collection of values, the foremost
of which are democracy and peace. It was also
initially built on the bedrock of warfare. The
idea of union germinated after the Second
World War. The notion of a realised European
identity could therefore leave some people
feeling very sceptical. Did our grandparents’
generation imagine Europe in the same way
64
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France
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
Elif Kayi

as young generations today? Probably not. But
this is not the kind of Europe that many like
to think about or project. It’s much better to
be open and positive, rather than be in thrall
to dark and dramatic thoughts.
I
n the weekly debate between Laurent Joffrin
of Libération and Sylvie Pierre-Brossolette
of Le Point (on Libération’s website), Madame
Pierre-Brossolette mentioned that European values “were not quite like those of Turkey” – the
same old song. Once more, I have to confess my
ignorance, but in all honesty, I do not understand which “values” we are talking about and
why they would be alien to Turkey. Honestly,
I really do not understand.
I
do not claim to have a fixed view on the
subject and I am ready to discuss arguments
for and against Turkey’s accession into the
European Union objectively. But preferably
within the framework of a discussion that is
free of sentiments that are as sterile as they are
obsolete, and that undermine any debate even
before it has begun. By all means, let’s discuss
the issues of Islam and human rights, democracy and national debt, unemployment, geostrategic position, etc.! But, for pity’s sake, let’s
put an end to all the ideological discourse (or,
more correctly in certain cases, populist discourse). All it takes is just a touch of rationality informing the comments, that’s all.
C
uriously, when I switch on the television
or dive back into the newspapers these
days, an overwhelming sense of fatigue seizes
me once again. This fatigue makes me want to
throw in the towel and respond in the manner
of many young Turkish people, i. e.:
“Well, we don’t want to be part of the European
Union either.” Perhaps I am going to end up
thinking like them. But no, come on, a small
shot of vitamins and we are good to go at it
all once more! Indefatigably, we get ready to
repeat the same things and rehearse the same
old arguments over and again… Truthfully,
it’s a subject worthy of much more than that.
And just dream of what would happen if we
were finally able to change the record?
Germany
65
Kathrin Breer
CV
Kathrin Breer is a 25-year-old student of communications.
She specialises in psychology and French and has spent
one semester as an ERASMUS scholar in Lyon. Her main
research-interest lies in the field of media studies and new
trends in journalism. She currently works as a freelance
journalist for Zeit Online.
Summary: The article “The lives of others”, published on 9 July 2008 in Zeit Online,
is about the situation of foreign students in Germany who come from poor countries
that are not (yet) members of the European Union.
Through the example of Amila Memic, a girl from Bosnia, the reader learns that a
foreign student in Germany is likely to face a lot of difficulties: as a foreigner from
a country not belonging to the European Union, Amila is not entitled to a federal
student loan. She needs to pay all the usual fees and cover the costs of living herselfalthough she is only allowed to work 90 days each year.
Furthermore, she regularly has to prove her success at the university to the local authorities, otherwise she will lose her residence authorisation in Germany. Amila is an
example of the foreign students who come to Germany full of hopes and expectations that are often left disillusioned by reality. The German readers learn that the
circumstances of a student’s life may differ considerably depending on the country
the student comes from.
Estimation of jury: The article by Kathrin Breer, presents the background of EU enlargement by giving a concrete example of young people who are living in the “club
of 27” and highlights the negative impact on young people who live in countries
that are not members of the “club”. By showing the struggles and obstacles of a
young student from a Non-EU-country, the article implicates the advantages EU-enlargement has brought to many young people in other Eastern European countries.
The story is well researched and told expressively.
66
¡
GERMANY
¡
GERMANY
¡
Kathrin Breer
¡
Kathrin Breer
S
The lives of others
S
tudents from poorer countries outside the
EU have little prospect of leading normal
student lives in Germany. And if their performance at university is inadequate, they are
under threat of deportation.
A
mila Memic* has missed her Tuesday lecture yet again. Four times now, her name
has been missing from the list of attendees.
This means that the student from Bosnia no
longer stands any chance of sitting her exam
this semester. So what, some might say? Many
of her German peers would simply think:
“just sit the exam next semester then”. But for
Amila, every exam she passes helps her to justify her presence in Germany.
“If you can’t produce better results at university
soon, I’m afraid you’ll have to go back home”,
the clerk at the aliens registration authority
in Münster said, the last time the 23-year-old
wanted to renew her residence permit. Amila is
already in her sixth semester, but so far she has
only gained two credits at university. Amila was
trembling at the knees while the clerk was asking her boss whether she could stay for another
three months. “It only takes a few minutes to
decide whether everything I’ve done here over
the past three years was in vain”, Amila says.
And language is certainly not a problem for
her – she speaks perfect, accent-free German
because she spent four years of her childhood
in Germany as a refugee.
I
t was with high hopes that the Bosnian
girl came to study at Münster University.
Amongst Eastern Europeans, in particular,
Germany is becoming an increasingly popular place to study. Eighty percent of all international students in Münster come from
developing countries – one of which is BosniaHerzegovina, as Norbert Frie from the university’s press office is well aware. Many believe
a German degree will guarantee them a good
job. However, in perceiving Germany to be
a student paradise, they often misjudge the
country.
T
he international office at Münster University has a clear message on its homepage for
EU foreigners: “We urge students not to start
studying in the Federal Republic of Germany
unless the financing of their studies is secured
by their parents or by a grant.” This did not
deter Amila, even though her parents are unable to finance her. Her father earns 300 € a
month – not bad by Bosnian standards. All the
same, his daughter doesn’t want him to help
her out. “If he sent me 100 €, it wouldn’t even
cover my rent here and what would my family
live on then?” she asks.
o Amila needs a sponsor to support her financially. A German family whom she befriended transfers 600 € to her account every
month. She has to show her bank statements
to the alien registration authority as proof of
this “outside financing”. What the bank statements do not disclose, is that Amila always
withdraws the money again immediately, and
returns it to her sponsors in cash. No one gives
money away. Moreover, foreign students are
not entitled to a BAföG grant. Yet Amila remains optimistic: “But I can earn money myself
anyway. In fact, much more than in Bosnia”,
she says.
W
hilst her German fellow students are
attending their morning lectures, she
is often recovering from the previous night in
bed in her 11-square-metre room in the student residence hall. But she hasn’t been out
partying. “From 6 p. m. to midnight I work at
a restaurant, then after that I go straight to a
discotheque where I stand behind the bar,” she
says. She finishes work between 7 and 8 a. m.
She can barely bring herself to go to university
in the morning. “And even if I do, I’m so tired
I can’t absorb anything anyway”, relates the
young student, who, incidentally, scored top
marks in the Bosnian school-leaving exams.
A
mila spends 40 to 50 hours a week working as a waitress, babysitter and cleaner.
Her employment is almost always illegal. She
wants to avoid trouble with the authorities at
all costs. She is fully aware that she is breaking the provisions of the law – foreign students
67
are only allowed to work 90 days a year. After
all, they mustn’t lose sight of the fact that they
have come to Germany to study.
B
ut Amila’s main priority is to pay her rent
punctually. Joachim Sommer acknowledges her situation. As the director of Münster
University’s International Centre, “Die Brücke”,
knows, “Existential fear often stands in the way
of concentrated study”. Frequently foreigners
come to him under great psychological strain.
“The only thing they are able to do is agonise
over the question of how they will make ends
meet that month”, Sommer says.
A
mila is not only suffering under the financial pressure. She scarcely has any
time to meet friends, or to join study groups.
Longingly, she discusses how she would love
to simply spend time with other students. For
someone from a small country like BosniaHerzegovina, Germany is not only a potential
career springboard, but also, in a way, the land
of limitless possibilities.
I
f only the right of residence regulations were
not so strict! More than 1,700 foreign students
in Münster have to regularly prove that they are
performing successfully at university. Not all
manage to do this. Hans-Joachim Schlumm of
the City of Münster Office for Foreign Affairs
estimates that roughly five students each year
are unable to have their residence permits renewed due to apparent academic under-performance. Amila is familiar with one of these
cases. “A friend of mine had to abandon her
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GREECE
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Kathrin Breer
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Eleni Fotiou
studies after the 14th semester and return home
without graduating. That would be the worst
thing that could happen to me.”
I
n the meantime, she now only works at
weekends in order to have time to study
from Monday to Friday. Thanks to her professors’ signatures she was able to renew her
residence permit for two years. Then she will
have to return to the registration authority.
One thing is already certain: in order to fulfil the official requirements she will have to
complete her entire main course of studies,
as well as her thesis, within three semesters.
Even without a part-time job this is scarcely
possible. However, Joachim Sommer from
the International Centre is confident: “The
city has a great interest in internationality. If
there’s any evidence that a foreign student will
manage to graduate in the foreseeable future,
we try to keep him here.”
U
ntil her exams Amila has to continue
working. She will never enjoy a student
life like her German peers, of that she is certain. “I don’t know whether I’d decide to study
in Germany again if I’d known what things
would be like here”, she says. “But now I’ve been
here so long I want to try to make the best of
it.” In the meantime she attends her Tuesday
lecture regularly.
*Name changed by the editor
69
CV
Eleni Fotiou is a Research Fellow at the International Centre for Black Sea Studies (ICBSS) and the Editorial Consultant of The Bridge magazine published by the International
Herald Tribune and the English edition of Kathimerini. She
has previously worked for the Hellenic Centre for European Studies (EKEM) as Research Fellow and Programme
Manager of its “Euro-Mediterranean Observatory” and for
the European Institute at the Istanbul Bilgi University as
Research Assistant in the field of Greek-Turkish relations.
She holds an MA in International Relations, specialising
in Turkish-Greek Relations from the same university. She
speaks Greek, English, French, Turkish, Italian, Portuguese
and the Greek sign language.
Summary: The article deals with the problems of heterogeneity of the Balkans and
the possibility to reach rapprochement through bringing people closer together. The
starting point is a personal experience of the writer in a youth organisation as she
was joining the first “Balkan Seminar”. Youngsters from Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia, Turkey and Greece were discussing issues that divided them but finally, the closer they
got, more they got rid of the stereotypes they had in mind at the beginning.
As a starting point the writer suggests the Balkan temperament could positively affect the problems of the multiculturalism of the Balkans and remove thoughts of
stereotypes. The European Union already worked on integration of those regions
through exchange programmes, which helped to render the likelihood of crises. The
article closes with an appeal to the people of the Balkans and the citizens of Europe
to continue working on the elimination of stereotypes.
Estimation of jury: The winning article by Eleni Fotiou successfully fulfilled the selection criteria of the judges. It has references to European integration and raised
questions concerning the Western Balkans candidacy in the EU The article conveys a
good journalistic tone, which keeps the reader’s interest alive.
70
¡
GREECE
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HUNGARY
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Eleni Fotiou
¡
Szabó Zsuzsa
CV
The half full glass
I
n the aftermath of Kosovo’s independence
the discourse on the future of the Balkan
peninsula has triggered academics, politicians,
diplomats and of course, conspiracy-theorists
to philosophise on strategies capable of guaranteeing peace and stability in the region.
International relations theories on regionalism
and economic interdependence or the states’
pursuit of national interest and clash of civilisations do not seem adequate to explain the
course of events or to give an answer as to the
future of the Balkans.
S
ome years ago, we were members of a youth
organisation and we participated in the 1st
Balkan Seminar, which was held in Athens.
For four days, we sat around a table discussing, fighting, and arguing on the issues that
divide us. The Serbs and the Croats had unresolved questions after the war, the Bosnians
were trying to explain the political system in
their country, Turks and Greeks provoked hot
discussions regarding the Aegean dispute and
so on.
O
n the last day of the seminar, we were all
around the same table laughing at the
stereotypes we deconstructed after meeting
each other. And the thing is, we had all started
out with stereotype images of each other from
our schoolbooks and the movies from days
gone by that projected our nation as heroic
and the others as uncivilized barbarians. So,
we decided to stick to what unites us. That at
that precise moment, we were all there, around
a table, talking about us, the Balkans.
71
H
eirs of the history of the Empires that
flourished in the Balkan region, the
Balkan states had never been homogenous.
They had always been multicultural, due to
the fact that in the aftermath of the fall of the
Ottoman Empire, mixed cultural, linguistic
and religious communities were trapped in the
boundaries of nation-states, that lead to forced
migrations, trans-boundary crises, prolonged
ethnic and religious conflicts and wars. But
together with this damned course of events,
multiculturalism in the Balkans is what can
bring people closer. Music, dance, manners
and customs, proverbs and anecdotes are components of the Balkan temperament.
I
t seems rather superficial to believe that
ethnic and religious conflicts in the Balkans
will disappear, because of this “Balkan temperament”. However, the unfortunate earthquakes in Turkey and in Greece during 1999
have proven that when people come closer,
stereotypes are deconstructed and that can
be the first step towards rapprochement.
However, this is the point where states should
institutionalise bilateral or multilateral relations. In the Balkan region, most of the initiatives for cooperation derived from external
pressure, defined by the European Union or
the United States. The only indigenous initiative was the South East European Cooperation
Process (SEECP) and this is indicative of the
boundaries of politics.
Szabó Zsuzsa is a radio presenter for Sirius Radio, a commercial radio station. Szabo started out in journalism by
working at a small community radio station, which has a
tiny audience. Nevertheless, she developed a strong love
for both radio and journalism. Since then, Szabo has been
studying economics and media science at the University
of Szeged where she has developed a particular interest in
how NGOs and media can help each other. She is also an
enthusiastic volunteer in community radio, a fan of international youth exchanges, and alternative theatre. Szabo
manages to combine her interest in women’s roles in the
media with her position as Hungary’s “Princess of Honey”.
Summary: Have you ever seen Europe from an overall view, from above? Seen all
the parts of it? Your Europe has a shape in your mind. But what about other people’s mind, how do they see our big European community? Let’s get to know other
aspects of the idea we already seem to know.
She asked a businessman, a library director, a tourist guide, a parliament civil servant, an international trainer, a youth worker, and some youngsters about their personal picture of Europe. Listen, and make up your own opinion!
Estimation of jury: In her 30-minute radio piece “What is the image of Europe now?”
asks well-selected people living in Kiskunfélegyháza and the region about their vision of Europe. The jury thought the piece was fresh, with original questions provoking some original answers and importantly, it kept the listener interested.
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Szabó Zsuzsa
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Szabó Zsuzsa
What is the image of Europe now?
Sirius Radio FM 91.1,
Kultúrterasz (Cultural Terrace)
H
ave you ever thought how Europe would
look from above? How we would see ourselves? I see diversity. And, geographically,
I can see the beautiful Alps, the British Isles,
and I can almost see as far as the Scandinavian
fjords. I’ve never been to any of these places,
but I can still visualise them somehow, possibly due to the images and stereotypes that
have been etched into my mind. I can also view
Europe through my own rose-tinted spectacles – or perhaps other coloured lenses… and
the more I learn, the more nuanced my images
become.
I wonder how our Union sees itself. And what
kind of image Europe has now?
S
o, I set out to find out what Europeans
think of Europe, and of the EU, by seeking
answers to these questions from people with
different backgrounds and with very diverse
levels of understanding and experience.
I
focused mainly on the Hungarian point of
view, with a few insights from abroad, using
open-ended and “bubble” questions. (What
are “bubble questions”? Well, you know, that’s
when the reporter asks questions whilst already
feeling sorry for the interviewee, because scope
of the question is so broad. For example: “My
dear interviewee, what kind of picture do you
have in your head of the European Union?”)
These bubble questions are usually very illu-
minating because they allow us to learn what
our subject is really thinking, rather than influencing their train of thought with questions
that might limit the answers.
M
y first guest is 56 years old and he has
travelled all around the world. His professional CV runs to 7 typed pages – and that’s
just in headline format with single spacing.
Zoltán Veres is a businessman and business
trainer with extensive technical experience.
Kultúrterasz: What did you think of Hungary
before the changing of the regime in 1989?
Guest: After 1968, we had a lot of movies coming in from abroad, and while this in a sense
opened up the world for us, we had no direct
experience of other countries or cultures. The
world opened up for me personally when I was
26. I had my diploma fresh in hand and headed for Baghdad. I didn’t come home for four
years. From there I could travel extensively to
Western Europe and around the Middle East.
I saw a lot of happy Bedouins, living in tents in
the Sahara, who were much happier than the
average Hungarian.
K: I know this is a really open-ended question, but I am curious to know what you will
say first. What do you think of the European
Union?
G: It is really good that this process has started, because otherwise Europe, with its many
tiny nation states, is destined for ruin. It is
obvious that the European Union must build
a level of integration, which raises its competitiveness. The downside is that I feel that the
internal regulations of the European Union
are too bureaucratic on the one hand, and far
too lenient on the other. I find it extraordinary that there are so many official languages
in the European Union. Due to national pride,
no single language can be used, so there are
legions of interpreters and translators working
at EU organisations. I am sure the Americans
have a good laugh at our expense.
K: What should we Hungarians learn?
G: We need to conquer our selfishness and
identify those issues on which we can connect
and come to agreement. The ability to coordinate with others should be just as much a part
of the business world as competition is. It is
important for us to understand our surrounding nations. Our relationship with the Slovaks,
Ukrainians, Romanians, Serbs, Russians, etc.
must become more an everyday event, rather
than something unusual. At a European level,
Hungarians could be intermediaries in enabling co-operation: we could act as a bridge
between East and West.
M
73
glad that war had not broken out, and I was
full of enthusiasm. We received much freedom, which I am afraid has turned into laxity.
Values are different, human relationships have
changed and I think it is a huge problem that
our children do not see their expectations being fulfilled in Hungary.
K: How should we, as members of the EU,
behave?
G: We should not give up those things, which
make us Hungarian, because, for example, the
French and Italians are also proud of who they
are. Let us be proud too! We should not throw
away the ideas and rules that have been preserved from past centuries.
K: And what can Hungary offer the community, other than being itself?
G: Our country has regions and treasures that
we can be proud of, such as the Hungarian
pálinka (schnapps), and the Matyó and Kalocsa
embroidery. We should market these treasures
and make others aware of them. Our economic
possibilities have also changed, as we are no
longer isolated.
y next interview is with the director of
the municipal library of a small town on
the Great Plain. She is a mother and a critical
thinker in her fifties. Mrs. Mária Kállai Vereb
is the director of the Sándor Petőfi Municipal
Library in Kiskunfélegyháza, as well as the
acting president of the Ferenc Móra Cultural
Association.
O
G: During the change of regime I was at home
on parental leave with my younger child. I was
G: On 1 May 2004 I was in a little Austrian
village where people were raising a Maypole.
ur next guest at Kultúterasz has travelled
far and wide. She has met people from
many other nations who see the world through
different eyes and in different ways. Ildikó
Prónay, mother of two grown boys, is a tour
guide, a teacher and a tour operator.
K: What do people abroad think of Hungary?
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HUNGARY
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HUNGARY
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Szabó Zsuzsa
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Szabó Zsuzsa
The Austrians offered me schnapps and were
very glad that we were “one country” again.
The citizens of the older EU countries came
to Hungary full of hope. In 2007 foreign tourism flourished. After 2007, that enthusiasm
diminished, and now, in 2008–2009 they are
not happy with us. In 2007 the Austrians were
happily saying that in five years the number
of visiting Hungarians spending hotel nights
will double. Today they can see what kind of
problems we can cause. Unfortunately, we are
not law-abiding citizens.
K: What can Hungary give the European
Union?
G: What we can offer the EU is the idyllic image of a lovely little country, which is glad to
receive any guest from any EU country. And
we are not only glad because of the financial
gains. This little country in its own way really does love to have people as guests. It treats
them well and organises great programmes. It
loves feeding them, healing them, providing
dental care and inviting them to the baths.
This is what we can give the EU.
My next guest is a civil servant in the
Hungarian Parliament and is currently
working as an EU project coordinator in the
Republic of Moldova. Krisztián Kovács is 34
years old.
G: People were hoping for miracles in the 90s.
The European Union radiated trans-nationality: a diverse landmass and a multicultural
community. I personally felt this in Brussels in
2003. The picture we imagined in the 90s has
proven to be true.
K: And after five years of membership, are you
pleasantly or unpleasantly surprised?
G: I have mixed feelings. On the one part, I see
the democratic deficit. The institutions created
by the European Union are beginning to lead a
life of their own: “Brussels did this or that…”
There is some truth in this, because there are a
lot of bureaucrats working in EU institutions.
However, and this is the other side of the coin,
I do not agree with euro scepticism, because
“Brussels” is the community of the member
states! It is still much better to run a debate
in the European Parliament than have a world
war.
K: What kind of picture does Moldova have of
the European Union?
G: People in Moldova know that the country
is very far from the EU, but there is a kind of
anticipation that EU support, and the influx
of infrastructural development, presents a
huge possibility for integration. Hungary has
gathered a lot of knowledge whilst building a
democracy in the past 19 years. We can transfer this knowledge, so that others do not make
the same mistakes that we did. That is why I
am here.
M
ara Árvai is 32, a freelance European
teacher in non-formal youth education.
She teaches foreigners as well, or rather guides
them – and helps them realise how important
tolerance is, or how wrong our prejudices can
be. She herself learns from these situations.
G: I work with the youth policy programme
of the European Union – the Youth in Action
2007–2013. I would love to take every single
Hungarian youth aged between 13 and 30
and send them abroad so that they can gather
knowledge, experience and ideas, and bring all
that back here to Hungary. It is greatly needed.
As part of my work I spend a lot of time in
West and South-eastern European countries,
and so I have a good basis for comparison.
I can see where we stand – somewhere in the
middle – but closer to the South-Eastern mentality. We really want a lot of things, but we
don’t necessarily follow the rules the way the
EU would expect. I can, however, see the possibility for people to develop.
K: You have spent a lot of time abroad. What
did you learn from those experiences?
G: I have become more open-minded. I am
more tolerant towards other forms of behaviour. At the same time, however, I often have an
inferiority complex because I am Hungarian.
Hungary is not a popular country. If we organise a training programme here and our
German partner has a winning tender for, let’s
say, Portugal, then there’s no question that
they’ll rather send people to Portugal.
K: What can Hungary give to the European
Union?
G: The great knowledge, perseverance and enthusiasm that our young people have and that
many European youths lack. We Hungarians
can be very enthusiastic and persevering. A
young person from Finland does not have problems making a living. They live in a welfare
state, and so any problems they have they make
for themselves. We have problems from the day
we’re born, but we always try to solve them.
75
T
he Erasmus program was created to accentuate the mobility of university and
college students. Péter Mózes Fedor is 27 years
old and is the president of the Erasmus Student
Network in Hungary. He himself has never
travelled abroad as an Erasmus student, but
he has come into contact with all the Erasmus
students visiting the University of Szeged in the
past six or seven years. What is his personal
image of Europe?
G: I think the EU is a really swell thing and it
can give the people of Europe a sense of identity which is sorely needed in the current geopolitical situation. You have a strong, emerging
Far East, and America, with its massive army,
but at the same time, a very young culture. If
the principles of the European Union, such as
diversification and the roles of regionalism
and individuals are preserved in the long run,
then we can only benefit. It’s fantastic! Had this
been written about a hundred years ago, then it
would have been considered sci-fi, just like the
internet. I can travel with my personal ID card
on airplanes in Europe, far and wide. Of course,
it’s also part of the deal that we were accepted
into the community mostly as a new market.
K: What do Erasmus students with no previous experience think of Hungary?
G: They arrive very open, with very few expectations, and they go home full of only positive
experiences. Three days ago I ran into three
young people by chance. They were Erasmus
students a few years ago here. As I was walking, spritzer in hand, I saw them sitting in
the grass, playing a guitar and chatting with
their Hungarian friends. They had come back
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Szabó Zsuzsa
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Szabó Zsuzsa
to visit – using their own money and because
they simply wanted to come back here to visit.
K: What are all the positive things that students take home with them?
G: Hospitality. A sense of life, which is less
obvious in the Western countries. A sense
that here everything is very much less sterile and formal. And then, there’s this curious
Hungarian attitude that we bend the rules, but
the system still works somehow and everybody
is happy.
O
n our trip to discover even more opinions, our next encounter is with Anita
Varsányi, Klaudia Ferenc and Anita Hegedüs,
university students aged 20, 24 and 21, respectively. What kind of an image do these
three – in their twenties – have of Europe?
AH: The European Union is a great big frame,
which can contain so much.
AV: I was hoping we would have more possibilities. To travel abroad, for example.
KF: At reconstruction sites, there are huge
signs about the project receiving funding from
the EU. This is definitely a good thing, but in
many cases I feel that we are just mimicking
the European Union and we don’t even know
what it really thinks. Those who have worked
both abroad in the EU and here in Hungary
say that what is being done here under the
guise of the European Union has nothing to
do with the real deal.
K: You cannot identify with the EU. You said
the EU and Hungary. Hungary has been part
of the EU since 2004.
A
nd what does Europe look like from
abroad? I was looking for an answer – and
I sought it with the help of an international
community portal.
KF: You’re right, I really can’t identify with it.
It’s a bit more difficult to make the switch in
people’s minds than it is on paper.
R
AV: There is a downside as well. We cannot
perform as we should, we are lagging behind
economically, and we couldn’t adopt the euro.
There are a lot of old grievances within people,
and this is just another drop in the bucket for
them to complain and be unhappy about.
Y
K: What have you received from the EU accession so far?
AV: A few fulfilled dreams. I was able to
travel abroad relatively cheaply, which is important for a student with no stable income.
This happened thanks to the Youth in Action
programme.
AH: I was in Bulgaria for a ten-day student exchange. There were people from ten different
countries, and each country introduced itself:
how they see the world, how the world sees
them, and whether those images were right or
wrong. The stereotypes were toppled after a
while. By the end of the ten days, the ten different kinds of people converged into one big
group.
K: What do we Hungarians have to learn from
the others?
AH: Cheerfulness. The younger generations
have it in them.
émy lives in Paris, he is a 30 year old
teacher. According to him, the bigger the
community, the more security there is against
a war breaking out. He hopes that the EU will
keep expanding and that, one day perhaps,
Russia might join too.
annick is a 25-year-old Belgian journalist.
For him, the sheer diversity of European
nations means that sometimes there are interesting and even funny cultural differences.
There are, however, many things in common,
and realising this creates a true European
feeling, says Yannick. “There is no obstacle
to study or work in an other country. In fact,
there is nothing stopping me from anything”
answers Yannick when I ask about the positive
effects that EU expansion has had on his life.
A
lberto is an Italian development consultant and is 30 years old. He believes that
the key to growth is diversity. It is through
getting to know other mentalities and customs
that we can travel the path of development. He
reckons that Italians need to learn punctuality,
respect for other religious communities and
that men, women, gays and lesbians all have
the same rights. And what can other countries
learn from Italy? Tourism, hospitality management, volunteering and Italian cuisine, says
Alberto.
Alexandra is 20. She lives in Romania and studies economics. Romania joined the European
Union in 2007. “I’m confident that Romania
77
will become a key player within the EU, thanks
to Romanian entrepreneurship, hospitality
and good education”, says Alexandra. Thanks
to the Erasmus programme, Alexandra will
continue her education in France next year.
J
elena is a young journalist and university student living in Montenegro. Whilst
it’s part of the EU’s goal for Montenegro to
become a member state, that will certainly
not happen in the next round of expansion.
“People in Montenegro tend to glorify the EU.
I think that life inside the EU is better than
outside. But, for example, the many languages
and the immense social diversity may hinder
understanding. From this perspective, the US
is in a better position” says Jelena. And what
does Montenegro hold for the EU? “Beautiful
landscapes, industrial potential and a strategic
military position”, she answers.
H
asan is a 22 year old Turkish guy, currently studying in Berlin thanks to an
Erasmus scholarship. “It would be of great
value to Turkey if it could join the EU. There
are a lot of things to develop in the fields of
law, education and equality. We can reorganise
our economy”, says Hasan. In response to my
question as to what the EU could gain from
Turkey’s accession, Hasan points to the young
workforce.
D
ear listeners, you’ve had a chance to
hear a lot of different viewpoints, and I
hope you have formed an opinion, or at least
had some questions answered, regarding the
European Union. And why not? Isn’t it entertaining to have such a lively little debate on
such a lovely Sunday afternoon?
78
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IRELAND
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Anna Patton
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Anna Patton
CV
Anna Patton is 26 years old and studied in Bristol, Dublin, London and Berlin. Her professional experience is very
much related to European Studies, Foreign Relations and
EU institutions. At the moment she is a Project Coordinator for the European Youth Media Days in Brussels and a
contributing journalist for “Café Babel”. She has professional writing and editing experience and is fluent in German and French. Anna also has a certificate in teaching
English as a foreign language from the Association of
Teacher Training in Dublin. She likes to travel and explore
new cultures and languages.
Summary: As perhaps the most divisive issue facing Europeans, it is not surprising
that the EU’s position on Turkey has been less than consistent. More surprising is
that since 2005, when accession talks were opened, so little progress has been made.
According to Ankara, EU reluctance is to blame; according to Brussels, Turkey is dragging its heels on reform. What lies behind this constant finger pointing and the demands for the other side to “prove itself”? Domestic upheavals, the Cyprus deadlock,
resistance from some EU member states, and the slow pace of reform of Turkey’s
government have all contributed. But there are also the closely linked factors of poor
communication, EU public opinion, and attitudes in Turkey towards the EU: as one
commentator puts it, “the eurosceptics in Turkey and the Turkey sceptics in the EU
feed on each other”. Research also shows that the Turks do not make enough effort
to communicate effectively with their EU counterparts. While I do not discount the
serious need to tackle Turkey’s human rights record, for instance, improving communication between Turkey and the EU – on the “people” level and on the institutional
level – could be the key to overcoming current stagnation.
Estimation of jury: “The blame game” analysed the possibility of Turkey’s accession
to the EU. This piece was factual, pertinent, well researched, and contained actual
quotations from relevant players and analysts in this most important of debates.
The journalist got to grips with the subject and a wide variety of perspectives, and
offered personal analysis on the issue, which stood up to scrutiny. Authoritative use
of statistics supported her arguments.
79
The blame game
“Let me be clear: the United States strongly
supports Turkey’s bid to become a member of
the European Union.” President Obama, visiting Ankara in April, could not have been clearer – unlike his European counterparts. Since
Obama’s speech, both German Chancellor
Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas
Sarkozy have spoken out in preference of a
privileged partnership with Turkey, rather
than full EU membership. French foreign
minister Bernard Kouchner, formerly a supporter, now opposes Turkey’s accession after
the fuss they made over appointing Danish
premier Anders Fogh Rasmussen as Nato
chief. Indignation in Turkey at this shifting of
goalposts then prompted hasty reassurances
from the European Commission of the EU’s
commitments to Turkey.
island’s division, which continues to block EUTurkey negotiations, is unlikely before the end
of 2010.
T
he most recent opposition to Turkish
membership has compounded the sense of
betrayal and confusion. Nor does the French
and German view fit in with what is supposed
to be a European peace project, says Sevinç.
“They are defining the EU as Christian. This
is unacceptable in today’s world”. Sabine
Freizer, a Turkey expert at the Brussels-based
International Crisis Group, also sees the French
and German statements as ‘extremely negative’
both for Turkey and for the EU, where they reinforce the view that Turkey “does not deserve
to become part of the EU”.
Shared responsibility
Dashed hopes
S
uch disagreement is hardly surprising – the
Turkey question is one of the most controversial and divisive facing the EU. Ankara
signed an association agreement back in
1963; four decades later, membership is only
expected in 2014 at the earliest. Official negotiations began in 2005. Kader Sevinç, the
Brussels representative of the Turkish opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), recalls
the optimism back then. “Everyone was hopeful. We felt the Cyprus problem would soon be
resolved.” Instead, 2005 marked the end of a
decade-long “golden age” of relations with the
EU. Turkey remains bitter about Cyprus being
granted EU membership, and a solution to the
O
f course, there are two sides to the story. “It is very clear that several key EU
member states are much less keen now than
in 2004”, says Freizer. The blocking of some
chapters – the different areas of negotiations
where reforms are needed – by some member
states has only added to Turkey’s disappointment. But, as Sevinç says, “the Turkish side
also has a responsibility to fulfil requirements.
Since 2005, we haven’t seen enough effort or
enough motivation.”
T
his stagnation is largely due to domestic
upheavals facing the governing Justice
and Development Party (AKP), says Freizer,
including an escalation of the conflict with
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Anna Patton
the terrorist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (the
PKK), and a fight to survive after coming
close to being banned for anti-secular activities. Speaking in Brussels in January, Prime
Minister Erdoğan admitted his party’s crisis
had delayed accession talks and had significantly knocked Turkish public support for
EU accession. The European Commission’s
progress report of 2008 found that the pace
of reform in Turkey was not matching EU expectations, nor were enough staff or resources
being allocated to the process. The promised
new constitution has also failed to materialise.
While 2009 seemed to suggest a new start –
Erdoğan’s Brussels visit was his first since 2004,
and in January the new post of chief negotiator
to the EU was created – EU officials today talk
despairingly of Turkey “dragging its heels” on
reform. To date, of the 35 chapters to be negotiated, only one has been successfully closed.
M
ore so than for any other candidate country, the Turkey process provokes finger
pointing and calls on each side for the other
to “prove themselves”. Speaking in Brussels
in May, Sevket Pamuk, Professor of Turkish
Studies at the London School of Economics,
said the EU should take the opportunity “to
show that it is not an inward-looking club that
adheres to a ‘clash of civilisations’ philosophy,
but one that sticks to the Copenhagen criteria”. An EU official retorted that it was up to
Turkey to prove the sceptics wrong – and to
stop blaming others.
When the people say no
T
he responsibility does not lie entirely with
politicians. Most European governments
are in favour of Turkey joining the EU – rather, it is their citizens who are not. A 2008
Eurobarometer survey found that only 31 % of
EU citizens were in favour of Turkey joining.
Aside from the value-based argument – Turkey
not being “European” enough – enlargement
fatigue is a major factor fuelling opposition to
Turkey, believes Freizer. Ongoing corruption
in Bulgaria, for instance, prompts the view that
future enlargement “should be done more carefully”. Public opinion is however closely linked
to the messages communicated from above.
The European right, says Binnaz Toprak, a professor from Bahcesehir University in Istanbul,
presents a “major obstacle” to Turkey, and not
just the extreme right. European Christian
democratic parties have made it clear that they
consider the EU a Christian union. In the runup to the European elections, the French centre
right UMP party is campaigning on a promise
to keep Turkey out of the EU.
W
eakened support within the EU for
Turkey damages the EU’s credibility
among Turkish citizens, argues Freizer, and
thus affects public support for EU membership. According to Eurobarometer polls, 61 %
of the Turkish public had a positive overall image of the EU in 2005. By autumn last year, this
figure had dropped to just 41 %. The popularity of the EU project began to decline in 2005
and, as Prof Pamuk put it, “the eurosceptics
in Turkey and the Turkey sceptics in the EU
have been feeding on each other ever since”. In
2008, 61 % of Turks said they were in favour of
joining the EU, compared to 71 % of Croats,
and a whopping 94 % of Macedonians.
Communicating Turkey
A
2008 “nation branding” study by AnholtGfK Roper, which measures the world’s
perception of a nation, ranked Turkey 36th out
of 50 countries, below both China and Russia.
Sevinç says her party opened a Brussels office
partly to address this poor international image. “The lack of a communication strategy is
the main issue – Turkey is currently not sufficiently able to explain its position on certain
issues”. Bilge Firat, an anthropologist who has
spent the past year studying Turkish-EU interaction in Brussels, agrees, and is surprised
that so far only the CHP has opened a Brussels
office. Turkey is not only unaware of how to
communicate effectively, she says, but also
fails to understand the need to make an effort
to convince. She attributes this to a Turkish
“equality complex”, perhaps even arrogance,
in its dealings with Brussels. Furthermore, she
says, though “Turkey is recognising more and
more the need to communicate, I’m not sure
they are clear on what message, or messages,
they are trying to communicate.”
T
urkey’s image is still seriously compromised by its human rights record and its
treatment of minorities. But there are opportunities to improve European perceptions in
other areas. Turkey’s increasing international
role – as an important player in Nato, and in
Middle East diplomacy – could help counteract negative perceptions, as could current
steps towards normalisation of relations with
Armenia. The impressive performance in re-
81
cent local elections of the CHP, a secular social democratic party, which places more emphasis on women’s rights, may also promote a
more balanced image of Turkey abroad. And
one should not forget Turkey’s role as a popular holiday destination: in January, the World
Tourism Organization revealed it was one of
the few countries to resist the global downturn
of tourism during 2008. Istanbul, increasingly
seen as a cosmopolitan – even “European” city,
has been named European Capital of Culture
for 2010.
S
weden, one of the most pro-Turkey member states, takes over the EU presidency in
July. But this may not be enough to kick-start
negotiations again. Firat’s research suggests
the divide runs deeper than many admit, and
this has made her question the sustainability
of Turkish integration in Europe. “There is almost a division between Turks and Europeans
when they negotiate. In terms of my practical
observation, I don’t see a common interest between the two sides.”
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Antonella Andriuolo
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Antonella Andriuolo
CV
Antonella Andriuolo is 22 years old and she has journalistic experience after working for television, radio and different newspapers since she was 18. She has been a reporter
for a local TV station in Rome, the city where she is undertaking a course in Communication and Italian Litterature
at Lumsa University. Antonella is a contributing journalist for many theatre and art websites; she also wrote the
introduction for the first exhibition of Italian and Turkish
artists in Kadiköy. Additionally, Antonella has written articles and pieces of criticism for specialised magazines. At
the moment she is a radio presenter, hosting a national
show for students and young people.
Summary: What are the premises of real European integration? How is the EU reacting to the global economic crisis? What are the study and work opportunities for
young Europeans? These questions are very important in order to define a tangible
idea of Europe, especially for younger generations. Therefore, the possible entry of
Turkey into the Union is an important issue to discuss. Ömer Engin as, Vice-President
of the Italian-Turkish Association, remembers that media has a large role to play in
encouraging dialogue supporting an informed debate. In particular this reportage
underlines the changes in Turkey over the last few years taking the country in the
same direction as the European Union and its Member State. The second part of the
radio report emphasises the aspect of the directives approved by the European Commission concerning the difficult economic situation. Francesco Giavazzi, Professor of
Bocconi University, talks about these policies and their effect on the population in
the context of European market. Finally, the result of the inquiry shows the necessity
to cultivate a European consciousness. The journalist suggests that this is feasible
thanks to pan-European mobility, like Erasmus, for example, or Leonardo da Vinci,
to understand different ways-of-life in foreign countries. The question is: do you feel
an European citizen or not? For there to be a healthy European Union there can only
be one answer from young people: yes.
Estimation of jury: The Italian jury, select the winner based on the national value of
information relating to the theme, originality of subject, style and journalistic quality of the writing, the ability to capture the attention of the reader and the effort
made in preparing the article.
83
The importance of being called…
European
Editing and direction: Chiara Falcone
W
hat are the requirements for a real integration? How is the EU facing the global economic crisis? What work and study opportunities are available to young Europeans?
The radio programme Zai.net produced by
Mandragola Editrice, tried to answer these
and other questions through the episode called
“The importance of being called… European”.
Ambitions, perspectives, opinions on the EU
seen through the eyes of a generation.
S
ignature tune, programme intro, initial
greetings, after having listened to the recorded contributions, which forecast the theme
of the episode, people in the studio (Priscilla
Caporro and Luca Polidori) and the gests who
will take part during the episode are introduced. The episode investigates three main
areas of interest: the potential accession of
Turkey to the Europe, the 10 th anniversary of
the single currency and the current economic
situation, the international programmes for
European students.
(Summary: Audio file on the path of Europe:
the history of the EU in its milestones, the voice
of Sonia Fiore.)
First interview: Doctor Ömer Engin, VicePresident of the Cultural Association of ItalianTurkish friendship, situation which has activated numerous co-operations with a number
of institutions and which acts under the aegis
of the Turkish Embassy in Italy and the Italian
Embassy in Turkey.
Questions of people in the studio on the process
of integration of Turkey in the EU, in particular the social and cultural changes of Turkey
over the past years and the reactions of a future accession in Europe, the attention towards
the new generations and the shaping of an
European conscience.
F
or years Turkey has been involved in the
process of integration with the European
Union and its community. How has Turkey
changed over the past years?
S
tarting from The Ankara Treaty, many steps
have been made. The European Union has
been the favourite aim of the Turkish people,
who have always looked at those who are our
fiends and neighbours. In this context, Turkey,
the only democratic country of Muslim religion, acts as a bridge but also as a vital and
dynamic dimension. Indeed, many Turkish
residents abroad work as entrepreneurs – a
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Antonella Andriuolo
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Antonella Andriuolo
big advantage for the European economy and
citizens.
Which would then be the consequences of the
possible accession of Turkey into Europe?
Turkey would give Europe a strong working
force and a significant possibility of integration of this population.
F
urthermore, the diversity of Turkey could
make Europe as the third most important
pillar in Europe, beside the Atlantic and the
Asian ones, thus enlarging the borders bringing peace with those countries at risk, with
whom Turkey has developed good relations.
How does the Turkish population perceive
Europe?
F
rom the Turkish point of view, Europe is
a reachable destination, with a historic
culture known since the Ottoman Empire.
Turkish people respect Europe.
I
stanbul is a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural
town, extremely dynamic and at the forefront of many sectors, which has managed to
establish itself as critical point of exchange
and comparison. What is the real situation in
the rural areas of the country?
I
believe that, step by step, the difference between the large urban centres and the rural
areas of the country is increasingly narrowing
down thanks to the Copenhagen criteria, the
political decisions taken by the government
in relation to the relationships among ethnic
communities, and the path undertaken by
Turkey, as foreseen by the negotiations with
the EU. I believe some steps are being taken
fostering the spreading of men and women
rights outside the metropolitan areas.
W
e know that the Turkish population
is very young and that Turkey has always invested in the young generation. Does
this foster the development of an European
awareness?
I
t is clear that, as a Mediterranean country, we
bring our tradition with us. Today, thanks
to the projects promoted by the EU such as
the Erasmus or Leonardo programmes, young
people have the opportunity to interact with
each other. Turkish people are tolerant but
they also need support when getting know and
accepting others. I see a new conscience slowly
emerging in the population – a self-discipline
and self-adaptation. I realise that should the
Turkish people join Europe, including those
living in the rural areas, they would have the
chance to work for a concrete unity and not for
themselves only. This makes me feel happy.
Second interview: Intervention of Prof.
Francesco Giavazzi, economist and professor at
the Bocconi University of Milan.
85
T
his year marks the 10 th anniversary of the
Euro; has the single currency facilitated
the integration process of the Community or
has it produced negative reactions threatening
such process?
T
T
M
he single currency has, without doubt,
facilitated the integration process in two
ways: first of all, because I believe that the usage of a single currency make citizens feel part
of a common borderless world and secondly,
from an institutional point of view, because of
the strong attention from the ECB, which controls the interest rates for Europe. The adoption of the euro generated variation in prices,
which made citizens come to some wrong conclusions. This, though, is not due to the euro
but the fact that in many parts of Europe there
is too little competition, which allowes those
who fix the prices to take advantage of this
situation.
Beyond such controversies, has the Italian
economy benefited from the adoption of the
Euro?
W
e should just think of which consequences the crisis would have brought
if we had had the lira. We would have spent
months behind a debased lira, with increasing
interest rates, We had many difficulties but we
have at least avoided them.
Speaking about crisis: is there crisis in Europe
or is Europe in crisis?
he crisis began in the financial sphere
and then affected the real economy. Now,
in the US, the financial crisis begins to ease,
while the economic crisis is only now visible
and will probably last longer.
oving to another topic, maybe only partially. This year marks the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the accession to Europe of countries belonging to the
ex-Soviet bloc. From the point of view of the
economic model which had been adopted…
T
hese countries have adapted very quickly
to the market economy. Maybe the mistake consisted in making the “market” but not
in the regulation. Most likely, this happens
naturally in countries which have been kept
away from the market for years and that, when
they are back in, they need longer to learn
again how the market economy works.
Finally, how do you think the position of he
EU could evolve at a global economic level?
T
his depends on the wealth of the countries. In history, the strongest countries
have always been the most powerful. To be
economically strong, a country must grow.
The reason why Europe has stepped back in
comparison the USA, but also to China, is
because its economy hasn’t been growing for
10 years. This does not mean we are poor, but
that distance with the US has only increased
the power gap in the world.
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Antonella Andriuolo
(Music break)
Summary: second audio file dedicated to international exchange programmes (Erasmus,
Leonardo), thanks to which thousands of students can spend study periods, at legally recognised foreign universities within the European
Union.
Third interview: Interview with Davide Faraldi,
author of the book “Erasmus Generation”, published by Aliberti Editor. Story of a generation,
which has discovered a big ideal in Europe.
Questions from the people in the studio on the
Erasmus programme, the possibilities to learn
a new language, and to the opportunity to
have an experience, which put people in contact with different cultures and highlights the
importance, and the need, to broaden one’s
own horizons.
Can you tell us of your Erasmus experience?
I
came in contact with the Erasmus programme in a excpetional way because I was
already studying abroad. At the beginning I
wanted to avoid it, then, after a month, I made
this choice – the best of my life.
Which have been the best and the worse aspects of this experience?
The worse aspect is that the Erasmus is a fabulous experience and when it finishes, it is very
sad! The post-Erasmus syndrome is true and
so is the sores aspect. After a while, though
it gets better because you become mature and
you understand that, also in different places,
strong relationships can last. Difficulties can
be overcome together.
Why do you advice people to take part in the
Erasmus programme?
I
would advice people to take part in the
Erasmus programme, because, beside the
academic benefits, this experience is very important for personal growth. It allows people
to develop a European mindset and to learn
more about themselves.
The Erasmus changes you. How has your experience changed the plans for your future
when you go back to Italy?
Y
es, I saw people in Erasmus changing
their projects as well, due to the fact that
they found out more about themselves and understood much better who they were and who
they wanted to be.
What would you advice to a person who is
leaving for the Erasmus programme?
I
suggest not to look at it as a holiday or a party, as it is nothing like this. There are difficult moments in this trip. The key element
is that difficulties are overcome thanks to the
group and friends known along the way.
D
avide, you wrote the book – “Erasmus
Generation.” What are the characteristics
of this generation of young people who study
abroad for a shorter or longer period like you
did?
I
was inspired by an article published in La
Repubblica in 2001, which was written for
the Erasmus generation. With this I mean all
those who, because of study or work reasons,
have left Italy, have learnt new languages and
have had the chance to me in any European
place, talking to foreign people, speaking
other languages and who have developed a
European mentality. I used the sub-title “and
now, what are you gonna do” for two reasons:
On one hand I wanted to stimulate young people to have a similar experience, on the other
hand I wanted to increase awareness among
the public, which shows young people only as
materialist and valueless persons, who only
think about having fun. Obviously, this causes troubles when one approaches the topic of
work experiences.
Testimonial of Martina, enrolled in the
University Roma Three, after returning from
the Erasmus exchange in Belgium.
Recorded contribution on the European elections; what young people really think? Do
they vote? Do they recognise themselves in
the European values and do they participate
in their evolution? A survey among young
electors.
87
Last considerations; notes on the tackled topic.
Final greetings and music closing; launch of
new surveys on www.zai.net on European thematic and initiatives aimed at increasing a
broader debate on the EU, as the one proposed
by the Austrian Forum of Culture of Roma on
http://nuoveauropa.eu, to define the meaning
of the European Community. Thanks to the
report and to the direction of Chiara Falcone.
Closing music of the programme.
88
¡
KOSOVO (UNDER UNSCR 1244)
¡
KOSOVO (UNDER UNSCR 1244)
¡
Artan Mustafa
¡
Artan Mustafa
CV
Artan Mustafa is 24 years old and currently living in Pristina. Although young, Artan has already gained a lot of
professional experience being one of the founders and
editors of the newspaper “Express”. He is also a part-time
Kosovo correspondent for the Spanish News Agency EFE
and for Albanian National TV. The Association of Kosovan
Professional Journalists named Artan “Best Journalist of
the Year 2007”, and rated one of his features “Best TV feature of the Year 2006”.
Summary: The article deals with the “demons” that govern the world of our time,
especially in Kosovo. The author refers to “demons” in relation to corrupt politicians
and a government whose aims consist of the fulfillment of their need for power.
Since 1999, Kosovo has been lead by different groups which govern more for their
aims than those of the public and have proved more powerful than the US Embassy,
UK Embassy and EU Representative Offices within the country. Today, illegal agreements in oil markets, low education rates and a sub-standard health system that
supports an illegal medicine trade are seemingly ignored by the ruling parties within
parliament. The writer questions the possibility that a country like Kosovo is able, or
will be able in the near future, to join the EU due to a lack of development and the
instability of their political system.
Estimation of jury: The jury selected Artan Mustafa’s article, as it was more developed than his competitors. Artan gives a concise overview of the different political
and social issues in Kosovo, painting them as negative factors for Kosovo in the
process of European integrations. His article is consistent throughout and achieves
its objectives with aplomb.
89
Golden years of the demons
The illegal medicine market is more profitable then even drugs. Oil quality and prices
are its serious competition. Nothing can stop
the big bosses of the illegal construction in
the capital, except some natural catastrophe.
It was a golden age of co-governing with the
demons.
T
he Israeli lobby, or perhaps the illegal arms
trade, what demons govern the world of
our time? It might be just a beautiful and popular theory, an adventure of conspiracy, heard
often around the globe. It is valid, though, for
this small kosovar world of ours.
S
ince 1999, Kosovo has been governed
more than by any other authority, through
a number of groups of interest, business,
crime – whatever they should be named – which,
using the legal and political spaces created for
them by politicians, have stolen and laundered
so much that today in the anniversary year of
independence, they are a whole aristocracy.
Y
es, every other interest was subordinated
to independence, the education rate was
low and the UN Mission in Kosovo, with its
choice, had little authority on the ground.
N
or do we have to be pessimistic while
preparing for the 17 February celebrations, the Independence Declaration day, which
brings the historic opportunity for self-governance and so, hopefully, also the chances
that democracy offers.
B
ut, in order for this date to become a
turning point for our development, for
the idealism to have as its aim the beginning
of democratisation, we have to compress our
punches to fight and try pulling down those
demons.
T
hose groups are a threat to the stability and the chances of development of
our democracy. They are often more powerful than the US Embassy, UK Embassy or EU
Representative Office, to facilitate or influence
a decision signed by the Kosovo leadership. It
doesn’t relate to every important politician, but
the theorem is valid for most decision-making
within the political elite.
Our battle should start with the Parliament.
I
n its list of candidates for the last parliamentary election held in November 2007,
the Kosovo Democratic Party (the party of the
current Prime Minister) had one of the biggest bosses in Kosovo oil market. How could
we not know that, today when the oil prices
everywhere in the world go down, here they
remain the same and highly expensive – that
the phenomenon is not created by the ruling party? How can we avoid supposing that
there is no cash agreement between the oil
controlling groups when 100 barges appear to
be stopped at the border, since it is found that
they have lesser quality oil than that requested
by law, and they are again allowed to enter the
territory?
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KOSOVO (UNDER UNSCR 1244)
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Artan Mustafa
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Artan Mustafa
T
he major rival of this parliamentary candidate in the oil market was always one
of the biggest sponsors of the Alliance for the
Future of Kosovo, the opposition party. And
while both parties know what happens in the
market and do not tell the truth, why should
we think that their usual angry public statements are for the public good and democracy?
I
llegal construction is more noticeable than
every other city in Prishtina, our capital,
which would, God willing, hopefully survive
a natural catastrophe. The illegal construction
machine has been linked with the Democratic
League of Kosovo, the other ruling party, and
used its officials to make their power possible,
or at least not to challenge them. Have you also
heard that one AAK opposition Parliament
Member sells apartments which he built using
the former Government infrastructure? It may
happen that he himself answers the questions
of interested consumers.
O
ur health system is a republic of organised crime in itself. For example, 60 %
of the medicine drugs in Kosovo are illegal.
Having problems understanding the point?
Well, this is how they avoid taxes and criteria.
There are maximum benefits. They wouldn’t
have this legroom if the politicians had the will
to employ some rule of law prior to choosing
to be themselves part of these massive earnings. According to the latest crime statistics,
the illegal medicine market is considered to be
more beneficial than drugs.
W
ell, as the privatisation of the public
companies is to start for the first time
with Kosovar leadership, there is rational fear
that the politics will have its word. It happened
during the UN administration, when all these
three main parties were involved.
T
hese are only a few cases. Of course, in the
world, business and politics interference is
common; it is part of the every-day fight of humanity. In Kosovo, it is bizarre. For the massive fortunes of a few people, hundred medical
test persons are misused and have collateral
consequences. For the same aims, a city like
Prishtina is becoming ugly and maybe will not
have a chance to recover for 50 years.
W
hat should have been a public good,
is turning to the good of a few small
groups. If we’re interested in starting the
gradual transformation of Kosovo into a democratic society, the fight against corruption
and organised crime is the key. It would have
stimulated reforms within political parties;
education would become a priority, whereas
the economy would be based more on competition and innovation.
I
n many democracies, it is typical for the
politicians to be part of the middle-class.
Here, the list of rich people is topped by politicians. Nobody can make a huge business without entering deals with them. The politicians,
in their side of exchange, are ready to make
laws and produce decisions that comply with
these groups’ interests.
I
n contrast, they never invested and supported the reforms of the legal system; it is
the weakest in Europe. Excuse me, but how
are you going to join the EU with naive education rates, with this poor legal system status
and with the goal of a free market being only
a dream?
F
or the case to harden, even the majority
of the so called “civil society” is involved
in this organised crime network. Usually, the
same people got the money that entered the
country for developing; the same people rehabilitated the deals between the politicians
and those demons of organised crime. Don’t
get me wrong, how many debates were opened
here which didn’t deal with the political status
of Kosovo?
S
o deep is the problem that Kosovo may face
some harsh political depression, in absence
of the alternatives to the current Government,
its control and where, for now our common
wonder, “civil society” is often super-nationalist, without credibility, without impact.
I
f we want the Declaration of the Independence
to be a platform of our development, which
was the aspiration of the majority of communities for decades, the coming years should be
identified as the period of fighting organised
crime. Things should appear. The good things
can sometimes be painful…
L
et’s remember, more than the United
Nations or any other institution, these
years, Kosovo has been co-governed between
those demons leaders of organised crime and
the politicians elected by the people.
T
o consolidate freedom, we have to change
their way of governing, the reality. Only
then will we be able to understand better the
democracy, the human rights and to employ
them for the public good. We don’t have to miss
our top-place in the optimism polls. I would
like us to be identified as “harsh realists”.
91
92
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LATVIA
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LATVIA
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Jānis Vēvers
¡
Jānis Vēvers
CV
Jānis Vēvers is 32 years old and currently lives in Riga. He
holds a Master’s degree in Communications Science and
has been working for the Latvian newspaper Diena for the
last 10 years, switching between the foreign news department, the business news department and the science and
technology department. Besides his native tongue Latvian, he is also fluent in Russian, German and English. Jānis
is interested in travelling, history and sports.
Summary: The journalist Jānis Vēvers in his article describes general doubts about
joining the EU, which public authorities and euro-sceptics had five years ago, before
the public referendum on joining the EU. Mostly, the article analyses the economic
situation in the country during these five years after accession to the Union. The author assesses the reasons of the current economic situation and concludes that we
can not blame the EU for price increase, which Latvia has experienced during the last
years. Latvian citizens’ emigration to other EU countries is also analysed in the article, for example Ireland. The author criticises the negative stance of Latvia against
migrant workers who they are rejecting by attempting to discern their benefits to
Latvia. The topic of agriculture is being analysed as well. The journalist points out
that the number of small farmhouses has decreased while the number of large farms
has grown significantly. In spite of that, overall crop yield has increased. He sharply
analyses and criticises the hysteria of people related to the expected influx of refugees
in Latvia. According to the opinion of the jury members, the best part of the article
is the rebuttal of myths about being in the EU, which appeared in the media before
joining the Union, – this information is presented at the very end of the article.
Estimation of jury:
Estimation of jury: The article “Five years after ‘yes’ to the European Union” was
published in the largest national newspaper “Diena”, and is relevant to one of the
competition topics “Five years after: the impact of the accession to the EU of the ten
member states that joined in 2004”. It analyses the Latvian situation. This article
shows the effects of accession, mainly of negative selection, but still true. According to the opinion of the jury members, the best part of the article is the rebuttal of
myths about being in the EU, which appeared in the media before joining the Union.
This information is presented at the end of the article. The article in total is very appealing to readers and definitely a very good piece of journalism.
93
Five years after “yes”
to the European Union
F
ive years ago, when many experts presented their arguments for or against joining
the European Union (EU) prior to the referendum, they could not imagine what effect
joining the ranks of the developed countries
would have on the Latvian economy. At least
this is the impression one gets from comparing the myths propagated at the time with today’s reality.
O
ne of the unpleasant surprises for many
of Latvia’s inhabitants was the sharp increase in prices. Before the referendum (on
20 September 2003, 66.99 % of citizens voted
in favour of joining the EU), most experts argued that as purchasing power gradually increased, price increases would be moderate.
The only anticipated significant increase was
for the price of cigarettes, which was expected
to quadruple by 2010 due to higher excise duty.
Experts forecast only moderate price increases
for petrol, pharmaceuticals, utility services
and food. “Overall, there will not be any great
price f luctuations. I would even argue that
joining the EU will stabilise prices, because after Latvia joins the European Monetary Union
it will have to fulfil the Maastricht criteria.
One criterion is that inflation must not exceed
certain limits”, said Helmuts Ancāns, then
Chairman of the Board of the Bank of Latvia,
in an interview with the newspaper Diena in
August 2002.
Unexpectedly large
M
ore than one expert has been surprised
by the events of the subsequent five
years. Economist Uldis Osis, admits that earlier he couldn’t have imagined a scenario with
17 % inflation. “The main factor driving the
rapid price rises was the massive influx of foreign money. It was readily available and this
triggered a lending boom. International rating
agencies raised Latvia’s credit rating and encouraged investment here. On the one hand,
this recognition was welcome. Investments
boosted trade, wages rose and property prices
increased. But on the other hand, it turned out
that there was too much money and a bubble
was created”, is how the economist explains
the developments.
H
owever, he stresses that the EU cannot
carry all of the blame for the negative effects. “A second factor was rising energy prices. Five years ago, no one in the world could
forecast that a barrel of oil would cost over
100 $, but recently the price was 147 $ per barrel. This made production and heating costlier
and pushed prices up”, says Osis.
I
ngūna Gulbe, Head of the Agricultural
Market Support Centre, does not agree that
five years ago there was no reason to believe
that the cost of living would rise. “I said back
94
¡
LATVIA
¡
LATVIA
¡
Jānis Vēvers
¡
Jānis Vēvers
then that price rises would be harsh, because
food in Latvia was too cheap. I don’t recall
what figure I mentioned, but it was the highest, perhaps 20 % per year. That turned out to
be too low”, she said.
H
owever, Gulbe also said that unexpected
circumstances had made a big impact: “In
the first few years after EU accession, price rises
really were gradual. They gained pace last year
in connection with global events rather than
due to the EU. Even if we had not have been EU
members, food would still have become dearer
because this happened everywhere.”
Leaving the provinces
O
O
sis says that the lack of concern shown by
the government towards the labour issue
was due to reluctance in the old member states
to bring in workers from abroad. “At the time
nobody thought that jobs abroad would be so
readily available”, he recalls. He adds that initially even in the UK there were doubts about
whether firms would want to hire Eastern
Europeans, but later this country became one
of the most open markets.
appreciating the benefits they could bring.
If we have jobs that no one wants to do and
across the border there are people willing to
do them, why don’t we let them in for a period
of our own choosing to fill positions that we
want to offer them?” she asks. Relatively low
wages and a poor infrastructure are also factors dissuading guest workers from coming to
Latvia. “Why would a Ukrainian worker come
to Latvia, when he can go to Germany?”
Guest workers not accepted
Millions are coming
E
A
gle believes that there is still a possibility
that the younger generation of workers
will leave because they see better opportunities in Western Europe: “They have gained the
opportunities for which they voted in the referendum. But the state and private enterprises
have not been winners.”
ne of the biggest surprises of the early
years of membership was the massive
outflow of labour, say the experts. “No one
thought much about the outflow of labour
back then. There were concerns about qualified workers, but Riga developed, people had
jobs and higher wages and so there was no reason to leave. On the other hand, the provinces
stagnated and are still in stagnation. People
didn’t have jobs and so they left”, says Osis.
S
“Before the referendum the Latvian government certainly didn’t anticipate that workers
would leave Latvia, but such forecasts were
made in the old member states. For example, in Ireland the first wave of expansion
was hailed as a solution to the labour shortage. Based on that, it seems that they were
the biggest beneficiaries of expansion”, says
Elīna Egle, General Director of the Latvian
Employers Confederation, who agrees that
Latvia was more concerned about losing qualified workers.
A
he thinks that the promises about the free
movement of goods and labour have only
been partially fulfilled. “If the state had ensured that entrepreneurs had the same conditions as workers, they would have been better
able to retain workers and remain competitive
in the labour market. Unfortunately, no-one
in the EU welcomed our producers with open
arms. It can be concluded that for employees
the free movement of labour is not a myth, but
for entrepreneurs it is”, says Egle.
lthough over 100,000 people of working age have left Latvia during this period, worries about an influx of guest workers
have not been realised. Egle believes that this
is due to Latvia not being a friendly country
for newcomers: “We shout populist slogans
about keeping out guest workers rather than
nother key argument put forward by the
euro-optimists related to non-repayable
funding from the EU. It was promised at the
time that half a billion euros would be received from EU structural funds in the first
three years after accession. The office of the
Special Assignments Minister for EU Funds
Management, states that Latvia managed to
receive almost 440 million lats from the structural funds in the seven-year cycle which ended
in 2006. However, it is too early to judge how
well this money was spent. Romāns Naudiņš,
Parliamentary Secretary for this institution,
told the media in early September that the effects on the economy would become apparent
in four to seven years.
95
Have certain myths about Latvian EU
membership turned out to be true?
Fewer farmers and more big farms
F
ears that the European Union would wipe
out subsistence farms have come true.
According to Ministry of Agriculture data
from 2003 to 2007, the number of economically active farms declined by 13.7 %, from
131,414 to 113,382. Meanwhile, the proportion
of large farms (greater than 50 ha) has risen
substantially. Their number rose by 35 % from
2003 to 2007, while during the same period the
number of small farms (under 5 ha) declined
by 29 %. In 2003 Latvia had 68,099 small and
3,761 large farms, while in 2007 the figures
were 48,229 and 5,080 respectively. However,
production has significantly increased despite
the smaller number of farms. For example, the
total cereal harvest increased from 0.93 million tons in 2003 to 1.53 million tons in 2007.
Bent cucumbers not banned
T
here were concerns that after EU accession, smoked fish and ham would no
longer be allowed to be sold by the roadside in
Latvia and that bent cucumbers, hand-picked
strawberries and non-standard tomatoes would
be banned. This has not happened. Home producers are allowed to prepare and sell smoked
fish and ham as long as they are registered
with the Food and Veterinary Service (FVS) as
a member of the food distribution system, and
hygiene standards such as protection against
contamination are observed at points of sale.
96
¡
LATVIA
¡
LITHUANIA
¡
Jānis Vēvers
¡
Liuminata Mickute
N
on-standard vegetables may be sold
as long as they are sorted and graded.
Roadside selling does require a local government permit and the point of sale must be registered with the FVS.
Refugee status for 15 persons
H
ysterical fears that Latvia would be
swamped by asylum seekers from developing countries in the first years of EU membership proved to be unjustified. Five asylum
seekers were registered in Latvia in 2003, seven
in 2004 (including four before Latvia officially joined the EU), 20 in 2005, eight in 2006,
34 in 2007, and 20 up to 16 September 2008.
In total, 223 persons have requested asylum
in Latvia since 1998, including 85 since the
date of accession. Only 15 persons have been
granted refugee status in accordance with the
Geneva Convention, of whom one Egyptian
has become naturalised and acquired Latvian
citizenship. A further 21 persons have been
granted an alternative status, according to
data from the Department of Citizenship and
Migration.
Scrap metal imported for processing
A
ccording to the State Environment Service
(SES) official responsible for trans-border
shipments of hazardous waste, allegations that
Latvia has become the EU’s dumping ground
for toxic waste is a myth that is not supported
by facts. It is true that hazardous waste can be
brought into Latvia for processing after receiving a permit from the SES Greater Riga Region
Environmental Board. “Regarding hazardous waste, Latvia imports luminescent lamps
containing mercury from Lithuania, which
undergo processing at a demercurisation centre in Liepaja”, says Māra Sīle, Chief Chemist
at the Board’s Permits Department. However,
she adds that these types of lamps are not as
hazardous as solvents, for example. Latvia also
imports scrap metal for processing.
97
CV
Liuminata Mickute is 24 years old and lives in Vilnius. She
studies communication and information at Vilnius University. After doing having worked as a freelance for some
time, she now works for the biggest media company in the
Baltic states “Lietuvos Rytas”, since 2007. There she writes
cover stories and other articles for the weekly style and
fashion journal “Stilius”. Beside her native tongue Lithuanian, Liuminata has also good knowledge of English,
German and Russian. Her personal interests are reading
books, attending cultural events and doing sport.
Summary: Two presidents, three parliament casts, four governments. Many different
powers ruled Lithuania in the last five years. We can add economic indicators and
get a pyramid of nicely formatted numbers. But are the numbers in this amplitude
most important? The European Parliament president who recently visited Lithuania
said: “First of all, the European Union is a value union.” So maybe we should discuss
about our values, not economic indicators? But even in values there are numbers.
90. This is the percentage of Lithuanians who voted for becoming Europeans. It was
five years ago and I can’t remember when we were so close… Despite the Baltic
Way. So maybe the EU was the same coil, which merged us back together again. If
we looked back, we could see that after 2.5 years in EU, 60.9 per cent of Lithuanians
saw themselves as only Lithuanians. About 32.5 per cent felt Lithuanian and European. Today I am sure the numbers would be different. I am sure, because I can see
how Lithuanians live, what they watch on TV, what they eat and wear, where they
travel, how they spend their leisure time. So I can bravely say: yes, we are Europeans – even if we don’t recognise it. The Lithuanian parliamentarian Arunas Valinskas said: “Today we are not three millions, today we are 500 millions. 500 millions
watching the same TV show, reading the same journals (in different languages), eat
the same ‘Cornflakes’, drink ‘Lipton’ tea, wear ‘Zara’ or ‘Mango’ clothes, having holidays in Turkey or Egypt…”
Estimation of jury: In the estimation of the jury, this article has a person that narrates in a way that is exceptional to all other articles. Also the tone and the style of
discussion was playful and the whole article seems unpretentious, ironic and multiple. The author seems to be able to look at the discussion object from different sides.
What the jury also mentioned is that the article seemingly does not have an ending.
98
¡
LITHUANIA
¡
LITHUANIA
¡
Liuminata Mickute
¡
Liuminata Mickute
Five years in the union of values
T
wo presidents, three terms of office of
Seimas members, four governments – this
is how often the authorities in Lithuania have
changed in the last five years. Add to that
economic indicators, and we get a pyramid
of nicely stratified numbers. Stratified as the
commendable indicators compensate those
that are not so great, and for euro-optimists
like us, those that are not so great always have
a silver lining. For example, in the last five
years, one-fifth of the labour force emigrated,
which is precisely why unemployment fell,
salaries grew rapidly, and there was a rise in
the standard of living. Everything is neatly intertwined and fits into the same period of five
years in the European Union. But are figures
the most important thing here?
T
he President of the European Parliament,
who recently visited Lithuania, emphasised that the European Union is first and
foremost a union of values. Thus, instead of
analysing figures describing the economy,
perhaps we should check the contents of this
treasure chest.
H
owever, here there are one or two figures
to look at first. For example, when we
consider the issue of unity, which is one of the
greatest values of the nation. It is, of course,
difficult to put it on the same scale as the economy, but 90 % is a telling figure. That is the
number of Lithuanian citizens who voted in
favour of Lithuania joining the EU when they
participated in the referendum five years ago.
I cannot remember a time when we were more
united. Of course, there was the Baltic Chain,
the anniversary of which we also celebrate this
year. Only the conditions were different. Back
then we wanted to be free, whereas five years
ago we wanted to unite. Thus, one could perhaps maintain that the EU was the cord that
bound us together again.
M
aybe. Maybe it was the rope we grabbed
to climb out of the pit. We all climbed
in unity, trying to reach the land code-named
Europe. Like Alice in Wonderland, standing
in the land of our dreams, we had to become
Europeans.
I
f we were to divide the road we have travelled in half, and look back to see how we
felt, we would see that there has been no miracle. More than two years after Lithuania joined
the EU, the majority of residents still did not
consider themselves to be Europeans. Almost
two-thirds (60.9 %) of the urban population
said that they still only considered themselves
Lithuanian and about one-third (32.5 %) felt
both Lithuanian and European.
I
have no doubt that today the figures are different. I believe that in any country, be it a
wonderland or an earthly country, we need to
acclimatise. For some, five years may seem like
a drop in the ocean, but considering how the
average Lithuanian lives today, what he watches on TV, what he eats, what he wears, where
he travels and what he does in his spare time,
then I can say quite boldly that yes, we are
Europeans, even if we do not say it out loud.
T
hus, as the Speaker of the Seimas, Arūnas
Valinskas, underlined in one of his speeches, maybe today we are not three million, but
five hundred million. Five hundred million
watching the same “1 vs. 100” show, reading
the same Cosmopolitan or Playboy, just in different languages, eating the same cornflakes,
drinking the same Lipton tea, wearing “Zara”
or “Mango” clothes, spending our holidays in
Turkey or Egypt, heading for our home in the
country on weekends or walking in the city
park.
99
100
¡
LUXEMBOURG
¡
LUXEMBOURG
¡
Jakub Adamowicz
¡
Jakub Adamowicz
CV
Jakub Adamowicz was born in 1978 and currently works
as an editor and analyst for EU Affairs and International
Politics for the daily newspaper Luxemburger Wort. Before that, the 30-year-old was an editor for International
Affairs for the daily newspaper Tageblatt in Luxembourg.
101
Expansion: a proven instrument
of peace
I
n 2009 the EU is celebrating a double anniversary: 20 years since the fall of the Berlin
Wall and five years since the great expansion
to the East.
Summary: Enlargement is a political instrument that the EU has used wisely over
the last 20 years. It was all but taken for granted that the Central and Eastern European societies would successfully manage their liberation without bloodshed and
at the same time promptly set up stable market economies in the aftermath of the
fall of the Berlin Wall. Also, in 1989, it seemed visionary that those Western European
countries of the then EC were soon to really introduce their monetary sovereignty
and in parallel abolish border controls between countries. Both processes – deepening in the West and its condensed adaptation by the Easterners – could only succeed
because they supported each other. Brave political decisions (without the voluntarism of Helmut Kohl, the euro would not have gone ahead) were one pre-condition
for the dream of a peacefully united Europe becoming reality. The dynamic transformations in Central and Eastern Europe were driven by the perspective of imminent EU accession. The designers of the post 1989 transformations had no textbook
that could have advised on how to promptly get from inefficient central planning
and political totalitarianism to market economy and parliamentary democracy. The
successful enlargement enables the contemporary EU to play a leading role in the
reshaping of the global financial system.
F
Estimation of jury: The winning article by Jakub Adamowicz convinced the jury due
to its journalistic quality and its high standard with regards to style and content.
P
ive years after the great expansion of the
EU to the East, the first review is positive.
The project has benefited both old and new EU
nations economically, politically and culturally. Today’s EU is playing in a different league
of world politics than it did even in 2004, and
Luxembourg is one of the beneficiaries.
T
here have been surprising developments
within the success story of the EU’s
Eastern enlargement. For many years, Slovakia
was a problem case; Bratislava had trouble
implementing reforms after the dissolution
of Czechoslovakia in 1993. Prime Minister
Vladimir Meciar isolated the republic with his
autocratic policies, and the economy lagged
far behind that of neighbouring Hungary and
the Czech Republic until the mid-1990s.
rogress in Hungary appeared much more
promising: even before the collapse of the
Soviet Union, the “Goulash Communism”
practised in Budapest prepared the Magyars
for the transition to a market economy, and
their standard of living was among the highest in the former Eastern Bloc. In April 1994
Hungary applied for EU accession.
The Schengen Area, the euro and the EU climate package
F
ifteen years later, Slovakia is the only descendant of the dissolved Warsaw Pact
nations to belong to the euro zone. Hungary,
meanwhile, was only able to escape national
bankruptcy, which would otherwise have been
inevitable as a result of the global financial
crisis, thanks to billions of euros in aid from
other EU nations.
W
ithin a short period, significant differences between the new EU member nations have emerged whilst the Adriatic republic
of Slovenia has opened its economy to the older
EU nations of Greece and Portugal and makes
use of all the EU integration tools (including
monetary union and the Prüm Convention on
the sharing of criminal data), other generally
economically successful countries are having
a difficult time transferring their only recently
regained sovereignty to the EU level; Poland
and the Czech Republic have not yet ratified
the EU reform treaty. “We paid a high price
before expansion. The EU also limits the nations’ scope for action”, said the current chairman of the EU council, Czech Premier Mirek
Topolanek, in Prague on Monday.
102
¡
LUXEMBOURG
¡
LUXEMBOURG
¡
Jakub Adamowicz
¡
Jakub Adamowicz
Bolkestein, a Polish plumber, and Ryanair
A
s with the earlier southern expansion of
the EC to Portugal and Spain in 1986,
before the eastern expansion of the EU there
were strong fears in the existing EU nations
of a massive wave of migration of Eastern
European workers. In the months following
1 May 2004, over a million EU citizens, predominantly from Poland and Lithuania, took
up employment in the United Kingdom and
Ireland. This meant that they made a substantial contribution to economic growth in the
British Isles. It is no coincidence that Eastern
and Central European migrant workers chose
to work in English-speaking countries with
flexible labour markets. The needed mobility was made possible by the liberalisation of
civilian air transport within the EU. Thanks
to low-cost airlines which were able to create a
European-wide transport network within the
space of a few years, it has become easier for
job seekers from poorer EU nations to get to
more prosperous EU regions which are in need
of workers. Greater mobility has also been a
welcome side effect of the development of the
Single European Market for citizens of older
EU nations.
EU Parliament fulfils its roles
F
ears of excessive migration have generally
not been realised. With the exception of
Germany and Austria, all existing EU nations
have opened their labour markets to citizens
of the 2004 expansion countries. It remains to
be seen, however, how the social situation in
the United Kingdom and Ireland will develop
against the backdrop of the economic crisis.
T
he eastward expansion went hand-in-hand
with the consolidation of the EU. With the
extension of the co-decision procedure in the
treaties of Amsterdam and Nice, the European
Parliament has gained significant legislative
competencies. By reforming the services directive drawn up by Frits Bolkestein, the former
Internal Market Commissioner, as well as by
approving the climate package in its first reading, the EU Parliament has done justice to its
complex role of negotiating compromises between the 27 EU nations, the Commission and
public opinion.
The convergence process cannot be taken for
granted
T
he Mediterranean Union launched by the
French EU presidency in the summer of
2008 has shown only a few months after the
official launching ceremony that it cannot in
practice meet institutional requirements.
T
here are several reasons why the integration of Central and Eastern European
countries in such an advanced union of nations as the EU has worked as successfully as
it has. The EU Commission was able to cast
the economic and political accession criteria
in an individually moulded catalogue of measures for each of the accession states. Acceding
nations were willing and able to carry out
radical reforms. The current problems with
corruption in Bulgaria and Romania, however,
show that the processes of reform are far from
complete. After they have been accepted into
the club, it has become significantly more difficult for Brussels to enforce further assimilation measures.
T
hanks to its successful eastern expansion,
the EU has gained influence in world
politics. The 27 have taken the lead particularly with regard to climate and energy policy.
However, this is no time to sit back; against
the backdrop of the economic crisis, it is vital to maintain the level of integration already
achieved for it is still extremely fragile.
103
ian states could quickly implement democracy
and free markets. By successfully navigating
the Eastern enlargement, the EU is now capable of decisively shaping the new structure of
the world financial system. Now the 27-member EU can prove how far-sighted the decisions
made after 1989 really were.
Commentary: Foresight
The EU plans to keep expanding in the
future
T
L
he enlargement process is a political
macro tool with which the European
Union has achieved great success over the
past 20 years. When the Berlin Wall fell on
9 November 1989, it was not inevitable that
the Warsaw Pact nations would be liberated,
largely without bloodshed, from the totalitarianism that had been forced upon them
and that they would simultaneously build up
an economically stable system within a short
period of time. It was equally unforeseeable
that the Western European countries, then
united in the European Community (EC),
would actually introduce a common currency
and dispense with border controls between
themselves in the near future. The two processes – consolidated integration in the West
and concentrated expansion to the East – were
only possible because they complemented each
other. The fact that the vision of a peaceful,
united Europe, became a reality within a short
space of time can be attributed to bold political decisions (without Helmut Kohl’s voluntarism, the euro would not exist today) and to
the vitality aroused in the accession countries
by the prospect of soon being accepted into
the EU. Twenty years ago no textbook provided instructions on how run-down totalitar-
uxembourg. In the history of the European
Union to date there have been six rounds
of expansion. After the founding members
Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands and West Germany created the
European Economic Community (EEC) with
the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Denmark, the
United Kingdom and Ireland joined in 1973.
Southern European countries; Greece (1981),
Portugal and Spain (both 1986) joined the
EEC, which from 1986 to 1992 was known as
the European Community. In 1995 Finland,
Austria and Sweden joined the EU, and in
2004 Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland,
Slovakia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary
and Cyprus were added. The last enlargement
to date took place in 2007, when Bulgaria and
Romania joined the union. Besides the three
candidate nations of Croatia, Macedonia and
Turkey, all the Western Balkan nations should
become part of the EU in the medium term.
This would bring the total to 35 member
nations.
104
¡
MALTA
¡
MALTA
¡
Kurt Sansone
¡
Kurt Sansone
CV
Kurt Sansone is 34 years old and currently living in Marsaskala. His professional experience spans over 12 years. He has
worked in all media environments from print to online, radio
to television. He has nine years experience in the print media,
two years for a specifically online medium, a short stay in a
radio newsroom and four years as part of a production team
for a popular current affairs programme in Malta. At his current place of work he contributes to daily and Sunday newspapers and the online news site timesofmalta.com.
Summary: The question of whether Malta should join the EU or not was the subject
of much political controversy in the decade leading up to 2003 when the people
had to decide on the matter in a referendum and general election. The country was
split down the middle on the issue. The “No” camp was supported by the opposition
party and the largest trade union in the country. Much of the debate then focussed
on a number of fears that were raised by the “No” camp and also by some within the
“Yes” camp who felt that Malta’s small size necessitated special arrangements on a
number of issues. The article in question sought to revisit the seven major fears – loss
of jobs, housing invasion by EU citizens, loss of neutrality, loss of spring hunting,
abortion, VAT on food and medicine and higher agricultural prices – to see whether
they actually materialised five years after membership. An explanation is given on
each fear, how it was dealt with by negotiators and whether any special arrangements were reached and whether it did materialise in the years after membership.
For ease of reference to the reader the journalist also gave a verdict – True, False or
Neutral – to each of the seven fears.
Estimation of jury: The topics dealt with in the article were relevant in relation to
the Award. The author grabs the readers’ attention by his journalistic style, namely
by starting each topic with a verdict. The author revisited the propaganda literature
that was distributed prior to the referendum in 2003 to determine the major bones of
contention at the time. He also analysed the Accession Treaty, which listed the special arrangements that were negotiated with the EU. Furthermore, the author made
use of economic data and other statistics to determine whether the special arrangements reached their aim of keeping the fears at bay over the past five years. The
article also takes note of domestic political developments over the same period.
105
The EU bogeyman that
never came… almost
Trepidation accompanied the run-up to EU
accession. Five years on, Kurt Sansone analyses the fears addressed by negotiators and
whether they materialised or not.
Loss of Maltese jobs
Verdict: False
T
he prospect of having Sicilian barbers taking over the jobs of their Maltese counterparts was a crucial aspect in the debate prior
to membership. The principle of free movement of workers meant that any EU national
could work in Malta unhindered and this created a lot of angst, especially among the lower
scales of the job market.
M
alta could not opt out of the directives
ensuring the free movement of workers
but it managed to negotiate a special arrangement whereby it could request the suspension of the regulations if an influx of workers
threatened the level of employment in any particular sector.
G
overnment has never invoked this arrangement because the number of EU nationals seeking employment in Malta has not
had any particular impact on the job prospects
for Maltese.
T
he one sector that was hard hit was the
shipyards, even if it had nothing to do
with foreign workers taking over Maltese
jobs. Millions in subsidies came to an end by
December 2008, and with the shipyards still
unable to stand on its own two feet, workers
were given a healthy redundancy package.
Some people lamented that Malta had lost an
important skill base among its workforce; the
taxpayer heaved a sigh of relief.
T
he fear that got little mention during the
negotiations but which has actually materialised since membership was that of a braindrain. Hundreds sought employment in other
EU states, and this outward movement has
even raised alarm bells in at least one professional field. The Medical Association of Malta
has often warned of the negative impact the
number of newly graduated doctors leaving the
island was having on the medical profession.
Housing shortage
Verdict: False
T
he principle of free movement of people
that underpins the common market created concerns about a possible influx of EU
citizens purchasing property in Malta. Former
foreign minister Michael Frendo had been one
of the first to express reservations on the mat-
106
¡
MALTA
¡
MALTA
¡
Kurt Sansone
¡
Kurt Sansone
ter in the early days of the negotiations. The
limited land available for construction and the
high population density were cited as criteria
that warranted a special arrangement.
M
alta was granted a concession to keep
in force the rules on the acquisition of
property for secondary residence purposes by
EU citizens who have not legally resided on the
island for at least five years. The criteria, however, could not discriminate between Maltese
nationals and EU citizens.
T
he 2005 census found that the stock of
vacant property increased to more than
53,000, of which around 10,000 were holiday
homes. With such a sizeable stock of vacant
houses and hundreds of new construction applications, the fear of having the housing market swamped by EU nationals hardly seems
likely to materialise any time soon.
No spring hunting
Verdict: True
T
his very sectoral issue concerned a single
lobby group, which however commanded
important leverage when it came to the vote.
The prospect of having the referendum and
election outcome decided by a large minority
group weighed heavily on the negotiations.
T
he Birds Directive made it clear from day
one that trapping had to end for good and
spring hunting was not an option. Hunters
feared the worst even though the negotiated
position, ambiguous as it was, allowed the
window of hope to remain ajar.
G
B
acked by VAT exemptions already in force
in the UK and Ireland, Malta negotiated
a derogation, which allowed it to maintain
its zero-rating on food and medicines until
1 January, 2010.
overnment propaganda had described
the concessions achieved during negotiations as derogations, but they were not permanent exclusions from the regulations. Malta
bound itself to take a yearly stock of hunted
birds and subsequently provide the data to
the Commission. A breeding programme for
trapped birds had to start.
T
N
T
one of these conditions were satisfied, either through government incompetence
or lack of will to appease hunters. As a consequence, the government was robbed of all
arguments to justify the retention of trapping
and spring hunting. Eventually, trapping came
to an end by last December and spring hunting is banned pending the outcome of the case
initiated by the Commission against Malta for
infringing the Birds Directive.
VAT on food and medicine
Verdict: False
E
U regulation stipulated that at least a
minimum VAT rate had to apply on food
and medicine, which under Malta’s regime
were zero-rated. The prospect of high inflation brought about by the introduction of
VAT on these essential products was cause for
concern.
he prospect of higher food and medicine
prices next year was avoided when last
month Malta held on to its VAT regime because the UK and Ireland were unwilling to
give up their concessions.
he price of food and medicines did go up
over the past five years but the reasons for
this had nothing to do with the whole preaccession debate on VAT.
Higher agriculture prices
Verdict: Neutral
T
he EU’s Common Agricultural Policy
and the fundamental principle governing the common market – the free movement
of goods – provided negotiators with a headache as they sought to balance the conflicting interests of consumers and the agri-food
producers.
T
he former were set to benefit from cheaper
imports as levies were removed, but the
latter risked being pushed out of business as
they lost protection.
G
overnment negotiated a safeguard clause
for a period of time to protect farmers
and producers if the cheaper imports threatened their livelihood. The clause was never
107
invoked despite repeated requests by farmers
and poultry processors.
EU funds were channelled towards the agrifood sector to help it reach higher standards
and be able to compete.
I
mported food prices did drop, most notably those of pasta, wine and milk products.
However, the agri-food business was put under a lot of strain and this led to consolidation
as some businesses were forced to shut down
while others had to diversify their product
range. Producers also became importers in order to sustain profit margins.
I
n the process, jobs were lost, but on the positive side Maltese produce regained much of
its lost pride as the country sought to assert
its identity.
H
owever, the initial drop in prices on a
wide range of food products only lasted
for the first year or two as Malta continued to
suffer from persistently higher than average
inflation in its food and beverage sectors when
compared to the rest of Europe.
Loss of neutrality
Verdict: False
T
he prospect of EU membership ignited a
whole debate on the threat to neutrality
posed by the union’s common foreign and defence policy.
108
¡
MALTA
¡
THE NETHERLANDS
¡
Kurt Sansone
¡
Bram Peeters
T
he government’s attempt to argue its case
was supported by the fact that Denmark,
Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden were
neutral member states.
M
oreover, neutrality as a burning subject
had lost much of its lustre after 2001
when the government had bullied shipyard
workers into giving up their stand against repairing the US military ship La Salle because
they claimed it breached the constitution and
threatened neutrality.
However, negotiators could not ignore the issue, especially if they wanted to convince
Labourites to vote for EU membership.
M
alta insisted on attaching a declaration
to its accession treaty in which it declared that participation in the EU’s common
foreign and security policy did not prejudice
neutrality. The declaration did not carry the
same weight as a protocol and it was not legally binding on the EU because it was made
by Malta.
O
ver the past five years, the trepidations
over neutrality were overcome when
parliament unanimously ratified the EU
Constitution in 2005 and its replacement, the
Lisbon Treaty, in 2008.
Imposition of abortion
Verdict: False
B
russels never had the competence to legislate on abortion because it is deemed to be
a domestic issue that falls within the remit of
the individual member states. However, in the
runup to accession there were fears that EU
membership might have led to the introduction of abortion. To stamp out the fear, Malta
negotiated a protocol, annexed with its accession treaty, which gave the country the legal
certainty that EU law would not be able to
change Maltese legislation on the matter.
F
rom time to time the European Parliament
did ignite a debate on abortion but all
resolutions on the matter were nonbinding.
The protocol has never been invoked and has
proved to be useless because the EU continues
to have no competence on the matter.
CV
Bram Peeters is 31 years old and currently living in
Utrecht. He holds a Master’s degree in European Journalism of the School of Journalism in Utrecht. At the moment
he is working as a freelance journalist with a specialisation on International Affairs. In the last 3 years he had his
articles published in the Belgian news magazine Knack,
the Spanish daily El Mundo, the Danish newspaper Berlinske as well as many Dutch newspapers and magazines.
Summary: In 1991, the Sovjet Republic became independent and after half a century (since the inter-bellum) the border between Moldavia and Romania was again
open. "The flower bridge” which used to divide Romanians on either side of the border were now free to pass it and to reunite. But today, 17 years later, the border is
again closed. After Romania joined the European Union, people from Moldavia are
no longer allowed into the country without visa. This article gives the perspective
of people on either side of the bridge (border) and relates that although they both
speak the same language the do not belong to the same country. “Two states one
nation” – this is what characterises the story.
Estimation of jury: The Dutch jury selected out of 14 articles a winner that informed Dutch newspaper readers in an orginal and interesting way. The author put a lot of effort in his research, travelled trough Europe to draft his story
and asked Europeans about their opinion. He wrote his article in an open style.
Therefore the winner is Bram Peeters with his article called “The flower bridge is
closed” which has been published in the daily free newspaper De Pers. The jury
awards Peeters for one of his articles in a series of five and would like to add that
the series as a whole is an example how the European Union can be brought to the
attention of a wide public.
109
110
¡
THE NETHERLANDS
¡
THE NETHERLANDS
¡
Bram Peeters
¡
Bram Peeters
The flower bridge is closed
A
urica Cotea (65) is watching the River Proet
from her small farm in the Romanian border village of Oengheni. The water separates
her from Moldova. As a child, she knew little
other than that the country on the other side
was the Soviet Union. “We often played by the
river. One day, we saw children on the opposite
bank. We called out to them, and to our amazement they answered in Romanian. I ran home
to my parents to ask them why the Russian children spoke Romanian. It was not until then that
I heard that they were actually Romanian.”
I
n the period between the wars, most of
Moldova belonged to Greater Romania. The
territory came under Soviet rule in 1939 after
Hitler and Stalin had divided Eastern Europe
between them. In 1991, the Soviet republic became independent and, after half a century, the
border was opened once again.
A
urica and her fellow villagers could finally
cross the bridge over the river. “People
came from all over Romania to see their families”, she said. “People from both sides threw
flowers; it was really beautiful.”
T
he “flower bridge” became a symbol of the
relationship that was so good, and the reunification of the two countries was even seriously discussed in the early 90s. But 17 years
later, the border is once again closed. Since
Romania joined the EU, Moldovans are no
longer allowed to enter the country without a
visa. This greatly saddens Aurica, who regards
the people on the other riverbank as her fellow
countrymen. “They speak the same language,
Moldova belongs to Romania.”
“Two states, one people”, is the official policy in
Bucharest. Those who can prove that their parents or grandparents lived in Greater Romania
before 1940 are entitled to a Romanian passport. In Moldova, one of the poorest countries
in Europe, its citizens gratefully make use of
this opportunity. According to estimates, the
number of applications for a Romanian passport has risen to 1.5 million, approximately
one third of the total population of Moldova.
T
housands of Moldovans live in the Romanian
city of Iasi, 20 km from the border. “I agree
absolutely that they can come here,” says fashion and technology student Mihaela Stoica (23).
“They are Romanians who once had the bad
luck of belonging to the Soviet Union.” There
is no talk of two-way traffic between Iasi and
Moldova; Romanians see no reason to go to
Moldova. “I went there once when I was a little girl”, software developer Anca Grigorut (25)
says. “It was bleak.”
I
van Ginga (23) is one of the thousands of
Moldovans who study in Iasi. He has also
applied for a Romanian passport. “With an EU
passport, I can more easily study for a Masters
degree in Spain or Italy”, he says. “The disadvantage is that it’s subsequently very difficult
with dual nationality to find a job in Moldova in
the public sector. Maybe I’ll try to find work in
Romania or somewhere else in Europe. Almost
all my Moldovan friends work in the EU, legally or illegally. They also want Romanian passports, simply to be able to look for work in the
European Union and have a better future.”
T
he Romanian government has no illusions
about the motives of the Moldovans applying for Romanian citizenship. The Romanian
Minister of the Interior recently estimated that
a maximum of 10 % will remain in Romania.
“The rest will go to the more prosperous EU
countries in search of a better life.”
111
112
¡
POLAND
¡
POLAND
¡
Maciej Zasada
¡
Maciej Zasada
CV
Maciej Zasada is 26 years old and currently living in
Grudziądz. Since finishing his Journalism and Social Communication studies at the University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, he now works as a freelance journalist,
mainly for the Polish national weekly, Przekroj. Prior to
this, he was an intern at the Academic Center of Media and
Promotion. In 2008 he wrote a piece for a regional Italian
television station in Matera. The winning article was also
published in the newspaper, AWR WPROST, in May 2009. In
addition to his native language Polish, Maciej also speaks
Italian, German and English. His interests include politics,
international relations, Italian culture and history.
Summary: They come to Italy to take care of elderly people. Not knowing the language, with little money in their pockets, but with hope for an honest job. They tell
their families that they feel as if in heaven – sun, sea, beautiful views, and above all,
they get paid for it. Who could ask for more? The truth however, is hidden in their
tears. Only they know the reality of the situation; humiliated, cheated, often being
forced to work long, hard hours, they treat their work as a prison.
After the labour market was opened in Italy in June 2006, thousands of people migrated in the hope offinding work there. At this time the media focused its attention
on, so called, “euro-orphans” in Poland. What they forgot to mention is what those
people, who had to leave, really feel. This is their story.
Estimation of jury: The jury selected the entry entitled “Better not tell your loved
ones”, as the Polish winner of the European Young Journalist Award 2009. This was
mainly due to the original way that the topic was handled. Economic migration has
become one of the most widely-discussed topics in Poland. In this case, however,
the author focused on a lesser mentioned issue using the “common Kowalski”, an
ordinary member of society, as the main character of the story. The reader is introduced to a new angle of a well-known situation. It is also worth noting that the
article is extremely well-written and based on the author’s thorough and profound
observations.
113
Better not tell your loved ones
T
hey come to Italy to care for elderly people. Without any knowledge of the Italian
language, with little money, and debts back
home, they hope to find honest work. They
tell their families it’s like being in paradise.
Sea, sun, picturesque landscapes – and they’re
getting paid for it! What more could anyone
want? It’s a job like any other, but the truth
is hidden behind their tears. Only they know
what the situation is really like; humiliated,
cheated, and often overworked, they think of
their work as a kind of prison.
T
he Piazza Umberto in Bari is no different from thousands of other parks in other
Italian towns; palm trees, a fountain and a playground. However, on Wednesday and Sunday
afternoons, Eastern European languages can
be heard frequently in the park. Romanian,
Russian, Ukrainian and Polish women spend
their free time here, taking a rest from their
work. In contrast to the Poles, the Russian and
Romanian women form one large group. The
Polish women sit nearby in small groups of
three or four people, drinking their favourite
Peroni beer. “This is our only pleasure, but
even that is taken away from us by persistent Italian men, who accost and humiliate us,
thinking that we’re escort girls”, says Bożena.
T
he women’s ages range from 35 to 55
years old. Back home in Poland they’ve
got houses, children and freedom. Bożena has
been in Italy for four years. She has a husband
and two children in Poland. To get to Italy she
had to take out a bank loan. She found work
through an agent, to whom she had to pay
100 €. She paid the same again for her travel
costs. Without any knowledge of Italian, and
with only a few basic personal items, when she
arrived at first she found herself in Sicily.
She recounts her own experience of her time
in Italy.
“You have to be lucky. I wasn’t – not only did I
end up in the south of Italy where wages are the
lowest, I also had to work in scandalously poor
conditions. But even then I was happy I had a
job. It also happens that when women arrive
they discover that there’s no work, and they’re
left without any money and with lots of debt. I
would wake up five or six times each night as
the person I was caring for was frequently in
pain. The place where I slept was more like a
hen coop than a room, and the woman I was
looking after would sometimes share her food
with me, depending on her mood. Sometimes
I would be given half a peach to last me a day,
sometimes a whole week.”
N
ow Bożena is caring for an elderly woman and her blind son. “There’s a lot of
work to be done, but I try not to complain”,
she adds.
114
¡
POLAND
¡
POLAND
¡
Maciej Zasada
¡
Maciej Zasada
The Bobki must live
A
s a carer, every day is pretty much the
same. If they’ve managed to sleep through
the night, they get up at dawn to bathe the person that they look after – their charge. “We call
them bobki (Polish for goats’ droppings) because they’re terrified of water and cleanliness.
They’re like small children: they wet themselves, they smell. We wash them from head
to toe. We often have to force them to bathe”
Bożena explains. Then they do the shopping,
prepare breakfast and clean the apartment.
If they happen to be in a house or a block of
flats, it takes them a couple of hours at most.
It’s worse if they have to clean a property that
has several rooms, bedrooms and bathrooms.
This all has to be completed by midday, when
they start to prepare lunch. In the afternoons,
when most of the shops are shut, they have
to look after their charge. They’re allowed to
switch on the TV or go on to the balcony, provided that it doesn’t disturb their elderly ward.
Then they prepare supper – it’s pretty much
the same routine every day of the week. “It’s
like being in prison”, says Bożena.
T
he tragedy of their situation lies in the fact
that, although they curse their charges, they
know that while they’re here and alive they still
have work. The women have Wednesdays and
Sundays off between 3 pm and 8 pm. That’s
when they meet in the park, call their families, send them the money they’ve earned, and
try to forget about where they are and what
they’re doing. They don’t tell their loved ones
how bad it is or precisely what they have to put
up with. “It’s better that way” says Halina,“we
don’t want to make them more worried. We
say that everything is OK and that we’ll call in
a week’s time and send them some money.”
The luck of the draw
T
he worst thing is uncertainty. They don’t
know where they’ll end up or who they’ll
be looking after. Sometimes the Italians want
lovers, as opposed to carers. As Bożena confesses; “you know whether you’re going to get
work as soon as you get off the coach. If the
family of the person you’re going to look after doesn’t like you, then you have to go home
immediately. But what’s the point if the only
things waiting for you back home are poverty
and debt?” The women look after elderly people who often have mental health issues or various other problems. They get paid from 500 €
to 800 € a month, depending on the nature of
their work – and the honesty of their employer. Their food situation also varies. Halina, for
instance, gets just 40 € a week, from which she
has to feed herself as well as the person she’s
looking after. For the sake of comparison, a
litre of milk or a loaf of bread costs around
1.20 €. “It sometimes happens that the elderly or sick person’s family provides you with
food: one bottle of water per day, a tomato,
a bread roll and mozzarella cheese” explains
another of the women. Carers can find jobs
in Italy through agents in Poland or through
adverts in newspapers. In the Piazza Umberto
itself, there are several Polish women who help
others to find work. There are some who demand 100 € just for making a phone call to
an employer. “They don’t have to go through
what we do” says Bożena. These fortunate few
rent out apartments, establish contacts with
Italians, and live off their agency fees as well
as the gifts they receive from their admirers.
O
f course, there are some others who have
also been lucky. They work legally looking after a healthy person, and their responsibilities are limited to cleaning and cooking.
However, Bożena can count such women on
the fingers of one hand.
Waiting for the euro
A
ccording to official estimates, there are
around 62,000 Poles working in Italy
today. Research carried out by the European
Law Foundation in 2008 estimated that there
are no less than 110,000 families in which
children have been abandoned because their
parents have gone abroad. With this in mind,
I asked these women what had changed for
them since Poland’s entry into the European
Union and the opening up of the labour market. They said that they could now fight for
their rights without fear of losing from the
outset. “The fact that we are members of the
European Union means that we have the same
rights as the Italians who work here, but the
employers often forget this” said one. “Perhaps
when Poland introduces the euro something
will change. Wages will rise, there’ll be more
work, and we will be able to earn euros in our
own country.” “But” she adds, “in the meantime, we have to pay off our debts and earn
money for our families here”.
H
owever, these hardworking women are
increasingly thinking about returning to
Poland. Some simply can’t take it physically
or psychologically. Others think that it’s just
not worth their while anymore as the value of
the euro keeps dropping, and nowadays there
are not so many vacancies on the job market.
The Italians are also more willing to employ
115
Russians and Romanians, as they can pay them
less without fear that they’ll leave. Despite the
hard work, the pay is still attractive for women
from the east.
“I think I’ll stick it out for one more year, then
I’m going home”, says Bożena confidently.
When she returns to Poland however, Bożena
might find that she hasn’t saved all that much
money, and perhaps, that there’s no one there
waiting for her.
116
¡
PORTUGAL
¡
PORTUGAL
¡
Débora Miranda
¡
Débora Miranda
CV
Débora Miranda is 24 years old and currently living in
Brussels. At present, she is a Communication Trainee at
the European Commission in Brussels. She also has professional experience as a journalist for both newspapers and
radio, as well as a translator. Since 2008 Débora has been
working for Radio Deutsche Welle in Bonn, where her winning radio piece was published in June 2009. In addition
to her native Portuguese, Débora is also fluent in English
and German.
Summary: This radio feature focuses on the meaning of the 20 th Anniversary of the
fall of the Berlin Wall. After living for a year in East Germany and another year in
West Germany, I noticed several cultural differences which made me think that I had
lived in two different countries. The so-called “Ossi-Wessi” issue, which I have experienced myself, made me search for German youngsters from different German
cities. I asked them if they feel whether these differences still remain, even 20 years
after the reunification. As a Portuguese citizen, I found it interesting how a country
with such a rich history reflects in its young generation, the marks of former hard
times. Also, as a young citizen I believe 20 years is indeed a short period of time, but
enough to create a hope for change for the next generations – a wish expressed
by those who I have interviewed. In this important year, where Europe celebrates
20 years of reunification, I find the German case a good example of hope in how to
“grow up together”. The feature, with songs that allude to Berlin and to the Wall, will
be broadcast on the Portuguese programme of Radio Deutsche Welle, whose main
audience are Portuguese-speaking countries in Africa.
Estimation of jury: The topic of this radio piece corresponds to the main challenge
facing this year’s young journalists of the “2009 European Young Journalist Award”.
It is a very well conceived piece in both content and technical competence, structured
around the reporting of rich and diverse experiences. The author – Débora Miranda – drives the dialogues in such a way as to catch listeners’ attention throughout the
entire report. For all this it has deserved the highest classification and first place.
117
Ossi/Wessi, 20 years later
The Ossi says to the Wessi: “We are one people”. The Wessi replies: “Yes, so are we”.
20 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, anecdotes such as this are still commonplace.
Not too surprising, perhaps, since Wessi and
Ossi are two concepts which still characterise
German history. So what do these uniquely
German concepts really mean? On the surface,
it seems quite simple. A Wessi is a citizen with
origins in the former West Germany. An Ossi
comes from the former East Germany. Both
Germanys, of course, were united when the
Berlin Wall fell on 9 November 1989.
“I can’t imagine: you live in a country which
you cannot leave!”
T
his is the view of Franziska Weis about
the Wall, which fell a few months before she was born. Coming from Magdeburg,
in Saxony-Anhalt, a state of the former East
Germany, Franziska considers that she had
an Ossi education, and certain elements still
persist:
“You can’t say that there was a ‘boom’ – the
end of the Wall – and then suddenly everything became the same. People still have the
old mentality.”
A
s they were children or not even born at
the time, the memories of that historic
night are undoubtedly weaker amongst younger people than those of the previous generation. Tobias Frank, a native of Berlin, was six
years old. His family had been separated by
the Wall. He remembers playing with other
children in the frontier zone.
(Music: Wir sind Helden, Denkmal)
S
venja Petersen, also born in West Berlin
two years before Tobias, vaguely remembers that her mother was made to buy a piece
of the Wall. We spoke to young Germans who
remember images of unease, and also of people hugging each other in the streets. Then a
reunified Germany emerged – even though
this united nation was still divided over many
little things.
“I studied for half a year in Weimar, in the
eastern state of Thuringia, on an Erasmus
programme. And I did not dare to go to the
hairdresser, because, in that region, the taste
of people from the former East Germany is
rather different from the Wessis, so to speak.”
A
stronger characteristic of this “Ossi” culture is the language. The existence of a
Deutsch-Sächsisch (which means German and
Saxon) dictionary confirms that the dialect of
that region of East Germany is very distinctive.
Horrible to some, funny to others, “Sächsisch”
includes words such as “exactly” or “also”
which sound different from state to state:
“Instead of ‘genau’ we say ‘jenau’, instead of
‘auch’ we say ‘och’”
118
¡
PORTUGAL
¡
PORTUGAL
¡
Débora Miranda
¡
Débora Miranda
B
oth Wessis and Ossis unanimously agree
that the differences are characteristic of a
large country, with 16 states and over 80 million inhabitants. Comparisons, they argue,
should be seen as regional rather than between
East and West.
(Music: Die Prinzen, Im Osten [Ossi Hymne])
F
ranziska, as a 20-year-old, sees these features as positive, even when telling the
time becomes incomprehensible as one moves
from one side of the country to another:
“It is necessary to sit down and explain the
time… it is funny, but these are also things
which in the end bring us together. We laugh
about these little things and say: ‘you see, you
didn’t understand…!’”
F
or Sabine Viol (45) a native of Dresden,
one of the largest cities of the former East
Germany, the differences are evident. In the
West, she sees the so-called “Elbow Society”,
which contrasts with the principles of her
“Eastern” family, which always learned the
importance of helping others.
“The mass consumer society of the West…
where everybody elbows everyone else and
lives in an egoistical manner.”
know, perhaps it is something which they’ve
internalised a lot.”
T
he Ossis are “x”, the Wessis are “y”. As
Jennifer underlines, it may be wrong to
generalise, but this is almost inevitable in a
country which is incredibly diverse. Those
who wish to erase the idea of two countries
by uniting them in one, like Stefan Schneider,
born 29 years ago close to Dresden, use a simple justification – regional characteristics enrich a country:
“It’s nice to go to the Baltic or to the North Sea,
to talk to people and realise that this is a very
large country, people have other traditions,
eat very different things – and I think this is
fantastic. This is the richness of the country,
if you think that traditions and the mentality
have developed over centuries! And comparing
this with 28 years of the Wall is a joke!”
(Music: Prinz Pi, Berlin Groβe Liebe)
S
ocio-economic differences also contribute
to the fact that two decades after the fall
of the Wall, West and East Germany are still
far apart. Another anecdote provides a perfect
illustration of this: What happens when you
cross an Ossi with a Wessi?
Republic of Germany after the fall of the Wall)
stood at around 14 %, while in the old states,
the figure was less than half of this. To rectify
this, the German government introduced the
Solidaritätszuschlag – a 5.5 % income tax supplement to finance projects in the East of the
country. This measure was heavily criticised
by many Wessis, but some young people supported it:
“I think that it’s a shame if someone saw this
measure as something negative. The Solidarity
supplement was something necessary, because
in the final analysis, we returned to growing
together, as one country. We can’t accept one
part of the country being poor. Many people
here in the West have forgotten that the East
Germans didn’t go into the GDR of their free
will because they were all Communists…”
T
obias Frank, of Berlin, accepts that money
is often spent unwisely. But he feels that,
as a people, the Germans must look after to
each other.
“The essential point is that we are one people,
and so we have to support each other”
Svenja, 24 years old, is also from Berlin. She
recalls that Germany had an advantage compared to other countries:
119
W
hile not as wealthy as their older counterparts, the new states could become
very attractive. Many young Wessis decide
to study in the East, in universities without
fees. Franziska, who was a colleague of many
Wessis at her higher school in Magdeburg, is
convinced that there would not be as many
of them if studies were not free. On the other
hand, the cost of living is lower, and there is
a difference in both salaries and pensions between East and West. Perhaps due to this reason, it is common to hear in the former GDR
that life was better before the Wall came down
than it is today. Even though she is 25 years
younger, Franziska, sees a point to these criticisms from the East:
“You need to see that if people don’t have work
or money, then they say ‘OK, I couldn’t travel
before but I still can’t because I don’t have any
money…’ for this reason, I prefer to have some
social security and for this reason, it is normal for people to become nostalgic and say
that everything used to be better. It’s almost
logical!”
T
he fragile economic situation in the East
may still influence the social outlook.
Stefan Schneider thinks that a great deal of
money and time will be necessary to completely unite Germany:
An arrogant redundant person.
J
ennifer Striebeck, a native of Bonn (the
former capital of the country, in the West),
tells us what caught her attention when she
lived with an “Ossi” girl:
“I’d say that at times, people from the East may
not be as direct as we are in the West. I don’t
I
ndeed, work opportunities in the East, including Berlin, are fewer than in West
Germany. According to the Arbeitsagentur
(the German employment agency), in April
2009, the unemployment rate in the socalled “new states” (which joined the Federal
“If we think of Hungary, Latvia or other countries which were governed by socialism or
communism, there are structural problems
which can’t be solved in a day or two. And
on the one hand, East Germany has had the
enormous good fortune of being supported by
West Germany…”
“I think that there are a lot of negative consequences arising out of this economic situation.
For example, the far right, which is strong in
East Germany. There are lots of young people
who cannot find work and are attracted to the
ideas of the far right. People suddenly attach
themselves to communities which promote
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strange ideas, but which form a common identity that allows them to pass the time, which
exists because there’s no work.”
F
rom Bonn, Jennifer Striebeck calls for the
promotion of the East of the country –
with a view to ending negative perceptions
surrounding the division of Germany.
“I think that if increasing numbers of people
visit the East, like my parents, who have just
been to Dresden and liked it a lot, then in the
long term, views will change.”
(Music: Scorpions – Wind of Change)
This change depends primarily on ending the
distinction between the Ossi/Wessi, according
to young Berliner Svenja.
“The fact that we’re sitting here talking about
‘Ossi-Wessi’ is wrong in itself, it should not
have been like this.”
A
s she was born in the same year as the
Wall fell, Franziska perhaps feels the
weight of German history as much as anyone
else. In the future, she explains, she would like
to be able to travel without suffering the insult
of being called a Nazi.
“As a German, you need to be careful about
everything you say. We had Nazism and the
GDR, that is we were under a permanent
dictatorship. It is difficult to be proud of our
country, it is incredible. We note and think
‘can I actually say this…?’”
T
he earlier generation, in the voice of the
45-year-old Sabine, has a simple wish: for
Germany to grow together and for these historic differences to disappear. Because, quite
simply, Germany used to be one country and
today it is once again a single country.
“I would like Germany to grow together.
Because we used to be a single country and we
are one country again.”
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CV
Matei-Marcel Martin is 31 years old and is currently living
in Bucharest. After graduating from the University of Bucharest’s Department for Political Science, he started his journalistic career. Today he has almost eight years of journalistic experience in the field of cultural and social issues. He
has worked as an editor for both the French monthly magazine “Regard”, and the German monthly business magazine
“Debizz”. Since 2006 Matei has been a radio show host for
“Info Culture”, broadcast by Radio France International. He
has also won the Price for Cultural Journalism in 2008 offered by the Romanian Press Club. Matei-Marcel is fluent in
Romanian, French, German and English.
Summary: It has been a while since literature from Eastern Europe has made its
way onto the western market. It is a recent phenomenon, but not long ago, in the
bookshops of Paris, Rome or even Berlin, one could barely find a translation of a
recent book from ex-communist countries (except, of course, those written by the
well-known dissidents; Adam Michnik, Václav Havel and some other contemporary
classics). For authors this opening is a blessing, as almost 20 years after the official
end of the Cold War, the ice has finally broken within the book market as well. The
inferiority complexes and obsession of the west with eastern writers are now unexpectedly raised in a Europe without borders. The points of the compass no longer
seem to matter while the past (and its fictionalisation) become more prominent.
Estimation of jury: The article focuses on a very interesting European topic; in which
way the recent Eastern enlargement influences the access and the visibility of Eastern literature on the Western book market? Authors’ conclusions are pertinent; the
European Union’s Eastern enlargement has attracted great attention towards writers from that region. The article underlines the European spirit; united in diversity.
26 articles and one radio piece were submitted by the Romanian participants in
2009 and all of them were evaluated as more professional and better prepared than
those submitted last year. The improvement is obvious. The jury encountered a tiebreak between Matei-Marcel Martin's print article and Antoniu Adrian Bumb's radio
piece. There are no comparison criteria for the two entries and we regard both as excellent. Therefore, following approval from the European Commission’s DG Enlargement, both participants have been declared winners.
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Nothing new on the Eastern front
Eastern European literature has now been
present on the Western book market for some
time. It is, however, still a fairly recent phenomenon. Until recently, in the bookstores of
Paris, Rome and even in Berlin, one barely
found any translation of a recent book from
the former communist countries (except, of
course, books by famous dissidents such as
Adam Michnik, Václav Havel, and a few other classic contemporaries). For authors, this
new openness is a blessing as almost twenty
years after the official end of the Cold War,
the ice has been broken in the book market
as well. Eastern European authors’ inferiority complex and their obsession with the West
are now getting an unexpected upgrade in
the new, borderless Europe. Cardinal reference points almost no longer matter; instead,
the past (and its fictionalisation) becomes a
co-ordinate of the present.
T
hree years ago, the theme chosen by
Nicolae Manolescu for the “Days and
Nights of Literature” festival, which took place
in the Romanian seaside resort of Neptune,
was “European expectations from the literatures of the countries that recently joined the
EU”. Guest writers – some from the East, others from the West – all shared their experiences. The participants arrived at the conclusion, which had been predicted by some, that
the West does not have any expectations from
Eastern European literature. Indeed, it could
be argued that it would be impossible to have
expectations of something that was virtually
unknown. Still, things have changed since then
because at least at international book fairs, and
in bookstores too, works by Eastern European
authors are now much sought after. What,
then, has sparked this new interest in Eastern
European authors from Western audiences? It
is probably the inclusion of these countries in
what is generically called the West, namely the
European Union. “Old” Europeans now want
to know the “New” Europeans, and the 2008
edition of the Frankfurt Book Fair confirmed
this new openness to the East.
O
ver the last few years the Romanian
Cultural Institute, the Romanian
Ministry of Culture and not least, the publishers themselves have promoted Romanian
contemporary literature very heavily. Whether
or not it happened by coincidence, they have
chosen to gamble on contemporary prose and,
above all, on authors recounting their life under communism. The strategy – if there was
indeed a strategy – has borne fruit. “It was the
first time when foreign publishers became truly interested in Romanian writers”, says Silviu
Lupescu, Director of the Romanian publishing house, Polirom. In the West, contemporary prose is in demand – as demonstrated by
the success of titles, such as Small Fingers by
Filip Florian, Blinding by Mircea Cărtărescu,
Our Special Envoy by Florin Lăzărescu, Hens’
Heaven by Dan Lungu and more.
H
owever, this obsession with international recognition is, in fact, symptomatic
of a failure to adapt to local conditions. The
Romanian writer is hungry for a presence
on the international book market. He hopes
that, once his book is sold in a Paris bookstore, he will sell more and therefore become
better known, whereas, in fact, fewer translated books are sold, even when compared to
the local book market. However, publication
abroad has its biggest impact at home – with
each book published elsewhere, a “boomerang
effect” raises the profile of the writer on the
home market.
The Past – A Valuable Trauma
“I learnt most about Romanian communism
from Romanian literature. Fiction says more
about it than a book of history or sociology”.
That is the opinion of Alistair Ian Blyth, the
English translator of numerous Romanian
books. Indeed, literature is a very effective
method of recycling the past. In the absence
of policies and institutions meant to deal explicitly with the memory of communism, literature, in the former socialist bloc especially,
plays the role of the keeper of memory. This
serves a necessary purpose, both educationally
and culturally.
A
recent study conducted by the Free
University of Berlin has unsettled teachers who co-ordinate the national school curriculum. 600 of the 750 second and third year
secondary students interviewed say they know
hardly anything about the former GDR; many
of them have not even heard of the wall that divided the city of Berlin; more than 10 % think
that Helmut Kohl was the leader of the GDR
after 1989. This lack of knowledge does not
end there. Many of these students were unable
to explain the difference between democracy
and dictatorship. Jörg Magenau – a well known
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German literary critic of the post-1989 generation – believes the problem is not so much the
curriculum as the local authorities, who did
everything they could to remove any traces of
the former GDR from all public spaces. Streets
carrying the name of the founding fathers of
communism have been renamed, statues have
been destroyed just like the Wall, and more recently, the Palace of the Republic was demolished by dynamite. Nothing remains in the
streets as a reminder of those times; the GDR
has been effectively consigned to the history
books.
B
ut it is not to history books that Jörg
Magenau directs the ignorant young,
but rather to contemporary literature. In the
Germany of the past 10–12 years, a great deal
has been written about its recent past. It has
been a huge challenge, and it has been almost designed to bring about a sense of reconciliation with the past – and true unity for
Germany.
Communism between reality and fiction
B
ut is this history exportable? The answer
is “Yes”. This is especially the case since
“Ostalgia” has become a visible and popular
phenomenon, such personal stories depicting times and lives under communism have
aroused the interest of the West. This curiosity
is primarily due to the political context. The
last two enlargements have brought within the
European Union, countries whose culture was
previously completely or largely unknown. In
its fictionalised form, communism becomes a
mythological land populated by strange characters. Jörg Magenau believes that it normally
takes 200 to 300 years for histories to become
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“mature”, and thus, become legends. “However,
the history of communism has matured much
more quickly”, he stated. That is because people in former socialist countries have maintained mythologised relationships with the
state and its political leaders. The kind of reality in which they lived was so fragile that they
needed emotional, mental or psychological
“crutches” to help them to cope. It is perhaps
why the literature of this region is so fascinating. This literature attempts to weaken the
hinges of this system of myths. Communism
is primarily experienced as a personal history,
and that is why most novels written about it
are autobiographical.
Wojciech Kuczok and the “totalitarian whip”
O
ne of these novels is the semi-autobiographical Muck, by Wojciech Kuczok. It
is semi-autobiographical because the author
prefers to fictionalise his past rather than to
try and neatly re-construct it. His approach is
highly programmatic and deliberately literary.
The adult Kuczok tries to re-construct, from
disparate memories, the world of his childhood. The novel is composed of independent
episodes, through which the author seeks to
trace the complicated relationships that existed between various family members. This
is a tense family environment, dominated by
a strict father, who rules over the family with
his fist and his whip. The detached, ironic, lucid style of this Familienroman is exemplary.
Wojciech Kuczok examines his childhood
and its traumas like an archaeologist who
has discovered some ancient artefacts… “For
me, communism overlapped with my childhood. So I am not fighting the memories of
the past. I wrote an anti-biography because
I wanted to revolt against what was wrong in
that era; I wanted to extirpate the trauma. On
the other hand, this anti-biography is made
up of a montage of negatives. I made a sort
of anti-family album from pictures that had
never been printed before, with images that
until then had been kept secret. This book is
an anti-biography and an anti-family album”.
Muck is, therefore, a form of exorcism, or a
kind of self-therapy conducted by the author
as he writes. “I can tell you that, as I grow older, I am becoming increasingly nostalgic about
childhood. But I miss childhood, not communism”, says Wojciech Kuczok.
“Certainly, the reception of my books is different from country to country. In Romania, I noticed people are very interested in the autobiographical aspect of the book, and how it relates
to the past. In Germany, the readers were interested in references to Silesia. I think clear preferences are emerging here: Western audiences
are generally interested in the examination in
literature of family life; in Eastern European
countries, readers are interested in the book’s
dissection of the communist system.”
György Dragoman and the insidious terror
G
yörgy Dragoman is not interested in historical realism. However, in his puzzle
novel, The White King, he manages to convey a convincing literary picture of the power
structures in place at the time. “I wanted to
write a real book, in the psychological sense;
I wanted to examine how fear and oppression
can co-exist with freedom”, says the author.
Divided into 18 chapters, each comprising 18
self-contained stories, the novel follows the
adventures of little Dzsata, an eleven year-old
child. This is no Huckleberry Finn – Dzsata’s
adventures, ranging from the most comic, to
the most tragic, all take place under the dictatorship, at a time when making a joke could
change your life and a complaint could land
anyone directly in jail. Another feared punishment was being sent off to forced labour on
the Danube-Black Sea Canal (as was, for instance, the author’s father). The dictatorial society in which Dzsata lives is a mirror of 1980s
Romania. This story however, filtered through
literature, sheds its specific Romanian geography, and the experience of life under communism becomes the story of the entire Eastern
European region. However personal the universe of Dragoman’s novel is, Dzsata travels in
a space between nowhere and anywhere, even
way beyond the Iron Curtain.
G
yörgy Dragoman was born in 1973 in
Tîrgu-Mureş, Romania. In 1988, he and
his family relocated to Hungary. He is a philologist, and is currently working on a doctoral thesis on Samuel Beckett’s prose. His
literary debut came in 2002, with a novel entitled The Book of De-Genesis, also about the
communist past. The subsequent theatre play,
Nowhere, written in 2003, and The White
King novel, published in 2005, won him several literary awards and international recognition. He does not believe that his experience
of communism and his Eastern European origins make him feel “different”. The language
in which he writes is the only form of “otherness” he recognises. “As far as themes and
mental constructs are concerned, there are
no differences between Eastern and Western
Europeans. There are books written about oppression in the West as well. Even the fact that
we are published alongside Western authors,
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in Western book series, proves to me that we
are not perceived as being different, and that
publishers do not wish to insist too much on
difference. I for one do not believe in the geographical classification of literature”.
D
ragoman’s literary model is Beckett and
if he were to be classified on the basis of
geographical-literary criteria, he could be an
author from the East of Europe. This is because he always writes about “the peripheries”,
explains Dragoman. “I feel close to many people, who are from both Western and Eastern
Europe. I feel close to them, for no specific
reason, and yet unconditionally”. Nor, as regards the reception his books received, did he
notice any big differences. “In both Romania
and Hungary, readers have told me that they
recognise their past in my books. However,
my book was also published in Chile, and even
there, people have told me that some stories
resonated with them.”
Juli Zeh: home is everywhere
J
uli Zeh could well pass for an Eastern
European, even though she is 100 % German.
“Surprisingly, I feel very ‘at home’ anywhere
in Europe. I should probably be more aware
of difference – after all people in Europe have
different histories, having grown up in different cultures – but, in fact, the differences are
almost imperceptible. Given that, in the last
60 years, Europeans have lived completely different histories… it is astonishing.”
J
uli Zeh has never experienced life under a totalitarian regime. She has lived in the West,
away from the traumas suffered by the abovementioned writers. However, this does not make
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her feel different. The past and the geographical co-ordinates no longer matter, and even if
they did, the North-South divide is probably
much deeper than the East-West one. “Southern
Europeans have a completely special sense of
time. Northerners, on the other hand, are more
disciplined and hardworking.” In literature, this
is irrelevant. Nevertheless, in the end, she does
admit that history is a perfect literary grounding. “Story-telling is in fact recounting the past
and the writer’s fate is to tell stories and that includes remembering the past.”
S
he has successfully published in Poland,
France, and Sweden, but less so in Israel
and Korea. “I think the proximity rule applies
very well in literature – in nearby or neighbouring countries, the interest is much higher
than in countries farther away”, claims Juli
Zeh. At the Bucharest International Literary
Festival, where I met all the writers mentioned
above, T. O. Bobe was most trenchant of all: if
the organisers (the publishing house Polirom)
had been counting on a theme of otherness, he
himself found his own position was very clear.
He felt Western with respect to the Chinese,
and Northern in relation to Bulgarians, “What
matters is what we, Eastern Europeans, wish
to communicate. Westerners are hungry for
what makes us Eastern Europeans”.
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CV
Antoniu Adrian Bumb is 31 years old and is currently living in Cluj. After graduating from the Philosophy Department of Babes Bolyai University, he worked as a reporter
for Radio Cluj, which is part of the Romanian National
Radio network. He is currently a reporter for NCN TV, a
local TV station in Cluj. Antoniu also took part in various
conferences, workshops and seminars for radio reporters,
which took him to locations such as Vienna and Berlin.
Summary: This radio feature was produced before Romania joined the EU and was
broadcast back in 2008. The reason for this was that Romania needed the Canadian
investment that this feature is based on. European law forced Romanian authorities
to postpone the start of a major mining project in the Roşia Montană region for
ecological reasons. In the end, after Romania joined the EU, the Canadian company
had to cancel the project. It is unlikely that there will be dangerous mining projects
undertaken in the Romanian mountains anymore. At least, we hope! In 2008 Romanian Radio aired this feature once again with the necessary comments. The feature
is an audio landscape of the location that was almost transformed into a cyanide
dump. I think that in the end, the EU had a lot to do with the fact that the Romanian
authorities refused to allow the Canadian company to mine in the area and take
serious ecological risks.
Estimation of jury: This is an extremely well put together radio piece with an original approach to an important European issue; mining operations at Roşia Montană.
The author encapsulates the environmental and economical implications and describes in a very vivid way, in “radio images”, the real life of Roşia Montană’s inhabitants who are willing to preserve their homes, lands and local traditions forever.
26 articles and one radio piece were submitted by the Romanian participants in
2009 and all of them were evaluated as more professional and better prepared than
those submitted last year. The improvement is obvious. The jury encountered a tiebreak between Antoniu Adrian Bumb’s radio piece and Matei-Marcel Martin’s print
article. There are no comparison criteria for the two entries and we regard both as
excellent. Therefore, following approval from the European Commission’s DG Enlargement, both participants have been declared winners.
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(Chicken clucking, rooster crowing)
Roots
Reporter: Any eggs from the hen?
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Cos they can’t record images for the radio.
You’re at home today, aren’t you? Well, I’ll
bring him by right now, or have someone
bring him. Is it alright then, Mr Remus? Ok
then, thanks!
Narrator: The weather forecast predicts nothing but bad weather. Strong storms are expected over the whole country, especially in
mountain areas. At the moment, the sun is
still shining, although in the distance, far beyond the mountains, the sky is beginning to
darken.
David: It’s not. It has strong roots, this one.
They go very deep in the ground.
David: Yeah. She just let the rooster know she
laid some eggs. So he’s really happy.
Reporter: You seem to be cutting them rather
than pulling them out.
Reporter: But where are the eggs?
David: Have to.
David: Right in there, up in the hayloft, where
you will sleep.
Eugen David’s house is far from the main
road, somewhere on the hill at the edge of the
village. In the distance, beyond the valley, is
the mine. Green pastures have been swallowed
by a blood-red crater. For thousands of years,
gold has lured people further into the depths
of the mountain. Now though, any gold that
is left can be found close to the surface. In order for it to be extracted, the entire mountain
has to disappear, swallowed by excavators. The
curse of gold…
Reporter: Its roots go right under the rocks.
Reporter: Let’s go see them.
David: OK, there it is, it’s out!
David: You see them? Right there. And there’s
the hen.
Remus: I first heard about this on Romanian
national radio. They were saying that a major
newspaper in France had announced a large
gold mining project in Roşia Montana.
Mother-in-law: Oh no! She jumped out!
Reporter: Were you happy to hear that?
David: Clear off! Get away, if your head hurts!
Go on! Now! D’ya know what she said to me
the other day? She said, “Stop smoking, or
you’ll die! That’s what they said on TV”. So I
made a bet with her – I’ll quit smoking if she
can quit chewing gum. So one day, I came
home with some chewing gum and put it on
the table, and I said to her, “I won’t smoke, if
you don’t touch the gum!” She said, “You can
smoke a cigarette, as long as I’m chewing one
of these.”
Reporter: One question: what’s that hen doing
in my room?
David: Well, I have this elm tree here. Elm
trees grow faster than fruit trees. So I have
to take out this elm, cos it’s strangling the
plum tree next to it. I have to pull it out of the
ground.
Reporter: Is that what happened?
Reporter: You’re bleeding, a little.
Daughter: Yeah!
Reporter: Doesn’t seem to be easy.
Daughter: Yeah, it’s what happened!
David: Hello, Mr Remus, David here. I hope
you are well! What are you doing at the moment? With your bees? OK, this is why I’m
calling. I have a guy herewho works for the
Romanian national radio. They’re making a
kind of film, but only with sound. You know
how you play the leaf? To the bees, you know?
Remus: Of course. Why not? Investment is
very welcome in the area. The only thing was
that our little houses, and the churches, and
the mountains God created for us had to be
protected. I wouldn’t have it any other way. Of
course we need jobs. My house is probably not
worth what they will pay me for it. But what
about the sentimental value, uprooting people
like that, what is that worth? If, in my country, as in any other democracy in the world,
there is true respect for human rights, I will
not be made to leave here. Yes, if they make
me, there is nothing I can do! I’m only a little
man against these giants. But there are things
we can do there – we have our land, we can
farm, raise livestock. But ever since the investors arrived, people expect them to take care
of everything around here. The women from
the village, mothers of young people, went to
them and demanded that their children be
employed in the project. They can cry on cue,
It’s quiet in David’s garden. Somewhere further
away, you can hear the constant rumbling of
the machines, but here, the sweet song of birds
covers the sad wailing of the dying mountain.
Reporter: What are you working on here?
David’s daughter: Stop smoking – it’s giving
me a headache!
David: C’mon, say it!
David: She’ll be great company tonight. You
can lay on the eggs, too!
Mother-in-law: C’mon, my little bird!… She
pecked me – she’s angry. Crazy hen, she wants
to peck my face! Go on, shoo! You damn hen!
Worse than a rooster, that one! Will peck your
eyes right out!
Narrator: Remus Cornea can usually be found
in his carpentry workshop. The people from
the Apuseni Mountains are famous for their
skill in woodworking, the real treasure of
these mountains…
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these women. So they would go and stay there
for an entire shift, eight hours, for a week, in
order to get employment for their children.
And as soon as they get home, nothing, they’re
just quiet.
Remus: And the women, before washing machines, they used to wash the clothes in the
stream.
Reporter: So they washed clothes in golden
water.
Reporter: How many bees do you have?
Remus: Yeah, in water with gold!
Man: Actually, no… there are just a few, some
extremists making noise; Greenpeace and all
that. Environmental methods… Crazy folk. My
family’s roots here go back to the 1700s, I know,
but…
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Mother-in-law: Simona, don’t just stand there,
give us a hand!
Simona: I need a stick – I haven’t got a stick!
Diana: Well, find something, move!
Reporter: And what do you do with the roots
you have here?
Simona: Shut up! You move!
Remus: Around 40 families.
Reporter: What does that mean?
Remus: 40 hives.
Reporter: So you play the leaf for them?
Remus: I sure do. When I have the time.
Reporter: Like a shepherd playing for his flock.
Remus: Like a shepherd, yes.
Remus: Take a look! I planted a lot of trees
here. Some acacias there on the side on the
road, a few linden trees a bit further up. I made
a bench, I put it out in front of the house, and I
like to sit there after work… I have roots here,
I don’t want anyone to make me leave.
Narrator: Not everyone thinks the same in
Roşia Montana. Many villagers have already
sold their properties and gone elsewhere. Many
others will follow. For them, Roşia Montana’s
future does not look as though it’s going to be
bright.
Reporter: Who taught you?
(Loud explosion)
Remus: My grandmother. I learnt that from
her.
Remus: You see this stream, this is Cornei
Valley.
Reporter: You can almost see the gold, if you
look closer.
Man with cow: It’s like a never-ending earthquake! Don’t know what they’re planning to
do here! My walls are all cracked. This is a
ghost village… a worthless place. There is no
grass left here, just acid. Do you know about
acid sickness?
Reporter: No.
Remus: There is gold in there. People used to
go gold panning here. One or two grams a day.
My father used to tell me about it.
Man: It’s from the acid water. If you bring a
cow from the next village here, it will die.
Reporter: But there are people who love this
place.
Man: We’re not leaving without our roots.
We’re taking them with us.
Narrator: For others though, life remains unchanged, as if the last two hundred years have
never happened. Sheep must be sheared, cows
return from the pasture in the evening, their
udders heavy with milk. There is dry wood
waiting in the barn, ready to be chopped and
thrown on the fire.
(Back at David’s house)
Reporter: It must be hard, chopping firewood
all the time.
David: Uhm! You know how it is? This is like
fitness training. Instead of going to the gym,
you go chop a couple of logs.
Mother-in-law: (talking to the sheep) Hey! You
just wait there. I’ll give you the haircut of your
life. You just come here now. Come closer to
the light here. Where are the scissors? Oh
yeah, in that bag there.
Mother-in-law: Mother used to say that a sheep
only realises its age when it’s sheared.
Reporter: Otherwise, life is beautiful?
Mother-in-law: Yeah, otherwise its life is
great.
Mother: So, Dia! Off with your hair too, then?
Diana: You mind your own hair, yeah?
Mother: Get up from the floor, you’ll catch a
cold!
Reporter: Can I try?
David: You can, just mind your feet and legs.
No, take the other log, that’s too hard. Try this
one.
Mother-in-law: That’s right, unless you want
more of those pills!
David: C’mon, cow, into the stable, go on!
Simona: Mum!
David: Mona, help me get her into the stable!
Mother: Put some shoes on!
Simona: OK.
132
¡
ROMANIA
¡
ROMANIA
¡
Antoniu Adrian Bumb
¡
Antoniu Adrian Bumb
David: First I take my share of the milk, and
then I let the calves feed.
down there. The frightened man says many
bad things are down there, but not me.
David: (to the cow) Shush!
Reporter: Were there miners who said they’ve
seen her?
David: Some cows are easier to milk than others. A cow like this gives about 15 to 20 litres
of milk every day on average. That’s a single
cow, that is! I don’t really add it all up, but
with the milk that I sell every month, I can
buy all the groceries we need.
Mihnea: Yeah, they said they’ve seen the valley fairy. So I would ask what she looked like.
Some saw her in human shape, others said she
took the shape of an animal – a horse, they
said. But she was not real, she couldn’t have
been real.
David: Now I can let the calves feed.
Montana, and only many years from now,
and only of old age. Until then he wants to
live well, but not just in any way and not just
anywhere.
Eugen Cornea: You could never take more
than what you were allowed. If you tried to
get more than that – mind your feet, you’ll get
them wet – you were punished for it. We knew
that from older people who had worked in the
mine. Whoever took more, was punished.
Reporter: Gold’s curse?
The Miner’s Song
Reporter: He’s such a glutton!
133
Eugen Cornea: This is a gold vein, you can see
it very well…
Reporter: So that dusty vein, which looks more
silvery than golden, is actually gold then… So
what keeps you in this place?
Eugen Cornea: A great many things. Firstly, I
was born here in Roşia Montana. All my ancestors can be traced back to here in Roşia
Montana. I have buried brothers, parents,
aunts and uncles here. Whoever imagines that
we will let them be removed by an excavator
and re-buried in waste rock is wrong.
Eugen Cornea: Gold’s curse.
Above us there’s no sky –
David: Of course. Best milk around here!
Reporter: Was that ever known to happen?
Reporter: There are dark clouds gathering up
there…
This is the miner’s life.
Narrator: The clouds have squeezed unnoticed between the mountains and they huddle
menacingly over the valley. The red earth of
the path is still dry, but soon the rain will fall
like a blessing over the thirsty grass. In the
distance, the sky has begun to grumble.
Deep in the heart of the mountain it’s quiet.
The Roman tunnels in Roşia Montana are the
only ones in the world that can still be visited.
People say that in the innermost depths of the
tunnels, one can still hear the voice of a mysterious fairy (Valva Vailor), who may be a good
fairy or a bad fairy, depending on the soul of
the person who meets her.
Our dusty, weary steps carry us above
ground,
Only to find the people’s world as dark as
the underworld;
We barely cope with the pain and sorrow at
the surface,
Before we must again descend into the depths
of the Earth.
Above us there’s no sky –
Eugen Cornea: Absolutely! Many times.
Whoever tried to take more was never able to.
Let’s go inside. You see the traces of fire and
water mining here? What they did was to detach the rock with heat. Here, I’ll show you a
gold vein in this piece of rock.
Reporter: It’s getting narrower!
Eugen Cornea: Yes. We thought of opening
the galleries to the public. Put in a couple of
channels, and let people, miners, tourists come
in and mine their own gold. They could grind
the rock themselves and leave with whatever
gold they found.
This is the miner’s life.
Old man Mihnea, the tunnel guard, does not
believe in ghosts though.
Mihnea: I am out of the depths of hell now…
Mihnea: I’ve worked in the mines for 25 years.
My father brought me into the mine, so I too
learnt to be a miner. I never feared anything
Narrator: Everybody in the village knows
Eugen Cornea. He is a stubborn man; he’s got
it into his head that he will only die in Roşia
Reporter: It’s getting cold.
Eugen Cornea: Yes, it’s very cold.
Reporter: Is that gold?
Eugen Cornea: Yes, there is a storm approaching. There is always a storm over Roşia
Montana.
134
¡
SERBIA
¡
SERBIA
¡
Milena Stošić
¡
Milena Stošić
CV
Milena Stošić is currently in the final year of her psychology studies. She writes for the international youth web
magazine, WAVE, mainly in the society section, volunteer
for NGO PROTECTA, in Nis, and write a monthly e-bulletin
for European houses in south and south-east Serbia. She
has attended numerous training courses and seminars related to psychology and civil society. She firmly believes
in life-long education, democracy, freedom of speech and
the power of information. She considers myself as a sociable person, responsible, punctual and able to manage
new situations. She is also a great lover of art and music.
Summary: The “European Houses Project” was established by the Center for Development of Civil Society, “Protecta” from Niš (Serbia), in cooperation with the “Media
& Reform Center” from the same city, as well as the “Patriotism” organisation from
Bulgaria. They help the idea of Europe to become something of an institution, giving
it physical space, with each house having offices equipped with the colours of the EU.
Each of them has an information corner and a library where you can find various materials from different domains regarding all EU countries. The main idea of the project
is not to promote the EU, but to supply people from southern Serbia with information
on the European Union. Our country is highly centralised and more than 100 embassies, cultural centres and other institutions are located in Belgrade, the capital of Serbia, where people can get the information they need. There is often a delay before
such information reaches southern regions and usually people from this area have
to travel to Belgrade to find out information on the European Union, such as scholarships that are available for example. This project aims to bring together information
on European integration and highlight the potential in the south of Serbia.
Estimation of jury: The Serbian jury has selected its winner as “European Houses
Project. Europe in the south of Serbia”, prepared by young journalist Milena Stošić,
who won by a unanimous vote. It is the story about the establishment of a ”European House” in the city of Pirot, close to the Bulgarian border. The house will host
NGOs and volunteers ready to distribute materials and answer the questions of anyone who wants to know and understand the process of ongoing European unification better from his or her perspective. The jury was also of the opinion that the prize
should be awarded to a winner outside of the metropolitan areas in order to stimulate the efforts of young journalists to spread pro-EU attitudes in the provinces.
135
European Houses Project
Europe in the south of Serbia
The Protecta Centre for Civil Society Development in Niš developed the idea in cooperation with the Media & Reform Centre Niš and
the Patriotizam organisation in Bulgaria.
European Houses are fitted with office furniture in EU colours and each one of them
has an “info corner” and library. This project
does not promote the European Union; rather it offers information to citizens so that
they can see that the EU is a reality and not
just some abstract concept.
W
ithin the scope of this project for creating mechanisms for greater accessibility to information and better understanding
of the EU integration process, on 27 March
in Pirot, a European House was officially
opened, the third in southern and southeastern Serbia (after Niš and Vranje). Božidar
Đelic, the Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia,
and Josep Lloveras, Head of the Delegation of
the European Commission to Serbia, opened
the house with the symbolic unveiling of the
plaque at the entrance and a joint photo in
which the flags of Serbia and the European
Union fly side by side.
A
ccording to Jelena Stevanov from the
Serbian Government EU Integration Office,
the European Houses project itself – which is
being carried out by the Protecta Centre for
Civil Society Development in Niš – allows for a
greater level of participation by the citizens of
south-eastern Serbia, especially young people,
in the debate on the EU and European integration. All of this through the exchange of
information and examples of good practice in
this area, which is fully in accordance with the
aims that the office wishes to achieve in cooperation with the civil sector. Protecta’s work is
well known as a significant factor in spreading
European ideas and values in Serbia, especially
in the south.
S
o far, as part of the project, six debates have
been held and there are plans for a series
of activities of an educational and interactive
character, all with the ultimate aim of allowing for better understanding of the European
Union and Serbia’s own EU integration process. Dragan Petković, the project manager,
speaks to WAVE magazine about the necessity
of implementing this idea, and about European
Houses:
“I’ve been in this job for ten years now, and
I know both the people and the institutions
in this area. I know that here, unfortunately,
things during the past ten years rarely, if ever,
happened. In Belgrade you have more than
100 embassies, cultural centres and a million
different types of institutions, and citizens are
able to hear different stories and obtain correct information. All of this is finally reaching
us here in the south, albeit after some delay.
Usually people from these areas go to Belgrade
to obtain what they want, to ask about some
scholarship or the like. We wish to bring these
136
¡
SERBIA
¡
SERBIA
¡
Milena Stošić
¡
Milena Stošić
opportunities to this region, to show that the
south of Serbia is an area full of potential.”
As far as the level of awareness regarding EU
integration is concerned, Petković rates it as
low or non-existent:
“Our path to the European Union is exclusively connected to Kosovo’s status or the Hague
Tribunal, which is an indisputable part of this
process. However, I think that it’s equally important to also talk about other components
of the picture, for instance the experiences of
other countries in the region. These are the
images of people and countries that were in
the same situation we are in now, with similar problems, and today, after everything,
they now live well and are valuable members
of the EU. I think that people here lack that
little window onto the world, to see that they
are not alone and unique, rather that there are
many more similar fates, and that a better tomorrow does exist and that it’s very close.”
What are European Houses and what do
they look like?
“European Houses are becoming a type of institution and have their own physical premises,
for now, in Niš, Pirot and Vranje. Nevertheless,
they consist of a team of ten young, diligent and
fantastic people who believe in what they do.
The idea arose in cooperation with the Media
& Reform Centre in Niš and the Patriotizam
organisation in Bulgaria. European Houses are
fitted with office furniture in EU colours and
each one of them has an ‘info corner’ and a
library where you can find different materials
from various areas of EU member states. Of
course, the majority of the publications deal
with the European integration process itself.
This is not a project which promotes the EU,
rather a project which offers information to
citizens on what it will actually mean to them.
People will be able to see that the European
Union is a reality and not some abstract concept, to see that it is a part of life and their
daily routine!
O
ur primary target group is young people aged between 18 and 30, but people
of all age groups are absolutely welcome. The
debates which have been held so far have been
organised for high school and university students and institutions.”
What have been the effects so far? How do
people react to this topic?
“Fantastically! When you hear young people of
15 years of age in Vranje or Pirot posing very
mature questions and conducting fascinating discussions, I know that there is hope. All
that this country needs are people who think
with their own minds and don’t make decisions based on an electoral campaign poster
of whichever political party. Young people
in this part of Serbia have been denied many
things, including information about what the
European integration process brings. As much
as we have succeeded in bringing that information to hundreds of young people, this is a
big thing and I am sure that the results can be
far greater.”
W
e found out from the co-ordinator
of European Houses in Niš, Jelena
Stajković, that along with organising debates
and talks on subjects which young people have
shown the most interest in (from pre-concep-
tions on losing national identity and information on study possibilities, to explaining
the terminology and the integration process
itself), there are also plans to observe Europe
Day on 9 May. What other activities can we
expect?
“This project will have an educational campaign with examples and stories of everyday
life in other countries that are now members
of the EU. There will be various films, cultural
evenings, exhibits, meetings, street activities
and educational broadcasts. People who are
interested in participating in our activities
and wish to contribute that way can do so at
any time.”
Why is the issue of national identity often
mentioned when talking about European
integration?
“National identity is not something that someone gives to you, so in the same way, in my
opinion, no one can take it away from you or
destroy it. The best way to lose it is to become
poor and helpless, and in such times that subject is surely the last thing you would think
about. If you look more closely, you will see
that when a country is better and richer, it has
a stronger national identity. Therefore, I am
convinced that with the country’s progress,
national identity will strengthen and not
weaken, because if someone were to ask you
where you are from, would you be more proud
to say you are from a Serbia that is poor and
alone, or from a Serbia that is an advanced and
rich country?”
137
F
inally, a crucial question and the message that this project sends – what will
Serbia gain from membership of the European
Union and what will the EU gain by accepting
Serbia?
“Serbia would gain a lot from EU membership.
As many have said, it is a group of the rich,
therefore the mere fact that we are on the path
towards the EU shows that our society is moving forward, becoming better and richer, and
not only in an economic sense, but also in a
cultural sense. Membership of the EU means,
above all, a good standard and quality of life for
the average person. Serbia thus will gain stability, security, economic prosperity and almost
30 friends. There’s no better way to preserve
your country and your interests than having,
at this moment, another 27 countries around
you, which are ready to defend the common
interest. The EU will gain from Serbia’s entry, above all, stability and a unique economic
market. History has already shown many times
that a stable Balkans is crucial for the stability
for the whole of Europe. The European idea
itself arose from the foundations of stability,
mutual respect and interests, as opposed to
war and conflict between European nations.
The EU will gain yet another country with a
very old culture and tradition.”
T
he European Houses project does not have
a limited time period and, according to
our respondent, when Serbia becomes an EU
member, the project will then have the role of
further informing citizens on their possibilities within the union – which by then will be
even greater.
138  Slovakia



Slavomíra Gašperová
CV
Slavomíra Gašperová was born on 19 April 1988 in Poprad, but she lives in a village situated under the High
Tatras in Slovakia. She graduated at secondary school in
Poprad before continuing her studies at the University of
Constantine the Philosopher, in Nitra. She currently studies
journalism and has successfully finished the fourth term.
In the next academic year she will try to get her bachelor
degree. She also works as a PR manager for her university magazine, “Občas nečas”, and sometimes works as a
volunteer in various organisations on several projects. Her
main passion is skiing and winter sports. She also loves
her family, friends, reading books, fine art and music.
Summary: Slavomíra Gašperová submission is mainly about the fall of the Iron Curtain.
In her article, she tried to express her ideas and emotions, what this era meant for herself, and especially for people of her home country – the Slovaks. In the first part of her
submission, she tried to convey the memories of her father during the socialist regime
and also the memories from her early age, when the Iron Curtain fell.
The main idea behind her article was to show to people who grew up in western European countries, how shocking the situation was behind the Iron Curtain and what
it meant to her and all Slovaks to enter the European Union.
She also tried to describe how the people from post-communist countries are being
considered by some people from western European countries and how these prejudices can be overcome.
In the last part, she has expressed what is most important to me, in the context of
the fall of the imaginary “Slovak Iron Curtain”.
Estimation of jury: In Slavomira Gasperova’s winning article “Fight for ‘non-freedom’”, the jury members evaluated the piece as an entry of high quality, with an
original approach and a strong personal view. They were also impressed by interesting examples, a clear flow of argumentation, a smooth stream of ideas that end in
a consequent summary and all in a pure style of writing.
Slovakia
139
Slavomíra Gašperová
Fight for “non-freedom”
I
was born in the Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic, in the same year that a huge
number of articles and announcements appeared in the newspapers from the sessions of
the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party. They were full of talk about
the re-building of socialism and that the current political system was perfect. Common
people, average citizens, were presented with
something that they did not even properly understand and which they were forced to accept.
Their lives were very different from the ones
we live today.
I
remember how my father would tell me
stories from that time. The shops were
stocked with just two types of children’s
trousers, and so all of the children in school
looked as though they were wearing uniforms.
Tangerines and tropical fruits could only be
obtained under the counter, and then only
just before Christmas. At work, my father
would have to draw up senseless plans that
nobody would ever read. When he wanted to
go abroad he had to stand in queues for one
stamped document after another, and if any of
them were missing, he could forget about any
chance of travelling. Vienna? A city that, although being so close, was as inaccessible as
the moon. When he finally arrived, the bus
driver asked passengers to leave their tickets
under the windscreen wipers if they were not
planning on coming back, so that the rest of
the travellers would not have to wait pointlessly for a dissident to return!
T
hen came the revolution – the “Slovak Iron
Curtain” came down. Men everywhere
stopped wearing ties. After all, if you wore one,
you could be a communist! At work my parents
suddenly had new bosses and working conditions also changed. I was one and a half years
old at the time and I learnt to shout three letters: “VPN!” (Verejnosť proti násiliu! – People
Against Violence!), which I probably picked up
from the television. My parents also gave me a
badge from this movement, which represented
change, and all three of us were happy about
this new beginning, even though I had no idea
about what was happening.
S
o I grew up in a free country. I did not know
about the things my father would later tell
me when I became an adult. In the summer
we would go on holiday without needing any
special permit. Shops clearly had a wider range
of goods on offer. I spent my childhood, adolescence and youth in Slovakia and I love this
country, especially as it is where I was born.
A
broad, though, I sometimes experience
the karma of a young woman from a postcommunist country. For example, once I was
visiting family in Munich. It was right before
the entry of Slovakia into the European Union
and my uncle had invited me to have breakfast
140  Slovakia



Slavomíra Gašperová
with his friends. When he introduced me to
them and told them where I was from, it felt a
little strange, maybe even unpleasant. I had a
very interesting discussion with them, though.
With my imperfect German I told them about
the situation in Slovakia now, about all the
various reforms we had to undergo in order to
become part of the European Union, and how
the political situation now appears. At the end
of this eventually pleasant morning, I felt that
I had rocked the foundations of their opinions
of Slovakia (and maybe other countries of the
former Soviet Union). The pre-conceptions
had gone. My pre-conceptions of them, although weak, had also disappeared.
E
urope has opened up. Firstly, the Iron
Curtain fell, and then the European Union
was expanded, which also included my country. This is why today my surroundings have
once more completely changed: for about four
months now a strong currency has been jingling in my purse – the euro. All over town
there are posters announcing the support of
the European Union for various projects. On
the streets, I frequently come across people of
other races and hear people speaking other
languages. Tourists come here from all over
the world to become acquainted with our culture and we now have the possibility to go
anywhere we want – whether for a holiday or
for work.
T
he face of Slovakia has changed, as has
the face of the whole European Union. In
some spheres this is for the better, and in others it is for the worse. What is fundamental for
me, however, is that we are free. Maybe not in
a perfect way, because as long as we are citi-
zens of a state system, we will never be entirely
free. The renowned Czech-Polish essayist
Gabriel Laub once said: “The fight for freedom
is a battle for the right to choose freely what
kind of ‘non-freedom’ you want.” The former
socialist states battled for and won their fight
for democracy, probably the freest kind of
“non-freedom” you can have.
Slovenia
141
Veronika Gnezda
CV
Veronika Gnezda was born in 1979 in Ljubljana. She studied philosophy at the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana. In the
meantime, after a successful invitation for tender on the
public broadcast system, Veronika began working for the
National Radio Slovenia, on one of its most popular programmes – Val 202. Veronika also works as a part-time freelance journalist, since 2004. Her work requires a wide range
and knowledge of media culture, audio and visual art and
social events in general. At the moment she lives in Ljubljana and is finishing her degree at the Ljubljana Faculty of
Arts. Her hobby is reading and she enjoys mountaineering.
Summary: Author Veronika Gnezda in the radio feature programme entitled “One
border, two different stories” portrays the impact of Slovenia’s accession to the EU
through changes that now have an impact upon the lives of Slovenes by the entrance into the Schengen zone: on one hand the abolition of the internal border with
Italy, on the other hand the imposition of the EU external border with Croatia. The
programme presents what tangible advantages the abolition of internal borders
brought for people living near the border with Italy It also explains the introduction
of a border and its impacts upon the everyday life of those citizens who live near the
border with Croatia, where no border existed before. The programme touches upon
the future of the enlargement policy, in particular with regard to the neighbouring
country of Croatia, expressing the hope of citizens that Croatia will soon enter the EU
and the Schengen zone, so that the artificial border will no longer divide people.
Estimation of jury: This radio feature, with a sort of documentary atmosphere
features relevant witness accounts of the period from the World War II until today. In a very authentic way it pictures the experiences – the hopes and troubles that people went through – combining stories of those on one borderline, and those who are still going through them, living on another borderline.
The reportage is presented in a very lively manner and uses a contemporary approach
of production and amalgamates almost into a documentary style of programme.
142
¡
SLOVENIA
¡
SLOVENIA
¡
Veronika Gnezda
¡
Veronika Gnezda
One border, two different stories
18 years ago, there was no border between
Slovenia and Croatia, except an administrative one. And the Schengen arrangement,
which brings “Europe without frontiers” on
the one hand, on the other establishes stricter border control regulations in those areas
which used to have more lenient regulations,
as some critics stressed one year and a half
ago. Today, no one talks about the realities
of life at the border, except for those disputed kilometres. And no one talks about how
the new way of passing through the border
changed our lives, for better or for worse.
Therefore we are going to have a look on the
both sides of the border at two places in particular: in Zavrč at the border with Croatian
and Miren at the border with Italy. This is
a story of how the inhabitants of one settlement experienced a shock overnight and
how for the inhabitants of the other, a longstanding dream finally came to fruition.
“Tonight, we are allowed to dream, tomorrow is a new day.” Every person gets the right
to dream at his/her birth, added the then
President during his Presidency of Slovenia,
Milan Kučan.
O
n 25 June 1991, we brought both things
closer together. From that day onwards,
we Slovenes have our own state and with it a
different border situation.
“This is great. You just go through and no-one
asks you anything. Those who haven’t lived by
the border can’t feel this, but it’s great,” said
Mirenka Cirila Pregelj. In Zavrč, Jože Borak
and Martin Težak reflected upon the border
issue:
“That was quite a shock for us. We can’t describe it properly, but we felt as if we were the
last people on earth!”
T
wo stories, one beautiful and one shocking, at the same border and in different
times, in the same country but in two settlements. Let’s start 10 kilometres from Nova
Gorica, just by the Italian border, in the village of Miren not long after the end of World
War II, when the VIPs drew a new border between the two countries. Sometimes they even
drew it in such a manner that a part of a village could be placed in Italy and the other in
Slovenia.
“If a border is drawn by people who sit far
away, and it is drawn on paper, it’s becomes
very unrealistic. Here, they cut this cemetery
diagonally in half. The border ran diagonally,
dissecting numerous graves. The head of certain bodies were in Italy and the legs were
situated in Yugoslavia.”
The new, bureaucratic border had a deep and
stark influence upon the everyday lives of the
locals, as Mirenka Cirila Pregelj still vividly
recollects.
“All those houses you see over there were part
of Miren. People were lost, they didn’t know
where they belonged. We were very much limited. We had limited contact with our brothers
and sisters, who now lived on the other side.”
A
ll of a sudden, iron fences and military
posts sprung up in the fields. Everything
was heavily guarded. The locals still remember how hard it was to meet with their families, who lived on the other side.
O
nly locals could visit the cemetery and
then only once or twice a month, and
only for two hours. Only once a year, the entire
family could meet together. On 1 November,
All Saints Day, at the cemetery!
“That was quite a spectacle. People crowded
both on the Italian and the Yugoslav side of
the cemetery, so no real respect could be paid
to the deceased. Since we were poor, our families from the Italian side brought us something or simply threw it over that barbed wire.
Packages were flying everywhere. It was a real
palaver!”
T
he locals know many stories, connected
with the border. From the tragic, when
“Droogs”, as the Yugoslav Army soldiers were
called, shot at deserters, to stories regarding
the contraband trade of goods, which were not
available in Yugoslavia back then.
143
“When we visited our relatives on the other
side, usually customs officers from other
Yugoslav republics were working at the border. If we didn’t bring anything with us, we
were immediately looked upon with suspicion.
Therefore I put half a kilo of coffee in the boot
of my car at home, so I could say that I was
declaring half a kilo of coffee,” remembers
Robert Petejan. Nevertheless, some stories
from the border are even today very funny for
Cirila Pregelj and other inhabitants of Miren.
“I’ll tell you something funny, but I’ll have to
use a bad word. Two people were cycling towards Gorica. One had to take a twosie! The
other one was holding his bike. A “Droog”
found the man in the bush and escorted him
to the military post. The cyclist told him he
had to go and drop the kids off at the pool.
After a few hours, he asked them to go and tell
his friend that he had crapped ages ago, but
was still held at the post. So there was no need
to wait for him anymore.”
For the cyclists and other for Miren, life became much easier after 1991, when Slovenia
gained its independence and the “Droogs” left.
“All relations became more humane. They
were harsh to us, they were probably told to
act like that. And many people got their jobs
over there (in Italy). It was much easier, because we could go there freely.”
A
completely different situation than in
Miren, during the times of The Yugoslav
Republics, on the other side of Slovenia, in a
hamlet near Ormož (Slovenia), not far from
144
¡
SLOVENIA
¡
SLOVENIA
¡
Veronika Gnezda
¡
Veronika Gnezda
Varaždin (Croatia). Only a few people except
those who are fond of wine and vineyards have
heard about Zavrč in those times. Before the
border was officially defined, it didn’t have
any meaning whatsoever, remembers Janko
Lorbek.
“Here you are in Slovenia, but a hundred
metres ahead you are actually in Croatia. A
further 300 metres and again you are back
in Slovenia. Slightly further ahead, and once
again you are in Croatia. The border runs in a
zigzag pattern.”
“20 years ago, life here was relaxed. We were
going to Croatia and Croats were coming here.
Many mixed marriages were formed in that
era. Our lads were quite regular in Croatia.”
“A good example is the road that borders
Croatia. The restaurant is across the road,
while the post office and fire department are
on the left side. If I wanted to go to the restaurant and played by the rules, I would have
to report to the Slovene police station first and
they would inform the Croatian police about
my arrival. If there is a check-up, they won’t
sanction me.”
“Everything started to change when people
voted for an independent country during the
referendum.”
“When we went to voice our opinion at the
referendum, many people didn’t know that
Slovenia was going to become independent and
build check points. Villagers were convinced
that everything was going to stay the same and
that there wasn’t going to be any border. When
the check points were built, people were very
surprised.”
T
he border between Croatia and Slovenia
has from 1991 pitted politicians from
both sides against each other on numerous occasions. But the locals in Zavrč have good relations. They are not interested in the political
problems. Both sides give in a tad and everything is sorted out. They talk about the border issue with a great sense of tolerance. One
of the reasons may be that they know exactly
where it is, states Martin Težak.
J
anko Lorbek, a retired policeman, says that
there are not many people now who’d want to
cross the border secretly. And even if they did,
the police would pick them up very quickly.
“People come from the other side of Europe.
When they arrive to Zavrč, the police inspect
their documents. In this part of Haloze with
the Schengen border, we have more police controls than other borders. At first this was very
disturbing, but we got used to it. We live hand
in hand with the Schengen Police officers, who
protect our national border.”
A
nd the police know more or less all the
locals by now. One of them is Janez
Kukovec, a postman, who commutes more
than 60 kilometres a day and of course occasionally crosses to the other side.
“I drive on the Croatian road as well and
nobody has ever asked me or inspected my
documents. Some estates have their house in
Slovenia and their stables in Croatia or half of
the house is on Slovene territory and the other half on Croatian territory. People have no
problems with that. It’s politicians who create
the problems.”
Jože Borak, who has a Croat father and a
Slovene mother, has different experiences.
H
e doesn’t see himself as either a Croat or
as a Slovene, but he nevertheless comes
upon this issue every day when he drives to his
workplace in Slovenia.
“At first there were more police, the control
was stricter. Now it’s a little more relaxed but
you never know if the police are going to stop
you or not. The border policy is designed in
that way that you always ask yourself: are you
Slovene or Croat, before you sit in your car
and if you have anything in the car that could
cause an issue. You check to see if you have
your driving license on you and make sure you
didn’t have a drink recently.”
D
espite a certain nostalgia towards the old
times, Jože came to terms with life by
the border, the same as the majority of people
from this area.
So did Martin Težak, a barman in the Turški
vrh pub. No buses with daily commuters to
Ptuj stop there to have their lunch.
145
“In the last 35 years, 70 % of our guests were
Croats and 30 % were Slovenes. After the border was erected, our business fell by a half.
Before, we had guests from Varaždin and
Zagreb. In the last five years, an occasional
Italian, English or French tourist stops here.
They couldn’t do that before.”
P
olice controls, limit mobility and other
things, as Martin and Janko stressed as
one of the reasons why the government should
grant a state rent to border towns, the same as
the Croatian government did.
B
ut the state rent wasn’t granted in Miren
or in any other Slovene settlement at the
border with Italy. On the contrary, Italians
looked after their people with “zona franca”,
says Ivo Kovic, who was separated from his
siter in Miren by the border.
“Everyone buys petrol in Miren now. Before
we had much cheaper petrol then the rest of
Italy! And sugar is cheaper here, 75 cents per
kilo. That was probably always the case. But
petrol used to be cheaper before.”
T
he locals say that Italians imposed stricter controls at the national border after
Slovenia’s independence, as they were scared
of illegal immigrants.
A
fter 1 May 2004, when Slovenia entered
the European Union, the people of Miren
felt equal to Italians for the first time after a
very long time. Although Miren didn’t experience any significant development after joining
146
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SLOVENIA
¡
Veronika Gnezda
¡
Veronika Gnezda
the EU, this facilitated business with foreign
partners for the well known shoemaker and
entrepreneur Robert Petejan.
“Slovenia joining the EU was a big leap forward, as it enabled the free flow of goods. No
one was allowed to ask you anymore what you
are transporting. That was a huge relief, not
just on the personal side, but also on a business level.”
T
he inhabitants of Miren were maybe even
happier by the implementation of the
Schengen arrangement on 21 December 2007,
when the border became completely open.
A
fter all those years of living by the border, it even felt somehow strange, when
they didn’t need to show any documents if
they wanted to go to Italy. It took them some
time to get used to that situation, say Mavricij
Humar and Cirila Pregelj, with a hint of nostalgia in their voices.
“When the Italians still had their check-points
there, we always decelerated a little and started
searching for our IDs. We only stopped doing
this now, once those check-points were gone.
B
ut above all, we don’t need to stop anymore, no-one asks us what we have, how
much did we pay for it and where did we buy
it? I have to say that we slightly miss the contraband trade. It was part of our lives. On a
small scale, of course: a square metre of tiles or
half a kilo of coffee… This is gone now. People
living at the border gained another advantage,
called the freedom of mobility, the freedom of
passing through the border.”
Only the inhabitants of border towns know all
the realities of life at a border.
Robert Pejetan has no envy for his compatriots
living in Zavrč and other towns at the border
with Croatia.
“It’s very hard when the border is cut across
the territory. Elderly people, who experienced
it, could explain that. They experienced the
same divide as those people at the border with
Croatia have been experiencing now. The border limits freedom, the freedom of mobility, if
nothing else!”
W
hat is past for Miren, is a reality for
Zavrč, the village on the other side of
Slovenia. The people of Zavrč are now looking
to the future, to the other side, to Croatia and
its membership of the EU first, and then the
Schengen territory.
“I can’t wait for Croatia to be integrated as a
member of the European Union. I don’t like
that Croatia is sullied in different ways. This
is not an appropriate behaviour for a civilised
nation. Or to compare Croatia with Albania
and countries of that ilk! If nothing else, we
were all the same once!”
The same as Jože Borak reflects on the Croatian
side, Janko Lorbek and Martine Težek are pondering on the Slovene side.
“This is a secret wish of every single one of us:
that this happened yesterday and not tomorrow. That the border would be gone and these
places could live and breathe again. Sometimes
I hear a Slovene saying that Croats shouldn’t
enter the EU. I support their joining one hundred percent. I’d like to see the former integration (all former Yugoslav republics) to become
re-integrated in the European Union.”
B
oth people from Zavrč, at the southern
border with Croatia, and people from
Miren, at the western border with Italy, say
that the European Union raised their morale.
Nevertheless, neither of them have experienced any significant sign of affluence.
P
eople from Miren can live peacefully now,
while people from Zavrč eagerly wait for
the day when the Schengen border will move
much further to the south.
This is the today’s story of two settlements
in the same country, snuggled alongside one
border.
147
148
¡
SPAIN
¡
SPAIN
¡
Isabel Benitez Ortiz
¡
Isabel Benitez Ortiz
CV
Isabel Benítez is 24 years old. She is from Extremadura, although she studied a degree in Journalism in Seville. She
started her professional training in the radio sector and
she continues to work in this field at a radio station called
“Onda Local de Andalucía”. Her professional experience is
deeply connected to social communication, human rights,
environment, culture, patrimony and youth. She is also very
interested in the work of the European Union. She is able to
speak English and French, and loves journalism because, according to her, it teaches you to work as a team and allows
you to continue acquiring valuable knowledge every day.
Summary: The World War II ends. Poverty and destruction control Europe. This is the
context in which a group of six states join to rebuild the whole continent. This is the
beginning of the European Union. Today, it is a common thing for the 27 states to have
new candidates knocking at the door. But what is the reason? What does this Community offer them? What does it mean to the world? And what does it mean to you?
Estimation of jury: The winning piece by Isabel Benitez Ortiz was awarded the prize
because the jury considered that a lot of effort was put into the piece. The information was conveyed in an attractive and well-structured manner, with a diversity of
views. Without too many resources, the outcome is of really high quality.
149
Report on the European Union
T
he European Union measures 10 million
square metres, and within it live around
730 million people. It boasts a huge diversity
of landscapes. Icy mountain ranges contrast
with great plains and fertile valleys. Rivers
such as the Danube and the Rhine are its
veins, through which runs the blue blood that
gives life to its people.
I
t has been the cradle of Western civilisation, and is currently shaped, in one way
or another, by a mosaic of cultural influences
from the Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Germans
and more. But it has also been the scene of
some of the cruellest episodes in the history
of humankind.
T
his is Europe. A place where, for over sixty
years, a massive project has tried to unite
its diverse peoples in maintaining cordial
economic, social and cultural relationships,
whilst at the same time fully respecting their
plurality. That initiative is currently known as
the European Union, and it is made up of 27
states.
Juan Gay 1: What came first were the European
economic communities (…) the idea to avoid a
new war between European countries through
economic cooperation was launched.
Juan Gay 2: At the beginning, the idea was to
unite France and Germany’s large industrial
capabilities (…) that was the original focus.
T
he words you have just heard allude to the
early seeds of the EU. They come from Juan
Gay Armenteros, Professor of Contemporary
History at the University of Granada. The origins of the EU cannot be understood without
remembering the horrors of the Second World
War, and, perhaps because of this, those who
form part of the EU display an unmistakable
desire to live in peace with their neighbours.
Today, the European Union likes to think of
itself as an institution that works for the prosperity and freedom of its inhabitants.
I
ts main bodies directly reflect these objectives. Firstly, there is the Parliament, which
represents EU citizens; secondly, the Council
of the European Union brings together national governments; and finally, there is the
Commission, where the interests of the 27
member states that make up the EU are linked
together and coordinated.
I
n terms of political action, the functions
of these three institutions can be outlined
as follows. The Commission, as an executive
branch, is responsible for managing European
Union policies and ensuring that its treaties
are adhered to and implemented. The Council
is responsible for security, defence and foreign policy. And the Parliament, along with
the Council, adopts a legislative role. Ignacio
Samper, director of the European Parliament
Office in Spain, explains how it works.
150
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¡
SPAIN
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Isabel Benitez Ortiz
¡
Isabel Benitez Ortiz
Ignacio Samper 2: “The European Commission,
which is the other institution, launches a
project containing a directive or regulation,
and sends it to the Parliament (…). It is voted on in the Commission, and then from the
Commission it passes to the Assembly, and at
the Assembly of the Parliament, the position
to be taken on this or that subject is decided.”
Throughout this process, 785 Members of the
European Parliament debate and decide on the
future of each EU citizen.
Ignacio Samper 1: Issues such as energy and
climate change are dealt with (…) in the
European Parliament.
B
ut, as we have already implied, in practice
it is the Commission that governs Europe.
Some of the most important decisions taken
over recent years serve to highlight its importance, as Paula Fernández-Hervás, editorial coordinator of the European Parliament,
explains.
Paula Fernández 1: Directives about the return of immigrants, package of chemicals, the
services directive, the audiovisual directive;
these have all been noteworthy (…).
But how is the EU perceived outside our
borders?
T
he European Union is currently one of
the biggest international aid donors to
impoverished countries; it has made advances
in consumer rights, in the protection of the
environment and in gender equality. It offers
travel and trade opportunities across borders,
a common currency, unity in the fight against
crime and terrorism, cheaper phone calls and
grants for study abroad.
That said, is all this work widely acknowledged
abroad? Just as importantly, do Europeans
themselves know about it?
Carlos Martínez 1: Evidently, the EU is what it
always has been (…) a union of interests. And
it continues to be just that.
Juan Gay 3: Europe is not a Federation, it is an
association of sovereign states that, by mutual
consent, in certain areas, cede part of their
sovereignty (…). And one thing is missing: a
common foreign policy. And that is particularly evident in the Balkans (…).
T
hat is how Carlos Martínez, the president
of the Association for the Taxation of
Financial Transactions for the Aid of Citizens
(ATTAC Spain), and the historian Juan Gay
Armenteros see it. They concur in their belief
that, above all else, we are talking about a union of economic interests designed to strengthen European markets. Its lack of foreign policy
contrasts with the strength of its currency, the
euro, in the world markets.
Juan Gay 4: I believe that we are unaware of
the benefits of the euro. Because this currency
has been widely criticised (…). We are in a bad
way but we could be much worse.
A
s well as the single currency, there are
also other attractive economic initiatives that attempt to balance out differences
between the separate member states. These
take the form of various subsidies and loans
that are channelled through structural funds
aimed at promoting unity of purpose and interests. But this brings limitations, as Carlos
Martínez again explains.
Carlos Martínez 2: What do the new countries
who want to enter the EU come for? Well, they
come for the subsidies, and little else (…) a
step in the wrong direction in terms of social
rights.
H
owever, those who want to belong to this
“Community Club” know that they have
to meet certain demands that guarantee individual freedoms. Representative democracy
and respect for human rights are just two examples of these requirements. This approach
has also served to pacify a continent where,
until the 1940s, bellicose conflicts were repeated time and again. Here are the views of Julio
Ponce, professor of Contemporary History at
the University of Seville.
Julio Ponce 1: However, when considered from
a certain historical perspective, European
construction is a reality without a shadow of
a doubt (…). It also has much to say in favour
of a greater world balance in its relations with
such areas as Asia, Africa and Latin America.
P
erhaps, because of this, the European
Union is now a leading negotiator in every
international forum. That said, experts warn
against its dependency on outside sources of
energy as a weakness when compared with
internationally emerging countries such as
Russia and China.
This is Europe’s position in the international
context. But what image do EU citizens have
of life within the community and the decisions
151
it takes? The figures for those who abstain in
the only elections in which citizens participate
directly – those of the European Parliament –
grow each year.
In countries where voting is not obligatory,
levels have dropped from 62 % in 1979 to 45 %
in the last elections.
T
his year, the forecasts are no better.
The most optimistic polls suggest that
just 43 % of the electorate is certain to vote
on June 7. These are the opinions of Carlos
Martínez, president of ATTAC Spain, and
Paula Fernández-Hervás, editorial coordinator of the European Parliament.
Carlos Martínez 3: Right now, European citizens are ignoring the European elections to a
great extent. A voter turnout of 40 to 45 % (…)
reveals that something is wrong.
Paula Fernández 2: Well, I would say that it’s
about what you are comparing it with. Because
you would also have to look at who is voting in
national elections in different countries or in
regional elections, wouldn’t you?
And is there an explanation for this phenomenon?
Paula Fernández 3: In the European campaigns, it appears that Euro-sceptic parties
tend to be more active (…). Those who are satisfied tend to stay at home, while those who are
more opposed to the European Constitution
go out and vote.
Paula Fernández 4: On the other hand, there
is a situation that concerns us from an insti-
152
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SPAIN
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SPAIN
¡
Isabel Benitez Ortiz
¡
Isabel Benitez Ortiz
tutional point of view: that people don’t go
and vote because they don’t know what the
Parliament is.
J
aime del Val, spokesman for the Citizens
Coordinator for Defence of Territory, believes that the electorate’s apparent dearth of
motivation has been caused by the lack of a
role played by the EU. In the majority of cases, he says, decisions made by the European
Parliament and Commission are not binding,
which means that their implementation within
the laws of the 27 member states is made very
difficult. In his opinion, the best evidence for
this lies with urban development and environmental policy.
Jaime del Val 2: It would be preferable if there
were more binding agreements and it would be
preferable for the European Union to not take
a route on which only economic interests prevail (…). Initially, there were three “Europes”:
a social Europe, an environmental one and an
economic one. For some time now, the social
and environmental ones have been completely
dismantled.
I
n early 2009, the European Parliament approved the Auken Report. In this publication, “the finger of blame” was pointed at
Spain, which was identified as one of the major offenders in terms of urban development.
Construction works close to beaches and hotels located in protected areas, as was the case
with El Algarrobico, serve as a reminder that
our country was exceeding the limits of logic
and order, whilst being under no obligation to
find a solution. This is without even considering the bad press Spain has received in the rest
of Europe.
W
hen a mandatory obligation does not
exist, all that is left is the “will” of each
country to implement the Union’s resolutions.
But this doesn’t always work.
Jaime del Val 1: Well, what we’ve found is the
same as what we see with the mechanisms of
the country itself, which also fails to enforce
its own laws. There are huge economic interests (…) which are in conflict with common
sense, legality, and human rights of all kinds.
T
hese are the “facts” that, in Jaime Del
Val’s opinion, impede Spaniards from
participating in public life and the European
elections. It could be said that they also contribute to, or complement, the scant credibility which people accord to the political
class. These are the views of The Professor
of Public International Law and International
Relations at the University of Jaén, Juan Manuel
Faramiñán, and the professor of Contemporary
History at the University of Granada, Juan Gay
Armenteros.
Juan Manuel Faramiñán 2: With this reasoning, as much with one party as with another
(…) we find ourselves in a situation in which
no one is talking about Europe. And what we
need to talk about is Europe, because, at the
end of the day, the European citizen is saying,
‘Well, these aren’t my elections’ and there is
large absenteeism in that respect.
Juan Gay 5: We are not in the era of Helmut
Kohl; we are not in the era of Jacques Delors:
in short, the great engines behind the process
of constructing Europe; instead a kind of mediocrity exists now.
Is there a solution with which everyone can
agree? Active participation every day – and
throughout the elections.
Jaime del Val 3: Well, I believe that this is the
only element of pressure (…). If it wasn’t for
that, rebellions of any kind would never have
taken place.
Carlos Martínez 4: I want to say that it is important that (…) they defend the social Europe.
Juan Manuel Faramiñán 1: I believe, and I am
convinced, that (…) Europe as a whole is very
important.
Juan Gay 6: I believe that the process of the
European Union is irreversible (…).
Julio Ponce 2: I believe that we have to feel
European (…) because it is present in our lives
(…).
Paula Fernández 5: The colour of the
Parliament, its composition, is going to decide
about the legislation of Europe (…).
Ignacio Samper 3: So whoever doesn’t vote
has to know (…) that if you don’t vote, you
can’t complain later.
These and many other ideas and arguments
remain on the table. Now the responsibility is
on your shoulders.
153
154
¡
SWEDEN
¡
SWEDEN
¡
Clara Bergström
¡
Clara Bergström
CV
Clara Bergström was born in 1986 in Västerås, Sweden
and started working at the local newspaper, “Vestmanlands läns tidning”, at the age of 16. She has been working as a freelance journalist and has also studied journalism, creative writing and culture studies. At present she is
finishing her major in ethnology at Stockholm University.
After the publication of the article about the Turkish musicians “Kim Ki O” in May 2008, she returned to Istanbul for
four months to study Turkish.
Summary: The Swedish pop elite love them, but EU bureaucracy prevents the Turkish duo “Kim Ki O” from making it in Europe. In Istanbul music is an unsteady bridge
between east and west. To go to Asia from Europe is easy, but crossing the border
the other direction is harder.
“Will we miss the gig in France too?!” Ekin Sanac asks with a disappointed expression.
She and Berna Göl are the members of the duo “Kim Ki O”. It is Thursday afternoon
and they are having a final rehearsal before their European tour. But their agent has
some disappointing news. When they finally get a visa for France, it suddenly turns
out that it will be illegal for them to perform on stage. Performing is regarded as working, and they only have tourist visas. They have already had to cancel their concert in
Switzerland. “We don’t even have to get paid” Berna Göl exclaims. But she knows that
the bureaucracy is more complicated than that. “Kim Ki O” produces European style
pop music with Turkish lyrics. They are increasingly popular in Turkey and thanks to
MySpace they have fans all over Europe. A few days later they are on their way to
France. But this time just to stand in the audience. “It’s OK. We are used to the disadvantages of being Turkish. It’s bureaucracy. You just can’t fight it”, says Ekin.
Estimation of jury: The young journalist Clara Bergström is awarded for her wellwritten article about the young Turkish music group “Kim Ki O”. She is telling their
story in great detail and with a strong presence. Her article illustrates and expounds
the issues that embrace the European integration.
155
Pop across the border
T
he Swedish pop elite love them, but
the EU’s bureaucracy is preventing the
Turkish duo “Kim Ki O” from achieving a
breakthrough in Europe. In Istanbul music is
an unstable bridge between East and West.
I
stanbul is the world’s only city situated on
two continents. The guidebooks describe
the metropolis as a city of contrasts, where
centuries-old mosques stand wall-to-wall
with modern nightclubs. Here in Istanbul the
most conservative and the most liberal ride
on the same trams. In one way the books are
right; the Bosporus Strait makes the division
between West and East as concrete as it can
be. But the water is no barrier; thousands of
people commute back and forth over its waves
each day. Travelling from Asia to Europe, between Kadıköy and Karaköy, costs try 1.30,
approximately 0.60 €. The border in the other
direction, towards the rest of Europe, is more
difficult to cross.
“Are we going to miss the French gig, too?!”
Ekin Sanac has a worried look when she opens
the door and Berna Göl’s sigh can be heard
echoing between the hall’s marble walls. We
are in Göztepe, a quiet quarter on the Asian
side. It is Tuesday afternoon and Ekin and
Berna are meeting in a mahogany-toned living
room for a final rehearsal before Thursday’s
concert, which is also the dress rehearsal before their European tour with Jens Lekman.
The mutual sighs pertain to an email from
the concert organiser. There are complications
with the visa for the tour. Again. Now that
they had found a way to enter France it is suddenly illegal to appear on stage. It qualifies as
work and according to the visa they are tourists. They were already forced to cancel their
performance in Switzerland.
“We don’t even need to make money, can’t we
say that?” Berna exclaims, lighting a cigarette
at the dining table. It sounds as though it is
Ekin that she has to convince, but she knows
that the bureaucracy is more complicated and
drawn out than that.
F
ive minutes later they are laughing again.
The nicotine has had its calming effect.
Ekin and Berna are drinking tea from tulipshaped glasses and offer Ekin’s engagement
chocolates. They explain that they are still
happy, that being able to get going at all is
enough. Now they have two weeks left. But
first there is a concert at home where they are
the opening act for Lekman. It is an opportunity to convince him that he made the right
choice by inviting them along on the tour.
“It’s harder to find a good band mate than
someone to marry. We are each other’s opposite, but we each understand the other in a
special way”, says Ekin. She is calm and taciturn, but not particularly shy. It is just that she
156
¡
SWEDEN
¡
SWEDEN
¡
Clara Bergström
¡
Clara Bergström
would rather write than talk, working as an
editor for a cultural magazine as a day job. She
is comfortable at home in Goztepe and dislikes
the chaos on the European side. This summer
she moved away from home for the first time.
She and her boyfriend, Baris, have decided to
marry.
“The only sensible reason for getting married, actually, is being able to combine music
collections”, says Berna. She grew up on the
European side and is currently living with
her older brother since her return from studying in Holland as an exchange student a few
weeks ago. She dumped her boyfriend at the
same time. She talks a lot and is very engaged,
joking and gesticulating when words do not
suffice.
T
he English students in the school, however,
opened up the world of Western popular
music. Albums were difficult to get a hold of,
but effort paid off. And wearing Doc Martens
and remaining up-to-date with bands meant
new, older friends and many parties. It was all
fun. But in class they were considered increasingly strange, rebels who did not eat meat or
wear makeup. The boys in the class had plenty
of material for teasing them.
A
hey’d rather describe each other than
themselves, but also allow for weaknesses
in a way that only old friends can: Ekin gets
to hear jokes about her lack of height and iron
will, while Berna hears about her big mouth
and constant bewilderment. But it always ends
in laughter.
fter completion of their examinations,
Ekin and Berna lost contact with each
other. Typical teenage drama came between
them. Then about two years ago they began meeting at various clubs and concerts,
realising that they had developed the same
way. They exchanged telephone numbers,
and Ekin called a few days later and asked if
Berna would like to start a girl band with her.
Within a week they had gathered all the necessary musical equipment. Ekin had already
convinced her parents that rehearsing in the
living room would not bother the neighbours
any more than her father’s constant film viewing. “Kim Ki O” was formed.
T
F
T
hey met in Istanbul’s American high
school when they were eleven years old.
Their parents had encouraged them to study,
and anyone who had high enough marks for
the American private school could not let
the opportunity slip by. The school environment was creative, but hierarchical. They were
taught critical thinking while dressed in proper school uniforms.
or “Kim Ki O” the melancholy pop songs
were a shortcut – and an attitude – to
Europe. Writing songs in Turkish is a challenge, but for Ekin and Berna it seems important to really try. The difficulties lie in the
language’s grammar. A combination of many
cases and different rules make it difficult to
divide words into syllables. In order to get the
message across, one must keep it as simple as
possible. In many people’s ears the lyrics seem
to be only about broken hearts. But relationships can take on many guises. “Kim Ki O”
plays with words in a way that conveys views
that are normally difficult to articulate. Like
the depressing state of Turkish politics.
B
erna asks if I have seen Marjane Satrapis’
film Persepolis, and explains that she
thinks the country is in a similar position
to that of Iran before its 1979 revolution.
Paranoia is spreading and voting ballots can
do very little. Their parents also have the feeling that something is going to happen. But no
one knows what.
“Our mothers usually say that they are thankful to be able to live such a free life, but it’s
going to be worse for us.”
W
hen they speak of politics, their hopeful voices are replaced with muted,
cautious ones. They talk about the situation
in vague terms, as though the factual circumstances only lead to frustration. Questions
about respective problems are met with silence
and shrugs. They are knowledgeable, but the
hope is gone. It may possibly emerge after a few
rakis with friends, but otherwise very rarely.
T
he worry about the political situation
amongst people born in the 1980s is usually described as both a post-modern and global phenomenon, a way of dealing with a future that is not strictly positive. Today Turkey
finds itself caught between two established
ways of formulating the future. On paper it is
a secular country, something that the nation’s
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founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, believed was
a prerequisite for modernisation in the 1920s.
However, the Muslim Justice and Development
Party, the AKP, has been in power since 2002.
In the most recent elections last summer they
received more than half the votes. Many secular regulations are now being undermined. At
the same time the AKP is struggling with its
approach to the EU. And a major part of the
debate right now involves which direction the
country should follow.
E
kin and Berna do not really see the EU
as the solution to Turkey’s problems. The
government is fundamentalist, and only politicians and businessmen believe that the Union
can make a difference. The populace has other
things to worry about. Istanbul might feel like
any typical large European city, but on the
country’s south-eastern border they are fighting against the Kurdish PKK. In the suburbs
people are just trying to put a roof over their
heads. And in the pursuit of international recognition, the government has suddenly prohibited smoking indoors, the suburban poor’s
only luxury. There is no talk of freedom, only
new rules to follow.
T
he last cigarette is extinguished and the
teacups are empty; Ekin places herself in
front of her Korg MS2000 while Berna tunes
her bass. The playlist is ready for the concert.
Ekin alternates between keyboard and drum
machine, keeping track of the sound and samplings. Berna sets the foundation for the songs.
They take turns singing with their eyes closed.
It sounds soft and well thought-out, a bit like
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if “Joy Division” would double the electronic
element and replace Ian Curtis’ harsh voice
with a soprano.
F
ifty-five minutes and twelve songs through
crackling PC speakers later, Berna is standing at the roadside waving to a dolmus, a
Turkish taxi bus, which pulls up with open
doors. She hops in and tosses a five-lira-note to
the driver. She is on her way back to work at
the architectural firm and she is in a hurry. The
streets are packed with cars. When a police car
swishes by in the emergency lane, they driver
sees his chance and follows. The enormous suspension bridge, illuminated in purple, is visible
behind his head. It carries millions of Istanbul
drivers between Europe and Asia daily.
A
long the way, Berna points out buildings
and explains how the areas identified as
cultural have suddenly become construction
zones. Those who have money can mostly do
as they want. She continually excuses herself,
but cannot help but worry about how the city
is being developed. And the system clearly has
numerous shortcomings. It is still far too corrupt to win over Brussels. Berna herself missed
out on a position at the university because the
grant was withdrawn without warning. Our
dolmus comes to a stop near Taksim Square in
Beyoglu, the centre of the new part of the city.
Berna runs off towards the office.
I
t is Thursday afternoon and the sun
is starting to set over Istiklal Cadessi,
“Independence Avenue”, in Beyoglu. It is here
in this district that Istanbul’s night life has its
centre. The city’s indie scene has grown in re-
cent years. Before, all the bands played covers,
but now more are beginning to write their own
material. And more international bands are
choosing to visit Istanbul. MySpace is a unifying force in the scene and there are increasing
numbers of venues for unsigned bands to play,
but there is still a lack of small recording companies interested in anything other than hit
songs. “Kim Ki O” found the solution through
contact with Sweden, but they hope that others
can also have the opportunity at home.
T
he aroma of roasted chestnuts tantalises
the nose, but that is not what is sweeping over the street in a white haze. Neon signs
entice customers to bars and restaurants, kebab meat glistens at fast-food stands and the
street’s crowd has dispersed somewhat. Berna
and Ekin walk arm in arm, as always. We turn
onto a side street and end up in an area filled
with posters and street art. Outside of Babylon,
the venue for the evening, we meet mama Inci,
upright and elegant, together with a group of
her friends. Time for a sound check.
A
few hours later, after some Efes Pilsner
and roasted chickpeas in the adjacent
lounge, “Kim Ki O” are ready. It is time for the
show. Their parents are up on Babylon’s balcony and Ekin’s boyfriend, Baris, the DJ for the
evening, has just played an old favourite. The
club keeps filling with people.
I
t becomes dark and Ekin looks ice cold when
she presses play on the cassette player. Berna
tries to ignore her mother’s drunken friend repeatedly screaming her name. The bass lines
drift through the club. Fifty-five minutes of
play time, exactly as calculated. The sound is
considerably better than on the living room’s
makeshift sound system.
I
t is not just friends and parents listening
tonight. All 300 tickets sold out, and Ekin’s
mobile phone has been ringing constantly
throughout the day, when acquaintances realised that there is a guest list.
S
hortly after Jens Lekman’s set, Babylon begins to empty of people, the most devoted
gather shivering outside on the street. Ekin is
on a step a short distance away, sipping vodka.
At first she seems as cool as usual, but she
soon explains how happy she feels. The concert went well and soon they will head off.
Everything is like a dream. Now it is time for a
little Turkish drunk food before paying a visit
to the three-storey night club.
A
few days after returning home, I received an email from Ekin. Tomorrow
“Kim Ki O” will leave Turkey for Europe.
Her computer has crashed and the workload
has increased, but she has never been happier.
That is in spite of the fact that the concert in
France has been cancelled – the Schengen Visa
does not permit work. But they plan on being
in the audience in Paris, anyhow.
“It’s okay; we’re used to the disadvantages of being Turkish. It’s bureaucracy, you can’t fight it.”
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CV
Faik Uyanik, born in 1974, began his career at Dogus daily
as a reporter and columnist in 1991. Then he worked as a
presenter at BRT Istanbul Municipality TV, as a news presenter at TGRT national TV, as a news presenter, reporter
and news director at Alem FM national radio, as a reporter
and columnist at NTVMSNBC, and as a presenter and editor at NTV, NTV Radio and CNBC-e Newsroom in Istanbul.
Currently, he is working as a multimedia producer at BBC
World Service, Turkish Section in London.
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One year in the club
Translation of the original turkish version of the programme. Produced (also presented and reported) by Faik Uyanik. This
is a part of a feature series w hich consits of
6 episodes.
candidate, I was the 5th in ranking out of
14 candidates.
Presenter: So why her party prefered her instead of a Turkish candidate for Plovdiv’s mayor elections?
Part 2: Plovdiv
Summary: The author’s plans for his travels to Bulgaria and Romania for the BBC
World Service Turkish Language Section, was to observe what has changed and
what has not changed there within this 2007. Additionally, since Bulgaria and Romania-despite their smaller sizes-have many similarities with Turkey, socially, culturally and historically, this trip gave me the opportunity to monitor the possible consequences of Turkey’s planned EU membership. And in general terms, a chance to see
the impact of enlargement on the inhabitants of the integrated countries. In spite of
day-to-day economic problems and challenges in people’s lives coming mainly with
the transition period, most of the people, surprisingly were not blaming the EU of affecting their lives negatively. However, everybody I talked to gave me the impression
as if they were finding their other half elsewhere in Europe through this enlargement. Bulgarian Turks were feeling closer to Turkey, no more requiring visa when
traveling there, Romanian Tatars were saying they are now cooperating in cultural
activities with Bulgarian Tatars, the Romanian-Serbian community said they were
feeling safer along with living very close to Serbias Vojvodina region and Romaniancitizen-Hungarians said Bucharest was no longer seeing them as a threat… Maybe
lack of understanding this fact could be the reason of the fear of enlargement by
some
politicians
in Western European capitals, even in Brussels.
Estimation
of jury:
Estimation of jury: The winning piece by Faik Uyanik is a look at the Turkish minority in Bulgaria after the country’s EU accession. The decision was based on his ability
to combine a very lively, easy-to-follow style with a wide spectrum of information
obtained from different sources. The jury found the work to be picturesque, imaginative and professional.
Bulgarian Eurovision Song 2007
Presenter: Bulgaria and Romania became EU
members on the 1 January 2007. One year has
passed now. So, what has changed in these two
countries? And what hasn’t? We are now first
in Bulgaria to answer this question.
Folk song in Turkish:
I started my journey from Rodopi Mountains.
I got tired, and had a break…
From the dam of Kurdjali,
I looked at and dreamt of the seas
Presenter: Plovdiv… The 2nd biggest city in
Bulgaria. We meet Petya Raeva. She was the
candidate for the Movement of Rights and
Freedoms in November’s mayor poll. Still
there are pictures of here throughout the city.
Her campaign was financed by her father who
is a building contractor. But she failed in the
elections.
Petya Raeva: In fact the result we got was
not bad. Votes for the Movement of Rights
and Freedoms (MRF) in Plovdiv are not high
in general. But in this election, as the MRF
Petya Raeva: MRF is not only a Turkish party
anymore. Within the party, there are for instance Roma people as much as Turks and
Bulgarians. We are supported by them as well.
We do have members all over the country just
like the other parties. That is why it is not important for our party if the candidate is Turk
or Bulgarian.
Bulgarian and Turkish pop song/Toni Storaro
and Azis
Presenter: Petya Raeva is too young and
seems like a very active politician. The people around her say she could even be elected
for the European Parliament in the future. At
he moment, MRF already has representatives
there.
Anton Karagözov: (Dogs barking) I celebrated
my 50th anniversary a few months ago… My
wife, her name is Perhan…
Presenter: Petya is very popular in Plovdiv’s
crowded Turk and Gypsy neighborhoods. We
walk in through Stolipinovo neighborhood
with her. One of the names of this neighborhood’s name is Yeniköy in Turkish. Old social
apartment buildings with garments left to dry
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Faik Uyanik
on balconies, kids running around, horse cars
and lots of muds everywhere… Some calls
them as Roman or Rom, others call them as
Gypsy… Everybody speaks Turkish with a
very lively and colourful way. An important
amount of them identify themselves as Turks.
So, the things are a bit complex…
Presenter: (Kids’ voices and laughters) This
time we chat with the kids who came to Roma
Foundation to study their lessons…
Anton Karagözov: A, my name is Anton on
my passport. But they call me Anton! We live
together, Millet, Roman…
‘
Presenter: Anton Karagözov is the chairman
of Roma Development Foundation. They established this place in 1992–1993 with the
support of Soros Foundation. They opened a
center to help the homeworks of kids living in
Stolipinovo neighborhood after school.
Anton Karagözov: (Poor Turkish with a gypsy
accent) We have worked here for three years
now. 220 kids… From the zero point… I bring
them from the town to let them study, like
American kids… Let there be integration, desegregation and projects… We want them, after 8–10 years to become students, journalists
just like you, and let them become engineers,
doctors, teachers…
Presenter: Anton Karagözov says, “my wife is
Turkish and I am Roman, but I have daughters-in law, they are also Turks!” They speak
Roman at home, but Turkish and Bulgarian in
the neighborhood. People in the neighborhood
mix the words when speaking in Turkish but
we are able to communicate.
A girl’s voice: I want to go to Turkey to see
there!
Interview: (Questions are asked by the presenter/reporter and answered by different kids, girls
and boys.)
Which language do you speak better, Turkish
or Bulgarian?
¡ Turkish!
‘ Which grade do you attend this year, for example you?
¡ First grade!
¡ First grade… So what do you do here, what
do you learn in this course?
¡ Writing, reading…
‘ Do you come here after the school?
¡ Yes.
‘ What do you do here, after arriving?
¡ We do our “Davashtas”.
‘ You mean, you do your homeworks?
¡ Yes.
‘ What else do you do here? Do you play?
¡ Yes we play.
‘ What does your father do?
¡ My father works in “Kapachkas”.
‘ Does he work in “Kapachkas”?
¡ Ya!
‘ What does “Kapachka” mean?
¡ It means the “Kapachka” (taps) of bottles.
¡ Taps! “Kapachkas” of Raki!
‘ So what does your father do?
¡ He goes to Grsiya! He makes cars there.
¡ My father also goes that side!
‘ Your father also goes there?
¡ Yes.
‘ What do you father do there?
¡ He does sales!
‘ What does he sell?
Everything!
Does he sell house stuff?
¡ He sells “Bagashes”.
‘ What does “Bagashes” mean?
¡ It means what is on our back!
‘ So, he sells dresses!
¡ Yes.
‘ What does your father do?
¡ My father also goes to “Grsiya”. He sells linens, “Vartogs”, everyhing.
‘ I got it… He goes to Greece! “Grsiya” means
Greece!
¡ Yes.
‘ He goes to Greece and comes back?
¡ Yes.
‘ What do your mums do?
¡ They stay at home! (Laughters)
‘ What does your mother do?
¡ Job!
‘ Does she work at home?
¡ Ya!
‘ What does she do?
¡ “Kısmet!”
‘ What does “Kısmet” mean?
¡ Service!
¡ That means she does tasks at home!
‘ OK she does tasks, she works. What does
you mum do?
¡ She sells underpants and bras at the market.
‘ Do your mum and dad earn well?
¡ Eh, in one day whatever fertility (the God)
gives.
‘ Whatever God gives?
¡ Yes.
‘ What does your mum do?
¡ My mum goes to “German”.
‘ Does she go to Germany?
¡ Ya.
‘ What does she do there?
¡ She works. She will come in the new year!
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Is she going to come in the next year?
My father went to Fransiya!
‘ What did your dad do in France?
¡ He works!
‘ He works in France. How long ago did he go?
¡ He came back now!
‘ Is there anyone else whose family has persons went out of Bulgaria?
¡ My father goes to “Grsiya”!
‘ You father goes to Greece, he works there…
But he doesnt stay too much, right? He
comes back?
¡ E, he stays six days of five days!
‘ Do you miss him?
¡ Yes.
‘ So do you want to go out of Bulgaria?
¡ (“Me, me, me” shout the kids…)
‘ Where do you want to go?
¡ France.
‘ You?
¡ I also want to go to France.
‘ Why do you want to go to France?
¡ To work there and to come back with a car?
‘ What do you want to do when earn money?
¡ To come back home with a car!
‘ So is there anyone here whose father has
a car?
¡ (Shouts: My father has! My father has! My father also has a car!)
‘ So everybody’s father has a car here?
¡ But this kid’s fathers doesnt!
¡ My father “Aydayo” Nissani!
‘ Did he by a Nissan? When did he buy?
¡ He brought is from France! He came with it!
‘ Is your car beatiful?
¡ Ya! (A girl continues) It is brokenly!
‘ What do you want to become in the future?
¡ (A girl) I want to become a “Fizyeur”… To let
the people “Kok”!
‘ You mean you want to become a doctor?
¡
‘
‘
¡
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Faik Uyanik
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Faik Uyanik
No not a doctor?
It means they do “Kok”, they go to weddings!
‘ Ha, you want to become a hair stylist?
¡ Ya.
‘ What do you want to become?
¡ I want to become “Milisiyaci”, let me take
whoever comes to the jail!
‘ Do you want to become a soldier?
¡ No police!
‘ Police! You want to become a policeman.
What do you want to be?
¡ “Karatist.” Let me fight!
‘ You want to become karateist! What is your
name?
¡ Mitko.
‘ Mitko… What is your name?
¡ Yanko.
‘ Mitko, Yanko… What is your name?
¡ Cansu.
¡ Perhan…
‘ Perhan… So what is your name?
¡ Rashko…
‘ What is your name?
¡ Ilia.
¡ Mine is Magule… Magda…
‘ Magda but they call it Magule?
¡ Ya.
‘ Is everyone here “Millet”?
¡ Yes but this is “Burgucu”!
‘ What does “Burgucu” mean?
¡ “Burgucu” means Christian.
‘ So what does “Millet” mean?
¡ “Millet” means Muslim.
‘ That means Muslim. Do you know what is
being Muslim?
¡ Yes I know! But I do not know the prays! I
pray silently for my mum, my dad… To have
their ways open and not to be kept…
¡
Bulgarian pop song from Lubo
There are dogs and cats also here.
They exist… You see the rubbish… Offf…
¡ (Old woman) Hunger! There is crisis. Kids
are starving. Sometimes we have, sometime
we don’t.
¡ (Young man) We dont work, my brother!
‘ Are you jobless?
¡ Sure we are. (Old woman) Many are jobless
here.
‘ How and where do you earn your lives
then?
¡ If the government does not give money,
there is no money! It is no longer giving. No
money from the government too.
‘ The aid has stopped. They were giving aid
in the past?
¡ (Young man) Eh, they were giving 30–40
leva. In the new year they cut it also. We do
wait here all the day for them to come and
take us to jobs.
‘ (Horse whinnying) What types of jobs do
you wait?
¡ Whatever it comes. Coolie.
¡ (Another young man) With horse. We work
with horse. They call us to here or there.
Sometimes the police chases us from here.
‘ So you do transportation with carriage?
¡ Ya Ya.
‘ I see some wood on that carriage. From
where to where do you carry these woods?
¡ Well (…) to the neighborhood… The police…
‘ The police does not allow you?
¡ (Old woman continues) They dont allow to
work.
¡ (Young man) The police does not allow horses to stay here.
‘ How many carriages are there here?
¡ (Young man) Plenty. 15–20 carriages.
‘ What else is being done by these carriages?
‘
¡
¡
Presenter: I say farewell to the kids and the
chairman of the foundation, Anton Karagözov.
I must walk in the neighborhood as well…
Interview: (Questions are asked by the presenter/reporter and answered by different neighborhood people.)
(Hammering sound)
Hello. Do you speak Turkish?
Yes.
‘ What do you break now here?
¡ (Old woman) He breaks iron! (Young boy)
¡ (Young boy) Iron!
‘ You have a fire here. There is a horse
carriage…
¡ (Old woman) We earn the money for bread.
‘ You earn the money for bread? (To the old
woman) What do you do here as a job?
¡ We look after the baby at home.
‘ You look after the baby… Does it speak?
¡ No, it doesn’t. It is one year and two months
old.
‘ I think this is your grandchild. How many
kids and grandchildren do you have?
¡ Six kids and ten grandchildren.
‘ Six kids and ten grandchildren! By the way
another carriage came here now.
¡ (Old woman laughs, a young man continues) This is the place for carriages already.
Carriages stay here.
‘ So it is a horse car stop at the same time.
Why do you have a fire here?
¡ (Young man) Well, these kids don’t have
jobs. They are picking some goods from the
dustbins. They sell it. They earn their pocket
money by selling them.
‘
¡
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The sand. Is is being taken from Maritsa
River. Whoever does construction of home
or whaever, we carry. So we earn our bread
like this.
‘ So the unemployment is so high here?
¡ (Baby
voice. Then the young man)
Unemployment is so much.
¡ (Old woman continues) The youngsters, the
girls are not here… They are not working.
They go to the “bad ways”. The situtiation here
is too bad. They all go to the “bad ways”!
‘ Where, which cities are they going?
¡ They escape to big cities. They escape to
Germany. The kid’s mother disappeared one
year and two months ago. We looked for her,
she is missing.
‘ Whose mother?
¡ This kid’s mother.
‘ You mean your grandchild’s mother?
¡ My grandchild’s mother.
‘ Where did she go?
¡ She escaped to Germany and did not come
back.
‘ She escaped to Germany?
¡ She went to Germany. I took my complaint
to the police to take her back. They did not
take her back. We don’t have any kids.
‘ So you look after your grandchild and you
daughter is missing?
¡ My daughter is missing, we dont have jobs…
We are in a difficult, difficult situation. No
one to help.
¡
Presenter: (Barking dogs) This old Plovdiv
woman’s daughter is missing since the last
year, and the baby is motherless since then.
She is keen to tell her sad story But I can not
ask more questions. Some of the kids here can
not attend schools. According to the Bulgarian
press, this neighborhood became a crime pro-
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Neale Lytollis
duction center. This neighborhood became a
real ghetto when all Bulgarians living in this
neighborhood moved other places with an official decision taken in 1992. Mostly jobless
people who speak Turkish, who call themselves
Turks but being called as Gypsies by the rest.
Interview: (Questions are asked by the presenter/reporter and answered by different neighborhood people.)
How old are you?
12.
‘ Do you attend school?
¡ No I don’t.
‘ Why don’t you go?
¡ They get angry with me.
‘ They get angry with you? (Laughters around)
Who gets angry?
¡ (A young man continues) Do you see this
kid? This kid can not attend his school.
‘ Why doesn’t he attend?
¡ Because he needs to work and bring money
to home.
‘ (To another boy) What do you do as job?
¡ (A young man) He also works with horse.
‘ What do you do?
¡ Me? All day long, we search the dustbins my
brother, from here to there! We collect iron
or whatever.
‘ How much do you earn in a month?
¡ Oh, we cannot earn money, my brother!
¡ (Another young man) Eight levas or ten levas…
We earn like this!
‘ An all month long?
¡ Sure it is… All day long five to six levas…
‘ How much is the rent?
¡ The rent!? Oh, don’t ask that at all!
‘
(Turkish folk song
I started my hourney from Rodopi Mountains.
I got tired, and had a break…)
Presenter: I will remember Stolipinovo neighborhood with its smell of intensive smoke
and smut and with its warm people spending
their times in streets despite the freezing cold
weather…
(Turkish folk song [continues])
¡
Hey Kurdjali, “Bey” Kurdjali, the heritage of
ancestors!
Say hello to immigrants, Kapikule borders!
Say hello to Balkans, Kapikule borders!
CV
Neale Lytollis is a British journalist who lives and works
in Berlin, Germany. He currently freelances such as for
Deutsche Welle Radio (English Service), VOX and Euroanet
in addition to contributing to the Time Out city guides for
Berlin and Vice magazine. Neale also does some translation work for Die Welt Online.
Summary: My report for the Deutsche Welle programme “Inside Europe” was based
on the second Street Football World European Championships, which took place in
the Bosnian town of Foca between 20 and 24 May 2009. 24 teams of young players
from 15 European countries took part – many of the participants came from disadvantaged backgrounds and/or social inclusion projects in their local area, so to have
the chance to visit another country and meet people their own age from different
parts of Europe was an exciting opportunity for them. The tournament is centred
around a concept known as Fair Play Football, which features small, mixed teams
playing a short, high energy match. Players meet before each match to decide on
the rules they wish to play to and it’s up to the players to stick to those rules. There
are no referees on pitch. Instead, there are Teamers who oversee proceedings and
mediate if any problems arise. With youngsters from so many different countries
taking part in the contest, football is the common language which they all share;
that and a mixture of broken English, hand signals and smiles. The games are also
used as a tool to engage participants in concepts of communication, fair play and
tolerance. The bigger picture here is the choice of location. Foca itself was the site
of some of the worst atrocities of the Bosnian War and it’s a community keen to
re-invent itself with a fresh, positive image. Especially important in light of Bosnia’s
ambitions to join the EU as a Member State.
Estimation of jury: Neale Lytollis’s radio piece on the Foca football festival in BosniaHerzegovina clip is well researched, thought provoking and informative. Both the
interviews and reporting are done in a fun and lively manner, bringing the listener
close to the action and catching the atmosphere of the event very well. It dramatises
the positive relations between young people in Eastern and Western Europe in an
entertaining way.
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Street Football Festival
Neale (studio)
H
igh in the hills of south-east Bosnia is
Foca. In the early 90s, the town was
the site of some of the worst atrocities of the
Bosnian War; its mosques were either severely
damaged or completely destroyed, a camp was
set up where Bosnian women and girls were
repeatedly raped and close to 3000 people
were killed or simply disappeared.
(Fade up cheering and clapping)
George Springborg: Street Football is about
bringing young people together that are coming from development through football organisations – bringing them together from across
Europe so that they play together but also engage in discussion, engage in exchange to learn
more about one another but also develop their
own skills and the ability to interact, the ability to solve differences through dialogue.
(Fade up team announcement: “The teams
from Doboj and Football Friends Foca, please
go to the Fair Play discussion area…”)
Neale (studio)
Neale (studio)
F
ourteen years on and Foca, as well as
Bosnia as a whole, is attempting to a forge
a fresh image for itself. This weekend it wasn’t
the sound of gunfire ringing through the picturesque hills but rather that of bouncing footballs and cheering children as the town hosted
the European Street Football Championships.
(Fade up match announcer: “Foca 09, the second European Street Football Festival…”)
Neale (studio)
T
he tournament was organised by Street
Football World, a Berlin-based NGO,
which has brought together teams of young
players from fifteen European countries.
Special Projects Manager George Springborg
explains more.
But how exactly does Street Football differ
from a regular match? George Springborg
again.
George Springborg: The teams have to come
together before each match, discuss the rules
that they want to play according to and during the game the teams have to stick to those
rules. There are no referees. There are Teamers
instead which act as mediators between the
two teams so if there are disagreements a team
for example can call a Fair Play Time Out and
bring the two teams together and then they
discuss what’s going well, what’s not going
well, are there players that are not playing according to the rules that were agreed upon. So
it’s smaller pitches and faster paced action and
a lot of goals, a lot of highlights and a lot of fair
play. It’s great to see that although the young
people are speaking a variety of different languages they’re still able to do that and that’s
the common denominator that is football.
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Portugese, everyone! One of the main reasons
why we’ve been getting on so well with everyone is because we support Liverpool and
as you know Liverpool is one of the greatest
teams in Europe…
Neale (studio)
Neale (studio)
U
nder the blazing Bosnian sun I caught up
with Paul Herford who told me about the
young players he’d brought with him from the
UK-based organisation NACRO.
Paul Herford: We’re a national crime reduction organisation. We come from Liverpool
and we’re based in an area called Kensington
which is an area of high depravation and crime
and anti-social behaviour. The young people
that we have brought are young people who
have been referred to our centre which is called
the Youth Inclusion Project and they’re the fifty most at risk young people in the Kengsinton
area so we work with them to improve their
self esteem, we have alternative education, we
engage them with sport activity and we do lots
of other activites in the year; art, healthy eating, sexual education, things like that.
I don’t know if I can broadcast that!
Paul Herford: (Laughs) So it’s like a talking
point, it’s a starting point. We’ve had our flag
and had photos with the Liverpool flag and
we’ve been writing the Steven Gerard song
out and they’ve been learning to sing that and
we’ve written You’ll Never Walk Alone and
they’re singing that so it’s just brilliant. It’s
just great fun.
Neale (studio)
I
have to say I have heard one or two rumours
that once the lights go out in the youth
camp there’s been one or two nocturnal activities going on after dark. Can you maybe expand on that a little bit? Have your lads been
involved with that?
Neale (studio)
With kids from fifteen European countries
playing here, has communication been a problem for them?
Paul Herford: They’ve been doing great.
They’ve been doing body language, sign language, a little bit of English. The group from
London have mixed well with our group and
we’ve been getting on well with the Serbs, the
Paul Herford: (Laughs) No, our lads haven’t
been involved in that. I can’t speak for anybody else so no comment on that!
(Fade up applause and announcement “Fair Play
on pitch number 1 between Special Olympics
Romania and Football Friends Belgrade…”)
Neale (studio)
170
¡
UNITED KINGDOM
¡
UNITED KINGDOM
¡
Neale Lytollis
¡
Neale Lytollis
W
hile fun was definitely on the agenda
for the participating teams there was of
course a bigger picture. As a potential candidate for membership in the European Union,
cultural events such as this have a significant
part to play as Boris Iarochevitch from the
Delegation of the European Commission to
Bosnia and Herzegovina explains.
Neale (studio)
B
ack on the pitches of Foca the matches are
in full swing and it’s football rather than
politics which is everyone’s main priority. So
what have the young competitors made of the
experience?
Vox pops
Boris Iarochevitch: The European Commission,
the European Council and so on is quite abstract for the people here so we bring really
something concrete to a small town in Bosnia.
It’s a way to promote the European Union and
European Union values because we bring together a number of children and adults from
a number of countries. But also it’s very important for us to bring the different communities in Bosnia Herzegovina together. Beyond
promoting the EU, beyond bringing EU young
people here, it’s first of all to bring young
Bosnians together from different towns and
that’s a great opportunity.
British girl: I’ve learned that it’s easy for me
to get on with people from other cultures who
speak different languages. Even though they’re
from different countries and speak different
languages I can play football with them and
get on with them. It’s taught me a lot about
myself, my communication skills.
German girl: I’ve learned that all nations can
play in harmony together, that they are possible to do a fair game. I tried to play very good
and I tried to help my team. So I think I was
good (laughs).
a fantastic game. Please, a round of applause
for both teams for putting on a fantastic show,
here in the heart of Foca.”)
Irish boy: I think it’s team work that brings
different people together because there’s no
I in team, it’s everyone together and fair play
is important too.
B
(Fade up announcement: “And a close match has
just come to a close on pitch number 1. Belgrade
going out 3–2 winners against Special Olympics
Romania. Close game, good game, plenty of fair
play…” – rock music kicks in)
Neale (studio)
Irish boy: Since I came here I’ve made friends
with Romanians, the Czech Republic, Bosnians,
Poland… so many. I’ve made friends with so
many of them I can’t even keep count but after
this I’m still going to keep in touch with them
all.
W
hile fair play, communication and tolerance were the main messages here,
all eyes were nevertheless on the final to see
who would walk away as the Street Football
European champions.
Neale (studio)
hile events such as the Street Football
World tournament work well at a grass
roots level, higher up the political ladder,
Bosnia still has a lot of work to do.
W
Macedonian girl: I’ve learned how to master
my emotions. I learned about the Fair Play rules.
How we can win without hurting anyone. I’ve
made a lot of new friends. From Bosnia, Poland
also from Turkey. They’re such nice people.
(Fade up cheering, clapping, shouting, laughing, whistle blows, cheering and “It’s all over on
pitch number 2!”)
Irish boy: I just think that playing football
does really bring people together and trying to
understand each other in a friendly way.
171
(Clapping and chanting, loud cheers as goal is
scored, whistle)
“The game has come to an end!”
(Clapping, cheering)
(“Doboj, the winners of Foca 09, the second
European Street Football Champions, it’s been
Neale (studio)
osnian team Doboj walked away the winner’s cup and as the sun began to set behind the mountain range which surrounds
Foca, the teams of young players slowly made
their way back to the coaches which would
take them home.
(Fade up bus driving past)
Neale (location)
B
osnia is a changing country; in the capital Sarajevo ruined, empty buildings sit
alongside bright, shining examples of modern architecture providing a neat reminder
that this is an evolving country. While some
scars still need time to heal, Bosnia is keen to
move out of the shadow of its past and promote the image of a country with an improved
infrastructure and a modern outlook. Just how
long it will take Bosnia to score the winning
goal and join the EU remains to be seen; with
so much work still to be done right now, the
country could be seen to be still working their
way through the half time oranges.
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