Hungary - MYPLACE

Transcription

Hungary - MYPLACE

MYPLACE
31st January 2014
MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy And Civic Engagement)
Grant agreement no: FP7-266831
WP7: Interpreting Activism (Ethnographies)
Deliverable 7.1: Ethnographic Case Studies of Youth Activism
Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection Association
University of Debrecen
Author(s)
István Murányi
Field researcher(s)
István Murányi
Data analysts
István Murányi
Date
13 January 2014
Work Package
7 Interpreting Activism (Ethnographies)
Deliverable
7.1 Ethnographic Case Studies of Youth Activism
Dissemination level
PU [Public]
WP Leaders
Hilary Pilkington, Phil Mizen
Deliverable Date
31 January 2014
Document history
Version Date
Comments
Created/Modified by
1
13 January 2014
First version
István Murányi
2
18 January 2014
Comments and suggested Hilary Pilkington
amendments to author
3
26 January 2014
Revised version
István Murányi
4
30 January 201
Final version
Hilary Pilkington
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Deliverable D7.1: Ethnographic Case Studies of Youth Activism
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Contents
1. Introduction ........................................................................................................ 3
2. Methods.............................................................................................................. 7
2.1 Grounded theory as a methodological framework .......................................... 9
2.2 Active interviews ............................................................................................. 10
2.3 The group interview method .......................................................................... 11
2.4 Narrative biographical interviews .................................................................. 11
2.5 Case study data............................................................................................... 12
3. Key Findings ...................................................................................................... 12
3.1 Foundation of the Association ........................................................................ 12
3.2 Admission and motivation .............................................................................. 16
3.3 Socio-cultural background .............................................................................. 17
3.4 Remembrance and counter-history ................................................................ 18
3.5 The ideology of the Association ...................................................................... 24
3.6 Intergroup prejudices – Gypsies ..................................................................... 27
3.7 Intergroup prejudices – Jews .......................................................................... 28
3.8 Characteristics of the Association's operation ............................................... 29
3.9 Relationship with right-wing organisations ................................................... 33
3.10 Movement for a Better Hungary: a thing of the past ................................... 34
3.11 Generational Critique ................................................................................... 35
3.12 Contacts with other organisations ............................................................... 35
3.13 Inter-organisational relationships ................................................................ 36
3.14 Opinions and stigmas about the Association ............................................... 37
3.15 The rejection of the world of politics ............................................................ 39
3.16 Weapons ....................................................................................................... 40
3.17 The Court Case .............................................................................................. 41
4. Conclusions ....................................................................................................... 43
5. Future analysis .................................................................................................. 45
6. References ........................................................................................................ 47
7. Appendices ....................................................................................................... 51
Appendix 1: Table 1: Description of fieldwork and data ...................................... 51
Appendix 2: Audio data ........................................................................................ 53
Appendix 3: Visual data ........................................................................................ 55
Appendix 4: Document data ................................................................................. 63
Appendix 5: Table 1. Socio-demographic profile of respondents ......................... 64
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1. Introduction
Choosing the target organisation (The Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection
Association1) for the case study is the result of a process similar to that of theoretical
sampling in the grounded theory approach. Theoretical sampling is a data collection
process whereby researchers decide what data to collect, and where to collect them
in the next phase, based on analytical criteria. By this time, analytical categories, the
theoretical backgrounds have already started to emerge but coding new data items
has raised new questions whose answering necessitates new data collection (Glaser
and Strauss 1967).
The proposed case study of the WP7 Interpreting Activism (Ethnographies) work
package of the MYPLACE project 2 involved the examination of an organisation that
belongs to the cluster ‘Radical right wing and patriotic organisations’. The National
Army of Guardsmen Heritage Protection and Civil Guard Organisation (henceforth
National Army of Guardsmen) that was founded in 2007 seemed to be an ideal
target as it calls itself an association for protecting traditions, and regards the
radicals of the Reform Age (1848) and the National Guard of the revolution in 1956
as their predecessors. The National Guard’s uniform is designed after the Hungarian
military uniform worn in the Second World War. The organisation’s tasks include:
the strengthening of national consciousness; and the protection of traditions, order
and property. It rejects any links with political parties, and its structure is of a
militaristic nature. The organisation effectively works in two counties (SzabolcsSzatmár-Bereg and Hajdú-Bihar) in Eastern Hungary; indeed Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
and Hajdú-Bihar counties might be considered one of the main bases of this type of
activity in Hungary.
There has been some previous sociological research on this paramilitary
organisation. Specifically, the Centre for Social Conflict Research at the Eötvös
Loránd University (ELTE) and the Department of Sociology and Social Policy at the
University of Debrecen investigated it as part of their project New Authoritarianism
in 2010.
It was impossible to conduct questionnaire-based or recorded interviews
spontaneously with members of the paramilitary national radical National Army of
Guardsmen. The organisation is very closed and - similarly to other military national
radical associations – the National Army of Guardsmen forbids its members to share
any information on the organisation. The research was made possible through the
researcher’s long-standing personal relations with the leaders and founders of the
1
Hereafter referred to as Ragged Association or organisation. ‘Ragged’ here refers to the visual
appearance of the poverty-stricken civilians who constituted the original Ragged Guard. See footnote
13 for further details of the origin of the movement and its name.
2
Information on Proposed Case Studies in Hungary, May 15 2012.
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organisation3 who, as the result of numerous discussions, agreed to participate in
the research in summer 2010.
That involved a questionnaire survey sample of N=100 cases of the organisation
amongst a nationally representative sample of the adult population. Besides a focus
group interview with the leaders and dominant figures of the organisation, three
narrative biographical interviews were recorded. The quantitative and qualitative
empirical analyses enabled the researchers to examine authoritarianism and related
features (national identity, intergroup bias, dogmatism, social dominance) in a group
whose members publicly accept national radicalism and are characterised by a
national identity that is extremely different from the majority of society. 4 The
findings of the research have been published in a number of monographs and papers
(Csepeli et al. 2011; Csepeli and Murányi 2011; Murányi 2011; Csepeli and Murányi
2012).
Based on the New Authoritarianism project focus group and individual interviews
previously and recently recorded with the members and leaders of the organisation,
it can be concluded that the short history and present of the National Army of
Guardsmen significantly differ from that suggested by Internet resources (YouTube
videos, various national, irredentist, rightist, radical, anti-radical and political analyst
institutes and web pages) or the information gained from the official leaders of the
organisation.
Ben5 started forming the National Guards at the end of 2006. Later he played an
important role in directing the organisation (he was commissioner and then chief).
As a reaction to the anti-government protests against Gyurcsány prime minister’s
confession on his lies in 2006 6, he aimed to establish an organisation that was
nationalist and revisionist in its ideology but also connected to the Horthy-cult7 and
3
These individuals are members of parliament with the Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary.
The basis of the research was the Conflict Monitor 2010 project whose questionnaire-based data
collection in September 2010 resulted in a N=1003 sample that was nationally representative by age,
education and residence. The data collection of the N=100 national radical subsample took place in
October-November 2010. The focus group discussions were conducted on 11 December 2010, while
the narrative biographical interviews were recorded between 4 - 6 February 2011.
5
For a detailed description of socio-demographic profile of respondents, see Appendix 5.
6
Ferenc Gyurcsány, the prime minister at the time, made a closing speech on May 26, 2006, one
month after the Hungarian Socialist Party's election victory, at the party's private session in
Balatonőszöd. Excerpts from the closing speech were leaked by persons still unknown on September
17, 2006. Several thoughts and their wording caused a general uproar, a series of demonstrations was
started in Budapest and other cities where protesters demanded the prime minister to step down. On
the evening of September 18, a group of protesters raided and damaged the headquarters of
Hungarian Television. The regular, daily demonstrations lasted until about the beginning of
November.
7
Miklós Horthy fortified the government's power after the First World War, following the fall of the
dictatorship of the proletariat. He was the governor of the Kingdom of Hungary between March 1,
1920 and October 16, 1944. The Horthy cult peaked between 1938 and 1943, because of regional
revisional successes (in 1938, becase of the the First Vienna Award, Upper-Hungary became part of
Hungary again, and in 1940 the Second Vienna Award gave back the northern part of Transylvania to
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4
at the same time, was unarmed but military in its appearance and followed the
traditions of the National Guard (1848, 1944, 1956) and the uniform of the Royal
Hungarian Home Guard (1938).
The founding role/idea is ascribed to another later commissioner, alongside Ben,
who had been a career soldier previously and also served in the French Foreign
Legion for many years.
The first public appearance of the organisation was 4 June 2007 when members
marched in uniforms at the Trianon memorial in one of the county seats
(Nyíregyháza) in Eastern-Hungary. All founders of the organisation were also
members of the Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary radical party.
Following its establishment, the two branches of the organisation soon began to
separate. One is a group of 10-15 members functioning in the county seat
(Nyíregyháza), led by the county-level heads of Jobbik (they have been MPs since
2010, one of them is currently the vice-president of the party). Their actions include
marching at party political events and demonstrative military parades, the majority
of which can be found on the Internet. The other is made up of the rural majority
that abandoned the Jobbik party and any political role. This is a group of 100-130
persons, which is known as the National Army of Guardsmen, follows its own ethical
codex, principles and constitution and is led by founding member Ben.
The leaders of the National Army of Guardsmen founded and registered the
Association of Civil Soldiers for Peaceful Life on 24 February 2009; its leaders are the
same as those of the National Army of Guardsmen. The organisation became a
legitimate association, being officially registered as the National Army of Guardsmen
Traditional and Civil Soldier Association as of May 2009. Subsequently, several other
local civil soldier associations were founded in the county (Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
county) whose leaders are also members of the National Army of Guardsmen.
The separation of the organisation's two wings was already started in 2009. The
leaders of the countryside members, who were in majority and who kept to the
National Guards’ 'original' mission and were apolitical and were working on
organisational-educational goals, were expelled from the National Guards Tradition
Keeper and Militia Association in 2011 and they also quit from the For a Better
Hungary Movement party.
The current situation of the organisation is paradoxical. On the one hand, there is a
group of 10-15 people that are loyal to, and supported by, the radical party that
Hungary). Morale was also significantly affected by the large-scale development of the economy,
which started in 1938, after the Great Depression. Most Hungarian historians agree on the main
aspects of his activity but even today there is no consensus about some issues (antisemitism,
deporting Jews or his role in World War II).
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marches at party events in a visibly impressive way. This group does not function as
an organisation but owns the legitimacy of the association. On the other hand, there
is a rural group of 100-130 people, which adheres to the original goals of the
National Army of Guardsmen and functions as a ‘quasi’ National Army of Guardsmen
that is connected to local civil soldier associations but independent of the Jobbik
political party group. The leader of the ‘quasi’ organisation, which functions by
following the rules, constitution and organisation structure, and wearing the
uniforms of the National Army of Guardsmen, is the founder Ben. He organised the
network of Military Schools drawing on the members and following the traditions of
the Levente Movement (based on contracts between local governments and primary
schools). He is also present in nation-wide organisations; he is a presidential member
of the National Guards Associations of Hungary and a National Guards lieutenant
colonel.
This split had a significant impact on the final configuration of the MYPLACE
ethnographic case study. Since, after the split, the ‘official’‘ National Army of
Guardsmen consisted of only 10-15 people and functioned primarily as a tool for
party politics rather than as a full organisation, the case study undertaken for
MYPLACE was oriented towards the ‘quasi ‘ organisation. The original intention was
to participate in their training sessions as well as memorial trips, marches and events
connected to the organisation. However, it transpired that the trainings conducted
by the organisation through the Military Schools were more formal than anticipated
and targeted 10-15-year-old youths (below the MYPLACE target age group). This
made the trainings an inappropriate site for participant observation.
However, in March 2012, an alternative opportunity presented itself to participate
in military practice. These military practice sessions took place at the farmstead
Batta close to Boldva municipality, Cserehát, in Borsod-Abauj-Zemplén county. This is
the poorest region of Hungary and is the seat of The Ragged Cultural and Heritage
Protection Association, as well as the residence of the leader and founder of the
Association (Carl). The ex-chief captain leading the training for the ‘quasi ‘
organisation of the National Army of Guardsmen and leader of the home guard
schools programme, Ben, is an old friend of the Association’s leader and had been a
member of it personally for two years. The farmstead is an ideal place for military
practice sessions (there are no other inhabitants within a 10-km zone, only a valley
surrounded by forests and hills) and there is an ample quantity of uncharged
weapons (mostly assault rifles) and other military equipment (for example, clothes,
camouflage nets).
The Association has been discussed in the media on a number of occasions, being
represented as an armed radical group; its leader has been prosecuted in court twice
(for misuse of weapons). For this reason it was really surprising that Carl was open
towards the researcher when he arrived at the military practice session. This was
positive reception was obviously helped by Ben’s earlier conversations informing
him about the research and his acting as a kind of guarantor. The leader of The
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Ragged Association was completely supportive of the Association becoming the
object of an ethnographic case study, finally allowing research questions and goals
to be defined.
In forming these research questions and goals, the researcher drew on the research
results of the previous New Authoritarianism project and the current MYPLACE
project related to the National Army of Guardsmen. There is no antecedent in the
Hungarian sociological and/or political scientific literature regarding the social
scientific empirical examination of Hungarian groups and organisations labelled
(variously) as radical, far-right, paramilitary, national radical. This made it impossible
to use deductive logic to devise research questions and goals based on concrete
theoretical background. 8 Based on the broadest range of available data sources and
applicable methods (participant observation, semi-structured interview, focus group
interview, content analysis, videos, photos, web pages) and drawing on a grounded
theory approach, therefore, the following questions were devised in an essentially
explanatory/ interpretative project: what motivates young people’s’ membership in
the organisation? What are the members' political/ideological values and attitudes?
What are the features of the organisation's operation?
2. Methods
It was already revealed that both the National Army of Guardsmen and The Ragged
Association belong to national radical movements; moreover, a majority of the
members of the ex-National Army of Guardsmen are associates of The Ragged
Association today. Conversation and interviews made with the leader of The Ragged
Association and other members at the military practice (19-21 March 2013)
confirmed that the ideological preferences of the organisations are basically
identical. It is important to note this because during the analysis of the case study
with members of the Ragged Association, the results of earlier data collection on
the National Guards is also employed. This is also warranted by the fact that the
subjects of the group and individual interviews were once members of the National
Guards and now they are members of the Ragged Association.
The questions of the theoretical background and which method to use to process
data were already raised at the beginning of field work. The main problem was that
there has been no prior empirical social science research of the Hungarian
nationalist radical groups at all.
Foreign literature available includes several studies and books about the theoretical
questions and the empirical study of right-wing/far-right/radicalism (Mudde 2001,
2005; Anastasakis 2000; Ford and Goodwin 2010; Auers and Kasekamp 2009). When
comparing with the results of the studies of Hungarian nationalist radicals, the
8
We consider examinations as direct social scientific research if data originate from the members of
the group/organisation directly.
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problem is that the subjects of empirical studies, mostly about European countries,
have primarily been voters (supporters) of far-right political parties. Adapting the
theories in foreign literature to Hungarian circumstances is hindered by the fact that
Hungarian nationalist radicalism is exceptionally strongly connected to Hungarian
history and to the features of Hungarian political culture and political socialization.
This absence of clear theoretical frameworks in the field explain the decision to
adopt a grounded theory approach in this study, notwithstanding the critiques of
this approach9.. It is the intention of the research team to continue data collection
on nationalist radicals in the future, so the potential for generating theory on the
basis of the observed phenomenon10 is an attractive dimension of the grounded
theory approach
.
When forming the explanatory theory due during the phase after finishing data
collection, we consulted the national and international literature about rightwing/far-right/radicalism, but at the current research phase we only find it necessary
to review Hungarian literature.
The topic of Hungarian right-wing/far-right/radicalism is discussed in Hungarian
political science and political sociology literature partly based on the results of
empirical research and partly based on theoretical analyses. Understandably, but
unfortunately for the purposes of this study, the subject of the majority of these
analyses is the For a Better Hungary Movement which is a political party that
considers itself a nationalist radical organisation. Research done on registered
associations and other organisations operating partially illegally is completely
missing. Another feature is that the subjects of empirical research are not members
of the organisations but voters and supporters of parties and subsamples of the
normal residential population based on values/attitude. The validity of hypothetical
statements not supported by direct empirical data is questionable in several cases.
Research carried out on the regular residential population about the social need for
the far-right with the help of the ESS (European Social Survey) database and the
DEREX index stands out from empirical research (Krekó et al. 2011). A political
science analysis, using Social Networks Analysis and based on data available on the
Internet and dealing with the existence and operation of a relationship network
between national radical, far-right and the Guards is exciting from a methodological
point of view and useful when looking at the results (Malkovics 2013). Several online
studies have been carried out on this topic. One that stands out both
9
Critiques of grounded theory include that: it is impossible to set aside theory at the start; theory
neutral observation is impossible; researchers have to specify theory in project proposals; coding
breaks up the narrative flow of data (Gibbs 2010).
10
’A grounded theory is one that is inductively derived from the study of the phenomenon it
represents’ (Corbin and Strauss 2008: 23).
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methodologically and theoretically was done online on the followers of the For A
Better Hungary Movement's Facebook page. The results are presented in
comparison with offline research results (Bartlett et al. 2013). Several studies have
been carried out on the affinity towards far-right/radical ideologies in the adult and
young adult demographic groups. A study based on the second analysis of a national
survey done on young adults (aged 16 to 35) is an outstanding summary that,
besides many other topics (nationalism, concepts of democracy, political
socialization features, affinity for authoritarianism), deals with the role of far-right
subcultures and the ideology of the right-wing radical (Hunyadi et al. 2012).
Some of the political science papers about the theoretical aspects of the farright/radicalism explain the electoral success of the For a Better Hungary Movement,
while others deal with defining the far-right and the problems of categorizing farright organisations, a topic that interests those who discuss the Better Hungary
(Jobbik) phenomenon as well.
An often-cited study, which can be put into the first group, analyzes the factors
leading to Better Hungary's (Jobbik) results in the European Union's parliamentary
election in 2009. The authors consider far-right, radical right and extreme as
synonyms and they emphasize that studying radical organisations and parties
requires a methodology different from the usual survey studies (Karácsony and Róna
2010). Better Hungary (Jobbik) is again the ‘protagonist’ of research whose authors
claim that while categorizing radical/extreme movements we should rather take it
into account how their formations can be linked to specific historical eras. According
to this understanding, currently the fourth wave is forming in Hungary, the first
representative of which is national radicalism and the For a Better Hungary
Movement (Tóth and Grajczár 2012).
There are suggestions for categorizing radical organisations in one of the papers
dealing with the problems of categorization but the authors did not justify their
classification (Gimes et al.: 2008). The authors of a research summary about the
attitude and value patterns of voters who are susceptible to radical ideologies do not
differentiate between far-right and radical right (Gimes et al. 2009). From the
studies dealing with the problems of defining the far-right, the most thorough one is
based on a wide range of international literature and suggests a minimum definition
that takes journalistic definitions into consideration as well as the far-right groups'
self-definitions (Filipov 2011).
2.1 Grounded theory as a methodological framework
Grounded theory is one mode of qualitative research with some specific
methodological principles that ensure conceptual development and saturation. The
path from data level to creating a theory is focused on a data based theory that
emerges as a result of constant and systematic data analysis (Glaser–Strauss 1967).
The characteristics of the grounded theory methodology include the following:
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‘... (1) simultaneous involvement in data collection and analysis phases of
research; (2) creation of analytic codes and categories developed from
data, not from preconceived hypotheses; (3) the development of middlerange theories to explain behaviour and processes; (4) memo-making,
that is, writing analytic notes to explicate and fill out categories, the
crucial intermediate step between coding data and writing first drafts of
papers; (5) theoretical sampling, that is, sampling for theory
construction, not for representativeness of a given population, to check
and refine the analyst's emerging conceptual categories; and (6)
literature review takes place at the end of the analysis’ (Charmaz
1996: 28).
In the course of data gathering and conducting interviews, topics covered in
interview outlines were modified. This is standard practice in qualitative
methodologies as ‘...the major characteristic of the grounded theory is that
researchers concentrate on data directly and not on preconceived concepts and
hypotheses to form analytical categories.’(Charmaz 1995: 22). Indeed, although a
considerable amount of data was collected, the research is not considered
completed (Strauss 1987).
The data, in textual form, were analysed in a number of stages. First, the full corpus
of texts was used to derive analytical categories and conceptual frameworks in the
first phase. In the second phase, the natural and semantical units of texts based on
the analytical categories constructed in the first phase were coded. By following
Strauss and Glaser’s guidance, concepts were assigned to the meaningful segments
via open coding of the coding types applied in the two phases. Content units were
considered as concepts where they were referenced by several indicators and
categories were based on numerous concepts. Via axial coding, a network of
connections between categories and dimensions (subcategories) were established,
then with the help of selective coding, relevant categories and subcategories were
assigned to texts. During the analysis, memos, theoretical notes and analytical
interpretations related to textual units of various length were written (GlaserStrauss: 1967; Corbin-Strauss: 1994; Pandit: 1966; Charmaz: 1996).
2.2 Active interviews
Interviews were based on quite sketchy concepts at the beginning of the research
and later on as well. The decision not to structure the interviews tightly was a
conscious one since as recorded conversations followed the method of active
interviews. During active interviews, understanding the meaning-making process is
as important as the content transmitted. Based on the social constructivist approach
(Berger-Luckman 1967; Blumer 1969; Garfinkel 1967), active interviews are acts of
social togetherness during which knowledge is constituted (Holstein-Gurbium 1997).
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For interviewees, the interview situations were unfamiliar, not least because of their
relatively low social status backgrounds, and perceived suspiciously because of their
stigmatized social discrimination (often being labelled ‘armed Nazis’, ‘dangerous
criminals’) and quasi-illegitimate operation. Based on the experiences from Autumn
2010 interviews with the members of the National Army of Guardsmen in the New
Authoritarianism project, the researcher aimed to establish an informal climate
during both the individual and group interviews.
2.3 The group interview method
In the course of fieldwork, four group interviews were conducted. These differed
from focus groups. While the latter use trained moderators and concentrate on
group processes and collective decisions that lead to the assessment of groups and
explicitly use group interactions (Krueger: 1988; Kitzinger: 1994), the primary aim of
the group interviews was to learn the norms of a homogenous group belonging to
the same national radical organisation. . Rather than revealing group dynamics, the
aim of these interviews was to assist participants to elaborate their’ views in more
detail with the help of group processes (several interviewees’ interactive
communication). This allows details to be expressed in a depth that would be
impossible outside of the context of the application of group interviews.
2.4 Narrative biographical interviews
There were three subjects altogether in the two national radical organisations that
had central/leading positions and dominant opinion-leader roles, and thus were
natural subjects for narrative biographical interviews. In addition to these three (the
founder and ex chief captain of the National Army of Guardsmen, the leader of the
Military School Cultural and Sport Association founded in 2012 (Ben) and the
founder and leader of The Ragged Association (Carl), the former county president
and MP of Jobbik, the Movement for a Better Hungary (currently a dominant figure
in The Ragged Association) and independent MP (Dick) were also open and willing to
record longer narrative biographical interviews.
In the narrative interviews, the focus was on personal biographies rather than data
thematically relevant to the research. Due to the results of the unique interviewing
method (main narrative, asking questions afterwards), the analysis of the narratives,
which are considered a shared product of the interviewer and the interview subject,
distinguishes the told life story from the experienced one.
The interpretation of the interviews is based on uncovering the structure of narrated
live stories and their linguistic features (Rosenthal 1995; Fischer-Rosenthal 1996).
These interviews will be analysed using a hermeneutical analysis technique in a later
phase of the research; in this report interview texts are analysed using the approach
outlined in the previous section are discussed.
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2.5 Case study data
The field work period extended beyond the formal empirical data gathering period
specified in the MYPLACE project WP7 work package;11 field work started on 10
December 2010 and finished on 28 June 2013.
Fieldwork comprised: photo and video shoots; 25 individual interviews; 4 group
interviews; written field diaries. A total of 16 events were attended lasting in total 5
days, 15 hours 40 minutes. Audio data recorded totalled 30 hours 1 minute 37
seconds and 6 hours 26 minute 9 seconds of video data was recorded. The visual
data also includes 355 still images. The 3 individual interviews relating to the New
Authoritarianism project are 30 885 words long (60 pages). For a detailed description
of fieldwork data, see Appendices 1-4.
The only channel for sharing public messages and representations for both national
radical organisations is the Internet. In addition to data collected in the field, 54
videos (6 hours 10 minutes 45 seconds) and 697 photos related to The Ragged
Association, the National Army of Guardsmen and the Military School were
downloaded from Internet sources, mainly Facebook pages, . Data were organised
according to organisations; for a detailed description see Appendix 3.
The third set of data involved documents acquired from the leaders of national
radical organisations. These included: 128 pages of documents including service
regulations (National Army of Guardsmen); a contract; a thank you letter; a court
judgment; a collection of daily newspaper articles (The Ragged Association); and a
detailed description on a video CD (52 minutes 49 seconds) on military training are
all listed in Appendix 4.
3. Key Findings
3.1 Foundation of the Association
The idea for, and founding of, the Ragged Association can be traced to a single
person (Carl). The founder of the organisation refers to his own youth in an
unflattering manner; looking back on the period 1988-1994, when he was a
skinhead, he comments: ‘I was a shaven-headed, stupid boy with boots and a
bomber jacket.’ (Carl). As skinhead county leader, he led the youth organisation of
the FKGP ( the Association of the National Youth) and in 1994, he was a candidate
for Parliament for the Smallholders' Party.
The Hungarian mentality and peasant culture are inseparable for a young man proud
of his peasant origin: ‘… I always tried to live as a Hungarian, to live a peasant life.’
11
To prepare the case study researchers drew on the three individual and one group interviews
recorded with the members of the National Army of Guardsmen in the New Authoritarianism project.
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(Carl). He became increasingly interested in native animals, but it was becoming
problematic to keep them in his hometown (Mályi), so he bought a farm in 2005
(Batta farmstead, Boldva) (see Plate 1).
Plate 1: The Batta farmstead (ID 246)12
The farm was in ruins, but he was able to draw on help to install electricity, build a
house to live in and, by 2009, to form a stable herd of livestock and a collection of
ancient peasant tools.
Carl became interested in the ideology behind the Ragged Guards13 from the year
2000 as, together with his skinhead friends and those who had returned from the
Yugoslav war, he sought the right ideology:
Fascism, Nazism and Szalasi are not my world, I despised them even as a
skinhead… talking about Hungarism14my grandfather died when they
12
Sources of images reproduced here are listed in Appendix 3.
The Ragged Guards was formed originally on 18 April 1919 and consisted of surviving soldiers from
the First World War as well as poor peasant civilians and the remnants of the Szekler Division. They
adopted the term ‘ragged’ in their name as a proud appropriation of their impoverishent. During the
Hungarian Soviet Republic era (March-August 1919), the goal of this self-organised armed group was
resistance against the communists and the retention of the areas around Sopron that had been taken
during the Treaty of Trianon, although they also wanted to take back other territories for Hungary.
They stopped the regular Austrian army from conquering the area and took over what is known today
as Burgenland and they proclaimed Leitha-Banat [Leitha-Banat was a short-lived western Hungarian
state in the region where the Austrian federal state of Burgenland now exists. It existed between
October 4 and November 5, 1921, following the Treaty of Trianon]. This led to the referendum held in
Sopron between December 14-16,1921. [In a referendum held on December 14th, 1921, Sopron and
eight neighbouring villages expressed their wish to remain part of Hungary.]
13
14
Hungarism was a Hungarian national-socialist movement and ideology between 1930 and 1945. The
leader of the movement and its chief ideologist was Ferenc Szálasi.
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(interrogators) put a table ahead him and stood him in a wash basin, two
AVH 15agents did this to him, they had formerly been Hungarists. (Carl).
Prior to the foundation of the Association, they familiarized themselves with the
national organisations as a kind of informal orientation:
Only I joined the Army Guards, my men joined many other organisations.
I was interested in what was going on inside. We undertook a market
survey, [to find out] who was on what level ideologically and what they
were prepared for. Then we started to think that the Association should
be registered. (Carl).
The registering of the organisation was undertaken not because they felt the need
for official recognition but rather due to pressure on them. As Carl notes, ‘We
created this association to be able to cover our weapons - the farm had existed for
many years already, there was no need for an association, it existed as a circle of
friends.’ (Carl). The process of registering the organisation - which was named in
honour of the Ragged Guards - was a long one. The court rejected the application
several times, until it was finally successful. The registration came into force on 7
October 2009.
15
The State Protection Authority (Államvédelmi Hatóság, ÁVH) was a state protection organisation,
working partially in secret, during the Hungarian communist one-party state dictatorship between
1948 and 1956.
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Plate 2: The flag of Ragged Guards (ID 261)
After this, they began to develop the Association's groups; six started to operate in
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County and one in Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county. Of this
period, Carl comments: '...we also had a 'land-taking' group.16 They lived in yurts
here in the valley, we wanted to build a village from the migration period.' (Carl).
In accordance with the Association’s slogan ‘to produce and to defend’, crop and
animal production had been established by 2009. Thereafter the second part of the
slogan – ‘to defend’ became the focus of the group:
…we needed to train our people, this is why we obtained weapons. First
came the production, and after that the weapons … It was not the name
that mattered to us but the ideology: railway workers, students took up
arms, if history calls us, we are prepared for it. (Carl)
16
'Land-taking' in Hungarian history refers to the events during which Hungarians settled in the
Carpathian Basin. The migration period was around the 4th-8th century in Europe, the transitional
period between Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages.
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Plate 3: 'I am Hungarian my people are proud to be courageous!' (ID 367)
3.2 Admission and motivation
The Association does not do any kind of recruiting. Indeed, the management frowns
upon recruitment: ‘We don't recruit, as the Guards used to do back in the day, we
don't' pull people in off the street. ‘ (Dick)
Getting to know the organisation and securing admission is possible, therefore, only
through personal relationships. During fieldwork, for example, people being
considered for admission were: a young neighbour of the leader of the Association;
and the son of a woman who knew the leader. The person in the organisation
inviting the candidate takes responsibility for the new member. This is a very
important initial filter, which means practically no one is turned down. Formal
admission is always preceded by a longer, undefined period, usually taking several
months (trial period) during which the candidate repeatedly visits Batta farmstead,
the Association's ‘headquarters ‘. After conversations conducted during joint trips
and events and after judging the candidate's activities so far, the management
makes a decision about whether they should be admitted: ‘We can see how people
do their work, how trustworthy they are, but nothing is set in stone.’ (Dick).
People admitted to the Association have different ideological proclivities and
worldviews. The leader of the organisation tries to lay down a standardized norm
system using his own particular philosophy: ' The candidate shouldn't hate the
Better Hungary party or gypsies or aliens because of what he's heard, but he should
experience it. I provide the basic information but he has to experience it' (Carl).
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The interview subjects talked about different kinds of motivation for seeking
admission. One respondent claimed there was no particular reason for his desire to
join: ‘...I'm a rookie, haven't done much... I like the whole thing... the other day there
was gun handling, first aid training.’ (Dan). Another appeared to be motivated
primarily by the opportunity to learn military skills following the abolition of
compulsory military service: ‘...discipline and skills, techniques you can learn here’
(Esau). For others the overall profile of the Association had been attractive: ‘I like the
whole environment, the native livestock farming, the gene bank and there are guns,
too.’ (Earl). Although for most people the possibility of handling weapons provided
the biggest appeal, some found other reasons to sympathize with The Ragged:
‘Mainly because of the animals, here you can freely do whatever you want as far as
farming livestock is concerned. I don't really care about guns, I'll learn to use them
but I'm not a big fan.’ (Denis). Most of the new members had sought admission to
the Association after becoming disillusioned with Jobbik For A Better Hungary
Movement, which they had left. Local issues, concerning the county, also played an
important role in this.
3.3 Socio-cultural background
The age of interviewed members of the Ragged Association ranged from 16 to 37
years. The majority were working already. Those who were students were studying
mainly in vocational secondary or vocational schools although one university student
was interviewed also. Those who have left school mostly have a certificate from a
vocational or training school, but some also have lower prestige degrees (elementary
school teacher, accredited post-secondary education).
The only respondents to report failures in their academic studies had experienced
their problems during higher education (change of specialization, dropout from
training).
Due to the nature of Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county, which is an industrial area, the
typical professions of respondents are industrial (welding, machine operators) or in
of the service industry (retail seller, currency exchange). This is not an absolute rule,
however; several of them are trading entrepreneurs and representatives of
professions requiring a higher qualification (graphic designer, kindergarten teacher).
The parents’ occupational characteristics are similar: the majority are skilled workers
although one was a mining engineer. The parents’ qualifications differ from their
work profile in a number of cases; one furnace operator had worked in an office and
then later as a handicraftsman, while a trained hairdresser and masseuse had a jammaking business. A consistent characteristic of the families living in rural areas is that
they are all primary producers and small-scale agricultural producers. Due to the
divorce of parents or the death of fathers, several respondents had grown up or
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were still living in single-parent families. Many of the already married interviewees
had divorced or were getting divorced.
There is little evidence that parents or other relatives had any particular interest in
politics and in only one case was the family history recounted as significant:
I come from a noble family, my grandmother used to tell quite a lot of
stories and enthused about this. Because of my patriotism and what was
done to the family back then, thought that I there was a chance via
Jobbik for Hungary to get back to its worthy place. (Frank).
On the other hand, parental condemnation of respondents’ radical national interest
and organisational membership was encountered also only once:
In my father’s eyes I am the black sheep of the family, his smallest son,
and then I start such crazy things. He doesn’t like it… we have had an
argument about it also… when I entered Jobbik, [about] why I was doing
this. Otherwise they support me in everything, it’s just they don’t like it.
(Henry).
3.4 Remembrance and counter-history
Compared to the Ragged Association, the National Guards is characterised by a
much more structured view of history and more intense historical and ideological
interests. However, the conversations and interviews showed that politicalideological proclivities and political interpretations among members’ of the two
organisations are essentially the same. Below, the material cited is drawn from the
group and individual interviews with the opinion leaders of the National Guards.
It would be simplistic to label all that the members of the National Guards claim
about the past ‘false history’. For many centuries, professional, institutionalized
historical research has been considered the only authentic method to acquire
information about the past. In the last decades of the 20th century, postmodern
approaches questioning the exclusivity of dominant discourses, however, shook the
privileged position of academic historiography. The new approaches were mainly
looking for an answer to the question of how specific groups, which are trapped
outside the discourse of institutionalized historiography, use the past to present and
transmit their thoughts and identities. This trend includes research concerning social
remembrance (Assmann 2004) and memorial places (Nora 2010), which examine the
past, preserved and transmitted in remembrance and its discourse, that exists
alongside (or against) classic historiography.
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Michel Foucault's concept of counter-historiography is related to remembrance in
many ways (Foucault 2003). Foucault outlined two completely different types of
discourse: historiography, which is the dominant discourse of the ruling power, with
the aim of supporting and legitimizing power; and counter-historiography which is
not about strengthening power but, rather, criticising it. The latter is a rebellious
discourse that seeks to revive the memory of the oppressed, describes slavery,
banishment and defeat, and typically thinks in Manichean categories (true-false,
tyrants-oppressed) (Domanska 2010).
Individual and group interviews with members of the National Guards indicate the
successful concurrence of a counter culture and a counter historiography. The
interviewees’ relation to the past can be described as a social memory inspired by
counter historiography. Interviewees consistently moved beyond official history
when they select stories important to them: ‘... I have never been interested in that
part of history that is taught, but always those small ones that were left out…’ (Elsa).
They are dissatisfied with official historiography and do not accept its facts and
interpretations. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences is represented as the enemy
that falsifies history, depriving it of past events that increase national pride:
They cannot even speak Hungarian ... And after the Habsburg dynasty
and, from that time continuously, they have been falsifying our history,
so that there will be nothing left to talk about. So children don’t come
out of history lessons with goose bumps, but aah, ‘what a failure’, ‘what
a loser’, aah, it’s not even worth talking about.... And when they come
out from a grammar lesson [they believe] that Hungarian came about as
a result of linguistic drift, even though it was the first language that
existed. (Ben)
The accusation is that history has been falsified and national pride undermined. In
the vision of the past of members of the organisation, two periods feature as
extremely important in the history of the Hungarians: the mythical past; and the
twentieth century past.
One of the most important elements of the mythical past is the St. Stephen’s
foundation of the state.17 However, there were glorious events in the times before
the foundation of the state: Attila’s conquests; the introduction of writing and high
culture in Europe; and the preservation of ancient culture in runic script. There are
examples of glorious stories to be found even after the foundation of the state. Such
17
... our Stephen, you know, caused the biggest blood letting among the Hungarian nation. Because
Gisella, you know, under the pressure of Byzantium, melted down those Arvisura gold plates that the
history of the Hungarian nation was carved on. So then it began, from this point onwards they
prohibited and pursued those [who belived in Arvisura history] with fire and sword, who maybe in
churches, or in any way [keep a living memory of Arvisura] , you know, the traces of our carved
history was still to be found, she was the first dog [traitor] in this history. (Ben)
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a case was Kund the Diver’s (Búvár Kund) heroic firmness during the battle that took
place in Pozsony (present day Bratislava) in 907:
... but I would really emphasise the battle of Pozsony, you know, Kund
the Diver... I beg you, put in a tale – I have put ‘tale’ in quotation marks
you know - a saga, a huge battle, that our children don’t know about18,
they do not realise that. My God, do not come out from that history
lesson, thinking there is no such thing in the world as the Hungarian
people. (Elsa)
The recent past is viewed as a time of defeats with the only exception being the
personality and activities of Miklós Horthy. During this period, the enemies of the
nation such as the Zionists, the Little Entente, the Communists, the Arrow Cross, the
media, the politicians, the Fidesz and the MSZP were extremely active. The main aim
of turning towards the past is to find a source of national prestige, which might
become the basis of national pride or superiority. This base is the mythicised,
nationally stylized ancient past. Constructing the ancient past also means the denial
of the dominant historical discourse presented as tyrannical and anti-national.
Intense attention on recent happenings serves the identification of enemies and
destroyers of the nation. An important function of the memory inspired by the
counter-historiography is to legitimize the claims concerning the reacquisition of the
territories of the Kingdom of Hungary as well.
During the interviews, the interview subjects used narrative schema following the
‘Gemeinschaft’ model in order to make their ideas about the Hungarian nation
understood. In so doing, they displayed an alternative national history different from
the mainstream historiography, full of mythical symbols and stories appropriate for
the expression of the specific nature of the national character and collective power,
and for legitimising the rejection of and resistance to the existing power.
Below, an attempt is made to present the strategies through which the members of
the group expressed their identities and to show the narrative structures of the
national past employed by them to demonstrate their national identity. This
historical approach is in many respects close to what Michel Foucault characterised
as counter history (Foucault: 2003).
Through the analysis of these stories we can understand how the agents of this
community see the world and place themselves in it. The following excerpt from the
focus group interview explains why St Stephen should have been restrained.
Interviewer: And if we could step back a bit in time and let’s play with
the idea that I am the Wizard of Oz, would you be happy to turn back
time to a, to this time, to this Horthy era?
Ben: This is an interesting question.
18
This is plea is adressed to teachers of history.
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Interviewer: Let's say I'm the Wizard of Oz.
Felix: A little bit before. The Horthy era is... I personally think not then
but a bit before. In order to prevent the process that would let the
Kingdom of Hungary to… a bit further back.
Basil: So we should tie Stephen's hands.
Interviewer: I'm Stephen, King Stephen.’
Ben: So from the point that he melted our Arvisura golden plates and
thus, you know, he erased a big part of our history, so for this, I would go
back and then I would slap the old man.
According to the interviewees, St. Stephen needs to be punished, because he
destroyed the golden plates documenting the real sources of the origins of the
Hungarians. The golden plates are reported in the Arvisura, which is a key source of
national past for the members of the organisation. The Arvisuras tell the stories of
mankind, the Hun tribal confederation and the Hungarians starting from the
emigration from Atais, the lost ancient continent through the foundation of the Hun
tribal confederation until the discovery of the tradition during World War II. 19 All
this is reported in the 9,000-page legacy of metallurgist Zoltan Paál from Ózd (Paál
2003).
The Arvisura fits excellently into the nationalist pseudo-historical discourse seeking
to justify the primacy of Hungarians, though it has several traits that make it
unprecedented in this ‘genre’. Researchers interested in Hungarian ancient history
have read again the already existing, documented sources in Hungarian. This is
what, for example, Ferenc Badiny Jós did who interpreted cuneiform clay tablets
(Badiny: 1997). The Arvisura however creates a new source, making the silenced
tradition speak. The Arvisura systematizes a number of stories that were previously
known only from sporadic, often contradictory writings and studies that are difficult
to link together. It discusses the kinship of the Hungarians with the Huns, the
Parthuses and the Sumers, the doctrine of the Holy Crown, the Scythian origin of
Jesus etc. in a unified context. The research conducted among the members of the
organisation demonstrates that it is no accident that the Arvisura has become the
‘bestseller’ of the new nationalist historical discourse in recent years. The vision of
the state founder king, being punished by twisting back the Holy Right is a typical
representation of the new nationalist discourse. One of its characteristics is
opposition to the state, power and dominant discourse.
It might seem strange that St. Stephen is perceived negatively by the interview
subjects, while they express their extraordinary respect and appreciation for the
19
According to the story, in World War II Soviet parachutist partisans with Finno-Ugric origin arrived
in the surroundings of Ózd and released the iron factory worker Zoltan Paal from labour duty. One of
them, shaman manysi, named Szalaváré Tura - fulfilling his secret mission – transmitted the traditions
of the Arvisuras to Zoltan Paal during their conversations and inaugurated him as the rune shaman of
the Hun tribal confederation. Thus, the tradition of Arvisuras encarved on the golden plates found its
way again to the Hungarians and Zoltan Paal recorded it, and even continued it with his own story.
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Holy Crown with which St. Stephen was crowned. This is possible only if the Holy
Crown is detached from King St. Stephen. This is accomplished in the oath new
members swear on joining the organisation, when they pledge themselves to ‘the
universal and eternal divine laws inspired by the Holy Crown’. The key importance of
the Crown was confirmed by the interview subjects as well:
The Holy Crown is the highest dignitary that exists for every one of us.
We believe, or at least I personally believe that that kind of divine
revelation that the Hungarian… (Holy Crown) can be followed, and even
with a distorted explanation of the Holy Crown I believe that a higher
power controls our little nation, the Carpathian homeland, you know,
naturally the history, all the territories of Hungary and the countries of
the Holy Crown, you know, that once formed a unified system. And this
kind of divine revelation, according to my thoughts and feelings, will
definitely lead this - I will be pejorative - trash that we live in (refer to
contemporary Hungary) in the right direction in the future. Its end is
already near, I am sure of that. And the power of the Holy Crown will be
restored and that kind of divine will, that will ensure the survival and the
mission of the Hungarian nation. (Felix)
The term ‘Carpathian homeland’ is used here not only to signify the Greater Hungary
but to reference an alternative origin myth, according to which Hungarians were the
first cultured people in Europe. Official historiography states that Hungarian tribes
from Eurasia (led by Árpád) came to the region in a single process of conquest and
settlement of the Carpathian Basin around 895. The alternative version, implied in
the above quote, is that this settlement was actually a ‘return’ since the ancestors
of the Hungarians first occupied the Carpathian Basin around 670 (a period
characterised by the neolithic lowland linear pottery culture) and subsequently
returned to the area at the end of the ninth century.
The Arvisura leaves no doubt regarding the much more ancient origin of the Holy
Crown: the lower part of the crown was the crown of Gilgamesh. Attila was also
crowned with this crown. Hungarian King Laszlo I combined this crown with a
second, Byzantine, and a third, Roman, crown (Paál 2003: 1172-3). This unification
allows the crown to rule simultaneously over Eastern and the Western Christianity
and the followers of ancient monotheism.
The Crown is not derived from where we obtained it, but, you know, it
was the crown of Attila the Hun, it has a much older history. It is from
the Parthian era, you know, there is the aigret, and what happens with
the covered crowns [coronet, circlet open at the top], you know, it is not
a coronation symbol, the Hungarian Holy Crown; above it there is nobody
but the Lord. Its legal authority is the protection of the countries of the
Holy Crown, the nations under the Holy Crown by Virgin Mary. (Ben).
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A similar meaning is displayed on the recruitment poster of the Organisation (see
Plate 4). Here Mary can be seen on the mountain top with the Holy Crown on her
head, in Parthian dress:
So that you can imagine this poster or this painting, it is beautiful I think,
there is a hill, it embodies it all in my opinion, that is whom and where
we trust, the Holy Crown and the history, our Lady of Hungary who is a
Parthian princess and she is depicted in Parthian clothes. So from this
point we can see where we come from, where we are heading and what
we want. (Ben)
Plate 4: 'For God! For Motherland! Sign up!' (ID 31)
The idea that Jesus and Mary were not Jews, but Scythians or Parthians is not new
(Zajti 1999; Badiny 1998). The unmaking of Jesus and the Virgin Mary as Jews is not a
peculiarly Hungarian characteristic; Jesus was already aryanized in Nazi Germany
(Weaver 2006). According to the version that is common in Hungary, Mary was the
daughter of a Parthian prince. The crown on her head, the ‘aigrette’, (Badiny: 1998)
and her Parthian clothes all confirm this. It was not St. Stephen I who placed the
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crown on her head, Mary could have worn the crown as a ruler, as Jesus was
crowned with the Gilgamesh crown as well, according to the Arvisura (Paál 2003,
Badiny 1998). The message of the map of Greater Hungary behind Our Lady Mary is
clear as well; the countries of the Holy Crown, the Carpathian Homeland – thus the
territorial integrity of the country - is protected by divine forces.
Given the above, it is not surprising that the expression ‘conquest of the homeland’
(the Hungarian conquest in the year 896) is not accepted by the interview subjects:
Interviewer: So if we go back to the conquest…
Elsa: There is no such thing.
Ben: Let’s replace this word. It was a homecoming. We came back. The
conquest is a dynamic thing, a violent thing and exactly this is what they
(representatives of official history, school teachers) want to force.
Hungarians were the first inhabitants of the Carpathian Basin – this is the version of
history that thrives in the mind of the members of the organisation. The integrity of
the Carpathian homeland is guarded by our Lady of Hungary. As a result, the
Hungarian nation can still claim the right to the areas detached in accordance with
the Trianon Peace Treaty.
Plate 5: 'The darkest day in history! Trianon 4 June 1920.' (ID 371)
3.5 The ideology of the Association
The Ragged Association has no specific ideological canon or written guidelines for
the members of the organisation. Nevertheless, essential elements of their ideology
can be discerned from views expressed by members of the organisation.
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The leaders of the Association do not expect systematic historical knowledge from
members, but rather a kind of historical approach based on shared assumptions: ‘…
there is some ideology but it is more an historical approach, there is a lifestyle,
strongly independent from party ideologies’. (Dick). These are not transmitted in an
organised framework using lectures and books, but on the basis of spontaneous
conversations taking place at the right time: ‘... the transmission of historical
knowledge takes place by the campfire, after a 30-kilometer hike’ (Clark).
The 'ideological sorting' (Ben) of periods (e.g. the kuruc world 20), events (Dózsa's
peasant rebellion), as well as people and groups (Horthy, the gendarmerie, the
Arrow Cross, Nazis) in Hungarian history, by way of informative conversations is not
based on itemized knowledge.
Compared to the counter-historical concept (Remembrance and counter-history)
characterising the opinion-leading members of the National Guards, the worldview
of the Ragged is much less structured and developed. It is kind of naturally expected
by the leaders of the Association that members know the history of the predecessor
organisation (The Ragged Guards) and accept the doctrine of the Holy Crown. These
are given and accepted facts that if somebody deviates from them, ‘... they would
not belong here, they will think differently in other areas too… anybody interested in
the organisation will already have these ideas or lean towards them.’ (Frank). It is
not expected that any new member joining has specific knowledge, but it is
essential that they have an orientation, a worldview related to the values, which is
later demonstrated and which continues to expand with knowledge.
The central element of the worldview and ideology of the Ragged is not connected
to history but to the mission of the Ragged Guards. One dimensions of this is the
enactment of production and lifestyle based on native Hungarian peasant culture. A
second dimension concealed behind the catchword ‘producing and defending’ is the
protection of private property and the right to self-defence . For the organisation
agricultural production and the conservation of the material environment is
considered elemental, but they interpret these broadly; ‘... our members have to
produce, it does not matter whether it is meat, goat’s cheese, lime burning or angel
made from husks [a traditional ornament]. The point is to create something out of
nothing‘ (Clark). The point is not the volume but the fact of the production, so
breeding grey cattle on a farm, can be just as valuable as producing tomatoes on the
balcony of an apartment building. The point is that the products need to be
Hungarian and native. The function of production is self-sufficiency, which is
integrally connected to the legitimation of the catchword ‘defending’:
20
The Kuruc were soldiers participating in the anti-Habsburg uprisings in 17th-18th century Hungary,
as well as the people sympathizing with them.
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The ‘producing, defending’ takes care of self-sufficiency to some extent.
In my opinion it is a principle that should be adhered to by almost
everybody. It is not good to depend on somebody or something, it is
better if we can make, we can produce those things that are necessary
for everyday life. And these of course should be defended too.‘ (Esau)
The answers given to the question ‘from what do we need to defend them?’ are
unclear:
Dan:... what we produce, others should not take.
Interviewer: Who might take it?
Dan: You can never know - it could be anybody.
The notion of the need to be self-sufficient and able to defend one’s production,
even with arms, is connected to the vision of a hypothetical war situation: ‘There will
be no peaceful solution to the situation throughout the country. Let us prepare for
that time‘ (Frank).
We have considered theories about what kind of natural disaster, war
situation could affect the country and the simple people today, and, in
any case, survival, being independent so that one can produce food and
protect it - this was the other main role, self-defence. (Eric).
Plate 6: ‘The freedom of weapons is the main characteristic of a free man’ (ID 119)
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The founders (and members) of the Ragged Association vigorously deny classification
of the organisation as radical, although they openly accept its classification as
national radical. They believe that the categorization of the organisation as radical –
or, still more, fascist or Nazi – results from their open enthusiasm for guns:
Let Jobbik be called radical... I do not consider myself or ourselves
radical, but what takes us in this direction is maybe guns. Obviously we
are also a national-minded organisation. How much that is a problem or
not a problem, is an individual’s own decision but we have chosen this
path. (Carl)
The question of the connection between guns and production is now ambivalent.
The head of the organisation thinks that this almost overwrites the original goals of
the organisation:
This gun thing has become a key sector.I do not like it. Most people come
for the gun, not for the cucumber seeds or chickens. Then we put them
in order ideologically. The more people produce, the more the country
would move forward. But they should have the right to defend, because
it will be easily stolen. (Carl)
3.6 Intergroup prejudices – Gypsies
The majority of Hungarian society believe the organisations considered extreme,
national radical or far right are also anti-Roma and anti-Semitic (Csepeli et al. 2011).
The members of the Ragged Association know this association well and they do not
hide their negative relations with these two minority groups: ‘If anyone calls those
sons of a bitch Jews or Gypsies something like that, nobody will be shocked, like,
‘what did you say?’ Everyone knows it, everyone has an opinion.’ (Henry)
The relationship with Gypsies is determined by the same stereotypical attitudes
characterising the majority of Hungarian society; that they fail to be integrated and
are work-shy. There is a strong conviction that Gypsies receive a lot of support from
the state and thus it is not worth having a job. A Gypsy working regularly and
following the norms of the majority is not a Gypsy, they should be considered as
having Roma origin, however, most of the group interview subjects consider it
inconceivable for a Roma to display law-abiding behavior.
For respondents, however, both the failure to integrate and the prevention of work
avoidance leads to violence and coercion:
If we have not managed to integrate them over the past 600 years, then
we will not manage it now either… there are more and more of them,
and either they will get fed up with Hungarians or Hungarians will get fed
up with them… In the Kadar era there was no problem with Gypsies, they
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also had to work, and even earlier, say in the twenties and thirties, there
was more order then, during the Horthy era. There was still respect
towards the law enforcement forces then, which is lacking today. (Earl)
The openly anti-Roma attitude is in most cases perceived as an unavoidable and
logical consequence of negative experiences:
… I hate Gypsies personally, because I have had a few personal
experiences with them, that have caused me to reach this point. Threats,
abuses in my childhood… they have stuck with me deeply.’ (Esau)
I admit that I do not like them either, but you really cannot do anything
with them... I have been repeatedly beaten up and robbed by them.
(Denis).
Another argument rejects any generalization about the group and calls for
judgement to be made on the basis of individual action independent of the minority
status: ‘Do not judge a person because they are Gypsy, but because they steal your
cucumber‘(Carl).
3.7 Intergroup prejudices – Jews
Stereotypes of Jewish people – such as a propensity to profit seeking selfishness observable in wider Hungarian society are characteristic of members of the
Association as well: ‘They turn everything upside down, they try to use things for
their own benefit, it has to be good for them but not for others’ (Earl). Another
stereotype relates to their supposed parasitism: ‘Jews have always battened on to
other nations they took land from others. They only care about money, to make the
most profit.’ (Denis)
In contrast to the case of the Gypsies, negative attitudes are justified not on the
basis of personal experience, but on banal generalizations: ‘… Jewish domination
prevails everywhere.’ (Alf). On the principle that ‘where there’s smoke there must be
fire’, Earl argues:
...they have been hated everywhere throughout history. I do not think
that this is because of their name probably they deserved it. They must
have done something to bring about so much anti-Semitism everywhere
in the world. (Earl)
This action-based argument is repeated by another respondent: ‘Sandor Marai said
that he didn’t hate Jews but shit people... I don’t hate a group of people because of
their origin but because of their actions.’ (Henry).
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Among the explanations, there are also examples of absurd Jewish conspiracy
theories, that go as far as envisioning military conflict:
… people have been misled - they learn from books published by Jews.
When people’s eyes are opened, there will be a war. Here are the
Hungarian Defence Forces, they have four tanks in total. If the Jews
attack Hungary, then we will be lost.’ (Alf)
Another scenario that imagines the country's invasion and occupation implicates the
domestic political elite alongside the external power (Jews):
For the occupation, for the exploitation of a country, two things are
needed: an occupying power; and corrupt politics. If these two come
together, then it is completely exploitable. (Frank)
The reasoning of the organisation members who participated in the group interview
is again a collection of generalizations, according to which Jews: only care about
money and power; want to rule the whole world; and feel superior as a chosen
nation. Although the majority of respondents do not deny the Holocaust, all of them
think that apart from the Jews themselves, no one else is responsible for what
happened in Auschwitz.
3.8 Characteristics of the Association's operation
The Association tries to document its activities as thoroughly as possible. Utilizing
the opportunities provided by the Internet, they constantly post photos and videos
mainly on their, and the groups', Facebook pages and on YouTube. These sources are
referenced several times below as their operation is described.
Military training takes place at the Association's centre, on the ranch, but it is not
based on a timetable (see Plate 7). Older members also participate in the field
trainings organised for new recruits, which provide a kind of continuous training
opportunity (weapon knowledge, basic military knowledge, etc.)
Members of the Association participate in events that are organised by so-called
national organisations/movements. However, such members do not represent the
Association on such occasions. On one occasion, in 2011, they participated in a
Ragged Memorial Day that commemorates the original Ragged Guards and has been
held in Sopron since 2008, organised by the Sixty-four Counties Youth Movement
(see Plate 8). In 2011 they provided security in Transylvania for the EMI camp, which
has been organised every year since 2005 by the United Hungarian Youth and
Transylvanian Hungarian Youth.
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Plate 7: Military training (ID 313)
The Association sent members from several groups to memorial tours
commemorating certain events from World War II. They participated several times in
the Breakout memorial tour, which commemorates the breakout attempt of
Hungarian and German troops at Buda on 11 February 1945 and members of the
Ragged Association organised the 44-kilometer Attila defence line memorial tour,
first held on 27 September 2013 to remember the Hungarian soldiers defending
Budapest. Several members of the Association are regular participants, though only
as individuals - not representing The Ragged Association as an organisation, at the
Bocskai Raid, organised every year by the 5th Bocskai István Infantry Brigade of the
Hungarian Defence Force.
There is only one group in the Ragged Association that has permission to dress and
parade in authentic uniforms. Dressed in World War II uniforms (long baize coat,
helmet) and projecting a disciplined militia style, the task of the Budapest-based
Szent László Group is to take part in wreath ceremonies, demonstrations and
representative events like the recent (November 3, 2013) unveiling of the Horthy
statue in the capital.
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Plate 8: Ragged Guards memorial in Sopron (ID 355)
An important part of the Association’s mission is the re-discovery of and
familiarization with native Hungarian agriculture and Hungarian peasant culture.
Members do not get trained in this area but suitable textbooks are available. People
with their own ranches or farms in villages can provide both advice and material
goods (animals and feed) to help familiarize members only starting with agriculture.
Most photos available online demonstrate native animals and material peasant
culture but there is also a longer video entitled 'Our Living Heritage. Native
Hungarian domestic animals on Hungarian farms, 2012.' (see Appendix 3, VRCA/3).
Members of the Association take part in events connected to peasant cultural
traditions such as building a furnace, or a house from super adobe: 'Super adobe is
cement mixed with soil which, after laying it on barbed wire, turns into cement. You
can build a permanent dwelling with great heat insulation cheaply using these' (Carl).
The most spectacular activities of the Association are weapon demonstrations and
trainings (see Plate 9). Two of these were prominently featured in the national
printed and online media. Based on a contract (see Appendix 4: D6.) between the
Association and an educational institution (Wesley János Nursery School,
Kindergarten, Vocational School and Student Hostel), the Association was entrusted
with providing the technical requirements for a military camp organised for students
to acquire basic military knowledge. The camp, organised between September 2630, 2011, was filmed as the 'Military School in Hejce' (see Appendix 4: D9.) The other
event (which resulted in a court case) was the May Day celebration in Edelény,
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county, organised by the For A Better Hungary Movement on
30 Apri, 2012. At this event, the former county president (Dick), then already a
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member of The Ragged but dismissed from the Movement for the Better Hungary
Movement parliament fraction a few days earlier, shot blank bullets from an AK 47
machine gun during and after his speech.
Plate 9: Weapon demonstration and training (ID 176)
Whilst obviously not included in the Constitution of the Association, having fun at
social gatherings is very important for members. If the military uniforms, the guns
and the band's lyrics ('Slovak, Serb, Vlach monkeys are no problem for a good
Hungarian soldier') are taken out of the equation then the activities engaged in - the
pig-killing (see Plate 10), the May Day celebration or the barbecue - are as typical for
young people as performers in a metal band's video (Right-Hand Rule Band). The
dissolution of the Association would hit members really hard. As the following
responses indicate, the Association is experienced as friendship and belonging to a
community:
I'd miss the group itself the most, the whole thing just as it is. (Hodge)
Here we support and help each other, depending on who needs what. I
am in a community that I really like. When I come to Carl to the farm, I
simply recharge, I am reborn, it means a lot to me. (Dick)
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Plate 10: Pig-killing (ID 237)
3.9 Relationship with right-wing organisations
The Ragged Association has no formal relationships with other right-wing
organisations. The close connection with the National Guards was lost after the split
in the National Guards in 2011, when several members of the National Guards joined
the Association. They reject the organisation called the Hungarian National Front,
and its three separate branches, for a variety of ideological reasons (Hungarism,
worship of Szálasi, refusal of the Holy Crown doctrine, panslavism). The Ragged
Association has always been negative about the once Hungarian Guards Tradition
and Culture Preservation Association and its successor organisations (New Hungarian
Guards Movement, Guardian Hungarian Guards Movement) which were formed
after the association’s legal dissolution on 2 July 2009. They consider this group as
one serving politicians and subordinated to the For a Better Hungary Movement.
Only the head of the Association has had a connection with the well-known rightwing organisation, the Brigand Army. Beside the ideological differences, different
perceptions of political engagement explain the detachment from right-wing
organisations:
On the right-wing, we are black sheep, we have challenged Jobbik, within
the national side this means we are black sheep. Most of the national
organisations are on good terms with Jobbik, except the Hungarian
National Front. They are probably on good terms with Putin but not even
with each other. (Carl)
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3.10 Movement for a Better Hungary: a thing of the past
The resignation of the former members of the Movement for a Better Hungary (e.g.
Dick, Henry, Frank) was largely determined by the case of Csanad Szegedi’s 21. This is
confirmed without exception by respondents: ‘... this Csanad Szegedi case - it
turned out that he had told lies as well…’ (Earl). The resignation was explained as a
result of the recognition that party politics no longer represented the original
idealism after the ‘clean’ and patriotic movement period, and also by the experience
of inefficient suspicious parliamentary politics:
… I really believed that they would do something, it was like the FIDESZ in
the early nineties, they got into Parliament and what happened? Jobbik
is moving in the same direction as well.’ (Earl).
I regret joining Jobbik. I was the president of the base organisation in
Szikszó, but it is impossible to do that and maintain your backbone... they
make you dirty. (Henry).
Nothing is happening in the Movement that has become a Parliamentary party and
which represents an inauthentic ideology:
… it is a fake ideology, they will go demonstrate once or twice, they will
say their stuff, then go home, lie down on the couch. And these people
think they have done something – but nothing has happened’. (Frank)
The former Hungarian Guards’ role serving Jobbik is unattractive for the Ragged, but
they do not want to be financially dependent on Jobbik either. They clearly reject
acting as a dependent fake organisation marching in uniform as commanded by a
political party:
I’m not going to march on Gypsy row for Jobbik or another gay group in
order to create tension, that is not our style. We are looking for solutions
to problems, not to create problems.... Jobbik is trying to operate as a
security organisation for the Brigand Army, the Guardians of the
Carpathian Home Defence Movement and the Sixty-four Counties. Jobbik
pays for bus trips for these organisations. We have lost this reputation;
we have shit into the fan. (Carl)
21
In June 2012, the Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén County president of the Movement for a Better Hungary,
Csanád Szegedi, publicly admitted that he had Jewish ancestors on his mother’s side. On 22 July 2012,
he resigned from all of his functions in Jobbik. The leader of the Ragged Association had had
information about the Jewish origin of Szegedi since 2010. Szegedi attempted to bribe the head of the
Association not to make this information public. The conversation was tape-recorded and the
recording was published on 15 July 2012 on the Hungarist online journal jovonk.info before the
resignation of Szegedi.
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3.11 Generational Critique
Most of the members of the Association are themselves no older than 30 but are
very critical of today's youth. This critique emphasises the need to resist the
globalized world's consumer and entertainment oriented lifestyle and promote
traditional values: 'Young people can be put into two categories: the minority think
like us, the rest live for parties and do what they see in the media' (Frank).
Young people whose values differ from those considered normal by members of the
organisation were referred to as 'degenerate'. The most common charges were of
excessive alcohol consumption, breaking rules meant to keep order, lack of discipline
and interest:
These degenerates irritate me, they don't give a fuck, excuse me, about
the world, nothing interests them. They want to come out of the crowd...
they only care about illegality... no discipline, no solidarity, no
perseverance. (Dan)
Today's youth has become very degenerate and lazy. Nothing remained
from the old era... one group is the so-called wild bunch, they don't care
about anything, their goal in life is to party, get high, shoot themselves
up with who knows what... that's life for them: break rules, illegality...
(Esau).
Some referred to young people's indeterminate sexual identification: 'Today's youth
is catastrophic. When I can't tell if they're boys or girls... they follow a scheme, some
fashion. You can't expect them to think for themselves' (Henry). Others think
nationalist youth cannot express their Hungarian identity by getting drunk and going
to rock concerts: 'I'd like to give you an example: acting Hungarian shouldn't be done
by going to a Kárpátia concert and getting hammered.' (Carl).
3.12 Contacts with other organisations
The founder and tribal leader of the National Guards used to be in contact with The
Ragged Association, of which he has been a member since 2012. The former
National Guards organised and directs the Military School Cultural and Sport
Association, which was registered in 2012, and it has a contractual relationship with
12 primary schools in Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county. Theoretical and practical
education is independent of the operation of The Ragged Association, there is not a
single mention of The Ragged organisation on the Military School's website.22
The Association provided equipment for, and their members participated in, o a
youth military camp and a theatrical production in 2011. The partner school (Wesley
János Advanced Vocational School, Student Hostel and Training School), which
22
http://www.honvedsuli.eoldal.hu
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taught mostly Gypsy children, as well as the association, which worked only with
Gypsy youth (Romano Teatro Cultural Association), were both satisfied with the
cooperation (see Appendix 4: D5.)
The Ragged Association used to be a member of the National Union of National
Guards Associations (NEOSZ) but the cooperation was terminated because,
according to Carl: ‘ The whole company is a hoax... our ideas were different. They
imagined we would walk around Gypsy settlements in our uniforms, acting as militia,
like the National Guard. We would rather have produced and educated. ‘(Carl).
However, nominal contact has remained because on NEOSZ's website the leader of
the Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg County National Guards Organisation is still stated to be
the founder of the National Guards (Ben). The Association's management thinks it is
important to be affiliated with the Organisation of Hungarian Reservists (MATASZ),
although they do not consider the organisation, working as an employee and
dependent on the financial support of the Ministry of Defence, to be a partner:
It is a good idea to be on good terms with the current armed forces but
the Defence Force is an unfortunate thing, it is being liquidated,
retirement after 25 years of service has been revoked. The most
important thing for soldiers now is to get into a foreign mission but there
is no future prospect after that. (Eric)
3.13 Inter-organisational relationships
The organisational structure of the Ragged Association 23 is rather loose, only the
separation of groups working independently from each other is clear: ‘... [these are]
absolutely independent but they report in about their activities.’ (Carl).
The intergroup structuring follows the organisation of the late Ragged Guards (group
leader, platoon leader, patrol leader) but 'there are no ranks, only positions but they
are not clear, there are platoons from which groups could be made. We are very
negligent in this respect, mainly myself, the point is that they do it' (Carl).
There are no particular expectations towards the more passive members of a group:
'they should do something productive, raise animals, be available for military
purposes, their military equipment should be in order, but there is no model' (Carl).
23
The constituent members of the Association are: Szent László Group (Budapest and its
surroundings), Prónay Pál Group (the northern areas of Borsod county), Vitéz László, Gömbös Gyula
Groups (Tiszaújváros and its surroundings), Héjjas Iván Group (the southern areas of Borsod county),
Dózsa György Group (Debrecen and its surroundings), Horthy Miklós Group (Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg
county). Groups that cannot be defined geographically are: Zrínyi Ilona Group, Szépmező Szárnya
Group, Vitéz László Group.
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Contacts between local patrols do not go beyond the level above them, that is, the
level of the groups. Only gatherings held at the centre, Batta farmstead, and trips
and events bringing several groups together provide an opportunity for intergroup
relations. It is no coincidence that for those who have been members only for a few
months, other groups are completely unknown. Thus, Henry comments that, ‘...I
don't know the Szent László group' (Henry) while Earl notes that: ‘... there are several
patrols within each group, we don't keep in touch with anybody separately’ (Earl)
3.14 Opinions and stigmas about the Association
The members of the organisation are aware of the negative image of the
organisation broadcast by the media and the stigmatized categories that public
opinion uses to describe them. The negative categorization is generally attributed to
lack of knowledge and not taken seriously:
People say the Ragged are fascists. This is said by those who don’t know
it… they don’t know what the Association is about. At those times I just
don’t say anything and walk away. I don’t care. (Dan)
They do not know the association... as external observers they can see it
in a completely different way than us who are inside. I was also told
several times that I am this radical, that radical, but I didn’t really care
about it. (Denis)
In addition to printed and electronic media, the Internet can shape opinions and
attitudes evolving in public opinion about the Association. The Ragged Association
provides information about itself exclusively on Facebook pages and YouTube. The
militant and extremist categorization of a laic observer can be considered as a
natural consequence of the image, mediated by the pictures and videos, of mainly
armed and uniformed men. In this visual milieu it is not surprising that the picture of
an organisation member in a military outfit, consciously resembling Adolf Hitler (see
Plate 11), can induce the Nazi classification of the organisation.
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Plate 11:
memorial
167)
Attila line of defence
hike, 27 September 2013 (ID
The negative
consequences of the
organisation being classified in this way (as fascists, a terrorist organisation,
extremists) formed as a result of the internet presence were not mentioned by the
organisation members, although a middle level leader thinks it is a serious problem:
I will go to the museum, I will go to the national park and two days later I
get a call: we don’t want you here. They go on Facebook and they refuse
us straight. I will meet with the forestry, they just check the community
pages, the things on the Internet form barriers.... When organising a
forest school, if the Ragged are organising it, and one of the parents
looks at the picture on the Internet where the policeman sucks up 24, they
will not let their kid join. (Eric).
24
This is a pornographic image, where a police officer orally pleasures a national radicalist woman.
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Plate 12: Attila line of defence memorial hike, 27 September 2013 (ID 1614)
The leader of the Association evaluates the categorization of the organisation mostly
on the basis of political considerations. First, he emphasises his rejection of the
entire political spectrum – ‘For the liberals, we are fascists, for Jobbik (Movement
for a Better Hungary), we are criminals and according to Fidesz, we are risk factors.’
(Carl).Secondly, he sets out a common explanatory cause for the exclusion
characterising all the political forces. This relates to the organisation’s commitment
to production: ‘There is one common point, the fear. The fear of ‘producing’. Party
politics are not against privatization or theft. Something just isn’t right with both the
right-wing and the left-wing. We are against oligarchic acquisition of power.’ (Carl)
3.15 The rejection of the world of politics
The members of the Association are immune to politics without exception, but the
lack of political interest is typical in their personal environment as well: ‘I have not
come across any young person who was interested in politics. Maybe at a level that
they will steal in the Parliament as much as the politicians do’ (Henry). Behind an
apparently undifferentiated rejection of politics lie the questioning the possibility of
political power to enact interests and the sense of the need for real political activity:
‘ I’m not into parties, it makes no sense… we cannot control it anyway… I have bigger
problems to deal with than this, and I’m not into politics anyway…’ (Hodge).
The leader determining the organisation's strategy explicitly rejects the world of
politics mainly identified with political parties. His strong antipathy is based on
previous negative experience:
...by default I avoid politics. In 1994, I was a smallholder candidate for
the Parliament in the Torgyan party. If it’s possible to make someone
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hate politics, they managed it with me. If the homeland requires, I will
do politics, but I really don’t want to, I really don’t feel like it. (Carl)
It is no coincidence that one of the goals of the organisational socialization of new
members is their rejection of politics:
We avoid politics in the introductory process. If somebody comes from a
political milieu, we will provide them with information, then usually their
enthusiasm wanes. I am not saying that the Ragged will never enter
politics but it is not likely. It is not even politics, but partocracy that we
don’t like. (Carl).
3.16 Weapons
For the vast majority of the members of the Association it is a natural expectation
that men become familiar with weapons and become skilled in the use of weapons:
‘… the knowledge of weapons is a basic thing in a man's life, just as the military used
to be: you go there for one and a half or two years and learn it.’ (Henry)
The free possession of weapons is also a general expectation, but the majority would
extend this to free use of weapons as well, albeit with some controls: ‘...I would
allow the free use of weapons, but wouldn’t give permission to any Gypsy from the
corner, there could be a legal code given’ (Henry). The ownership of real firearms
and the possibility of using weapons are comforting and reduce the vulnerability in
case of an ‘if anything happens’ situation.
The Association has never been, and is not currently, in possession of real firearms. It
has authorized and registered disarmed weapons in accordance with the regulations
in force, which are so called gas alarm weapons or theatre tool weapons, the
purchase and the use of which are regulated by legal protocols. It is this that lies at
the heart of the court case that has had a huge impact on the operation and future
of the Association; the leader of the Association was accused of the misuse of
weapons based on the claim that disarmed weapons had been transformed back
into real weapons. The reasoning of the defendant tries to demonstrate the
absurdity of the accusation:
These are not firearms, these are gas alarm weapons, these have a police
registration, they have a so-called PKLV card. The process works so that
... I will go to Slovakia, there's a friend of mine who officially deals with
real weapons. I will buy the weapon for 90,000 forints and he will
transform it for an extra 20,000 or 30,000 forints. It has its papers, it is
compression tested, I will bring it to Hungary, then it’s paper again,
money again, dues, etc. So this 90,000 forint weapon is much more
expensive. If I wanted, I would go and bring it as a real weapon or I would
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buy it at home on the black market. Everybody can kiss my ass, because
then I wouldn’t go and have it transformed, bring it so that I can
transform it back… it is like going to Thailand, transforming a girl into a
man, bringing her home and then having a new operation to transform
her back. This is absurd, it’s incomprehensible bullshit for me. (Carl)
3.17 The Court Case
The court case against the leader of the Association provides sufficient material for a
lengthy case study in its own right. In the spring and summer of 2009 gatherings and
trainings involving gunfire were common at the centre of the national radical
organisation (Batta farmstead), where they were preparing the organisational
framework. The owner of the ranch was prosecuted several times because of these
events. The future leader of the Association had held a gas and alarm gun since
February 2009. On the advice of police these weapons were classified as theatrical
props rather than real weapons. However, only certain organisations (theatres,
cultural preservation associations) have the right to hold weapons classified in this
way and are subject to inspection by the authorities at any time. In the case of the
Ragged Association, official registration became legally binding on September 16,
2009, so before that they did not have the right to possess theatrical prop guns. The
motivation behind the police's advice is not clear, nor is the interest of the
landowners in the area around the ranch in seeking prosecution of the Association’s
leader (if they had wanted to buy the farm cheaply, they would have had the right of
first purchase anyway). Further unanswered questions include the roles of the
Special Service for National Security and the National Bureau of Investigation,
especially since at this time (2008-09), the investigation of a much more serious
crime - the serial, racially-motivated, murder of six people – was underway. After an
unsuccessful investigation of the leader of the Association, the Minister of Justice
sought to link him to these murders (see Appendix 4: D8).
Below the main points of the court case are outlined, followed by the reactions of
the members of the Association and those of the accused.
The first house search on the farm of the Association's leader was in May 2009, then
in August, and several weapons were confiscated (machine guns, assault rifles),
ammunition and various military equipment (landmines, anti-tank missiles, hand
grenades). He was arrested on 5 August 5 2009 and was held in custody for six
months, followed by two months' house arrest. He was not allowed to leave his area
of residence for another six months. During the trial, that ran for several court
sessions (see Plate 13), the following charges were raised: firearm and ammunition
abuse and military equipment abuse. The trial was on 4 April 2013 and the Court of
Miskolc acquitted the accused and dismissed the case about the weapons (see
Appendix 4: D7).
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Plate 13 The Court Case (ID 325)
Members of the Association consider the court case an act of revenge without
naming specific people or organisations:
Carl's denigration was really mean, there's no other word for it. If it was
a gypsy who'd done it, nobody would've said a word. Carl bothers a lot of
higher-ups, they needed to find something against him. There was
political pressure behind it, from Better Hungary as well. (Henry)
The Association was devastated after the trial against their leader and his arrest.
Many quit the organisation, farming stopped on the ranch without an owner, the
residents moved away:
We might have had a national organisation by now. It meant many years'
worth of monetary and technical setback. Many people disappeared
because they were afraid... they believed they'd be next. A lot of people
left, those who stayed we can build on. (Dick)
The leader of the Association and owner of the ranch practically went bankrupt
because of the court case. He is considering suing for damages but he is pessimistic:
When they took me in, there were 36 horses on the ranch, 18 grey cattle,
1 Simmental cattle, 50 mangalica pigs, 40 goats, 50 sheep, 6 donkeys,
1400 chickens, peacocks, ducks. We had vegetables, a separate spice
garden, wild pear, pigs lived on acorns, we grew herbs, made jam. Now
there are no horses, 5 cattle left, 70 hens, 4 peacocks – the rest had to be
sold. The pig-pen was removed, everything was surrounded with an
electric fence that was cut off day after day. We should buy feed, collect
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hay, make bales. Someone has to do it but I can't. Why should I work so
others can destroy it? (Carl)
4. Conclusions
This case study has adopted a grounded theory approach due to the lack of direct
empirical studies and explanatory theories about the inner relationships of
Hungarian paramilitary radical organisations and the members' sociological and
socio-psychological characteristics. At the beginning of the research, research
questions were formed that did not emanate directly from existing theories. The
research problem took shape during the course of fieldwork and remained open
throughout. The research thus retained its exploratory nature.
The results hopefully make a valuable contribution, both methodologically and
theoretically, to sociological research on radical movements. The substantial amount
of international and much less substantial Hungarian literature mainly deals with the
ideological features, characterisation and identification problems of radical (farright/right-wing/populist) parties and movements, as well as the characteristics of
voters/supporters/sympathizers (demography, values, attitudes). The results of
direct empirical studies carried out on the members of these organisations can
supplement the results from different concepts or research objects (subjects), and
also help develop new research dimensions.
The research focused on two specific nationalist radical organisations but can be at
least partly extended to the understanding of other nationalist radical
organisational. This is, on the one hand, due to the nature of the nationalist radical
organizations as akin to closed subcultures and the commonalities between them
and, on the other hand, due to the studied members' awareness of other
organisations.
Men are in majority among the members of nationalist radical organisations but the
number of women is considerable. Members are of low social status (in terms of
occupation and education) while the middle class is underrepresented.
Intergenerational transmission (parents' influence) of political and ideological
worldviews is not common.
Admission to the organisations is tied to a trial period and is based on confidential
acceptance and takes place via a personal network. Motivations to join vary from
person to person but the given organisation’s speciality (the dominance of weapons
and agricultural production in the case of The Ragged Association) can be decisive.
Admission is not affected by the need to belong to a community but retention in the
organisation is. Fluctuation between organisations is common, which can be
explained by the nationalist wing's relatively homogeneous ideological platform.
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The nationalist wing is not a coherent organisational formation. Organisational
segregation is based on ideologies and on relations to political parties but there is a
network of personal relations, which is independent of organisational affiliation. The
structures of the organisations are different and range from strict hierarchies typical
of military organisations to networks of inter-organisational groups.
Nationalist radical organisations place varying emphases on ideologies. Mediation
happens through spontaneous conversations rather than structured, itemized
trainings. The anti-historical approach has a special role among ideologies. Various
periods, events and personalities (ancient Hungarian origin myths, Trianon, Horthyera, historical heroes) of Hungarian history have varying importance from
organisation to organisation. Nationalism and irredentism, dual settlement in
Hungary and acceptance of the Doctrine of the Holy Crown are common qualities.
Christian and, in some cases non-Christian, religion is also present but it is not
dominant. The organisations reject multiculturalism and liberalism.
An important part of segregated group-belonging is a critique of their own
generation. The criticisms raised relate to lifestyle, way of life and preference for
traditional values over globalization.
Prejudice against national and ethnical minority groups (especially against Gypsies
and anti-Semitism) and foreigners (xenophobia) is bigger and more exclusionary in
nationalist radical organisations than in mainstream society, although it is based on
similar stereotypes and rationalizing schemes.
Members associate politics with political parties. They primarily reject parties based
on moral arguments but the lack of democracy and advocacy is part of their
reasoning.
Nationalist radicals reject mainstream society's exclusionary stigmatism (as Nazis,
fascists) and explain it as emanating from ignorance.
Organising mostly World War II related events, memorial days and memorial tours,
as well as parading on various occasions strengthen the organisations' identity and
they are an important part of their activities. These events often mean the only
opportunity for members to socialize.
The research questions 25 raised in the introductory section have partially been
answered although satisfactory answers require further research questions and
further analysis of the audio and visual data, together with the processing of
autobiographic interviews and the relevant Hungarian empirical and theoretical
literature.
25
What motivates young people’s membership in the organisation? What are the members'
political/ideological values and attitudes? What are the features of the organisation's operation?
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5. Future analysis
There is considerable scope for further analysis of the case study in and of itself not
only due to the remaining unprocessed data (visual data, autobiographical
interviews) but also because of additional research problems and questions that
have surfaced during the research. There is also a need to study the formally still
operating National Guards, which is connected to the For a Better Hungary
Movement.
One possibility for further work is to cooperate with other studies within the WP7
Radical right and patriotic movements cluster. The organisations' similar activities,
similar ideologies and similar demographic features provide the conditions for a
comparative study/analysis. Studying the descriptions of the organisations belonging
to the radical right and patriotic group (Work Package 7: Interpreting Activism
(Ethnographies) Final case study selections: Proposal to Riga Meeting. May 15, 2012)
and the viewpoints (substance, organisational form, locality, prevalence,
demography, feasibility, ethical issues), it is likely that the Slovak 'Mladá Matica':
Youth Branch of Pro-Slovak Culture Organisation would be most suitable for a
comparative analysis. The goals of the Slovak organisation (acknowledging the
legacy of prominent personalities of Slovak history, of historical events and cultural
traditions with the aim of strengthening national pride for future generations of
Slovaks), its organisational structure (‘Mladá Matica’ is a member organisation of
Matica Slovenská with its own statutes and legal status) and activities
(commemorative marches associated with historical events or historical
personalities, hiking trips to symbolic places of Slovak history) are similar to the
nationalist radical organisations that studied here. The selection of the Slovak
organisation would also be justified by the common Central-European history and
similarities in the development of society. The basis for the contrast would be the
dominant militant feature and fondness for weapons in Hungarian organisations
which the Slovak organisation lacks.
Another direction for further studies could be a comparative analysis with the results
of other work packages from the MYPLACE project. In this case the fact that the
Ragged Association's main operational area is North-Hungary, more precisely
Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county is significant. One of the field sites for both the WP4
survey and the WP5 qualitative research is Ózd, only 52 kilometers away and in the
same county (Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén county) as the Ragged Association’s centre
(Boldva, Batta farmstead). Besides, the Association is probably not unknown in Ózd
since that is where several members of the organisation live and the Association's
affairs (mostly the leader's court case which received significant publicity because
weapons were involved) were covered regularly by the local (county) mass media
channels. This provides the opportunity for triangulation (Denzin 1989), that is, the
results of the three methods (ethnographic case study, survey, qualitative interview).
There are blocks in the survey-based research (WP4) and the qualitative interview
schedule that are suitable for triangulation on key MYPLACE project research
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questions such as the factors defining young people's receptivity to radicalism.
During the selection from the research data gathered with the three methods,
special attention will have to be given to that the fact that the degree to which they
are contextually embedded differ significantly. It is also possible that triangulation
on the basis of the already gathered data will reveal the need for further data
collection. Obvious possibilities include further research into the opinions of the
Ragged Association’s members of Ózd and their knowledge of Ózd or the opinions of
youths in Ózd on, and their knowledge of, the nationalist radical organisation. Other
possible research directions include the study of radical attitudes and values in local
society (of Ózd); relevant sociological research problems always bear the possibility
for further research.
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7. Appendices
Appendix 1: Table 1: Description of fieldwork and data
Date
10/12
/2010
Place
Nyíregyháza
01/02
/2011
Újfehértó
03/02
/2011
Kisvárda
03/02
/2011
Kisvárda
24/11
/2012
Nyíregyháza
30/11
/2012
03/12
/2012
19/01
/2013
Demecser
Primary
School,
Gégény
Gégény,
Pátroha,
Ajak
09/03
/2013
Nyíregyháza
28/03
/2013
Nyíregyháza
19-21
/04/
2013
Batta
farmstead,
Boldva
23/05
Tamási Áron
Period
Event
16:0018.00
2:00 h
10:0012.00
2:00 h
17:0019.00
2:00 h
10:0012.00
2:00 h
14:2016:10
1:50 h
17:0019:10
2:10 h
15:0016.20
1:20 h
9:0017:00
8:00 h
16:0020:30
4:30 h
15:4020:00
4:20 h
19/04/
2013
20:00 h
21/04/
2013
15.00 h
National Army of Guardsmen,
group interview,
New Authoritarianism project
individual interview,
“New Authoritarianism” project
individual interview
43:00 h
9:00 -
Data type: AUDIO (A), VIDEO (V),
PHOTO (P), TRANSCRIBED (T),
DOCUMENT (D)
A: GI3.mp3 (Ben, Elsa, Guy, Bazil,
Felix), duration: 1:03:22 h.
D: Felix_i1.doc. T: 22 pages / 10 862
words
D: Ben_i11.doc. T: 20 pages/ 10 250
words
D: Elsa_i1.doc. T: 18 pages/ 9 773
words
A: Ben_i1.mp3 -Ben_i2.mp3,
duration: 1:32:42 h.
individual interview
A: Ben_i3.mp3 - Ben_i4.mp3,
Military School extracurricular
activity sessions,
video and audio
Don memorial march,
video
A: AMS_i1.mp3, duration: 1:00:15
h.
V: VMS13, duration : 1:03:04 h.
V: VMS17, duration : 24:45 min.
biographical interview
A: Ben_i5.mp3 -Ben_i6.mp3,
duration: 1:25:75 min.
biographical interview
A: Ben_i7.mp3-Ben_i10.mp3,
1:50:38 h.
Military School - The Ragged
Association,
military training,
video and photo
A: Carl_i1.mp3-Carl_i3.mp3,
Earl_i1.mp3 Frank_i1.mp3Frank_i2.mp3, Fred_i1.mp3,
Esau_i1.mp3 , Henry_i1.mp3,
Henry/Esau/Dan_i1.mp3, Carl_i4 Carl_i12.mp3,
V: VRCA10, duration: 8:27 min.
P: 401-40160, 160 photos
A: Abel_i1.mp3 -Abel_i3.mp3,
Military School Defence Day
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/2013
Primary
School,
Ajak
0102/06
/2013
Batta
farmstead,
Boldva
16.30
7:30 h
01/06/2
013
10:0002/06/2
013
16:00
individual interviews,
photos
The Ragged Association
group and individual interviews
30:00 h
16/06
/2013
28/06
/2013
Bükkszentkereszt
Nyíregyháza
09:0019.00
12:00 h
16:0020.00
4:00 h
TOTAL NUMBER OF EVENTS:
DURATION:
AUDIO TOTAL:
VIDEO TOTAL:
TOTAL NUMBER OF PHOTOS:
TRANSCRIBED TOTAL:
The Ragged Association
Furnace Days
individual interviews, video
National Army of Guardsmen
group interview, video
“New Authoritarianism” project
16
5 DAYS 15 HOURS 40 MINUTES
30 HOURS 1 MINUTE 11 SECONDS
6 HOURS 26 MINUTE 9 SECONDS
355
30 885 WORDS (60 PAGES)
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Alf_i1.mp3-Alf_i2.mp3, duration:
1:5:45 h.
P: 411-41173, 173 photos
A: Carl/Dick_i1.mp3,
Carl/Dan_i1.mp3, Carl_i13.mp3 Carl_i14.mp3, Dick_i1.mp3,
Denis_i1.mp3, duration: 5:28:31,
GI1.mp3 (Bob,Amy,Bella,Clare,
Dora, Elise) duration: 1:22.48 h.
GI2.mp3 (Bob, Bella,Clare, Dora,
Frank, Esau) duration: 1:21:32 h.
V: VRCA11, duration: 1:25:08 h;
VRCA12, duration: 1:20:59 h;
P: 421-4212, 12 photos
A: Hodge_i1.mp3- Hodge_i2.mp3,
Eric_i1.mp3- Eric_i5.mp3, duration:
3:18:43 h.
V: VRCA13, duration: 4:09 min
A:GI4.mp3 (Bert, Ben, Billy, Elsa,
Brian, Alf )duration: 1:33:13 h.
V: VNAG32, duration: 1:35:08 h.
Appendix 2: Audio data
1.Date: 24.11.2012. Interviewee: Ben. Period:14:20-16:10 (1:50:00 h.) Location:
Nyíregyháza. Type: individual interview. Files: Ben_i1.mp3 (5:07 min.), Ben_i2.mp3 (1:27:35
min.)
2.Date: 30.11.2012. Interviewee: Ben. Period: 17:00-19:10 (2:10:00 h.) Location: Demecser.
Type: individual interview . Files: Ben_i3.mp3 (1:13:27 min.) Ben_i4: mp3 (24:47 min.)
3.Date: 03.12.2012. Participants: Military School students. Period: 15:00-16:20 (1:20:00 h.)
Location: Gégény. Type: audio recording. Files: AMS_i1. mp3 (1:00:15 min.)
4.Date: 09.03.2013. Interviewee: Ben. Period: 16:00-20:30,(4:30:00 h.) Location:
Nyíregyháza. Type: individual interview. Files: Ben_i5.mp3, (54:52 min.), Ben_i6.mp3 (30:53
min.)
5.Date: 23.05.2013. Interviewees: Alf, Abel. Period: 9:00-16:30 (7:30 h.), Location: Ajak.
Type:: individual interview. Files: Abel_i1.mp3 (6:07 min.), Abel_i2.mp3 (20:42 min.),
Abel_i3.mp3 (11:13 min.), Alf_i1.mp3 (8:28 min.), Alf_i2 .mp3 (18:57 min.)
6.Date: 28.03.2013. Interviewee: Ben. Period: 15:40-20:00 (4:20:00 h..) Location:
Nyíregyháza. Type: individual interview. Files: Ben_i7.mp3 (41:53 min.), Ben_i8.mp3 (17:18
min.), Ben_i9.mp3 (0: 21 min.), Ben_i10.mp3 (51:06 min.)
7. Date:19.04.2013.Interviewee: Carl. Period: 20:00- 24.00 (4:00:00 h.) Location: Farmstead
Batta, Boldva. Type: individual interview. Files: Carl_i1 .mp3 (5:58 min.), Carl_i2.mp3 (27:33
min.), Carl_i3.mp3 (7:17 min.)
8. Date: 20.04.2013. Interviewees: Earl, Fran.Fred, Esau, Henry, Dan. Period: 09:00-14:00
(5:00:00 h.) Location: Farmstead Batta, Boldva. Type: individual and group interview. Files:
Earl_i1.mp3 (37:29 min.), Frank_i1.mp3 (14:50 min.), Frank_i2.mp3 (7:58 min.),
Fred_i1.mp3(21:55min.), Esau_i1.mp3 (38:25 min.), Henry_i1.mp3 (31:53 min.),
Henry/Esau/Dan_i1.mp3 (9:35 min.)
9. Date: 20.04.2013. Interviewee: Carl. Period: 18:00-24:00 (6:00:00 h.) Location: Farmstead
Batta, Boldva. Type: individual interview. Files: Carl_i4 .mp3 (16:42 min.),Carl_i5.mp3 (26:04
min.), Carl_i6.mp3 (24:59 min.) Carl_i7.mp3, (24:59 min.)
10.Date: 21.04.2013. Interviewee: Carl. Period: 09:00-14:00 (5:00:00 h.) Location:
Farmstead Batta, Boldva. Type: individual interview. Files: Carl_i8 .mp3 (12:32
min.),Carl_i9.mp3 (13:48 min.),Carl_i10.mp3 (1:07:07 h..) Carl_i11.mp3, (1:55 min.),
Carl_i12.mp3, (5:11 min.)
11.Date: 01.06.2013. Interviewees: Carl, Dic, Dan Period: 09:00-14:00 (5:00:00 h.) Location:
Farmstead Batta, Boldva. Type: individual interview. Files: Carl/Dick_i1.mp3 (1:34:40 min.),
Carl/Dan_i1.mp3 (1:28:54 h..), Carl_i13.mp3 (12:44 min.), Carl_i14.mp3 (1:26 min.)
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12.Date: 02.06.2013. Interviewees: Dic. Denis, Bob, Amy, Bella, Clare, Dora, Elise, Fran.Esau.
Period: 09:00-14:00 (5:00:00 h.) Location: Farmstead Batta, Boldva. Type: individual and
group interview. Files: Dick_i1.mp3 (1:24:30 h.), Denis_i1.mp3 (46:17 min.) GI1.mp3 (Bob,
Amy,Bella,Clare, Dora, Elise ,1:22.48 h..), GI2. mp3 (Bob, Bella,Clare, Dora, Frank, Esau,
1:21:32 h.)
13.Date: 16.06.2013. Interviewee: Hodge, Eric, Period: 09:00-15:00 (6:00:00 h)
Location:Bükkszentkereszt,Type: individual interview. Files: Hodge_i1.mp3 (1:07:50 h.),
Hodge_i2.mp3 39:21 min.), Eric_i1.mp3 (2:32 min), Eric_i2. mp3 (7:20 min), Eric_i3. mp3
(29:49 min), Eric_i4. mp3 (19:18 min), Eric_i5. mp3 (32:33 min.)
14.Date: 10.12.2010. Interviewees: Ben, Elsa, Guy, Bazil, Felix. Period: 16:00-18:00 (2:00:00
h.) Location: Nyíregyháza. Type: group interview. Files: GI3.mp3 (Ben, Elsa, Guy, Bazil,
Felix,1:03.22 h.)
15.Date: 03.02.2011. Interviewee: Ben. Period: 17:00-19:00 (2:00:00 h.) Location: Kisvárda.
Type: individual interview. File: Ben_i11. doc (words:10.250, pages: 20.)
16.Date: 01.02.2011. Interviewee: Felix. Period: 14:00-16:00 (2:00:00 h.) Location:
Újfehértó, Type: individual interview. File: Felix_i1. doc (words:10.862, pages: 22.)
17.Date: 03.02.2011. Interviewee: Elsa. Period: 10:00-12:00 (2:00:00 h.) Location: Kisvárda,
Type: individual interview. File: Elsa_i1. doc (words: 9.773, pages: 18.)
18.Date: 28.06.2013. Interviewees : Bert, Ben, Billy, Elsa, Brian, Alf. Period: 16:00-20:00
(4:00:00 h.) Location: Nyíregyháza. Type: group interview. Files:
GI4.mp3 (Bert, Ben, Billy, Elsa, Brian, Alf ,1:33:13 h.)
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Appendix 3: Visual data
Photo data
NAG: National Army of Guardsmen Heritage Protection, RCA: Ragged Cultural and
Heritage Protection Association, MS: Military School , FB1 :
https://www.facebook.com/Rongyosok
FB2: https://www.facebook.com/egyesulet.rongyosok
FB3: https://www.facebook.com/egyesultmagyarifjusag.emi
FB4: https://www.facebook.com/rongyosok.hejjasivancsoport
FB5: https://www.facebook.com/rongyosokgombos.gyulacsoport?fref=ts
FB6: https://www.facebook.com/rongyosokpronaypal.csoport?fref=ts
FB7: https://www.facebook.com/nemzeti.orsereg
FB8: http://www.magyarvagyok.com/csoportok/104-Nemzeti-Orsereg/
FB9: http://nemzetiorsereg.hupont.hu
FB10: https://www.facebook.com/suli.honved1/photos_albums
IM: By: István Murányi
ID
11- 118
21- 24
31- 32
41- 46
51- 54
61- 64
71- 76
81- 84
91- 96
101-1016
111-1112
121-1211
131-135
141-1424
151-1518
161-1649
171-1718
181-187
191-1916
201- 2011
211- 216
221- 226
231- 237
241- 247
Organisation
NAG
NAG
NAG
MS
MS
MS
MS
MS
MS
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
Source (webpage) and event/place/date
FB9 (Anonym)
FB8 (Anonym)
FB10 (Anonym)
FB10( The Cave)
FB10 (Levelek)
FB10 (Kisgyör hike)
FB10 (15 March, Ajak)
FB10 (Village day, Kisléta)
FB10 (Don memorial march, 19.01.2013)
FB1 (Anonym)
FB6 (Prónai Pál Group)
FB4 (Héjjas Iván Group)
FB2 (Baranta World Cup, 20.05.2012)
FB1 (Bocskai Raid)
FB5 (Gömbös Gyula Platoon)
FB1 (Attila line of defence memorial hike, 27.09.2013)
FB1
FB1 (Military culture)
FB1 (Entertainment, parties and miscellaneous)
FB1 (Resupply)
FB1 (Farmstead Batta)
FB1 (Farmstead Batta- Peasant culture)
FB1 (Pig slaughter)
FB1 (Indigenous animals)
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N. of
item
18
4
2
6
4
4
6
4
6
16
12
11
5
24
18
49
18
7
16
11
6
6
7
7
251
261
271
281 - 2821
291
301 - 305
311- 3124
321- 3212
331- 335
341- 3414
351- 3529
361- 368
371- 3711
381- 3810
391- 3910
401- 40160
411- 41173
421- 4212
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
RCA
MS
RCTA
MS
RCTA
FB1 (Cover photos)
FB1 (Profile photos)
FB1 (Horthy sculpture wreathing)
FB1 (Events)
FB1 (Events)
FB2 (Cadets)
FB2 (T.K)
FB2 (Criminal proceedings, trial: 24.11.2011/28.03.2013)
FB2 (May Day Celebration, 28.04.2012)
FB2 (Páty,24.10.2011)
FB2 (
FB2 (Association photos)
FB2 (Timeline photos)
FB2 (Events)
IM (Don memorial march, 19.01.2013)
IM (Farmstead Batta, 19-21.04.2013)
IM (Military School - Ajak, 23.05.2013)
IM (Farmstead Batta, 01-02. 05. 2013)
Video data
NAG: National Army of Guardsmen Heritage Protection
RCA: Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection Association
MS: Military School
ID /Duration
Organisation/published
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA1 /6:53 min
RCA /22.05.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=za71M2WyGko&feature=share
Military demo of Saint Ladislaus department -Baranta World Cup
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA2 /2:43 min
RCA /08.12.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f4jLCRmqK08
The Ragged are hiking
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA3 /5:24 min
RCA /08.12.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=piFEBWh8U_M
Our live legacy. Ancient Hungarian farm animals
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA4 /3:39 min
RCA /08.12.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ci2Qc6hWK2s
Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection Association
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA5 /3:39 min
RCA /17.12.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S690vjc6DFw
Earth House Inauguration, The Ragged- Szent László Group /16.12.2012.
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1
1
1
21
1
5
24
12
5
14
29
8
11
10
10
160
173
12
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA6 /3:40 min
RCA /11.02.2013.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MmSKFO_hrf4
Outbreak memorial hike The Ragged- Szent László Group /09.02.2013.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA7 /3:29 min
RCA /27.06.2013.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Ln8NYqRMxs
Right Hand Rule Band- One, Two, Three... video, 2013
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA8 /8:14 min
RCA /03.09.2013.
http://www.atv.hu/videok/video-20130903-vadai-agnes
ATV Straight Talk-interview with Ágnes Vadai
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA9 /19:18 min
RCA
By: István Murányi
Military School-tactics training Farmstead Batta, 19-21.04.2013.
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA10 /8:27 min
RCA
Military School-tactics training Farmstead Batta, 02.06. 2013.
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA11 / 1:25:08 h
RCA
Focus group interview, The Ragged I.Farmstead Batta, 02. 06. 2013.
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA12 / 1:20:59 h
RCA
Focus group interview, The Ragged II.Farmstead Batta, 02. 06. 2013.
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VRCA13 / 4:09 min
RCA
Furnace Days, Bükkszentkereszt, 16. 06. 2013.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG1/8:32 min
NAG / 11.02.2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_9BXcFvVBIg
Horthy memorial in Debrecen with the National Army of Guardsmen, 16.11.
2007.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG2/4:30 min
NAG / 10.02.2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i6n7fdSnWZk
National Army of Guardsmen march at the Dobó Square, Eger, 23.11. 2007.
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ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG3/2:51 min
NAG / 13.10.2007.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0YKcGcAIwfc
The Oath of the National Army of Guardsmen, 2007.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG4/3:34 min
NAG / 25.10.2007.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_16rD2QlRXY
National Army of Guardsmen, 2007.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG5/1:27 min
NAG / 25.10.2007.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5DCjiu53Woo
National Army of Guardsmen, 2007.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG6/6:11 min
NAG / 08.11.2007.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h14uL4Rhxx4
The visual report on the oath of the National Army of Guardsmen , 2007.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG7/3:05 min
NAG / 14.04.2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KrzJYVAinH8
The march of the Hungarian Guard Movement, the National Army of
Guardsmen and the Jobbik in Nyírkáta , 12.04.2008.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG8/6:03 min
NAG / 14.04.2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SA6eQ1ZEIm0
The march of the Hungarian Guard Movement, the National Army of
Guards and the Jobbik, Nyírkáta, 12.04.2008.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG9/2:17 min
NAG / 02.05.2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kO-5_ZcpiBA
Demonstration against gypsy crime , 2008
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG10/2:08 min
NAG / 18.10.2008.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VlEtWSUPyFE
The memorial march in Olaszliszka is just about to start, 2008
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG11/4:00 min
NAG / 17.05.2009.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mBiso3xMg9E
Árpád Day hike, National Army of Guardsmen, 2009
ID /Duration
VNAG12/6:36 min
NAG / 04.06.2009.
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Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tiQa9S_L9Ok
Trianon memorial in Nyírkarász, 2009
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG13/3:24 min
NAG / 19.06.2009.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_VerUM_FTxY
Demonstration for the public safety of the rurals in Pusztadobos,
18.06.2009.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG14/4:46 min
NAG / 22.11.2009.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fVi-W9DqQRk
Horthy memorial in Budapest, 22.11.2009.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG15/0:32 min
NAG / 25.11.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BK-_nezvt8E
Horthy memorial in Budapest , 22.11.2009.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG16/2:12 min
NAG / 28.11.2009.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JqT_XmoP0DM
Raising the Advent cross in Kisvárda, 2009.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG17/1:23 min
NAG / 20.03.2010.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tGDvBf8NuUw
Árpád Day hike , 2010
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG18/7:56 min
NAG / 14.06.2010.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gf0HJjZUueU
Trianon memorial in Gégény, 12.06.2010.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG19/4:52 min
NAG / 16.10.2010.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lbqVGCySDuA
The oath of the National Army of Guardsmen in Szabolcs county,
16.10.2010
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG20/5:45 min
NAG / 18.05.2011.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2jqChm1Om_o
The military base camp of the National Army of Guardsmen,2011
ID /Duration
VNAG21/4:07 min
NAG / 09.09.2011.
Source (webpage)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CJxwa0fDYog
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Theme/event/date
We do not give up! 2011
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG22/1:30 min
NAG / 21.10.2011.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qi8T1C3UB9M
1956 memorial in Újfehértó,2011
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG23/1:17 min
NAG / 29.11.2011.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aynDxP5ztXo
Raising the Advent cross in, Nyíregyháza,2011
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG24/16:53 min
NAG / 08.01.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h6MZ9pOzgW4
The tribute of the National Army of Guardsmen to the Hungarian victims of
WW II., 2012.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG25/2:05 min
NAG / 14.03.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6XfTUwGmYu0
Torchlight march in Nyíregyháza-I. 14.03.2012.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG26/1:42 min
NAG / 14.03.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B6kt8vTNGCc
Torchlight march in Nyíregyháza-II. 14.03.2012.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG27/3:27 min
NAG / 25.03.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6sbrvr_PX_M
The National Army of Guardsmen at the Holy Crown 14.03.2012.
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG28/0:34 min
NAG / 26.03.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MSE-6ecUqWY
The National Army of Guardsmen in the Parliament, 14.03. 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG29/1:54 min
NAG / 29.07.2012.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MNX2hnMXEnQ
Military simulation camp in Nyíregyháza, 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG30/16:41 min
NAG / 15.01.2013
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N8tkYk7Qm4M
The joined declaration of seven national organisations in Debrecen
15.01.2013
ID /Duration
VNAG31/ 4:24 min
NAG / 05.04.2013
Source (webpage)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M4n-50eu7cU
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Theme/event/date
A walk in Bodaszőlő: the New Hungarian Guard Movement and the
National Army of Guardsmen,2013
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VNAG32/ 1:35:08 min
NAG
Focus group interview, The National Army of Guardsmen, Nyíregyháza,
28.06.2013
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS1/11:57 min
MS/ 12.05.2013
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cRho0XjQrcc
The “Following the patriots from Szabolcs county” competition
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS3/4:59 min
MS /01.05.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uk78a7sbEWE
Self-defence,2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS4/6:55 min
MS /24.03.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4NPHOeo8VSk
Mine detection,2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS5/2:11 min
MS /26.05.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XGm8q-RL7uM
Training,2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS6/3:53 min
MS /18.03.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZY2t4kfzKR4
Camouflage, concealment, 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS7/12:52 min
MS /24.04.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TDqsykZsmz8
Military hike in the Zemplén Mountains II/I. , 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS8/5:35 min
MS /01.05.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-YOd7m2p7Eo
Military aspects of terrain,2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS9/4:29 min
MS /24.03.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xpOjwRqDv4
Military P.E. , 2012
ID /Duration
VMS10/3:20 min
MS /14.04.2012
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Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xq6KE4kluX0
Sports, 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS11/5:31 min
MS /19.03.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WMj09XzfJJ4
Tactics I. , 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS12/3:27 min
MS /12.04.2012
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lr-4jOIKOak
On a military path in the Zemplén Mountains,2012
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS13/1:03:04 h
MS
Military School extracurricular activity session, Gégény, Primary School,
03.12.2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS14/0:54 min
MS /19.06.2013
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WsYq_x7IVC8
Young soldiers from Szabolcs county, 2012
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS15/14:14 min
MS /19.06.2013
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=db7fwG3LjrI
An introspection to the final exam of Military School
ID /Duration
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS16/46:53 min
MS /15.03.2013
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zGrwylWQ_ME
Don memorial march, 2013
ID /Duration
Organisation
Source (webpage)
Theme/event/date
VMS17/24:45 min
MS
Don memorial march, Gégény-Pátroha-Ajak, 19.01. 2013
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Appendix 4: Document data
D1. The Constitution of The Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection Association. The
constitution approved by the general meeting 24 October 2010. 6 pages
D2. The Service Regulations of the National Army of Guardsmen and Civil Soldiers. 2010. By:
László Dankó National Guard Lieutenant, NAG. Chief of Staff, 49 pages
D3. The cooperation agreement of the John Wesley education institution and The Ragged
Cultural and Heritage Protection Association to secure elementary military camps and other
events. Signed by: Sándor Budai director and Zoltán Ambrus president – no date, 3 pages
D4. John Wesley Family Day Care, Nursery, Kindergarten, Primary School, Preparatory and
Special Vocational School, Dormitory and Vocational School, Abaújkér. Letter of thanks, 10
June 2011 Signed by: Sándor Budai director, 1 page
D5. Romano Teatro Cultural Association Miskolc, Letter of thanks, 1 page
D6. Service Contract. Client: John Wesley Nursery, Kindergarten, Primary School and
Dormitory, Service provider: The Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection Association –
service provider , ensuring the additional technical conditions for the defence basics training
camp 26-30 September 2011. 1 page
D7. The No. 8. B. 1119/2011/74. sentence of the Miskolc Court in Zoltán Ferenc Ambrus,
prime suspect and associates’ case. (arms and ammunition abuse, military goods abuse). 63
pages
D8. An article collection of a North-Hungarian county daily on The Ragged Association, Copy,
10 pages
D9. Military school in Hejce. Defence basics training camp, Hejce, 26-30 September 2011.
Video film, By: The Ragged Cultural and Heritage Protection Association, 52 minutes 49
seconds, CD.
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MYPLACE
31st January 2014
Appendix 5: Table 1. Socio-demographic profile of respondents
Pseudonym
Gender
Age
Educational
status
Employment
status
Family status
Residential
status
Relationship to
organisation
39
Ethnicity
(selfdeclared)
Hungarian
1
Carl
M
Completed
vocational school
Married/living
without
partner
Lives alone
Member
(RGA)
M
37
Hungarian
Married/living
with partner
M
15
Hungarian
In full time
education
Single
Living with
partner and
children
Lives with
mother
Member
(RGA)
Dan
4
Denis
M
20
Hungarian
Completed
university MA
degree
Currently in
vocational
education
Completed high
school graduation
In full-time
employment
(primary
producer)
In full-time
employment
2
DIck
3
Single
Lives with
mother
Member
(RGA)
5
Earl
M
25
Hungarian
Unemployed and
actively looking
for a job
In full time
education
Single
Lives with
mother
Member
(RGA)
6
Frank
M
33
Hungarian
In full-time
employment
(enterpreneur)
Married/living
with partner
Living with
parents
Member
(RGA)
7
Esau
M
19
Hungarian
Unemployed and
actively looking
for a job
In full-time
employment
Unemployed/
Single
Lives with
mother
Member
(RGA)
Divorced
Living with
children
Living with
Member
(RGA)
Member
Currently in
college education
(BA program)
Completed
college (BA
degree)
Completed high
school graduation
MYPLACE: FP7-266831
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Deliverable
D7.1:
Ethnographic
Case
Studies
of Youth Activism
8
Henry
M
25
Hungarian
Completed
Page 64 of 66
vocational school
9
Hodge
M
29
Hungarian
Completed
Divorced
Member
(RGA)
vocational school
10
Eric
M
35
Hungarian
11
Bob
M
37
Hungarian
12
Amy
F
27
Hungarian
13
Bella
F
28
Hungarian
14
Clare
F
28
Hungarian
15
Dora
F
27
Hungarian
16
ELise
F
24
Hungarian
17
Ben
M
50
Hungarian
18
ELsa
F
29
Hungarian
19
Guy
M
30
Hungarian
20
Bazil
M
25
Hungarian
21
Felix
M
39
Hungarian
parents
(RGA)
Married/living
with partner
Living with
partner and
children
Member
(RGA)
In full-time
employment
In full-time
employment
Single
Member
(RGA)
Member
(RGA)
In full-time
employment
In part-time
employment
In full-time
employment
In full-time
employment
Divorced
Living with
parents
Living with
partner and
children
Lives alone
Completed postsecondary
vocational
education
Completed
college (BA
qualification)
Completed
vocational school
In full-time
employment
(enterpreneur)
Cohabiation
Living with
partner and
children
Member
(NAG, RGA)
Housewife
Living with
partner
Living with
partner
Member
(NAG)
In full-time
employment
Married/living
with partner
Member
(NAG)
Completed
vocational school
Completed
In full-time
employment
In full-time
Single
Living with
partner and
children
Living with
parents
Living with
Did not complete
undergraduate
university degree
and left
Completed
vocational school
Completed
college (BA
qualification)
Completed
vocational school
Completed high
school graduation
Completed high
school graduation
Completed high
school graduation
Irregular selfemployment
In full-time
employment
65
Married/living
with partner
Married/living
with partner
Single
Married/living
with partner
Married/living
Living with
partner
Living with
partner
Living with
partner
Member
(RGA)
Member
(RGA)
Member
(RGA)
Member
(RGA)
Member
(NAG)
Member
22
Bert
M
34
Hungarian
23
Billy
M
38
Hungarian
24
Brian
M
40
Hungarian
25
Abel
M
45
Hungarian
26
Alf
M
18
Hungarian
college (BA
degree)
Completed high
school graduation
Completed
vocational school
Completed
vocational school
employment
with partner
In full-time
employment
In full-time
employment
In full-time
employment
Cohabiation
Completed
college (BA
degree)
Currently in
vocational
secondary
education
In full-time
employment
Married/
living with
partner
Single
In full time
education
66
Married/living
with partner
Married/living
with partner
partner and
children
Living with
partner
Living with
partner
Living with
partner and
children
Living with
partner and
children
Living with
parents
(NAG)
Member
(NAG)
Member
(NAG)
Member
(NAG)
Sympathiser
(NAG)
Member
(NAG)

Hungary - MYPLACE

Transcription

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