Social Justice in Education: Diversity, Equity, Citizenship
Transcription
Social Justice in Education: Diversity, Equity, Citizenship
Washington State Kappan a journal for research, leadership, and practice Spring 2015, v9#1 ©2015 Washington State Kappan PDK State Board Members Angela Walmsley, President Mark Clements, Secretary Eric Hougan, Treasurer Setsuko Buckley, Foundation Wendy Ghiora, Membership Antony Smith, Journal Sue Barnam, FEA Laision J. Patrick Naughton Editorial Board (listed alphabetically) Kelly Bay-Meyer College Success Foundation Marisa Bier Seattle Teacher Residency Mimi Brown Issaquah School District Michael Brown Northeast Washington ESD Phyllis Bunker Frank Education Policy Analyst Dana Keller Napavine School District Hilary Loeb Puget Sound ESD Anne Reece Highline School District Gene Sharratt Washington Student Achievement Council Antony Smith University of Washington Bothell Angela Walmsley PDKWA President CONTENTS Message from the Editor 3 Message from the President 4 Commentary 5 Commentary - Grade Inflation: A Social Justice Issue 7 Antony Smith Angela Walmsley Pamela Bolotin Joseph Robin DiAngelo and Özlem Sensoy Student Perceptions of Social Justice in Ukrainian Higher Education 12 Spotlight on the Road Map Project English Language Learner Action Plan and Implementation Tool Kit 19 Using a CORE Cohort Model to Close the Achievement Gap for Underserved Ninth Grade Students 23 The Principal Preparation Inventory and Its Contribution to the Growth of Educational Leadership Candidates’ Capacity in Working with ELL Students 30 Thinking About Thinking About Learning: A Student Teacher’s Reflection on Student Voice, Metacognition, and Authenticity 36 Announcements from PDKWA 42 Nataliia Borysenko and Petro Borysenko Roxana Norouzi and Hilary Loeb Jebadiah Lillejord and Jeremy Delamarter Dr. Tiffany Wright, Ed.D. and Dr. Cheryl T. Desmond, Ph.D. and Ms. Sara Sharkey Lucie Kroschel Call for Autumn 2015 Issue WA State Kappan Copyeditor Cate Foster Production Laurie Hook Journal Sponsors University of Washington Bothell School of Educational Studies Goodlad Institute for Educational Renewal a journal for research, leadership, and practice Message from the Editor Welcome to the Spring 2015 issue of Washington State Kappan, sponsored in part by the University of Washington Bothell School of Educational Studies and the Goodlad Institute for Educational Renewal. This issue, “Social Justice in Education: Diversity, Equity, Citizenship” explores issues of social justice across diverse contexts of education. This issue begins with a guest commentary by Pamela Bolotin Joseph, who takes a critical look at the purposes of schooling, asserting that schools are far much more than just training a workforce for tomorrow. As she notes, “…training is such a narrow concept of education. After all, we train roses to grow straight on a trellis, bodies to lift weights, and pets to heel on a leash.” She urges us to think more deeply and purposefully about schooling in the United States. Özlem Sensoy and Robin DiAngelo provide a second commentary, “Grade Inflation: A Social Justice Issue,” a thought-provoking piece on college-course grade inflation from a social justice perspective. They begin by asking, “What happens when professors grade White, middle class students honestly? That is, what happens when we grade our students according to an actual assessment of their academic abilities?” In the third piece, “Student Perceptions of Social Justice in Ukrainian Higher Education,” Nataliia and Petro Borysenko examine college students’ ideas, perceptions, and thoughts about the theoretical construct of social justice in Ukraine, a country with a complex history and a number of current social and political challenges. The sixth article considers the issue of student voice from a student teacher’s perspective. “Thinking About Thinking About Learning: A Student Teacher’s Reflection on Student Voice, Metacognition, and Authenticity” by Lucie Kroschel examines student voice and the EdTPA in the context of a high school humanities class. Overall, this issue explores timely issues and relevant social justice topics from different points of view both within and beyond Washington State. Our next issue, Autumn 2015, with manuscripts due July 15, 2015, will have the focus: “Professional learning communities: Fostering cultures that strengthen teaching and learning.” I encourage you to submit a manuscript and to spread the word to others so that PDK Washington may continue publishing a relevant and interesting journal. Please see the call for manuscripts on the last page of this issue. About the Editor: Antony T. Smith is Associate Dean and Associate Professor in the School of Educational Studies at the University of Washington Bothell. His research focuses on content-area literacy assessment, instruction, and professional development. The fourth article, “Spotlight on the Road Map Project English Language Learner Action Plan and Implementation Tool Kit,” by Roxana Norouzi and Hilary Loeb, brings the social justice conversation to a policy level in Washington State. This article provides an overview of the Road Map Project to support ELL students academically, a project that has been making progress since its initial implementation in 2010. The fifth piece, by Jebadiah Lillejord and Jeremy Delamarter, examines an intervention program, CORE, that aims to support students in underserved populations and help close the achievement gap. Titled “Using a CORE Cohort Model to Close the Achievement Gap for Underserved Ninth Grade Students,” this study used survey methodology and emerging data to analyze the Core program. —3— WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN Letter from the President Hello to my fellow Kappans! I hope you are having a wonderful school year. Many thanks to our editor, Dr. Antony Smith, on another great production of the Washington State Kappan Journal. I’m very excited to see this issue published because of the critical articles we have around social justice–an incredibly important topic in education in the world today. The next journal issue will be on the topic of professional learning communities. We encourage manuscripts to be sent to Dr. Antony Smith at journal@pdkwa.org Please bookmark and continue to visit our website for updates around events and activities in addition to the publication of the journal. We are planning a Spring Conference and Awards breakfast event on April 11, 2015, at UW Bothell, so mark your calendar. Clock hours will be available for those professionals interested. Also remember that we have two scholarship awards and an emerging leader and teacher recognition award available. Information can be found on the website: www.pdkwa.org We are working hard to increase general membership as well as membership on our board. Please consider serving on the board; feel free to contact me for details about what we do. I look forward to hearing from you. Regards, Angela L.E. Walmsley, PhD President, PDKWA 1599 president@pdkwa.org Dr. Angela Walmsley is the Academic Dean at Northeastern University–Seattle. Her background includes teaching mathematics at the middle school and high school level in the United States and the United Kingdom as well as undergraduate and graduate education and mathematics courses at the university level. Dr. Walmsley has been a member of PDK for 11 years, was selected as a member of the Emerging Leaders class of 2008-2009, served as Area Director for the State of Missouri, and recently led the PDK International Study Tour to Dublin and London. —4— a journal for research, leadership, and practice us, most leaders of industry—and presumably of government—have no interest in merely training their own children to be workers. Commentary Pamela Bolotin Joseph The focus of this issue of Washington State Kappan— Social Justice in Education: Diversity, Equity, Citizenship—is a reminder for us to keep insisting that schooling means more than teaching our children to be workers. I know, though, that holding this position becomes increasingly challenging within the current political climate. But I’m not thinking just about the conservative folks who want us to teach the basics in public schools and not to educate for critical citizenship. Educational historian Diane Ravitch writes recently that education policy positions of both major parties are “interchangeable.” Others note that Secretary of Education Arne Duncan could have been comfortable working in either party’s administration. For instance, in an address at the national conference of the PTA (June, 2014), Duncan says that “the skills of inquiry and problem solving … will be precious currency for young people who might change jobs a dozen or more times throughout their careers.” It seems that he does not even imagine that inquiry and problem solving could be abilities for critical citizenship or for improving the world. For those of us who believe that inquiry and problem solving can mean more than just preparing for jobs, we need to scrutinize and challenge both positions and rhetoric about the purpose of schooling. As an example, let’s go back to the second inaugural address of January 2013. After talking about the need to renew the infrastructure, President Obama then spoke of the need for “schools and colleges to train our workers.” I remember waiting for other words about education. Would the President refer to schools and colleges as developing at least some children to become America’s leaders as had Thomas Jefferson? Would he mention the importance of educating for critical thinking and cultivation of morals as had Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.? Or would President Obama invoke John Dewey’s belief in the importance of schools for learning to participate in democracy? But the President remained silent. His words about education did nothing more than echo America’s dominant idea about education to serve the needs of industry. This was puzzling to me, as most educators and the many parents I know imagine far more holistic destinies for their children. Certainly, as educational critic and activist Jonathan Kozol reminds Of course, an inaugural address is not a speech on education. But still, it is telling that the one mention of education underlined the belief that the major purpose of education is to train workers. Unfortunately, training is such a narrow concept of education. After all, we train roses to grow straight on a trellis, bodies to lift weights, and pets to heel on a leash. Had President Obama’s words been to educate workers, then at least I could imagine children and adolescents developing into competent members of the workforce who not only are highly skilled in careers but also are informed citizens and individuals who have had the opportunity to fully develop as human beings. Yet, there are other ways to characterize the purposes of education more in line with the themes of the inaugural address that emanate from progressive, social reconstructivist, and conservative traditions. I would greatly prefer any of these to the sole goal of training workers—although preparing for a career and gaining the skills to make a good living is in no way threatened by these alternative curricular orientations. The inaugural address has been characterized as progressive. As follows, schools and colleges could draw from a rich history of progressive education in which children learn “through occupations.” This is not a narrow skills-focused vocational training but fostering engagement in academic knowledge connected to life outside the school. In the progressive tradition teachers attend to students’ curiosity so to open doors to learn a vast array of disciplinary as well as integrated subject areas. This tradition also involves students experiencing democratic processes within the realm of the classroom and school so that they are prepared to become critically engaged citizens. Or, since social justice was a strong theme in the inaugural address, schools and colleges could identify with the social reconstructivist tradition that educates students to understand imbalances of power and privilege, domination, and racism — and to consider their moral obligations toward each other and in relationship with all people in this society and the world. In this tradition, students would gain deep subject matter learning and develop skills of critical thinking and reflection. This kind of education also would be concerned with eco-justice. Global warming would not be studied as a singular scientific —5— WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN phenomenon but within a planetary crisis threatening the wellbeing of human life and the natural world. And as President Obama also stressed personal responsibility and fidelity to founding principles, it would be consistent for schools and colleges to promote a conservative curricular tradition (ironically, often called a liberal education) in which students would gain deep knowledge of the exemplary works of the humanities, sciences, and mathematics. In this orientation, students are deeply engaged in discussion, guided by teachers with expertise in subject matter and in facilitating discussion for understanding and ethical inquiry. Advocates of liberal education believe that when students attain deep understanding of external existential quandaries, they will become wise human beings, liberated from living merely by habit and unexamined belief. About the Author Pamela Bolotin Joseph is Senior Lecturer at the University of Washington Bothell. She is the editor of Cultures of Curriculum (Routledge). She recently received an award from the University of Washington Chapter of the American Association of University Professors for Courage in Pursuit of Excellence in Washington State Higher Education. So, what would I have liked to have heard in the second inaugural address? Something like this: In America we must develop and support equitable schools and colleges that educate all of our children. Moreover, we must hold a vision of education that is not narrow but expansive. Our schools and colleges need to help students to gain vital competencies needed for sciences, the arts, and industry. But that is not enough. We must want our children to gain deep understanding of democracy and critical knowledge of society, to understand their ethical responsibilities toward one another and to believe that they can become creative forces for sustaining and bettering their communities, their country, and the world. —6— a journal for research, leadership, and practice Commentary larger context of the reproduction of social inequality, and argue that educators committed to fostering social justice in education must address grade inflation if we want to further the goals of class and racial equity. Grade Inflation: A Social Justice Issue Robin DiAngelo and Özlem Sensoy After getting my grade for your class a couple of days ago, I keep going over and over what exactly you expected out of your…students. I’m questioning who/ what sets the standard for your class....To me, if a student does/hands in all assignments, misses class no more than two times, participates during lecture, takes notes, attentively watches videos, and obviously observes/notes sociology in his/her life, it would make sense for that student to receive a respectable grade—an A. It seems like the work and time that I… put into this class didn’t create the results that I (or you) wanted. Personally, I can’t comprehend how my performance in your class equated to an 87 percent. (Email from a student who ‘deserved’ an A, as quoted in Lippman, Bulanda, & Wagenaar, 2009, p. 197) What happens when professors grade White middle class students honestly? That is, what happens when we grade our students according to an actual assessment of their academic abilities? These abilities include reading comprehension, writing skills, critical thinking, articulation of ideas, grasp of nuance and complexity, connecting concepts, and perspective taking. As tenured professors in education working in two very different institutions, we struggle to grade honestly and resist the pressures of grade inflation—in other words, to assign grades that represent our actual assessment of our students’ academic abilities, rather than assigning them grades that are higher than our assessment but that (in some cases) help us avoid communications such as above. Indeed, were we not to succumb to the pressures of grade inflation, the average grade of our students would likely land between a C and a D (average to below average); while Bs and As (above average to excellent) would be the exceptions. Hallway conversations with colleagues reveal that this is a struggle for many of us. So then, why don’t we grade according to an honest assessment and, more significantly, what is the impact of not doing so? To be clear, if our assessment was that every student in our course demonstrated excellent work, we would be happy to give each of them an A; we do not believe in grading curves and are not arguing for curves. We are using the term grade inflation to capture the common norm of giving students As even when they do not demonstrate excellent work. In this essay, we want to position grade inflation is a social justice issue. To do so, we situate grading within the Before we proceed, it is worth stating that from a social justice framework, it is preferred that grades not function as education’s carrot or stick. As many have argued convincingly—Alfie Kohn most passionately—a focus on grades creates and perpetuates an extrinsic motivation for learning, which can, among other effects, undermine a love of learning (Kohn, 2002). We recognize that by focusing on grading, we are in some ways sustaining attention on an institutional practice that ranks students hierarchically, and that such rankings are part of the structures we seek to challenge. Still, many of us choose to work within the system—despite its constraints—in order to challenge the system. Traditional grading is one of those constraints with which we are prepared to work. We believe that social justice educators working within higher education must use the system to foster greater class and racial justice, given that schools are a key institution that reproduces social inequality. Popular ideology, however, positions schooling as the “great equalizer”—regardless of how uneven the playing field may be at the start of life, a good education (so the story goes) will level it out. Yet research shows that not all schools are equal, and not all students receive the same education or equal access to resources (from textbooks, to teachers, to equipment). This reality is based in large part on race and class differences (Oakes, 2005; Johnson & Shapiro, 2003; Darling-Hammond, 2007). Everyday discussions about “good” schools and the racial coding that underlies these evaluations, the anxiety that White middle class parents have about which schools their children attend, and the return to pre-integration levels of racial segregation in U.S. schools attest to the uneven playing field. Further, studies have documented the pressure that White middle class parents put on teachers to ensure that their children excel (McGraff & Kuriloff, 1998; Lareau, 2011). In addition to the K-12 context, the post-secondary context is race and class coded. A post-secondary degree has become a more important step to attaining gainful employment, as a high school diploma no longer opens the doors it once did. At the same time, a degree is also becoming less accessible due to rising tuition rates, fees, and student loan interest rates. The falling rate of funding to public universities, which are often on the frontlines of providing support services for first generation and other marginalized students, intensifies deleterious consequences for non-traditional students. —7— WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN As a result, the division between those who can go on to pursue a post-secondary degree and those who cannot is widening. Families whose members already hold undergraduate and graduate degrees are more likely to be those who can afford to obtain them for their children. And the cycle continues. In education programs across Canada and the United States, the average student remains White and middle class (Cochran-Smith & Zeichner, 2005; Ryan, Pollock, & Antonelli, 2009). Based on the student work that we see, we often wonder whether the majority of these students would have gained admission to a higher education program if their academic abilities had been graded honestly. And now that they are here, would they be able to complete their degrees (much less graduate with honors), as many of them do? In the following section we examine in greater detail how grade inflation functions as a social justice issue. We do so by first considering its relationship to wider social dynamics that reproduce structural inequalities, and second, by considering dynamics within the institution of schooling itself. Structural Inequality that Reproduces Social Hierarchies In addition to unequal school funding, a Eurocentric curriculum, and racially disparate punishment and tracking practices, the positive bias of a predominately White and middle class K-12 teaching force towards White middle class students has been well documented (Ryan et al., 2009; Sleeter, 2008). Teachers give the benefit of the doubt to students they relate to and/or that fit dominant ideals. Conversely, the negative biases and stereotypes that White middle class teachers collectively hold about specific groups of Color prevent them from relating to those groups. As a result, students of Color face additional barriers to school success (Francis, 2012; Lleras & Rangel, 2009; Steele, 1997). special education over gifted education (Ford, Grantham, & Whiting, 2008; Kunjufu, 2005; Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2002). All of these structural dynamics work together to favor White middle class students, and to sort students into very different academic and future life pathways. The result is that students who enter school supported by racial, class, and linguistic capital benefit from the system and are carried along by currents of privilege at the expense of those who do not. Forces such as the STPP uphold the twin ideologies of meritocracy and individualism, making these disparities appear to be the outcome of fair processes. Yet these ideologies underlie and obscure structural inequalities. For example, if we use the line of reasoning that we are all individuals and that social categories such as race, class, and gender do not matter and are just “labels” that stereotype and limit us, then it follows that we all end up in our own “natural” places: those at the top are merely a collection of individuals who rose because of their personal merits, and those at the bottom are there due to personal deficiencies. Group membership is thereby rendered irrelevant, and social disparities are seen as the result of essential character attributes rather than the result of consistent structural processes. In the exceptional case of Asian heritage students, who as a group are perceived to be able to rise to the top of the academic ladder, successes on their part are used to reinforce the idea that the system is merit based and colorblind. However, the stereotypes that teachers hold about Asian heritage students are not the same as those held about Black, Latino, and Indigenous students, so the outcome of their biases will not be the same. Further, the category “Asian” is a large umbrella; not all Asian heritage students “make it” (Lee, 2005). As with all students, class, language, and other forms of cultural capital, as well as teacher biases, play a powerful role in their educational outcomes. According to the ideology of individualism, it is either just a fluke that those at the top (in this case, those who make it to post-secondary education) happen to be a very homogenous collection of exceptional individuals, or else White, middle class students are consistently “the cream of the crop.” From this perspective, structurally conferred White privilege could not be a factor, because schools treat each student as a unique individual with special gifts, talents, and work ethics, and do not sort according to race. Individualism and meritocracy are particularly popular ideologies with White teachers. Yet because they continually reinforce internalized beliefs about White students’ inherent superiority, these ideologies are fundamental to upholding White supremacy (DiAngelo, 2010). Further, these ideologies are reinforced through a predominately White teaching force that cherishes and is served by them (Bartolomé, 1994; Gillborn, 2008). As Consider the School to Prison Pipeline (STPP) and its relationship to the Prison Industrial Complex targeting poor Black, Latino, and Indigenous students (Raible & Irizarry, 2010; Solomon & Palmer, 2004; Sudbury, 2002). The institutions of schooling and criminal justice work together to create the STPP through disparities in access to: quality schooling across school districts; inexperienced teachers sent to poorer school districts; zero-tolerance policies; high-stakes testing; harsher punishments for youth of Color than for Whites for the same infractions; a predominantly White, middle-class teaching force that does not understand and often fears Black and Brown children; and the disproportionate relegation of Black, Latino, Indigenous, and linguistic-minority youth to —8— a journal for research, leadership, and practice a result, White middle class teachers expect that their assessment of their White middle class students is due to individual merit and not group-level privileges. In turn, White middle class students see themselves as “the best” and deserving of, and entitled to, the “As” they expect to receive from their teachers. “fit” to receive more work are course evaluations. Thus the increased institutional reliance on non-tenured labor to cut costs only ensures more grade inflation (Giroux, 2002; House Committee on Education and the Workforce, 2014; Field, Jones, Karram Stephenson, & Khoyetsyan, 2014). Pressure Put Upon Educators Within the System to Reward White Middle Class Students Everyone is Hurt But Only Some Benefit There is great pressure on instructors to appease those who know how to use the system to advocate for themselves. This pressure comes externally from students and their parents, and internally from the tenure and promotion system that connects job security, income, and career advancement in part to student evaluations. Sources of student pressure include entitlement, grade anxiety, the tie between grades and self-worth, fear of parental disappointment, and perceptions of effort along with a belief that effort should be the sole basis of grades (DiAngelo & Sensoy, 2014; Lippman, Bulanda, & Wagenaar, 2009). For example, when students are making a case for the grade they believe they should receive, they often claim that they “worked really hard.” For these students, showing up to class and handing in assignments are viewed as evidence of a level of effort that should we rewarded with an A. This view is perfectly illustrated in the student email that opens this essay. For instructors, however, this level of effort qualifies as the minimum expectation for all students. Further, because contract renewal, tenure, and promotion processes depend in large part on student evaluations, keeping students “happy” in the classroom is a concern, especially for instructors on temporary contracts (Redding, 1998). Yet students are seldom equipped to discern educational value apart from degree of perceived “entertainment” value; that is, whether or not they “liked” the course and/or instructor. Fearing poor course evaluations, many instructors may do what pleases students and give them more generous grades than they have earned. In addition, assessment processes do not account for instructors’ positionalities (e.g., their race, class, gender expression, ability). Yet these positionalities also impact how instructors are viewed and evaluated by students (Rudman & Kilianski, 2000). The weight of course evaluations in tenure and promotion decisions puts added pressure on instructors with marginalized identities to please their students rather than challenge them. Adjuncts, sessional instructors, or limitedterm lecturers with marginalized status are especially vulnerable because they are not evaluated on publication, service, or other types of contributions (Brayboy, 2003); oftentimes the sole measure of their “effectiveness” and We understand that the dynamics of grade inflation are not the fault of our primarily White and middle class students. Many of them come to us with poorly developed academic skills because the K-12 school system has, in many ways, failed them too. Much of this is due to the very structural inequalities with which we are so concerned. For example, political and economic pressures on schools to focus on standardized testing have resulted in moves away from intellectual curiosity, critical thinking, and engagement with ambiguity, and toward creating conforming and compliant students who can memorize the right answers to pass the tests. We do not see our students as “naturally” lacking in academic skills; we see their academic challenges as the result of a school system that crushes the creative intellectual life out of most students (not to mention many teachers and administrators). Thus we believe that in general, all students are underserved by the system. But still, we have to ask: Why do middle class White students get to be academically mediocre and still succeed? Why are they able to go on to post-secondary education regardless of their limitations? Where are the Indigenous students? Black students? Latino students? And under what conditions are Asian students allowed to succeed? This disparity is profoundly significant from a social justice perspective because grade inflation has effects that reach far beyond post-secondary education. A degree grants our White middle class students with yet another important piece of social capital. Using the most conservative data collected globally and drawn from the OECD’s Report on Education, 31% of adults in the United States and 27% of the adults in Canada have a (4-5 year) post-secondary degree. This is below the average for OECD countries (2013).1 A degree and the elite status it gives will open many more doors and give their voices and perspectives much more weight. They will make and enforce the policies, practices, and hiring decisions that affect those not at the table, those who have not had the same opportunities or structurally conferred privileges, those whose voices are seldom heard. Their privileged positions and sense of having rightfully earned their places will make it difficult for them to notice who has been left out, to assess what hard work really is, and to determine 1. The OECD collects data under the category of Tertiary-type A education programs in the OECD countries. These programs are defined as theory-based, requiring usually four or more years, and include 4-year terminal and also second-degree Masters programs. See oecd.org/edu —9— WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN who belongs where. In so doing, they will continue the process of limiting access for others. Those who become teachers will be less and less equipped to nurture critical thinking and intellectual curiosity in their students or enable them to recognize and challenge social injustice, and the cycle continues. So what is required of us? Our students’ complaints about their grades do not happen in a vacuum. They are standing before us demanding unearned privilege because they have come to see themselves as deserving of that privilege. At every turn they have been reinforced in their sense of entitlement, essentially fast-tracked into higher education based in large part on their race and class. If we do not start grading honestly we can only maintain the unjust distance between those who have access to society’s resources and those who do not, as well as the ideologies that justify that distance. Grade inflation makes us complicit in the forces that reproduce inequality. We need to ask ourselves what it means to be an educator whose responsibility is to assess student ability if we do not grade based on an authentic assessment of their abilities within the educational context. If we are professors with tenure, there is no excuse for what is essentially a lack of courage to withstand the inevitable push-back. As a degree becomes less and less accessible, grade inflation renders it more and more meaningless as a signifier for “educated.” Perhaps if we saw this as an issue of justice, we would find our courage. References Bartolomé, L. (1994). Beyond the methods fetish: Toward a humanizing pedagogy. Harvard Educational Review, 64(2), 173-194. Brayboy, B. M. J. (2003). The implementation of diversity in predominantly White colleges and universities. Journal of Black Studies, 34(1), 72-86. Cochran-Smith, M. & Zeichner, K. M. (Eds.) (2005). Studying teacher education: The report of the AERA Panel on Research and Teacher Education. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. 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A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. American Psychologist, 52(6), 613–629. Sudbury, J. (2002). Celling Black bodies: Black women in the global prison industrial complex. Feminist Review, 70, 57-74. — 11 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN Student Perceptions of Social Justice in Ukrainian Higher Education Nataliia Borysenko and Petro Borysenko Authors' Note Nataliia Borysenko, Department of Teaching and Learning, College of Education, Washington State University Petro Borysenko, Department of Foreign Languages for Chemistry and Physics Majors, Taras Shevchenko National University at Kyiv, Ukraine This research was carried out during the term of the Fulbright Scholar Grant awarded to Nataliia Borysenko, 2014–2015. The authors express their gratitude to Iryna Zachepa, Olha and Valeriy Savchuk for their help in surveying students, and to Joy Egbert and Marina Tolmacheva for their comments on the early drafts of the paper. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Nataliia Borysenko, Department of Teaching and Learning, College of Education, Washington State University, 266 Cleveland Hall, Pullman, WA 99164-2132. E-mail: nataliia.borysenko@wsu.edu Abstract This article presents a glimpse of undergraduate students’ perspectives of the current state of affairs in the Ukrainian higher education system from a social justice standpoint. Ukraine is undergoing simultaneous crises due to Crimea’s annexation, a very fluid situation in the east of the country, and a thorny and still incomplete 23-year path toward developing a modern democratic society. In order to understand how undergraduate students perceive social justice in the current circumstances, the authors composed an anonymous survey and administered it to currently enrolled Ukrainian students at three different public institutions of higher education in two cities. Using a social justice framework, this paper describes student responses that reveal their views on the current state of social justice in Ukrainian higher education. Key words: social justice, higher education, institution, undergraduate student, Ukraine After more than 20 years of teaching at various ethnicity, religious views, sexual orientation, or even Ukrainian universities, we have become used to seeing social behavior. one student barely able to scrape up enough money for his lunch at the university cafeteria while other These sad experiences make us as faculty feel students drive fancy luxury cars. In another instance, particularly sensitive about the problems of social justice the poor student may be the brightest and most hard- in Ukrainian higher education. It is not an easy subject working in his class, but he gets worse grades on to discuss or research, because even the meaning of his exams than the student with “powerful parents.” “social justice,” although having been coined and closely Moreover, we have cases when a talented orphan who studied since the 19th century (Zajda, Majhanovich, was “too lucky” to be admitted to the university under Rust, & Martin-Sabina, 2006), remains diffuse and raises the auspices of the government-supported access contentious discussions among leading scholars on the program suddenly and unpredictably loses his tuition- topic (Marshall & Oliva, 2010). free enrollment and his monthly stipend. Although very active in classroom participation and successful John Rawls, a highly influential thinker, has been central in coursework, his professor fails him on the final in clarifying the definition of social justice (Rawls, 2005). exam, claiming that he has not demonstrated sufficient Based on Rawls’ principles of social justice, modern knowledge to pass. Further, we have witnessed that, in scholars acknowledge that “social justice refers to grading student papers or evaluating their knowledge the condition in society in which all members have the of course material, some professors allow themselves same basic rights, security, opportunities, obligations, to denigrate students based on differences in race, social benefits, and the way in which human rights are — 12 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice manifested in the everyday lives of people at every level of society” (Ingram, 2007, p. 27). This suggests that “everyone, from the poorest person on the margins of society to the wealthiest deserves an even playing field” (Harees, 2012, p. 124). The principles or elements of social justice must be understood within a specific context (Miller, 2001); in higher education, for example, the definition of social justice as provided above includes four central components (Nieto, 2006): • Human rights: All members of the higher education community should have the rights of challenging, confronting, and disrupting “misconceptions, untruths, and stereotypes that lead to structural inequality and discrimination based on race, social class, gender, and other social and human differences” (Nieto, 2006, p. 2). This indicates, for example, that students are able to have equal opportunities to obtain higher education in Ukraine and to receive all their student rights without having to participate in any illegal behavior based on their social status, race, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, gender, etc. • Access to learning opportunities: Institutions of higher education should be responsible for “providing all students with the resources necessary to learn to their full potential … : material resources such as books, curricula, financial support, and so on; … emotional resources such as a belief in students’ ability and worth; care for them as individuals and learners; high expectations and rigorous demands on them; and the necessary social and cultural capital to negotiate the world” (Nieto, 2006, p. 2). This, for instance, means that prospective students have a fair and transparent system for university admission, a variety of opportunities to obtain higher education: tuition-free education for the best students, tuition assistance of various kinds, a legally developed system permitting students to combine their studies with a part-time job to facilitate their tuition expenses. • Quality: Institutions of higher education should be committed to “drawing on the talents and strengths that students bring to their education. This requires a rejection of the deficit perspective that has characterized much of the education of marginalized students, in favor of perspective that views all students—not just those from privileged backgrounds—as having resources that can be a foundation for their learning. These resources include their languages, cultures, and experiences” (Nieto, 2006, p. 2). This also implies providing equal quality higher education for students. • Engagement: Institutions of higher education must be held accountable for “creating a learning environment that promotes critical thinking and supports agency for social change. Creating such environments can provide students with an apprenticeship in democracy, a vital part of preparing them for the future” (Nieto, 2006, p. 2). This also indicates involving students in decisionmaking concerning crucial aspects of the academic process and support for future employment based on students’ specialties. These four components—human rights, access to learning opportunities, quality, and engagement—form a framework for our study in exploring student perspectives of social justice in Ukrainian higher education. Methodology Participants and Data Source According to multiple reports (Ministerstvo, 2014b), social justice has hardly been realized at public institutions of higher education in Ukraine. We decided to explore how this problem is perceived by Ukrainian students, the main consumers of higher education. The four components of social justice in education—human rights, access to learning opportunities, quality, and engagement—made up the basis for the survey we used for data collection. The survey consists of 26 questions. Each of the first 25 questions has at least four response options; the fourth option invites the students to give their own opinion if the previous options do not fit with their thoughts and views. Question 26 offers an opportunity for students to suggest any concerns and issues they have faced in dealing with the system of higher education in Ukraine not mentioned in the survey. The questions were addressed to students in order to analyze students’ perceptions concerning the situation with social justice in Ukrainian higher education. To maximize diversity of the outcomes, four professors surveyed their full-time students at three different public institutions of higher education. These professors surveyed their own students so that students would be sure of anonymity and have full confidence and trust while answering the questions. During their classes the professors gave the students a paper copy of the survey and let them complete the survey for up to an hour. The professors asked the students to provide only the answers and not put their names on the paper copy to ensure their sincere results and to prevent the chance to give the answers that would please their professor. General background information on the participants was obtained from the dean’s office at each university. It included gender and social status (i.e., if they belong to any of the following groups: ethnic minorities, orphans, and people living below the poverty line). We were not able to collect data regarding the students’ sexual orientation or their religious preferences, as it is illegal in Ukraine to do so. — 13 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN The total number of the participants was 271, surveyed in class groups from 10–15 students. The social and academic profiles of the students at these three universities are somewhat diverse. Four groups of participants were from the leading research university in the country—the brightest youth study there. The major of students participating from this university is Physics. All 66 of them were freshmen (59 males and 7 females), including two male students belonging to ethnic minorities, no orphans). The next four groups of participants represent one of the largest universities in Ukraine (also located in Kyiv, the capital of Ukraine) and they were 45 juniors and seniors majoring in international relations (29 males and 16 females; 6 male and 4 female students belonging to ethnic minorities; no orphans). The other 12 groups of participants came from a smaller university located in the Kyiv region. Its 160 students participating in the survey varied from freshmen to juniors; all of them were future English as a foreign language (EFL) teachers [144 females and 16 males; 3 female and 1 male students belonging to ethnic minorities; 7 orphans (5 females and 2 males)]. Clearly, one limitation of the convenience method of obtaining participants is that the participants do not represent much social diversity, which may impact the results. The survey questions belonging together thematically (i.e., based on the four social justice components) were dispersed in the survey on purpose in order to obtain students’ unbiased and fresh opinions. Results and Discussion Participant responses are presented below according to the social justice components for conciseness and more coherent presentation of the feedback. Human Rights The survey’s first theme is whether our students think that their human rights are protected in access to and during their education at Ukrainian institutions of higher education. As faculty, we observe and think that their human rights are being violated, but do our students think that their human rights are being violated? The survey data indicate that only 44% of students think that they have equal opportunities to obtain higher education in Ukraine. In other words, 53% of respondents think that inequality in receiving higher education in Ukraine does exist. One and a half percent of the surveyed chose the answer “I do not know,” and the same percentage (1.5%) of students responded: “If you have money—you have higher education in Ukraine.” of human rights, the survey respondents agreed that orphans and people with disabilities in Ukraine do receive state support for admission to and study at institutions of higher education. Ninety-three percent said “yes,” 4% denied any state support for orphans and people with disabilities, and 3% answered “I do not know.” The data imply that the surveyed students are quite optimistic about government support of orphans and people with disabilities in Ukraine. However, according to multiple studies (Buffeted, 2010; Abeng, 2013; U.S., 2014), both young people with disabilities and orphans “have been abandoned by both their government and the developed European community in general” (Abeng, 2013). Such a gap between the students’ perceptions and research data may be explained by the fact that the participants were not widely represented by orphans (7 students— 2.5% of all the surveyed) or people with disabilities (0 representatives), so their perceptions could be based only on stereotyping formed by the official mass media, on lack of knowledge about real benefits available for orphans and people with disabilities, and/or unawareness of social programs and benefits for the mentioned vulnerable groups available in the developed countries. Therefore, whatever is advertised in Ukraine may be perceived by the surveyed students as sufficient help for orphans and people with disabilities. People from over 100 nations live in Ukraine. According to the last census (2001), ethnic minorities in Ukraine account for 14 million people (27 %) of all residents. The most numerous of these are Russians, Jews, Belarusians, Moldavians, Bulgarians, Poles, Hungarians, Romanians, Greeks, Tatars, Armenians, and Gypsies (Natsional’ni, 2014). When it comes to ethnic minorities, however, the participants’ survey answers are not optimistic: only 18.5% of the surveyed perceive that ethnic minorities have social programs to enter and study at Ukrainian institutions of higher education, 39.5% think that there are not any benefits for ethnic minority students to enter and study in Ukrainian universities, and 42% of the students did not have an answer. The issue of discrimination due to sexual orientation is quite new in Ukraine and is considered too private for public discussion. We did include it in our survey hoping for anonymous responses. The evidence showed a high level of ignorance when talking about discrimination against students based on their sexual orientation—46% marked the answer “I do not know” and only 7% admitted that such discrimination does exist at Ukrainian institutions of higher education. Religious views in general were prosecuted in Soviet times (Bassin, 2012). According to the literature, there is also much left to be desired in the terms of free religious — 14 — Further, expressing their perceptions that discrimination against orphans and people with disabilities is a violation a journal for research, leadership, and practice views in Ukraine (Herszenhorn, 2013). However, by contrast, the data indicate that a vast majority of students (79%) are confident that discrimination based on religious views does not exist at Ukrainian institutions of higher education, while 16% of the surveyed did not know the answer. It is possible that remnants of that policy still survive in Ukraine, if we are to take students’ answers into account (5% perceive discrimination based on their religious views at Ukrainian universities). Students’ answers may indicate that to get more realistic results more institutions of higher education should be involved, or religious views are more discriminated in other spheres of the Ukrainian society. Nowadays, with the processes of globalization bringing international migration to Ukraine, race discrimination has become a burning issue. Student feedback concerning the existence of discrimination based on race shows the following results: 71% deny its existence, 23% answered “I do not know,” and only 6% of the surveyed think that discrimination based on race does exist at Ukrainian institutions of higher education. Gender discrimination is perceived by 13.5% of the respondents. We cannot define the number of female and male students who perceive gender discrimination, but according to the data, all of them study at the same university, they are freshmen and/ or sophomores, and out of 37 students perceiving gender discrimination only 16 may be males, which means that at least 21 students perceiving gender discrimination are females. This may suggest that there are some faculty and/or staff working with these students who express their different attitude toward female and male students or the variety of students was not big enough to get realistic results. An encouragingly high number (68%) of the students think that their rights are respected at their universities. An even greater number (84%) answered “yes” on the question about the respect for professors’ rights at institutions of higher education in Ukraine. Access to Learning Opportunities In terms of access to learning opportunities, the results of the survey indicate that 59% of the surveyed students consider that the number of institutions of higher education is not too high, while 36% think that Ukraine does not need such a high number of universities. Their views can be explained by the literature: having been part of the Soviet Union, Ukraine still has strong educational traditions, and persons not having any higher education are looked down upon by the public (Stereotypy, 2010). The number of institutions also has employment implications because it might be hard to get a job even as a waiter if one does not have at least a bachelor’s degree. Overall, having more universities means more opportunities for potential students to be enrolled in degree programs, so there is a public expectation of increased access to tuition-free education. Slightly less than one-half of those surveyed agreed that compulsory independent assessment for college admissions is fair and unbiased, 6% of students marked the answer “I do not know,” and 49% expressed the opposite opinion. When asked if the admission system of Ukrainian universities based on compulsory independent assessment is fair and transparent, an even smaller number of the surveyed (36%) think that it is, while the majority (54%) feels that it is not. The issue about this outcome is that the feelings reflect a situation in place after many years of exhausting attempts to implement a higher education admission system based on principles of social justice (Khartia, 2009; Testuvannia, 2011). Seventy percent of the surveyed students think that access to learning opportunities in institutions of higher education can be realized if tuition-free education is available to 75% of students. Only 4% of the surveyed think that the Ukrainian government should provide only 25% tuition-free seats. There is history here; preindependence, all Soviet/Ukrainian higher education was free. Since that time, because of the economic crisis after the Soviet Union’s collapse, changing laws and regulations in the sphere of higher education, and other political and social reasons, the percentage of students who have a free education has been constantly reduced and reached a low of 25% in 2014 (Ministerstvo, 2014a). This caused 75% of students to have to obtain tuition-based higher education. This situation appears to have caused many abuses by universities and those affiliated with them and numerous attempts from students’ families to seek illegal “help” for their children to obtain higher education for free (U Minosvity, 2013). Overall, students’ perceptions about human rights in Ukraine show that some of the students do not know and some of them do not perceive human rights injustices. This could be because they do not actually exist, or, more likely, that because the participants represent the most successful level of Ukrainian youth and are fulltime students, they may have a different viewpoint than others might have. The majority of orphans, people with disabilities, and ethnic minorities can typically afford to study only as part-time students if they do at all, so they do not usually socialize and even meet each other. On the Thus, students perceive that in Ukraine today, access to other hand, these institutions may not have as much to learning opportunities in higher education depends a lot perceive. on how students are able to pay. The burden of payment — 15 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN for obtaining higher education in Ukraine most commonly rests on the shoulders of students themselves and/or their families. Educational loans are not available in the country, although before presidential and parliament elections educational loans are often promised. Then opportunities to get an educational loan are advertised but when it comes to a real situation, students and their parents never meet loan program requirements (Studentsky, n. d.). The findings indicate that 61.5% of the students rely on their parents’ savings, 22.5% on state programs, 10% use their own savings, and only 4% suggested bank low-interest loans (1%–3%) if the latter were available. If the weight of payment for education rests on prospective students’ shoulders, this might impact students’ expectations concerning university administrators’ permission for fulltime students to work part time. In fact, 56% of students deny that Ukrainian institutions of higher education are supportive in the issue. Twenty-nine percent of the surveyed chose the answer “I do not know,” and 15% of the respondents think that they would be allowed to work part-time while studying full-time. This means that in the conditions of the free-market economy, students perceive that they have fewer opportunities to obtain higher education because they have to pay for it, so they have to work to have money to pay. At the same time, their university schedule and their schedule at work do not fit each other and university administrations may be unsupportive concerning working students as they may miss classes for their jobs (Maistruk, 2011). According to the survey data, 43% of the participants perceive that the government does not support lower income students, 30% think that the poor have benefits for admission to and studying at Ukrainian institutions of higher education, and 26% marked the answer “I do not know.” This breadth of responses shows that the real situation is unknown; it could be because these responses do not belong to the people with incomes below the poverty line. The data imply that in terms of access to learning opportunities, there are some areas where students think they can do better, but some areas in which they seem to be doing okay. Quality Estimating the percentage of institutions of higher education in Ukraine that provide quality education, 24% of participants responded that only one-half of institutions of higher education in Ukraine can provide quality education for students. A smaller number of students (21%) answered that quality education in Ukraine is provided by 75% of institutions of higher education. Sadly, the majority of respondents, 48%, perceive that only 25% of institutions of higher education in Ukraine provide quality training. Most students have given thought to the role higher education plays in their lives. Sixty-six and one-half percent of respondents think that knowledge is more important than having a higher education certificate, 5% of the surveyed answered “I do not know,” and 1.5% of students consider a higher education certificate and knowledge as equally valuable parts of one unit. Only 27% perceived that a higher education certificate as more valuable than the knowledge it conveys. Twenty-four percent of the participants think that if they enrolled in paid higher education, rather than on a tuition waiver, it would be easier for them to progress to a degree. However, 69% perceive that only knowledge matters in progressing to a degree. Ukrainian students’ responses indicate that they do realize that knowledge is more important than a college degree certificate. However, observing reality around them, they concede that for the sake of a better career they need both the education and the diploma. Engagement In answering questions about engagement aspects of social justice, there was a fairly wide range of respondents’ views. The majority of the participants responded that the country needs from 60% to 100% of the younger generation to have a college degree. Forty-four percent think that Ukraine needs 60% of the population to obtain higher education; 42% chose the full 100%; and only 4% consider that as low as 25% with degrees will satisfy Ukraine’s needs. In other words, participants perceive that engagement in education is important to life. Concerning the lecture/discussion ratio, student feedback indicates that 52% of respondents perceive that the ratio of 50/50 would be the most productive for learning in a theoretical course, 32% prefer a lecture/discussion ratio of 67/33, and 12% chose a 33/67 ratio of lecture to discussion. Four percent of students expressed their desire to have no more than 5% lecture in a theoretical course. In another example of how participants choose to be engaged, they were asked about their choice of learning more theory or practice at institutions of higher education: 52% of respondents answered that theory and practice should be delivered to students in equal parts (50/50), while 13% of the participants think that theory should be taught twice as many hours as practice. By contrast, 32% of students think that they should have twice as many — 16 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice practical classes as theory. Finally, 3% of respondents gave answers varying from “I do not know” (1.5%) to favoring 40% of lectures in a course (1.5%). In sum, about one-half of the surveyed students prefer to be taught theory and practice in equal parts, and at least 33.5% of respondents prefer to have more practice than theory in the studying, which means that students prefer to move to more applied education. The survey data imply that most students are not sure of their future despite the fact that they are already studying at the university and the probability to find a prestigious and well-paid job may be quite low. Seventeen percent of respondents chose the answer “I do not know” when asked if they will find a good job upon graduation. Only 26% of them think that they will be able to find a job in Ukraine in the field of their major. The findings imply that more than one-half of the participants (57%) are prepared to fail in finding a job according to their specialty in their own country. And so, the data implies that students do not feel secure in the own country even with higher education. They are ready to look for a job in other countries, which means a loss for Ukraine. Finally, to the survey’s open-ended question that asked participants to add something if it is not covered by the previous questions, 5% of students noted the dire need to monitor corruption in institutions of higher education. There were phrases like “Corruption!” (9 students), “Please, monitor corruption” (3 students), and “It’s a shame to have corruption here” (1 student). These remarks can be considered atypical, as usually Ukrainian students do not trust that survey responses will be taken into real consideration; this indicates very strong support for changing the situation related to social injustice. Conclusion Of course, students’ feedback based on one survey cannot serve as a guide for changing higher education in Ukraine, but it can provide some ideas and pathways to solutions for the existing problems. The authors fully realize that the data received from the 271 participants students are but the first step toward research for socially just higher education in Ukraine and a tiny step toward a democratic society. However, it is also important to consider that these results came from those Ukrainians who are already students; they have gained admission to university. If we had been able to survey Ukrainians who failed to enter institutions of higher education, the answers may have been much more critical of the state of society. Many of the answers we received were not very informative taken singly. However, analyzed in concert they provide a basis for further research based on a wider range of questions for the survey and engaging more students varying in age, major, location, social background, and so on. Our students’ voices may be very helpful in defining what might be changed in our national higher education. Further research may emphasize how students come to their perceptions, for example, where they get their information and how well-evidenced they perceive it to be. In addition, it might be interesting to uncover the reasons that many students chose “I don’t know” as answers on the survey. In addition, future studies might focus on dependence/influence/connection of respondents’ answers to their age and year of study at institutions of higher education, on the students’ gender, field of studies, and the institution where they are enrolled. Interviews and observations, along with the inclusion of faculty data, would also make for a richer and more complete picture of this context. We have a long way to go, but as Theodore Roosevelt said: “We can best get justice by doing justice” (Roosevelt, 1905). References Abeng, Z. (2013). Ukraine’s forgotten children with disabilities, left for dead. Zuzeeko.com: Home of Zuzeeko’s Blog. 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Retrieved from: http://pleyady.kiev.ua/korisni-statti/7166studentskij-borg-navchannja-v-kredit.html U Minosvity vyznaly fakty koruptsii v osviti [Ministry of education and science of Ukraine acknowledged the facts of corruption in education]. (2013). Osvita.ua. Retrieved from http://osvita.ua/vnz/ consultations/36679/ U.S. Department of State Bureau of Consular Affairs. (2014). Ukraine Human Rights Report. NCBuy.com. Retrieved from http://www. ncbuy.com/reference/country/humanrights. html?code=up&sec=5 Zajda, J., Majhanovich, S., Rust, V., & Martin-Sabina, E. (Eds.). (2006). Education and Social justice. Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Springer. Nataliia Borysenko, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Foreign Languages for Chemistry and Physics Schools of the Institute of Philology at Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University. She has also taught at the Institute for the Humanities of National Aviation University and at Pereiaslav-Khmelnytsky Hryhoriy Skovoroda State Pedagogical University. Dr. Nataliia Borysenko is a 2014—2015 Fulbright Fellow at College of Education, Washington State University (Pullman, WA). Petro Borysenko, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of Foreign Languages for Chemistry and Physics Schools of the Institute of Philology at Kyiv Taras Shevchenko National University. He also is an Adjunct professor at the Institute of Foreign Relations of National Aviation University and at PereiaslavKhmelnytsky Hryhoriy Skovoroda State Pedagogical University. Testuvannia ta rivnyi dostup do yakisnoi vyschoi osvity: — 18 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice Spotlight on the Road Map Project English Language Learner Action Plan and Implementation Tool Kit Roxana Norouzi and Hilary Loeb The South King County region is rich with racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity. Over two-thirds (67%) of students are students of color (Road Map Project, 2013). The region also represents over 160 different language groups and nearly one in five students (16%) speak a language other than English at home. Figure 1 provides a breakdown of English language learners [ELLs], by grade, illustrating that the majority are in the elementary grades. (Road Map Project & OneAmerica, 2013). Yet in a region of immense diversity, vast educational disparities still exist. In South King County1, ELLs drop out of school at close to twice the rate of non-ELL students. A sizable majority (90%) qualify for Free or Reduced Price Lunch (Road Map Project, 2013)2. These inequities reflect opportunity gaps for low-income, ELL, and students of color and call for a deep commitment to social justice in education. The Road Map Project Road Map Project ELL Work Group This article provides an overview of recent efforts as part of the Road Map Project to support ELL students to succeed academically. Launched in 2010, the Road Map Project is a direct response to the growing opportunity gap, the persistently inequitable allocation of resources in education which results in disparate outcomes for low-income and students of color in South King County. By addressing gaps in our local education systems, the Road Map Project’s collective action initiative is aimed at driving dramatic improvements in student achievement— cradle through college and career—in the low-income communities of South King County. The commitment is to double the number of students in the region who are on track to graduate from college or earn a career credential by 2020. Figure 1: Proportion of English Language Learners in Each Grade in South King County Road Map Region (Road Map Project & OneAmerica, 2013, p. 2) It was clear that an intentional focus on supporting ELL students was needed soon after the Road Map effort was launched. Led by the immigrant rights advocacy group OneAmerica, a network of school district representatives, community-based organizations, state agencies, and early learning/post-secondary institutions came together to form the Road Map Project ELL Work Group with the focus on identifying high pay-off strategies for ELLs. As a result of the collaborative work of individuals and organizations invested in closing the educational opportunity/achievement gap for ELLs in South King County, the group developed the Road Map ELL Action Plan and the Implementation Tool Kit (Road Map Project & OneAmerica, 2013). In early 2013, after working together for a year and a half, the team began developing an Action Plan framework by researching and establishing best practices to effectively support ELL students. This process included monthly Work Group meetings to design and refine the plan, an all-day retreat to mutually determine priorities, inventories of current district and department practices, and numerous meetings throughout the year with experts in each of the key focus areas. ELL Action Plan and Tool Kit The purpose of the Action Plan is to identify key systems level change strategies for ELLs that will help the Road Map Project reach the 2020 goal of doubling the number of students on track to earn a postsecondary degree or credential and support the successful integration of ELL ____________________ 1. South King County school districts include Auburn, Federal Way, Highline, Kent, Renton, Seattle, and Tukwila. 2. Data on ELLs was not available for Seattle and Kent School District — 19 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN students in the school system. The Action Plan and implementation Tool Kit, developed by leaders of the ELL Work Group, articulates comprehensive action steps for creating a stronger and more equitable education system for ELLs. First, the group determined the priorities and defined the basic elements that must exist in every institution for comprehensive support of ELL students, intentionally and visually placing the student at the center of all efforts. Most importantly, the Work Group emphasized equity because they believe that linguistically and culturally diverse students and their families bring value and asset to our classrooms and communities. To ensure all students reach their full potential, current and former English language learners must be intentionally prioritized within our educational structure, with accountability tied to ELL student performance within all institutions. (Road Map Project & OneAmerica, 2013, p. 4) A cornerstone of the efforts of the ELL Work Group is that educational success will only be actualized for all students through a focus on equity and the strengths that students bring to their education as opposed to the deficits. The Action Plan and Tool Kit identify numerous approaches to improve services to ELLs and their parents and caregivers within five domains of practice (see Figure 2 below). For example, in “Strong Instructional Practice” the Work Group has cited training for teachers and administrators focused on the needs of ELLs so they may be prioritized in school improvement efforts and policy decisions. A related goal is to provide professional development for all teachers in learning and implementing instructional strategies that will be effective with ELLs. It follows that all teachers will need to be supported in aligning ELL instruction with the Common Core and Next Generation Science Standards so ELL students have access to core content and can gain language skills within the context of academic coursework. (See Figure 2 below) ELL Policy Developments As a result of this collective action work over the past English Language Learner GroupGroup Action Plan two years, the ELLWork Work has secured a number of Figure 2: ELL Action Plan Framework (Road Map Project & OneAmerica, 2013, p. 6) Reflect linguistic and cultural diversity in curriculum and teaching practice Provide primary language instruction Create articulated pathways for high school to college completion Promote family engagement support that reflects student demographics Provide outreach and guidance for postsecondary options Communicate importance of primary language and culture to families Train all teachers to support ELLs and align with new standard Train state, district, and school leadership in ELL needs Collect defined ELL typology data Use appropriate assessments to determine needs and course placement — 20 — OneAmerica / December 2013 a journal for research, leadership, and practice positive developments for ELLs. These include: • Implementing policies and practices in all seven Road Map Districts to allow students to earn competency based credit for knowledge of their home language further instilling language and culture as a strength in our education system, • Securing $18.8 million in new state basic education dollars to support ELLs who have transitioned out of ELL programs but still need support to reach academic proficiency as these students are at great risk of falling into the opportunity gap, and • Gaining funding to provide over 80 teachers and principals with the opportunity to earn an ELL endorsement in the Road Map Region of South King County so they are better prepared to teach and build systems for ELL students. World Language Credit and Seal of Biliteracy One of the greatest accomplishments of the ELL Work Group has been efforts to establish language and diversity as an asset in education. The underlying tenant of many ELL programs is to teach students English as quickly as possible, yet the ELL Work Group has taken a stand around the importance of home language development and cultivation alongside English to advance academic success. One way in which the group has furthered this effort is the opportunity for students who are fluent in a language other than English to earn World Language Credits by demonstrating proficiency in that language through assessments approved by the Office of the Superintendent of Public Instruction (OSPI) (OSPI, n.d.). Several years ago, Seattle and Highline began offering this opportunity to their students and as a result of the collective work of the ELL Work Group and pilot funding from a local foundation, now all seven Road Map School districts have policies and practices in place to award competency-based language credits. So far, over 1,500 students in the Road Map Region have earned over 4,000 credits in more than 50 different languages. An effort like this emphasizes the strengths and assets that immigrant and refugee communities bring into their educational experience. Along with the academic benefits and making these students more competitive in an emerging global economy this opportunity has instilled a sense of cultural pride in ELLs. Education Northwest reported on the early implementation of the World Language Credit in the Road Map Region (Greenberg Motamedi & Jaffery, 2014). The researchers state that the number of ELLs has grown to over 50,000 students in 2012-13, a number that has increased by 50% since 2004-5. The evaluation found that students were assessed in 47 languages, with over 70% earning three or four high school credits on their transcripts. Receiving these credits made students confident about their bilingualism. While participation in this program did not change students’ attitudes toward school, the program helped free up schedules so students could graduate on time. The program also helped students recognize the personal, social, and cultural value of bilingualism. As a result of this momentum in the Road Map region, along with the advocacy of the ELL Work Group and grassroots mobilization in immigrant communities the legislature passed a bill and Governor Inslee signed a law in March 2014 stating that students demonstrating a high level of proficiency in world languages other than English would receive a Seal of Biliteracy on their transcript and diploma. Washington is one of nine states that have passed a seal that officially recognizes students for being bilingual. Other states include California, Illinois, Louisiana, Minnesota, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Texas (Californians Together, Velázquez Press, & the National Association of Bilingual Education, n.d.). The emerging regional efforts to honor bilingualism and raise achievement for ELLs indicates that addressing the needs of this student population goes beyond academics and meeting new standards. This work is anchored in a social justice agenda to help ensure that school systems tailor supports to all ELLs as they recognize and build on the assets these students bring. The ELL Work Plan and Tool Kit are rich resources that provide a research-based framework for policies and practices in educational settings. The Tool Kit addresses the complexity of serving ELLs and their families by providing guidance on community relations, instruction, and policy development. In 2015, the ELL Work Group will continue to focus on implementation of the ELL Action Plan with a specific focus on diversifying the teacher workforce to better match the demographics of the student population, providing an array of postsecondary opportunities to older ELL students and establishing more community and institutional partnerships to meet the needs of diverse students and families. The hope is that innovations in South King County can serve as an example for educators and systems across Washington and can spur significant shifts in education that enable all ELL students to reach their full potential. — 21 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN References About the Authors Californians Together, Velázquez Press & the National Association of Bilingual Education. sealofbiliteracy.org (n.d.). Retrieved January 2015, from http://sealofbiliteracy.org/ Greenberg Motamedi, J., & Jaffery, Z. (2014). Credit for proficiency: The impact of the Road Map World Language Credit Program on student attitudes toward bilingualism and school. Portland, OR: Education Northwest. Retrieved December 2014, from http://www.k12.wa.us/WorldLanguages/ RoadMap/Road_Map_Credit_for_Proficiency_ Report.pdf Office of the Superintendent of Public Instruction (n.d.). Competency credits for world languages. Retrieved December 2014, from http://www.k12.wa.us/WorldLanguages/ CompetencyBasedCredits.aspx Road Map Project. (2013). 2013 Results Report. Seattle, WA: Road Map Project. Retrieved December 2014, from http://www.roadmapproject.org/wpcontent/uploads/2013/12/2013-Results-Report_ Reduced-File-Sz.pdf Hilary Loeb has worked on multiple efforts to address access to and success in postsecondary education. She directs the Puget Sound Coalition for College and Career Readiness at the Puget Sound Educational Service District. Roxana Norouzi has worked with immigrant and refugee populations in the Seattle area for the past 10 years. Currently, she leads work around the closing the opportunity gap for ELLS as the Director of Education and Integration Policy for OneAmerica, Washington State’s largest immigrant right’s organization. Road Map Project & OneAmerica (2013). English Language Learner Work Group Action Plan and Tool Kit. Retrieved December 2014, from http://www.roadmapproject.org/wp-content/ uploads/2014/01/ELL-Work-Group-Action-Plan. pdf — 22 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice Using a CORE Cohort Model to Close the Achievement Gap for Underserved Ninth Grade Students Jebadiah Lillejord and Jeremy Delamarter Abstract Closing the so-called “achievement gap” is an issue of social justice. Though programs designed to serve motivated at-risk students are somewhat effective at closing this gap, “unmotivated” students from underserved populations are in danger of dropping out. Programs that stress relationships and academic rigor may provide support for these underserved students. At-risk and “unmotivated” ninth-grade students participated in a CORE cohort model. After one academic year, students in the CORE cohort passed their classes at a significantly higher rate than students in the control group. CORE students also demonstrated a significant increase in STAR reading scores from September to May, while the control group did not. However, survey results indicate that despite the program’s tentative successes, participants had mixed feelings about the cohort model, and the program’s long-term effects remain unclear. Keywords: Social justice, at-risk students, CORE, achievement gap Students Closing the so-called “achievement gap” has become increasingly recognized as an issue of social justice, and educators have called for many different responses: social justice pedagogy (Esposito & Swann, 2009; Kraft, 2007), representative curriculum (Gibson & Parks, 2014), community relationships (Carlisle, Jackson, & George, 2006; DeLugan, Roussos, & Skram, 2014), and increased rigor (Callopy, Bowman, & Taylor, 2012) to name a few. As important as these individual components are, the heroic efforts of an individual teacher to incorporate them into her lessons may not be enough to confront and overcome the inequalities both in students’ prior learning and in their social realities. Instead, systemic and programmatic interventions designed to support the academic and personal growth of underserved students are a necessary part of equitable education (Carlisle, Jackson, & George, 2006). Recently, programmatic responses to the achievement gap have begun to serve the needs of the culturally and/ or economically disadvantaged students (Bergerson, 2009). For example, the AVID program is designed for highly motivated students whose cultural, familial, and/ or linguistic background means that they are unlikely to attend college. The AVID program “targets students of color and low socioeconomic students by making a college preparatory curriculum available to them” (p. 90). Evidence suggests that the AVID program serves these students well, and, in one local district, AVID students from minorities and at-risk groups enroll in AP classes at almost three times the rate of their non-AVID counterparts (Mizrahi, 2014). But AVID does not reach everyone, and some disadvantaged students still fall through the cracks. While AVID serves students who are motivated to go to college, few programs exist for students who do not display such interest. Unfortunately, these “unmotivated” students often represent racial and cultural minorities, and they often come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Unfortunately, they often lack familial and cultural support systems that might promote academic excellence. Though schools have enacted programs like AVID to support motivated “at-risk” students, these “unmotivated” students’ needs often go unmet, and by as early as ninth grade, many of them have already become casualties of the educational system (McCallumore & Sparapani, 2010). One key aspect of supporting these “unmotivated” and underserved students is by creating a system that stresses both relationships and rigor (Rivera-McCutchen, 2012). Accordingly, cohort models that emphasize both the interdependence among cohort members and the relational support of faculty and staff might serve to meet these students’ social and academic needs. With this in mind, one large, urban high school in the Puget Sound area created a cohort model for disadvantaged, incoming ninth graders who had been identified as at risk of dropping out and who did not qualify for AVID or other, more traditional support structures. This cohort model— known as the CORE program—included both structured and individualized academic support by a team of CORE teachers, as well as a common progression through rigorous academic courses. What follows is a description of the program itself and its impact on students’ STAR reading scores, course pass rates, and absenteeism after one year. The quantitative measures of program impact are augmented by qualitative student surveys. — 23 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN The CORE Program The CORE program as described here took place during the 2013-2014 school year. By creating a cohort model in which participants took their academic courses with the same group of students, by creating a first-period CORE class designed to foster meta-cognitive goal setting and monitoring, and by creating a regular and intentional communication system among all CORE teachers, the CORE program hoped to 1) raise student achievement and 2) create a sense of belonging and interdependence among the group and between students and teachers. It was hoped that creating a sense of community would contribute not only to students’ immediate academic success but also to their longer term commitment to school. Achieving these aims required a multi-faceted approach. Participants The CORE program was enacted at a large suburban 9-12 public high school in the Pacific Northwest. Sixtyone percent of the students were non-white (roughly 25% Hispanic, 20% Asian/Pacific Islander, 9% African American, 7% two or more races). There were 54% of the students on free or reduced lunch. To select participants for the study, the high school administrative team and CORE-subject teachers created a survey that was sent to eighth-grade teachers in the two feeder middle schools. Teachers were asked to identify students who were: 1) not enrolled in support programs like special education or AVID; 2) struggling academically, as evidenced by MSP scores and in-class work; 3) absent fewer than 10 times in the school year; and 4) not discipline problems, as evidenced by classroom behavior and lack of suspensions. High school administrators and teachers met with the identified students to confirm their fitness for the study. In the end, 45 students were asked to join the CORE program upon entering ninth grade, and 41 students agreed to participate. These students composed the treatment group (n=41). Nine teachers volunteered to be CORE teachers. Two regular, non-honors ninth-grade English classes were chosen as the control group (n=60). Induction through Summer Bridge To foster relationships, CORE students attended a week-long summer bridge program. This allowed them to become familiar with the school, meet some of the teachers, and participate in activities where they began to develop a positive association with school. For example, students worked in small groups to develop trust and rapport through games and activities such as a trust fall, three-legged races, etc. These basic and carefully selected team-building activities began the process of creating camaraderie and interdependence, which are key traits in a functional cohort. They also engaged in more pragmatic activities, such as learning about the layout of the school building and locating their future classrooms. The combined purpose and effect of these activities was not only to demystify the first days of high school but also to create a sense of anticipation and excitement among the students. First Period CORE Once the school year began, the CORE students were divided into two cohorts, one with 20 students and the other with 22. Each cohort was enrolled in a first-period academic skills class. The class was a hybrid of teambuilding and academic support. Early in the year, first period CORE teachers worked with students to set goals, both personal and academic. Students’ goals were posted on classroom walls, and the entire class participated in monitoring each others’ progress throughout the year. The academic skills class also gave students a chance to reflect on their academic progress in other content classes. Students struggling in humanities courses worked with their first period CORE teachers to identify specific areas of weakness, and the teacher would help them craft a plan to catch up on missing work or to approach the other teacher to ask for help. The first period CORE teachers would begin and end each week by officially checking in with other CORE teachers regarding students’ progress and behavior. When necessary, these issues were addressed in first period. Students also used this time to collaborate on homework. Teachers sometimes paired students intentionally for group work. Other times, students self-selected according to need. Some class periods were used for team building, while others focused on specific academic skills. Overall, the first period CORE classes were fluid and dynamic, allowing teachers to respond to students’ needs and to differentiate instruction on an almost daily basis. The academic support provided during first period CORE was designed with these disadvantaged students in mind. Because these students did not qualify for other academic support, such as ELL, Special Education, or AVID programs, and because of their disadvantaged backgrounds they had been identified as being in danger of failing and/or dropping out. By and large, these students lack familial and/or cultural support structures. Therefore, the daily accountability that the CORE teacher — 24 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice and the rest of the cohort provided played a critical role in creating an environment in which these students might not only survive in school but thrive, as well. Other CORE Classes The accountability continued beyond first period. Each cohort remained together for math, science, English, and social studies. These classes, combined with the first-period class, comprised the CORE classes. Thus, students attended five of their seven classes with their CORE cohort. Students were able to choose different electives, but, due to scheduling logistics, many ended up taking the same electives, such as PE. CORE Teachers At the end of the previous school year (Spring 2013), the principal had asked nine teachers to consider participating in the CORE program. All nine teachers— two math, two English, two general science, one social studies, and the two first period CORE teachers— agreed to participate. Their participation was voluntary. During in-service days at the beginning of the school year, prior to students’ arrival on campus, the nine teachers met to establish their communication protocols. They agreed to write weekly email progress reports for each student. These progress reports were sent to the other teachers. Thus, all nine teachers were aware of each student’s academic and social progress. Furthermore, student concerns and/or highlights became the property and responsibility of the entire group. In addition to the required weekly emails regarding student progress, CORE teachers from both cohorts met once a month in a common, teacher-directed Professional Learning Community (PLC). They set their group agenda based on the needs they were observing in their CORE classes. They discussed strategies for student intervention, analyzed student data (e.g., class grades, STAR test scores, and discipline/attendance records), and examined resources for their own professional growth. Each PLC meeting was attended by an intervention specialist who served as an additional resource. Additionally, CORE teachers met as needed to discuss acute student problems, both social and academic. CORE Celebrations To reward student progress, CORE celebrations were planned at the end of each semester. First through third periods were blocked off, and students with passing grades and few absences/disciplinary issues were able to attend a party. Students who were failing one or more class used this time to catch up on missing work or make an academic plan. Students with multiple absences/ disciplinary infractions met with the Dean of Students for an intervention. Assessments Both CORE and control groups took the STAR reading test three times: in September, January, and again in May. The September and May tests constitute pre- and posttests. The STAR test was chosen as a measure of students’ academic progress for four reasons: 1) the STAR test was already in use by the district; 2) the Center for Response to Intervention highlighted the STAR test’s reliability, validity, and generalizability when working with at-risk students; 3) the STAR test was already set to be administered three times during the school year, making repeated measures of students’ progress feasible; and 4) the STAR test allowed for grade-level benchmarks to be set, and the flexibility of the test allowed for easy implementation. Toward the end of the school year, students were surveyed about their perceptions of the CORE program. These qualitative surveys contained three openended questions that asked students to identify the advantages and disadvantages of the CORE program and to identify which aspects of the program they considered the most helpful. The survey also contained three yes/no questions asking whether students would recommend the program to others, whether they liked the small class sizes, and whether they liked their CORE teachers. In addition, rates of attendance and passing grades were gathered for both groups at the end of each semester. Results To track students’ academic progress during the CORE program, three different quantitative measures were used: comparisons between groups’ overall pass rates, STAR reading scores within groups, and STAR reading scores between groups. In order to assess the CORE program’s impact on students’ commitment to school and sense of belonging, a quantitative comparison of groups’ attendance rates was used. In addition, CORE students were given an open-ended, qualitative survey regarding their perceptions of the program and its effects at the end of the school year. — 25 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN Academic Progress The CORE group’s mean scores increased significantly from the pretest to the midtest (df = 1; F = 9.892; p = .003). However, the CORE group’s means decreased from the midtest to the posttest. This decrease was not significant (p = .733). Despite this decrease, the overall gains from the pretest to the posttest were still significant (df = 40; t = -2.662; p = .011). Classes passed. A higher percentage of CORE students passed all of their classes at the end of both semesters. In addition, the disparity between CORE and control group pass rates increased over time, and the difference between their second semester pass rates was significant (Table 1). Though the control group’s mean scores were higher overall, they did not demonstrate overall significant increase. Furthermore, in contrast to the CORE group, the control group’s data indicated a sphericity violation (Mauchly’s score: p = .006). With sphericity assumed, there was no omnibus significance between the means (df = 2; F = 2.129; p = .123). Because of the sphericity violation, the Greenhouse-Geisser values were also taken into account. These were also not significant (df = 1.723; F = 2.129; p = .131). The lack of omnibus significance was confirmed by within-subjects contrasts. The control group’s means decreased slightly from pretest to midtest. The means also increased from midtest to posttest. There were no significant differences between any of the control group’s means, including the pretest and the posttest (df = 59; t = -1.456; p = .151). The CORE group increased or maintained their passing percentage from first to second semesters. In contrast, the passing percentage the control group decreased over time. The number of control group students failing two classes increased between first and second semesters, whereas fewer CORE students were failing two classes by the end of the second semester. The difference between the groups was not significant. The differences between the groups grew, however, and by the end of the second semester, CORE students were passing all seven classes at a significantly higher rate than the control group (df = 99; t = 2.132; p = .019). Reading scores within groups. Because STAR reading scores were gathered three times from the same students, a general linear model of repeated measures was used to compare scores (Table 2). Reading scores – between groups. Though the control Table 1 Course Pass Rates by Semester n Passing Percentages Passing five courses (failing two) Passing six courses (failing one) Passing seven courses (failing none) 1st Sem 2nd Sem 1st Sem 2nd Sem 1st Sem 2nd Sem CORE Group 41 12.2% (n=5) 9.75% (n=4) 19.5% (n=8) 19.5% (n=8) 68.3% (n=28) 70.75% (n=29)* Control Group 60 23.3% (n=14) 25% (n=15) 13.3% (n=8) 16.7% (n=10) 63.3% (n=38) 58.3% (n=35) * Significant at the .05 level Table 2 STAR Reading Scores – Within Groups n STAR Reading Scores September Pretest January Midtest Mean Score Changes May Posttest m SD m SD m SD Pre to Mid Mid to Post Pre to Post CORE Group 41 771 207 835 228 827 250 +64** -8 +56* Control Group 60 890 218 885 228 921 248 -5 +36 +31 * Significant at the .05 level ** Significant at the .01 level — 26 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice group’s posttest scores were higher than the CORE group’s scores, the only significant difference between the groups’ scores were on the pretest (Table 3). Table 3 STAR Reading Scores – Between Groups n STAR Reading Scores September Pretest January Midtest MayPosttest m m m CORE Group 41 771 835 827 Control Group 60 890 885 921 119** 50 94 Mean Score Differences ** Significant at the .01 level An independent samples t-test was used to compare the groups’ mean scores on the three tests. The only significant difference was found between the groups’ pretest scores (df = 99; t = -2.734; p = .007). The differences between the midtest (df = 99; t = -1.085; p = .281) and posttest (df = 99; t = -1.862; p = .066) scores were not significant. In conclusion, although both groups’ scores rose overall, only the CORE group demonstrated significant improvement from the pretest to the posttest. Furthermore, although the control group had higher overall scores, the groups’ posttest scores were not significantly different. In addition, the CORE group started with significantly lower pretest scores. Their significant improvement between the pre- and posttests rendered the difference between the groups’ posttest’s scores insignificant. Commitment to School and Sense of Belonging Attendance rates. Both CORE and control groups exhibited a significantly higher number of absences in the second semester when compared to the first semester. The CORE group averaged 15.41 absences in the first semester and 42.6 in the second semester: this was significant at the .001 level (df = 40; t = -5.785; p = .000). Similarly, the control group averaged 11.83 first semester absences and 30.13 second semester absences, which is also significant at the .001 level (df = 59; t= -7.757; p = .000). However, though both groups showed a significant increase in absences, there was no significant difference between the groups’ absences in either semester. Student perceptions of the CORE program. Twentynine students (71%) completed the end of program survey. The researchers used grounded theory to identify the trends emerging from the narrative data in the responses to questions 1-3 and to code the data into discrete categories (Richards, 2005). Question One: “What are the advantages of the CORE program?” Analysis of the data revealed that responses fell into two general categories. Eleven students (38%) reported that the extra time provided by the firstperiod CORE class was the greatest advantage of the program. Seven students (24%) cited “organization” as an advantage, though it is unclear from the data whether they meant that the program was well-organized or that it had helped them with their own organization. Other categorical responses (e.g., “motivation” or “extra help”) had fewer than three responses and do not indicate trends. Only two students responded that there was no advantage to the program. Question Two: “What are the disadvantages of the CORE program?” As with Question 1, the responses to Question 2 fell into two categories. Twelve students (41%) claimed that seeing the same students in every class was a disadvantage. In contrast, nine students (31%) reported that there were no disadvantages to the program. Other categorical responses (e.g., “confusion” or “more focused discipline”) had only one response. Question Three: “What did you find the most helpful about the CORE program?” Three categorical responses emerged from the data. Ten students (34%) found “organization” to be the most helpful, although, again, it is unclear whether they meant personal or programmatic organization. Ten students (34%) cited “extra time” as the most helpful aspect of the program, and six students (21%) said that “motivation” was most helpful. Two students (7%) found “academic success” to be helpful, and one student (3%) claimed that there was nothing helpful about the program. Questions 4-6 were yes/no. Twenty-eight students (97%) said they would recommend the CORE program to others, 28 (97%) said they liked the small class sizes, and 28 (97%) said that they liked their teachers. Discussion The data gathered here tell a complicated and sometimes contradictory story. At first glance, some aspects of the CORE program seem to have yielded significant and positive results, particularly in the percentage of courses passed by CORE students and in their overall increase on the STAR reading test. The students who participated in the CORE program had been deemed to be at risk of dropping out of high school based on their middle school test scores, grades, attendance, and disciplinary referrals. At the end of the first semester, both CORE and control groups passed roughly the same number of classes. By the end of the second semester, however, the CORE group passed a significantly higher number of courses — 27 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN than the control group. Additionally, though the students in the control group outperformed the CORE students on STAR reading exams, the disparity between the groups narrowed dramatically over the course of the year. The CORE group’s September pretest scores were significantly lower than the control group’s. By the posttest in May, however, the CORE group had made significant gains, while the control group actually lost ground. This suggests that whatever impact the CORE program might have on students’ reading performance takes effect early in the process. Though the CORE group scored slightly lower on the posttest in May, their overall gains for the year were significant. In contrast, the control group did not demonstrate significant improvement over the course of the year, and by May, though a gap between the groups’ scores remained, it was no longer statistically significant. In essence, the once-significant achievement gap between the CORE and control students disappeared. Though encouraging, these results must be interpreted with caution. Equivalency between groups was not established, and it is possible that the CORE and control groups represent two different populations. Students were neither randomly selected nor assigned, and other, non-identified variables may be at play. Furthermore, longitudinal data establishing a relationship between CORE participation and other measures of academic success (e.g., high school graduation, SAT scores, college acceptance, etc.) do not yet exist. It may be that a one-year intervention is insufficient to effect lasting change, and it may be that CORE would be most effective if continued on in 10th grade and beyond. The long-term impact of the CORE program remains unknown, and though data on the original CORE participants continues to be collected, it will be years before they can be analyzed for possible longitudinal effects. In addition, it is possible that other measures of academic improvement may have yielded different results. The STAR reading tests were chosen due to a combination of practical and financial factors, and evidence of the CORE program’s effect on math and/or science performance was not collected. It is possible that whatever impact the program has is narrowly limited to performance on this one measure alone. remain, however, particularly with The lack of affiliation with the group is perhaps mirrored by the dramatic spike in absences in the second semester. Though the data do not suggest any causal relationship between increased absences and lack of group affiliation, the non-significant differences between the CORE cohort’s the control group’s second-semester absences seem to support the theory that CORE students’ commitment to school and/or sense of belonging did not increase. Whatever effect the CORE program may have had on commitment to school and sense of belonging did not manifest in differing attendance rates. The question, then, remains: if the CORE program had a positive impact on student achievement, what were the means of that impact? Which aspects of the program were the most effective in fostering academic success? On the whole, students attributed their academic success to “increased time” and “organization.” As stated earlier, it is unclear from their responses what they meant by organization. It may be that the CORE program helped them organize their own academic priorities, or it may be that they were commenting on the organized communication among CORE teachers, though the latter is unlikely. It is possible that students were referring to the meta-cognitive impacts of the program. The goal setting and reflective activities in the first period CORE class may have been the most impactful on their own learning. This is speculation, however, and the short nature of students’ responses do not allow for a more detailed and nuanced analysis. Furthermore, only 29 of 41 (71%) of the CORE students responded to the survey, and it is possible that students who were dissatisfied with the program did not respond. What is clear, however, is that despite the tentatively positive data on CORE students’ academic performance, the aspects of the CORE program that were the most effective remain unknown. Students’ self-assessments may not be accurate; these surveys were qualitative, and no reliability or validity data exists. Additionally, the attendance records and survey results seem to indicate no increased commitment to school or the group. In fact, a number of students cited the group as a weakness of the the program. Given the tentatively encouraging data on — 28 — Nevertheless, given the importance of ninth grade for students at risk of dropping out, the academic improvement demonstrated by the CORE students may be met with cautious optimism. Though a great deal remains unknown, these initial results suggest that the CORE program merits further study as a potential instrument for closing the achievement gap. Concerns quantitative and qualitative data addressing students’ commitment to school and sense of belonging. It was hypothesized that a cohort model would create a sense of interdependence, and that students’ increased academic performance would be due in part to their commitment to the group and to each other. And yet, despite nearly all of the respondents reporting that they liked the CORE program and would recommend it, nearly 50% of them claimed that the greatest disadvantage to the program was seeing the same students in every class. They identified the group as the program’s greatest liability. a journal for research, leadership, and practice CORE students’ academic progress, however, it is our hope that future studies will seek to broaden the scope of inquiry into both the short and long-term academic impact of ninth-grade cohort models and the actual means of that impact. Ultimately, we hope for a systematic approach toward inclusion and equity that enables all students to succeed. About the Authors Jebadiah Lillejord has been a teacher and data analyst for 10 years in the Federal Way Public Schools. He earned his doctorate in Curriculum and Instruction from Seattle Pacific University. References Bergerson, A. A. (2009). College preparation programs. ASHE Higher Education Report, 35(4), 85-97. Callopy, R., Bowman, C., & Taylor, D. A. (2012). The educational achievement gap as a social justice issue for teacher educators. Catholic Education, 16(1), 2-25. Carlisle, L. R., Jackson, B. W., & George, A. (2006). Principles of social justice education: The social justice education in schools project. Equity & Excellence in Education, 39, 55-56. DeLugan, R. M., Roussos, S., & Skram, G. (2014). Linking acadmemic and community guidelines for community-engaged scholarship. Journal of Higher Education Outreach and Engagement, 18(1), 155-167. Jeremy Delamarter is an assistant professor and director of field experiences for the College of Education at Northwest University in Kirkland, Washington. His research interests include the relationship between teacher preparation programs and pre-service teacher identity formation. Esposito, J., & Swann, A. N. (2009). Pathways to social justice: Urban teachers’ use of culturally relevant pedagogy as a conduit for teaching social justice. Perspectives on Urban Education, 38-48. Gibson, K., & Parks, M. W. (2014). Toward social justice: Literature to promote multiple perspectives. Promising Practice, 21(2), 41-50. Kraft, M. (2007). Towards a school-wide model of teaching for social justice: An examination of the best practices of two small public schools. Equity & Excellence, 40(1), 77-87. McCallumore, K., & Sparapani, E. (2010). The importance of ninth grade on high school graduation rates and student success in high school. Education Digest, 76(2), 60-64. Mizrahi, L. (2014). Annual AVID Report. 2014 Northwest University College of Education Faculty Development. Bellevue, WA. Richards, L. (2005). Handling qualitative data. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Rivera-McCutchen, R. L. (2012). Caring in a small urban high school: A complicated success. Urban Education, 47(3), 653-680. — 29 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN The Principal Preparation Inventory and Its Contribution to the Growth of Educational Leadership Candidates’ Capacity in Working with ELL Students Dr. Tiffany Wright, EdD and Dr. Cheryl T. Desmond, PhD and Ms. Sara Sharkey Abstract Principal candidates in preparation programs who are able to understand and support the social, economic, and cultural diversity of the students, staff, and community they will lead must engage meaningfully with these issues throughout their preparation program, and develop the knowledge, skills, and experiences that examine and underpin civil rights and racial justice through their integration into the program and as demonstrated in assessment outcomes. One area where this is seen is through an assessment that is comprised of several “real-life” scenario-based experiences that challenge the candidate to respond positively to various challenges that a principal will encounter including those of civil rights and racial justice, and it provides information to the student about areas of individual needed growth and to program faculty to inform curriculum and instruction. The focus of this particular article is to highlight the results of the module related to working with English language learning (ELL) students and families. Keywords: principal preparation, ELL, social justice Statement of Purpose The preparation of educational leaders and principals who will advocate for civil rights and racial justice in schools and communities requires more than a dip in the water via a module with related assignment in one course in their program. Principal candidates who are able to understand and support the social, economic, and cultural diversity of the students, staff, and community they will lead must engage meaningfully with these issues throughout their preparation program, and develop the knowledge, skills, and experiences that examine and underpin civil rights and racial justice through their integration into each course, in case studies, in the internships, and importantly, as demonstrated in assessment outcomes. We highlight a cohort-based, master’s and postmaster’s program, initiated in 1998, that was designed with social justice and civil rights as a core component of each aspect of the program. As one illustration of the commitment to social justice, we require each candidate to complete a day-long, diagnostic assessment after completing the first course to determine each candidate’s composite of knowledge, skills, and experiences accrued to this point on the path as a teacher/leader and the candidate’s adherence to legal, ethical, just decision-making, and underlying understanding of social justice as it relates to schools and K-12 students. This particular article will focus on the ESL student case study module that emphasizes one component of diversity necessary for school leaders to value. will encounter, including those of civil rights and racial justice. We focus on the candidate’s descriptive analysis of one of these scenarios, when responding to the needs of an ELL student and to her family’s concerns and in compliance with Title III. This is one section of the larger mixed method assessment instrument, administered to aspiring principal candidates in a master’s and postmaster’s principal certification program at a regional, comprehensive state university. The purpose of the comprehensive instrument is twofold: 1) To provide a pre-assessment of a candidate’s readiness for the role of principal early in their program and to serve as a diagnostic tool for the candidate’s subsequent course work and the concluding internships and 2) to inform any necessary curricular and pedagogical changes to the program for each cohort of candidates. Theoretical Framework According the United States Department of Education, teacher and principal preparation programs need to be included in the larger conversations related to staff evaluation and providing equitable learning environments for all students (Rich, 2014). Just as the educational literature has emphasized the importance of teachers understanding the cultural differences of children, scholars and researchers in the field of principal preparation have urged training programs to educate their candidates for cultural diversity, inclusion, and social justice (Hernandez & Kose, 2012). In addition, much of the research over the The assessment is comprised of six “real-life” scenario- past decade has painted a poor picture of educational based experiences that challenge the candidate to leadership preparation in the U.S. Hess and Kelley (2005) respond positively to various challenges that a principal contend that graduate schools usually do nothing more — 30 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice than hope that aspiring principals are prepared for their role. Levine (2005), in his extensive examination of principal preparation programs, concluded that the majority of the programs ranged from “inadequate to appalling” (p. 23). He found that, as a rule, university courses within principal preparation programs often had little connection to each other and scant relevance to the demands and expectations of modern-day administrators. The expectations for scholarship were poor, thus encouraging those interested in receiving an advanced degree the opportunity to do so with minimal credentials and effort. At the same time, Leithwood and Jantzi (2005) published a review of the research on transformational leadership which has led to a growing body of scholarship on effective leadership frameworks and practices and on exemplary preparation programs1. In 2006, King, Levinger, and Schoener identified the importance of rubrics and performance indicators in improving the quality of the knowledge and skills measured and developed through the process of program candidate assessment and growth. Currently, the assessment is given to first-year students to ascertain current skills and provide individual and program guidance. Our graduate program in leadership for teaching and learning aims to provide preparation that facilitates school leaders’ propensity to lead from a social justice perspective while developing and demonstrating the knowledge, skills, and practices of exemplary school leaders. Increasingly, the body of literature on school leadership has pointed to the importance of social justice in regard to race, ethnicity, social class, and cultural diversity in growing educational leaders. The education and support of English language learners (ELL) in PK-12 schooling is an area demanding increased attention. Between 1998 and 2009 there was a 51% increase in the number of ELL students in U.S. schools—from 3.5 million to 5.3 million—representing about 10% of the student population (Roy-Campbell, 2013). The ELL population has spread beyond the major urban areas and states where it has typically resided. Theorharis and O’Toole (2011) conducted research on school leaders serving the population of ELL students in their schools. The authors found that, to better serve their ELL population, school leaders opened themselves up to the challenges and needs of ELL students. Following this new knowledge, they involved themselves in efficient restructuring of their school. This rebuilding included educating and certifying fellow faculty and staff, communicating with families and community, and building a continuous, uninterrupted connection between _______________________ ELL students and the school community. Researching further, Theorharis and O’Toole (2011) discovered that school leaders and other school staff dedicated time to observe and recognize the disconnection between ELL students and their classroom environment when utilizing pullout ELS services. This led to a school-wide collaboration to adopt co-teaching methods, in order to serve their ELL community more efficiently. This approach allowed ELL students to sit among their fellow Englishspeaking classmates without interruption, while both the ELS and classroom teacher co-create educational goals and delivered instruction togetherness. In their study on sustaining high performance and learning in Florida public elementary schools, with majority students of color and at least 10% designated as ELL, Acker-Hocevar and Cruz-Janzen (2008) identified the actual tasks performed by teachers and principals and their skills, knowledge, and values that contributed to student success. They concluded that “principal and teacher preparation programs must be changed ‘from the ground up,’ away from traditional and theoretical role definitions with better connections to the actual tasks performed by teachers and principals in successful schools” (Acker-Hocevar and Cruz-Janzen, 2008, p. 87) Brooks, Adams, & MoritaMullaney (2010) supported these studies by transforming their conversations as school leaders beyond surface issues relating to working with ELL students to conduct deeper discussions about relations of power in schools and how that specifically impacts the ELL population. The conclusions of this research carry implications for educational leadership programs that prepare candidates who will work as leaders to advocate for the inclusion of all students in appropriate educational programming and who will develop a school climate and culture that will enable the academic and behavioral success of ELL populations. Description of the Assessment In 2008-2009, the program coordinator and one permanent faculty member joined with five recently retired or current administrators to design the program’s new assessment instrument, the Principal Preparation Inventory (PPI). The series of six scenarios in the instrument included “real-life” case studies that focused on the principal’s job tasks: teacher supervision/instructional leadership; school, parent and community relations; English language learners and diversity; special education; student achievement outcomes; and data-driven decision making. The scenarios were aligned with state standards for principal certification and with NCATE’s Educational Leadership Constituent Council standards for leadership programs. 1. See Martin & Papa, 2008; Goldring, Huff, Spillane, & Barnes, 2009; Davis, Kearney, Sanders, Thomas, & Leon, 2011; Davis & Darling-Hammond, 2012 — 31 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN The PPI was piloted in 2009 and administered in 2010 and 2011. Two independent scorers completed a blind scoring of each candidate’s essays on a plus-minus scale with qualitative comments. At the completion of the scoring, each candidate met with a program faculty member to review these results and areas of strength and weakness relating to the role of the principal, and to focus on objectives for the candidate’s remaining courses and the final internships of the program. In review of the PPI in 2011, however, the evaluators found that the PPI scoring yielded substantial qualitative information for each candidate but did not allow for a clear comparison of the candidate’s progress through the program and for a quantitative evaluation of the program’s relevance to the “real-life” role of the principal. To address these concerns, the PPI was revised in 2012 and 2013 (with refinement in 2014) to incorporate some Likert scale items within the scoring of each scenario. The program coordinator provided training for the scorers to enhance inter-rater reliability. When presented to each candidate, quantitative and still-existing qualitative results provided a complete picture of development up to the time of the administration of the PPI. The focus of this paper is on selected results of the PPI administration from 2014 related to the ESL module. In addition to the results being presented, this paper will also outline changes or additions made to the program since 2012 in order to prepare leaders to better adhere to legal and ethical principles relating to working for growth for this particular population of K-12 students. that have systematically occurred with this particular population of students. By completing descriptive analysis on the scenario each year, the researchers also hoped to help each candidate identify areas of strength and growth in the planning of the individual aspects of remaining coursework and fieldwork. Analyzing the qualitative comments for each candidate and looking for overarching themes within those comments also provided rich data for program and individual candidate improvement. Participants Participants in the 2014 PPI (n=12) were all members of the 2013 cohort. This sample consisted of eight females and four males and contained professionals working in high schools (n=3), middle schools (n=7), and elementary schools (n=2). With the exception of three participants who worked in an urban environment with over 50% Hispanic student population and over 30% ELL student population, the other nine participants had little prior experience with the ELL student population, nor did any of the participants state that they were multilingual. Results Descriptive Statistics The ESL Scenario consisted of eight items. The mean score, standard deviation, and range for each item are listed (see Table 2). Table 2 Item Abbreviation Table 1 Inter-rater Reliability Over 3 Years for ESL Student Case Study Scenario Chronbach’s Alpha 2012 r = .87 2013 r = .88 2014 r = .79 SPSS descriptive statistics were used. By completing an item analysis, the researchers anticipated findings that would lead to program improvement related to working with ESL students, hereby working to “right civil wrongs” Potential Range For Scenario 4, ESL Student Case Study, inter-rater reliability was first assessed to determine the ability to analyze results further. The results showed strong-tomoderate inter-rater reliability over the past three years (See Table 1). Standard Deviation Instrument Items for ESL Scenario Mean Data Sources 1) Reviewed progress monitoring* 1.19 .384 1-2 2) Reviewed PA exit criteria for ELL* 1.03 .139 1-2 3) Parents’ rights & responsibilities** 1.03 .139 1-4 4) Meeting with receiving school* 1.12 .226 1-4 5) Advocacy for student** 2.12 .583 1-2 6) No right of refusal* 1.08 .195 1-4 7) Federal Law Requirement* 1.00 .000 1-2 8) True to Vision ** 2.31 .663 1-2 * no/yes items, **Likert scale items The results demonstrated that the candidates had the — 32 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice lowest mean score (M=1.0) on Item 7 (Did the candidate note that, as required by federal law, the academy must provide ESL services to any qualifying student). The possible range of scores for this item was 1-2 as it was a yes/no item. The next lowest mean scores (M=1.03) were seen on another yes/no item, Item 2 (Did the candidate discuss reviewing the Pennsylvania Exit Criteria for English Language Learners) and a Likert scale item, Item 3 (Did the candidate help the parent to understand her rights and responsibilities according to the Pennsylvania Department of Education guidelines). The highest mean score (M=2.31) was on Item 8 (Candidate behaving in a way that’s consistent with written vision), and the second highest mean score (M=2.12) was seen on Item 6 (Did the candidate demonstrate strong advocacy for the needs and the rights of the child). For the items demonstrating more variability, this meant that candidates demonstrated a wider range of scores overall, indicating more individual modifications were needed for each candidate’s program to improve their individual knowledge, skills, and experiences of candidates throughout the rest of the program. Qualitative Results There were several emergent and common findings among the qualitative comments provided to the candidates. The following passage appeared in the results for each of the twelve candidates: student’s current levels of progress. Two other candidates demonstrated similar positive attributes when working with this module in the PPI. The candidate used compliments to set a positive tone for the parent meeting and offered to assist the student and her parent in finding several options to help the student meet her goals in reading/writing. For example, suggesting summer school and ELL programs at the local college were viable possibilities. Candidate #10 started the meeting by focusing on a positive approach to develop a good rapport with the parent. This included displaying empathy for the mother’s disappointment and praising the student’s high achievement scores in math and science. Starting a parent encounter on a positive note is beneficial in setting the tone for a collaborative parent encounter. The candidate presented some viable suggestions for helping the student achieve her goals. Specifically, the candidate was going to meet with the high school principal to propose a compromise and solution for the issue at hand. This strong advocacy for the student is commendable. Discussion and Conclusions In looking at the overall means, it is clear that our candidates had few prior experiences in the area of working with students learning another language at the The candidates did not express any knowledge or time of this assessment. The faculty members working understanding of the ESL laws and regulations in this with the program, therefore, were able to engage in response. The candidate’s response also showed a lack of understanding of the student’s rights regarding conversation with the candidates and include additional these laws and no knowledge that the science experiences into the program on an individual level magnet high school must provide ESL services since within the practicum experiences of each candidate. it is a public school. In addition, the candidate did not On the program level, the 2012 and 2013 results of the recognize that the school district is out of compliance PPI with the overall low mean scores of candidates with ESL regulations. The building principal is on the ESL scenario, especially the items related to responsible to know and ensure that the building is in following through with Pennsylvania Department of compliance with ESL laws and regulations. Education (PDE) mandates, indicated that our principal candidates needed additional knowledge, skills, and These comments provided by the scorers to the experiences related to working with ELL students and candidates directly correspond with the quantitative their families. Modifications have already been made data indicating the candidates’ lack of adherence in the two of the three core courses, i.e., the school to ESL laws and regulations in working with this law and school and community relations courses, in population of students. Conversely, there were many the program curriculum. Changes included specific qualitative examples within the individual results that chapter and text readings on the legal rights and highlighted strengths of the candidates in leading for policies for ELL populations, on programs that support social justice. One example is stated here: the academic capacity and needs of ELL students, Candidate 12 focused on establishing a good rapport and on best practices for building culturally responsive with the student and her mother. The candidate is family-school relationships. Online and in-class commended for beginning the meeting in a positive discussions focus on the importance of supporting ELL manner by praising the student’s progress in math students and their families for academic and school and science. In addition, the candidate addressed the success and how collaborative, “power with” relations — 33 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN in schools can positively impact ELL populations. leader in working with ELL students and their families. Some of the programmatic and specific course changes to address candidates’ lacking in experience working with ELL students also directly aligned with the strengths the candidates demonstrated in this module. The items that had the highest overall means for the candidates related to maintaining one’s vision while working with the scenario and working positively through relationships and advocacy to provide the student and family with the appropriate resources despite not fully demonstrating an understanding of the legal steps and procedures of working with this population. It is evident that these candidates would benefit from working within the framework identified by Theorharis and O’Toole (2011), which includes school leaders educating themselves and certifying faculty and staff on the needs and challenges of the ELL population, as well as advocating for inclusive services that foster uninterrupted relationships between the school community and ELL students. This framework also supports and reinforces school leaders’ valuing of children who are learning English and promotes leaders’ understanding and inclusion of their cultures as a central part of the community. In addition, Acker-Hocevar and Cruz-Janzen (2008) concluded that principal and teacher preparation programs must be changed “from the ground up,” away from traditional and theoretical role definitions with better connections to the actual tasks performed by teachers and principals in successful schools. Our instrument provides a scenario that does just this. The authors also stated that we must prepare these candidates through models that help them to see the theory in practice as they learn, keeping in mind that effectively working with various cultures entails affirming all cultures and valuing the wealth of human assets they bring, in order to promote deep reform, and that is the essential purpose of using the PPI results in the programmatic sense. In order to alleviate and correct the wrongs that ELL students and their families have experienced over time in their schooling, this program aims to prepare social justice leaders who will support faculty, staff, students, and families from different ethnicities and cultures who did not have English as their first language and advocate for participatory inclusion for these families to the fullest degree. Candidates demonstrated the highest scores in the module for items related to advocating for students and staying true to their visions. The curriculum of their program was modified to support the desire for advocacy with the understanding of the legal and ethical responsibilities of a moral school References Acker-Hocevar, M. & Cruz-Janzen, M. (2008). Teacher and principal preparation programs: Reforms that sustain high performance and learning in high poverty and diverse schools. International Journal of Learning, 14(10), 87-95. Brooks, K., Adams, S. R., & Morita-Mullaney, T. (2010). Creating inclusive learning communities for ELL students: Transforming school principals’ perspectives. Theory into Practice, 40(2), 145-151. Davis, S., Kearny, K., Sanders, N., Thomas, C., & Leon, R., (2011). The policies and practices of principal evaluation: A review of the literature. San Francisco: West Ed. Davis, S. H., & Darling-Hammond, L. (2012). Innovative principal preparation programs: What works and how we know. Planning and Changing, 43(1/2), 25-45. Goldring, E., Huff, J., Spillane, J. P., & Barnes, C. (2009). Measuring the learning-centered leadership expertise of school principals. Leadership and Policy in Schools, 8, 197-228. DOI: 10: 1080/1570760902737170 Hernandez, F., & Kose, B. W. (2012). The developmental model of intercultural sensivity: A tool for understanding principals’ cultural competence. Education and Urban Society, 44(4), 512-530. Hess, F. M., & Kelley, A. P. (2007). Learning to lead: What gets taught in principal-preparation programs. Teachers College Record, 109(1), 244-274. King, C., Levinger, B., & Schoener, J. (2006). Leadership development quality assessment process (LDQAP). Newton, MA: Education Development Center, Inc. Leithwood, K., & Jantzi, D. (2005). A review of transformational school leadership research, 1996-2005. Review of Educational Research, 52(3), 309-339. Levine, A. (2005). Educating school leaders. New York: Teachers College Press: The NewEducation School Project. Martin, G. E., & Papa, R. (September/October 2008). Examining the principal preparation and practice gap. Principal, 88(1), 12-14, 16. www.naesp.org Rich, M. (2014, April 25). Obama administration plans new rules to grade teacher training rules. The New York Times, accessed from: http://www.nytimes. — 34 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice com/2014/04/26/us/obama-administrationplan-seeks-to-rate-teacher-training-programs. html?smid=tw-share&_r=1 Roy-Campbell, A. M. (2013, May/June). Who educates teacher educators about English Theoharis, G., & O’Toole, J. (2011). Leading inclusive ELL: Social justice leadership for English language learners. Educational Administration Quarterly, 47(4), 646-688. About the Authors Dr. Tiffany Wright is the current coordinator of the Educational Leadership program at Millersville University. She is an Assistant Professor in her fourth year of full-time service to the Educational Foundations department. Dr. Cheryl Desmond is the previous coordinator and one of the founders of the Educational Leadership program at Millersville University. She is Professor Emerita of the Educational Foundations department after many years of service. Ms. Sara Sharkey is one of the current graduate assistants for the Educational Leadership program at Millersville University. She is studying to earn her M.Ed in school counseling with the hopes of working in this role at a middle school in the future. — 35 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN Thinking About Thinking About Learning: A Student Teacher’s Reflection on Student Voice, Metacognition, and Authenticity Lucie Kroschel Light shone in through the tall windows of our classroom. It was the first period and students were still waking up. I, on the other hand, was prepped and ready. Caffeinated. Today was the day I was going to get through one of the final criteria I needed to complete the Washington State Teacher Performance Assessment (TPA). I was going to capture the long elusive “student voice.” The Washington TPA demands use of metacognition by students in the classroom in very specific terms. “Student voice” as it is called by the assessment is, essentially, students’ ability to think metacognitively about their learning progress and process, in direct connection to the learning targets of a given unit. Metacognition basically means “to think about thinking.” Dr. David Carroll (2013) asserts that “[a]t its heart, student voice is about fostering metacognitive awareness in learners about their own experiences with learning” (p. 36). In order to demonstrate that students had partaken in metacognitive thinking connecting directly to our unit learning goals, I needed to collect evidence via video or written work. This was a relatively small humanities class. Made up of about 15 ninth and tenth grade students, it sometimes had a sleepy feel early in the morning. As we entered the last part of our lesson, I announced that we were going to do one final activity. I told my students that this was not something that would affect their grade but that it was important and would certainly take some reflection on their part. I took a deep breath and turned to the table groups around me. “I would like for you all to consider your own process of learning, during our unit,” I began. In the clearest way I could, I explained that they should not just think about what they learned during the unit, but how they learned it. I paused. Looking out over my classroom I saw blank faces all around. Unsure how to offer better explanation, I handed out the worksheets I had created to help them through the task. I was pleased with how my lesson sequence had turned out. It was the end of our unit on the Vietnam era in which our class had read Tim O’Brien’s novel, The Things They Carried and, through a variety of in-class exercises and activities, considered the role of perspective in how we understand history. I worked hard to engage my students not only in various discussions, writing, and group work, but also in some mild reflection activities. It did not seem that one final reflective activity today would feel too out of the ordinary to my students. Students were given two worksheets. On the first, they were prompted to answer one of the essential questions of our unit, effectively restating one of the unit’s enduring understandings (EU). The EU and question were not new for these students. Essential questions had been put on the board daily and discussed in small group literature circles as well as with the whole class. The second sheet was similar, though rather than having the students answer an essential question they were simply given one of our learning targets and asked to rate their understanding. To “rate” their understanding I asked students to “take their temperature” on a scale of 1-5 with regard to the learning targets. A “1” which read, “I have frostbite!” meant, essentially, “I have no idea what is going on.” A “5” on the other hand, read, “I have a fever!” and meant, “I am hot with knowledge! I totally get it!” Students were directed to circle a number on the line and then explain their rating. In retrospect, I’m aware that the “take the temperature” analogy may not have been an extremely clear parallel to rating understanding, but at the time I felt it was a reasonable and fun analogy. As a grand finale to the worksheet, I asked students to look back at their answers and ask themselves, “Why did I give myself the particular temperature rating I did?” and, “How do I know I understand?” We debriefed this last question together as a group. Because I was concerned about meeting standard on this aspect of the TPA, I also videotaped the experience. From off screen, you can hear my voice as I congratulate the students on completing the worksheet and then ask for some answers for the big last question: “How do you know that you understand?” The stationary video captures a little more than half the students in the small class. Visible are a couple of table groups staring at their papers or out into space. “So, I’m really curious about how you may have answered that last question. How do you know that you know?” I say from off camera. Radio silence. Blank faces. Eventually, I call on a student. She is willing. This student — 36 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice suggests that she knows she understands because she believes she could explain the concept to someone else. Another student, after some prodding, offers an actual explanation of the enduring understanding in her own words, reinforcing the first student’s assertion. I am both impressed and pleased. But others in the class look either dumbfounded or only mildly engaged. I try to guide the conversation forward, calling on other students, but without much grace. A third student simply explains that he knows because “he gets it.” I prod him, “but how do you know you know?” I begin. There is some laughter from my students. I again start in, trying to keep it light. Watching the video now, I see eyebrows raised, confusion, giggles. It looks contrived. I keep rambling. “It is important you know you know because it is most important you know, not me, your teacher…” I stumble. “Do you get what I’m saying?” Heads turn. No, not really. I am giggling now. Whatever, I think. Knowing that a couple students had responded in the way I needed for my TPA student voice rubric, I was pleased, relieved even. I threw in the towel and ended it. “OK guys, well, good job. Class dismissed.” And that’s a wrap. Student voice? Check. Looking at this now, I think more about my own experience as a student. In high school, I was not a poor student, by any means, but I was highly compliant. Because I did relatively well in most of my classes and was on good behavior, I was rarely checked in on by my teachers. I also never sought much extra help. School was about going through the motions: friends, fun, getting the grades, and moving along. I certainly had memorable and inspiring teachers, and I liked school—I had always been told I was “good at it”—but the broader purpose of it was lost on me. It was just what everyone did, right? During high school I do not recall spending time thinking about my learning or my learning process in any critical way, or the purpose for it, other than to eventually go to college, which was, at that point where my life plans stopped. Thus, watching the video, I try to put myself in my students’ shoes. I think about how I would have responded to a question like this in high school. Being the highly compliant student I was, I believe I would have, at the very least, walked through the activity, but it is hard to say whether I would have invested energy into it. I suspect that there is little-to-no way that I, as a freshman in high school, would have known what to do with such a prompt. How do I know that I know that? What?I’m confused. Wait--is this part of my grade? Ummm, I guess I know because I know? I don’t know. Now, as a teacher, thinking about my highly compliant, mostly well-supported high school students in the video, and comparing my own hypothetical reaction, I wonder how much—or if—they benefitted. This thought is a little upsetting. Initially, after the class ended, I was highly congratulatory of myself. You nailed it, Lucie. Pat on the back!Totally captured the student voice thingy. Finally! And yet, now watching the video, so many of my students seem to be staring aimlessly. I just see students being put through a contrived metacognitive ringer of my making. I wonder what other barriers or complications exist in my current students’ lives that might have made such a reflection difficult. I clearly had tunnel vision as I tried to pass the Washington State teaching standard. Did they benefit at all from my stumbling through this TPA task? Or were they just the unfortunate guinea pigs in my disjointed student voice adventure? The TPA in Washington asks educators to get students to think about their learning, reflect on their progress toward learning targets, and, in turn, make visible the value and purpose of the education they are taking away. Philosophically, I agree with this mandate. In practice however, teaching metacognitive thinking to students comes with incredible challenges. Throughout the unit I worked hard to think of ways to engage my students to consider their own learning. In truth, I am not sure I was truly equipped to weave together metacognitive skill building, demanding content, district and state standards, and the other pressures that come with a first go at classroom teaching. It was—is—a lot to navigate. But I certainly tried. As I look back on this unit and on my student teaching, I am struck by my efforts to elicit metacognitive thinking practices from my students. Although Washington’s parameter for student metacognition, student voice, feels rather narrow, the pathway I took in trying to capture it during my student teaching, I believe, has taught me a lot. My pathway involved three attempts. Three Attempts During the course of my student teaching, I tried to capture student metacognition three different times. Through the first activity I wanted students to practice working in small groups, and then reflect on their behavior in that group. From this activity, students were able to consider their place in the class, their contributions, their responsibility to others in a group, and on a very basic level, begin to establish some classroom norms about group work. In the second activity, a week or two into our unit, I had my students complete a reflective worksheet — 37 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN after an in-class Socratic seminar. Because my earlier activity had been based on group work behavior, I tried to make this reflection slightly more content focused. Still though, student responses swung heavily toward their actions in the seminar and their relationships with their peers. They identified strengths, such as the fundamental need for contributions during a seminar to enrich their learning, and weaknesses that they felt affected the outcome and value of the seminar. The open-ended nature of the questions presented during this reflective activity gave students the freedom to explore their learning experience during the seminar. Their answers offer evidence of the direct connection made by students between their awareness of the social dynamics present in our class and the necessity for discussion and interaction in order to expand understanding of the content. With my third attempt, because I was nearing the end of my student teaching, I had become increasingly more desperate to capture Washington’s particular definition of student metacognition, “student voice.” To meet this standard, I created a couple rather extensive worksheets for students to complete at the end of the unit. Through the worksheets, my students were asked to explain learning targets and rate their understanding of those targets. See Figures 1a and 1b below for an example my worksheet with student comments. Figure 1a Not only did the questions involved in this “end of unit reflection” demand that students consider their own progress toward the learning targets, to answer any questions and rate their understanding, they also had to “think about their thinking.” The worksheet asked students to give examples of their learning process (“how do you know that you know?”), as a way to illustrate this understanding. It was this attempt that allowed me to meet standard for student voice on the TPA. Yet I also saw drawbacks. While some students seemed to fully engage in the debrief conversation about this worksheet, others seemed lost or bored. As noted in the earlier narrative, although this extensive worksheet met all requirements of the Washington TPA, the process felt decidedly teacher-centered. While all prior reflective activities in our classroom gave students leeway to explore their relationship with their learning process and their learning community, the goal of this worksheet was far more narrow in asking students to evaluate their understanding of a particular learning target. Considering the otherwise student-centered nature of my classroom, I believe that—to my students—this activity may have felt inauthentic. As I reflect on my multiple attempts to support students’ reflections on their learning, I am left with some questions. How do we keep our efforts to teach metacognition authentic? Do we always need to evaluate a specific learning target? How can we evaluate new teachers in this area while keeping our efforts student-centered? In this next section I share my reflections on these questions. Figure 1b — 38 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice Reflections on Metacognition and Student Voice Metacognition is Learned and Takes Practice One of the biggest take-aways I have from reviewing my efforts toward eliciting metacognitive thinking in my classroom is the value I saw in offering regular opportunities for reflection and self-assessment throughout the unit. I have learned that metacognitive thinking is a learned skill and takes consistent practice. Carroll writes that “[e] xpecting students to be aware of learning targets and take responsibility for working toward them… involves a considerable degree of ‘self-regulation’” (p. 36). I’ve come to believe metacognitive thinking is at least part of what helps students to build their ability to self-regulate and manage their learning process. Therefore, as teachers, it seems vital to offer students regular opportunities to practice reflection on their learning. I now see how my “stumbling” through the TPA’s “student voice” was actually a happy accident. I initially saw my first two attempts at metacognition as “failed student voice attempts.” Neither attempt focused directly enough on my learning targets. I have now come to believe these activities offered incredible value to students in that they inadvertently built upon each other. For example, the skills developed during the initial activity likely became useful in subsequent reflective activities. Had I not journeyed through this process and created multiple reflective activities for my students, I may have not derived this important take-away. Metacognition Requires Reflective Options As cited in the above narration, my students and I visited the final question on the worksheet (Figure 1a) as a group, out loud. “How do you know that you know?” I asked the class. After the class, I reviewed their responses on the worksheet. One student responded to this last question on the worksheet with clear frustration, “I don’t know how I know! I just know! Because I’m mildly intelligent!!!” Reading this student’s response impressed upon me how this particular reflective exercise may not have worked for him. It has since made me consider how I may need to offer reflective options for different learners. In short, we must work to meet students at their metacognitive level. Just as educators talk about the need to differentiate lesson plans to meet different student needs, we need to differentiate our attempts to teach metacognitive thinking practices. Reviewing the video of this exercise helped me to see this. Sitting center on the screen, although he remained quiet— this student actually seemed engaged, listening attentively to other students’ answers to the question. From watching this, I hypothesize that this student may have benefited from listening to his peers explain their thinking processes. Although he could not offer an explanation of his own learning or thinking process on paper, peer interaction may have supported him, building his metacognitive thinking habits. I’m learning that students can, probably should, and may need to engage in metacognitive practices in a variety of ways. Metacognition is a Tool for Relationship Building and Community After finishing graduate school I was hired as a humanities teacher at the Tacoma School of the Arts (SOTA), the same school where I had once student-taught. I love my job. I feel lucky to be in a supportive professional environment with dedicated students. As a teacher now, I continue to lean on the tools and practices I created as a student teacher, as well as the resources I derive from my Humanities Inquiry team. I continue to use metacognitive tools in my classroom to enhance student learning. Interestingly, I find myself much more drawn to the open-ended style reflections from my “early attempts” at student voice than to the more formal version which helped me meet standard on the TPA. In writing this article, I’ve had to ask myself, why is this? Although my “third attempt” allowed me to meet all requirements of the Washington TPA, I found that I struggled to make the experience authentic and meaningful to my students. While the aim of student voice is to help students think metacognitively, ultimately this activity was created for my teacher evaluation. Students seemed to pick up on this. While all prior reflective activities in our classroom gave students leeway to explore their relationship with their learning process and their learning community, the goal of this worksheet was far more narrow; asking students to evaluate their understanding of a very particular learning target. After some reflection I have come to recognize that it is the authenticity with which I ask a student a question that guides the authenticity of their answer. In many ways, teaching is just as much about guiding students toward mastery of content and concepts as it is about mentorship and human connection. The earlier reflective tools I created, although perhaps lacking in their direct connections to learning targets, effectively met my students where they were at that moment in my classroom. Thus, I am faced with a dilemma. I value metacognitive thinking as a teaching tool, but recognize the challenges that come with using it effectively in teaching. As the state decides the fate of student voice in the — 39 — WASHINGTON STATE KAPPAN TPA,1 I wonder if we have acknowledged the difficulty of eliciting thinking about learning targets in ways that are not contrived. I worry that the specificity of what Washington asks pre-service teachers to do in terms of teaching metacognition may be both too challenging and not particularly effective. Considering the other emotional and professional demands new teachers face, I worry that what could be an effective learning opportunity may simply become a “one-hit wonder” to an overwhelmed student teacher attempting to check criteria off an extensive list with little benefit to the students involved. That said, my experience completing the TPA and being challenged by student voice has also taught me important lessons. It has demanded my own self-reflection and, even a year later, pushes me to question the effectiveness of my teaching and the quality of my interactions with my students. I aim to be an authentic, whole-hearted teacher who shows genuine concern and care for my students. In thinking about the TPA, I wonder whether it is even possible to measure the authenticity of mentorship or the human connection educators have with students, something that, to me, is essential to being an effective teacher. One Year Later My students are seated in a circle in our classroom. This large, upperclassmen class has just completed a Socratic Seminar exploring the life and leadership of the Prophet Muhammad, and the Five Pillars of early Islam. Scribbling furiously on their rubrics, I’ve asked them each to grade themselves on the seminar. “What grade would you give yourself and why?” I’ve also asked them to cite at least one new learning and one appreciation for some aspect of the seminar discussion. After the students finish writing, we share. Harry begins. “I appreciate how the seminar seemed to really flow. Sometimes in seminars it seems like there are lots of awkward silences and people are just throwing quotes out there for no reason. So yeah, I appreciated that people seemed really ready to discuss.” Maria, a particularly talkative student, responds. “I agree with Harry, but I also think I learned that it is sometimes good to just listen, like, I sometimes feel like I need to get what I want to say out there really fast so I can get my idea in.” Maria’s voice speeds up with this last interjection, and then she pauses. “But then if I don’t get the chance, somebody else makes a good point and that makes me re-think about what I was going to say in the first place.” As my students make their way around the circle some comment on specific learnings, while others compliment each other. I encourage these compliments but also ask that students be specific about their learning. When a student’s appreciation is that “the seminar was good,” I push. “What was ‘good’ about it? Tell us more.” Anthony is a senior. He is perpetually behind on readings in class and is one of my students of concern. Today in the seminar, he was very quiet, only adding a short comment toward the end of the discussion. I await his reflection. “One thing I got from today was how I seem to understand more when I get to listen to people talk about things. Like when Anna was talking about the charity thing. Somebody explained how giving to charity, what was that called again?” Students chime in to help Anthony out. “Yeah, Zakat. Anyway, Anna said it was all about ‘serving your fellow man’ and so I think I finally get why people have to donate to charity, it’s like walking the talk.” Anna looks pleased. The camaraderie that this debrief promotes seems to have seeped into the skin of my students. Lots of students share an appreciation for one student in particular, Kenny, who facilitated the seminar. Kenny is glowing. They compliment his ability to ask poignant follow-up questions and gently invite the quieter students into the conversation. “Usually, I get really nervous in seminars,” says Dorothy. “I get worried that I’m going to say something stupid, so it was really cool how Kenny helped me clarify my idea.” I do not grade this reflection. Because we do this often, my students know this. For them it is a moment to relax and think about their learning in any way fitting to them. When we have a weak seminar or a weak class period, my students tend to arrive at that conclusion on their own and I believe it drives them to improve. One of my greatest appreciations for this practice is how carefully my students tend to listen to one another. It builds their community. During a seminar (especially with these upperclassmen students) discussion tends to flow relatively easily. But the tone of the debrief is very different. The stakes are lower and students want to both give and receive feedback. It gives them ownership over their learning in a way that I cannot force. This debrief is not an exact measure of my student’s understanding of content or ability to reflect. It does not clearly assess whether my students can summarize a ____________________ 1. This is the first year the Washington TPA is officially being used to measure the competency and qualifications of pre-service teachers. While pilot versions of the TPA required candidates to meet standard on student voice rubrics, the 2014 Washington TPA only requests that teacher candidates seek evidence for student voice. Student voice rubrics, although graded, are not being used as criteria this year to measure new teacher competency. — 40 — a journal for research, leadership, and practice learning target. It does, however, put reflective activities in the hands of my students. While I might guide conversation, my students lead it. My students come to the table with different experiences and different baggage. For some, reflecting on their learning comes naturally. For others, they need practice or other students to model for them. Maybe they simply need me to create an enriching environment where they can explore their learning process safely. No matter how I look at these experiences I cannot find a way to easily assess them. Reflection is messy and imperfect, but I appreciate now that it takes ongoing practice, seems to require options, and is connected to classroom community. While I will continue to work to promote metacognition in my classroom, I don’t have expectations that it will become “cleaner.” So, for now I will instead just continue do my best, offer guidance to my students, and perhaps, most importantly, authentically listen. References Carroll, D. (2013). The teacher performance assessment and student voice: Challenge for teacher education, opportunity for teaching. Washington State Kappan, 7(1), 35-41. About the Author Lucie Kroschel received her Masters of Arts in Teaching from the University of Puget Sound in 2013. She is currently a Humanities Instructor at the Tacoma School of the Arts, a public high school in downtown Tacoma, Washington. — 41 — Washington State Kappan: Autumn 2015 Call for Manuscripts Deadline for Submission: July 15, 2015 Professional learning communities: Fostering cultures that strengthen teaching and learning Professional Learning Communities (PLCs) across a variety of contexts represent a powerful form of professional development for increasing teaching and learning. From changes in mandated assessments to new approaches to teacher evaluation, from revised curriculum materials to Common Core State Standard implementation, professional development through a PLC approach is supported by considerable research examining teacher collaboration in professional development, both to support initial learning and to enhance school implementation of long-term teacher learning plans (Desimone, Porter, Garet, Yoon, & Birman, 2003; Grossman, Wineburg, & Woolworth, 2001). The PLC approach draws upon scholarship on situated teacher learning (Borko, 2004) stressing the importance of linking professional development directly to activities and learning opportunities in participants’ schools, fostering an active approach to teacher learning that shows value for positive and sustained change (National Center for Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance, 2008; Joyce & Showers, 2002). From informal groups of classroom teachers engaged in shared planning to structured PLC examinations of theory and practice among teachers, administrators, and teacher educators, this form of collaborative learning provides important opportunities for professional growth. We invite articles that serve as a catalyst for exploring the real, concrete, active dimensions of social justice from a variety of perspectives. Those interested in submitting a manuscript may want to consider the following questions: • In what ways are districts and schools working to support PLCs to improve instruction and increase student learning and achievement? • How might PLC models be meaningfully integrated with university teacher education programs? • What are examples of how PLCs are being implemented at the classroom level? • In what ways are ESDs facilitating or supporting PLC approaches to development and training programs? • What do professional learning communities mean to students, parents, or school communities? We are calling for several types of articles: • Theory or research articles: 3,000 to 4,000 words (not including references) submitted by authors within or outside of Washington State. • Teacher-focused articles: 1,000 to 2,000 words (not including references), submitted by authors residing in Washington State. • Professional materials or book reviews: 750 to 1,000 words in length, submitted by authors residing in Washington State. • Commentaries: 1,000 words or less, written on a single theme at the request of the editor and editorial board. For more details, see the call for manuscripts online: https://journals.lib.washington.edu/index.php/wsk/announcement For online manuscript submission guidelines, go to: https://journals.lib.washington.edu/index.php/wsk/about/submissions - authorGuidelines For additional information and manuscript submission guidelines, please contact Antony Smith, editor: ansmith@uwb.edu or (425) 352-5416. For past issues of Washington State Kappan, please go to: http://www.pdkwa.org — 42 — References Borko, H. (2004). Professional development and teacher learning: Mapping the terrain. Educational Resercher, 33(8), 3-15. Desimone, L., Porter, A., Garet, M., Yoon, K. S., & Birman, B. (2002, Summer). Effects of professional development on teachers’ instruction: Results from a three-year longitudinal study. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 24(2), 81-112. Grossman, P., Wineburg, S., & Woolworth, S. (2001). Toward a theory of teacher community. Teachers College Record, 103, 942–1012. — 43 —