OIL AND MISSED OPPORTUNITIES IN NIGERIA (Part I)
Transcription
OIL AND MISSED OPPORTUNITIES IN NIGERIA (Part I)
OIL AND MISSED OPPORTUNITIES IN NIGERIA (Part I) Chikwendu Christian Ukaegbu (Published in The Nation, April 24, 2015) In 1958, Nigerians received the message of the maiden extraction of crude oil with euphoria. Exploration and the revenue therefrom accelerated at the end of the civil war in 1970. Money was flowing into Nigeria’s treasury in the early 1970s to the extent that the first impulse of the then head of state was that the country had so much money than it could spend. It did not occur to that government and subsequent governments that saving national revenue is one of the building blocks of economic development defined as industrialization in this commentary. Although the price of crude oil has fluctuated since 1970, Nigeria’s revenue from the commodity has remained high enough to give the country’s economic planners and leaders sufficient resource to shepherd the economy to the doorstep of industrialization. The latter has not happened 45 years after the civil war. Price of crude oil has been impressive and the quantity of production has skyrocketed since 1980. Nigeria produced 8.5 billion barrels of crude oil in the 10-year period 2004-2013 of which 8 billion barrels were exported while the balance was distributed to domestic refineries. NNPC data also show that Nigeria produced an average of 800, 000, 000 barrels of crude oil a year from 2004-2013. This means that aggregate annual revenue each year was equally impressive. Recent figures from OPEC show that Nigeria earned $84 billion and $77 billion from export of crude oil in 2013 and 2014 respectively. The drop in earnings in 2014 was the result of the fall in the price of the commodity in the fourth quarter of that year. However, $77 billion from one commodity is an impressive earning in a developing society if leaders know what they are doing. But the irony is that the more money Nigeria makes from crude oil, the more its political leaders put the country in debt through constant borrowing from international agencies. Debt -servicing cost the country approximately 9 billion dollars in 2005 alone. The lack of economic development, a crumbled social and physical infrastructure, high rate of unemployment, and extreme deprivation the citizens experienced since the second decade of the end of the civil war was once blamed on the notion that debt-servicing severely handicapped the ability of the government to pursue economic development. Nigerian leaders, military and civilian, floated the idea that reduction, or elimination, of the debt burden would provide them with the revenue to embark on the project of national development. Then debt relief the awaited saving grace came to the rescue. Nigeria’s external debt in October 2005 was $30 billion. The Paris Club offered a debt relief of $18 billion that same year. Nigeria paid off an outstanding amount of $12 billion in April 2006. Proud of its role in the negotiations, as it should be, the Center for Global Development (CGD) called Nigeria’s debt relief a watershed deal. It was a turning point, indeed a landmark in the state of affairs of the country. But there has not been a significant change by way of economic development except that Nigeria was recently named the largest economy in Africa because of growth in GDP. Economic development is what the people of a country do for themselves by themselves in search of sustainable means of sustenance and individual and national selfactualization under the leadership of a development-oriented state. Discounting the immediate independence years, 1960-1969, consumed by civil strife and war, Nigerian leaders have always had opportunities to move the country to economic development since the end of the war in 1970. But successive generations of leaders squandered and continue to squander those opportunities till the present day. The missed opportunities fall under five levels namely, a group of immediate post-independence politicians desirous of development epitomized by the investments they made in education, agriculture, industry and infrastructure; a relatively efficient public bureaucracy or civil service; a high quality educational system left behind by erstwhile colonizers; a succession of military governments unencumbered by opposition and high cost of government; and debt relief which Nigeria has enjoyed since 2006; plus a steady flow oil revenue . The immediate post-independence political leaders were enthusiastic about national and regional development. Michael Okpara in Eastern Nigeria, Obafemi Awolowo in Western Nigeria, and Ahmadu Bello in Northern Nigeria were and still are worshipped by their constituents because of the foundations they laid in education, agriculture, industry, and physical infrastructure. Nnamdi Azikiwe led the founding of the first indigenous university in Nigeria with the apt and inspirational motto, ‘To Restore The Dignity of Man’, meaning that Nigerians would have their destiny in their own hands and turn things around for a better society. Major roads sprang up in many parts of Nigeria. Regional and national governments funded their annual budgets and fulfilled the promises of their development plans using nonoil resources of their regions. The civil strife of 1966-70 arising from the country’s faulty geoethnostructure halted those moves towards development. We will never know whether or not the immediate post-independence leaders were indeed a developmental elite. But they had the hallmarks of that label compared to successor generations of leaders. Like their elected counterpart, regional and national bureaucrats of the immediate independence period were efficient, in fact well educated, intelligent and developmentoriented compared to their present-day counterparts. The civil service of today is broken. The majority of employees are idle and unable to justify the reason for which they were employed. Anyone who wants to see the meaning of underemployment defined as workers with fewer tasks than they are supposed to perform, or are capable of performing, should take a focused observation of state and federal government offices in all parts of Nigeria. There are little or no tasks for employees of an overstaffed institution. The politicians and the bureaucrats of the immediate post-independence years were not saints. But they invested their knowledge, sentiments, and best capabilities to better the lives of their constituents. Names like N.U. Akpan, Allison Ayida, Jerome Udoji, Simeon Adebo, and others of the same generation were conspicuous in the national psyche. That the likes of the latter did not continue is another missed opportunity. Chikwendu Christian Ukaegbu, Professor of Sociology and National Development writes from USA c-ukaegbu@northwestern.edu
Similar documents
LETTER TO THE CHIEF OF ARMY STAFF NIGERIAN ARMY REQUESTING OFFICIALLY FOR THE SERVICES OF TWO MILITARY PERSONNEL IN OSUN STATE, NIGERIA By Professor (Grandmaster) Adefioye Sunday Adewumi
This letter was sent to the Chief of Army Staff of the Nigerian Army on 25th of January, 2017 to officially request for the services of two undercover military personnel in Ile Ife, Osun State, “Nigeria”. The Chief of Army Staff have the apex and highest authority over ALL Military affairs that involve ALL Nigerians within the Nigerian border including making independent military decisions and embarking on independent intelligent military operations inside "Nigeria". The letter is presented exactly as it was sent via the Nigerian Army website to the Nigerian Military Number One Person and Chief raw and unedited.
More information