Paying the price of pregnancy

Exempel 6, sid 12
Paying the price of pregnancy
– Young mothers’ educational prospects
in Tanzania
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Abstract
Across the world girls are excluded from education, to a higher degree than boys. In
Tanzania, this is fueled by school policies permanently expelling pregnant girls from formal
education, without allowing re-entry. This study examines the educational prospects,
obstacles and possibilities of young mothers in two Tanzanian towns, Njombe and Babati. A
wider objective of the study is increased understanding of the societal effects of excluding
young mothers from education, and possible gains of educational provision for this group.
This case study is based on semi-structured interviews with girls who have been expelled or
have dropped-out of formal education, principals, school staff, and officers of town councils
and community development.
The study has shown that for a school girl in Njombe or Babati, carrying a child generally
means losing opportunities for education and employment, loss of family support and
dependency of low-wage sectors of agriculture or informal vending.
It is concluded that despite available educational and training alternatives – including adult
education, folk development colleges, vocational training, computer, tailoring and driving
courses and more – young mothers experiences difficulties to access them; affording school
fees, arranging child care and overcoming stigma and condescending treatment from the
community. The pregnancy-expulsion policy is considered discriminatory, negative for human
development, and ineffective as a pregnancy-prevention method.
Expanding efforts targeting vulnerable out-of-school mothers, such as the single mother
courses, is encouraged as it increases the mothers’ status, capabilities and employability, and
challenge occupational gender-segregation and wage gaps, which can break the poverty cycle.
Key words: Drop-out, Expulsion, Education, Motherhood, Adolescents, Capabilities
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Sammanfattning
Världen over utestängs flickor från utbildning, i större utsträckning än pojkar. I Tanzania
förstärks detta av skolregler som permanent relegerar tjejer från utbildningen om de är
gravida, och tillåter dem inte att fortsätta. Denna studie undersöker framtidsutsikter inom
utbildning, hinder och möjligheter för unga mammor i två städer i Tanzania, Babati och
Njombe. Ett större mål med studien är ökad förståelse om samhällseffekter av att unga
mammor exkluderas från formell utbildning, samt eventuella vinster av utbildning för denna
målgrupp. Fallstudien baserar sig på intervjuer med flickor/unga kvinnor som relegerats eller
hoppat av formell utbildning, samt rektorer, skolpersonal och tjänstemän inom stadsadministration och samhällsutveckling.
Studien visar att för en skolflicka i Babati eller Njombe innebär att bära ett barn generellt att
mista möjligheter för utbildning och anställning, liksom förlorat familjestöd och beroende av
låginkomst arbete i jordbrukssektorn eller som informell gatuförsäljare.
Sammanfattningsvis visar det sig att trots tillgängliga utbildningsalternativ – så som
vuxenutbildning, folkhögskolor (motsvarande), kurser i dator, sömnad, bilkörning med mera så är problemet för unga mammor att ha tillgången till dessa; att ha råd med skolavgifter,
ordna barnomsorg samt övervinna stigmatisering och nedlåtande behandling från samhället.
Policyn om relegering av gravida elever anses diskriminerande, negative för mänsklig
utveckling, och ineffektiv som prevention av graviditeter.
Att utöka satsningar riktade till utsatta mödrar utanför skolsystemet uppmuntras, så som
kurserna för ensamstående mödrar, eftersom det ökas mödrars status, kapabilitet och
anställningsbarhet, och utmanar könsfördelning på arbetsmarknaden, vilket kan bryta
fattigdomscykler.
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Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I direct my gratitude to the Swedish International Development Agency
(SIDA) for the Minor Field Study grant enabling this study, conducted in Tanzania, February
to April, 2012. I am also very grateful for the guidance, support and fine arrangements of my
in-country field-supervisor, Mr. Oscar George Mangoma at Njombe FDC, who took time
from his busy schedule to facilitate my study and my stay in Njombe. To my supervisor in
Sweden, Arnold Renting at Södertörn University, a warm thank you for valuable advice and
direction during the process.
My sincere gratitude is also directed to my field assistants and translators, Neema Zeruiah,
and Pendo Iyo. Thank you for the time and great effort you have invested, assisting in the
study, and for the talks and walks.
Last but definitely not least, a heartfelt thank you to all everyone participating in the
interviews for this thesis, thank you for taking time to meet me and for sharing your realities.
Thank you!
Ida Niskanen
Welcome to contact idachristinani@gmail.com for questions or comments.
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Abbreviations
FDC
Folk Development College
GER
Gross Enrollment Rate
GPI
Gender Parity Index
IAE
Institute of Adult Education
MDG
Millennium Development Goal
MoEVT
Ministry of Education and Vocational Training
SSA
Sub-Saharan Africa
TVET
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
UN
United Nations
VETA
Vocational Education and Training Authority
VTC
Vocational Training Center
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Table of Content
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1
Sammanfattning ...................................................................................................................................... 2
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................. 3
Abbreviations .......................................................................................................................................... 4
Table of Content ...................................................................................................................................... 5
1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................... 8
1.1 The state of education – Tanzania and the world ......................................................................... 8
1.2 Expulsion of pregnant school-girls ................................................................................................ 9
1.3 Study objective ............................................................................................................................ 10
1.4 Research questions...................................................................................................................... 10
2. Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 11
2.1 Study design ................................................................................................................................ 11
2.1.1. Case study............................................................................................................................ 11
2.1.2 Alternative approaches ........................................................................................................ 11
2.2 Sampling method ........................................................................................................................ 12
2.2.1 Choice of research setting .................................................................................................... 13
2.2.2 Field assistants...................................................................................................................... 13
2.3 Interviews .................................................................................................................................... 14
2.3.1 The interview guide .............................................................................................................. 15
2.3.2 Alternative methods of data collection ................................................................................ 15
2.3.3 Language and interpretation ................................................................................................ 17
2.3.4 Taking notes ......................................................................................................................... 18
2.4 Generalizability............................................................................................................................ 18
2.5 Reliability & Validity .................................................................................................................... 19
2.6 Objectivity and reflectivity .......................................................................................................... 20
2.7 Critique of written sources .......................................................................................................... 21
3. The research setting .......................................................................................................................... 22
3.1 Babati & Njombe ......................................................................................................................... 22
3.2 The Tanzanian education system ................................................................................................ 22
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4. Theoretical framework ...................................................................................................................... 24
4.1 Previous research ........................................................................................................................ 24
4.1.1 Pregnancy-related drop-outs ............................................................................................... 24
4.1.2 Challenges of expelled pregnant girls .................................................................................. 24
4.1.3 Re-entry ................................................................................................................................ 25
4.2 Theories ....................................................................................................................................... 29
4.2.1 Four approaches to gender equality in education ............................................................... 29
4.2.2 Education and Human capital .............................................................................................. 30
4.2.3 Gender, education and economic growth............................................................................ 31
4.2.4 Education and demography ................................................................................................. 34
4.2.5 Sen, Education and fertility decline ...................................................................................... 35
4.3 Education and early motherhood ............................................................................................... 37
4.3.1 Mitigating pregnancy-related drop-outs .............................................................................. 38
5. Empirical findings and analysis .......................................................................................................... 40
5.1 The informants ............................................................................................................................ 40
5.1.1 Group 1, “pregnancy-related drop-outs............................................................................... 40
5.1.2 Group 2, School personnel ................................................................................................... 41
5.1.3 Group 3, Officials in education and training......................................................................... 42
5.2 Family situation, informant group 1 ............................................................................................ 42
5.3 The procedure of expulsion from school .................................................................................... 43
5.4 Educational options for young mothers ...................................................................................... 45
5.4.1 Schools allowing young mothers, Babati and Njombe ........................................................ 47
5.5 Change of plans, change of dreams ............................................................................................ 50
5.5.1 Plans before pregnancy ........................................................................................................ 50
5.5.2 Plans after pregnancy drop-out ........................................................................................... 51
5.5.3 Situation after pregnancy-related drop-out ......................................................................... 52
5.5.4 Plans of in-school mothers ................................................................................................... 54
5.6 Thoughts about school-girls falling pregnant .............................................................................. 55
5.7 Thoughts about school girl expulsion.......................................................................................... 56
6. Discussion .......................................................................................................................................... 60
6. 1 Changed prospects ..................................................................................................................... 60
6.2 Barriers ........................................................................................................................................ 62
6.3 Policy of pregnancy-expulsion ..................................................................................................... 63
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6.4 Poverty and education ................................................................................................................ 63
6.5 The way forward.......................................................................................................................... 64
7. Conclusion and recommendations .................................................................................................... 66
List of references: .................................................................................................................................. 67
Appendix 1............................................................................................................................................. 72
Appendix 2............................................................................................................................................. 73
Appendix 3............................................................................................................................................. 75
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1. Introduction
The introductory chapter provides an overview of the situation for girls' education, globally
and in Tanzania, leading up to the problem, objective and research questions of this study.
1.1 The state of education – Tanzania and the world
Despite the wide range of declarations and conventions establishing the right to education for
people in general (UN, 1948, Article 26; Assembly of Heads of State and Government, 1986,
article 17), and for women and children in particular (UN, 1979, article 10. UN, 1959,
Principle 7) the numbers of out-of school children and youth in the world remains high.
Though there have been improvements, over 60 million primary school-aged children were
out of school in 2010, and major challenges still remain for the educational sector, in terms of
access, quality and equity. More than half the world’s out-of-school children live in SubSaharan Africa (SSA) (UN, 2012, p.16-18). As many other countries in SSA, Tanzania has
abolished primary school fees (in 2001) which has led to a drastic increase in primary school
enrollment, and bridged wealth- and gender gaps in education. On the other hand it has
increased the pressure on the provision of primary school facilities, skilled teachers and postprimary education (UNESCO 2011; Höglund, 2011).
One of the main challenges for education is that across the world girls are experiencing a
higher degree of exclusion from and disadvantages in the educational system compared to
their male counterparts (ICRW 2012). Despite the global increase in enrolment for girls and
boys alike, in line with the second Millennium Development Goal (MDG2), female students
are less likely to complete a full course of education due to drop-out. (Global Campaign for
Education et.al. 2011) Sub-Saharan Africa is also home for almost half of all out-of school
girls (World Bank, 2011) and remains one of the regions with high gender disparities in
secondary schools regardless of global increases in girls Gross Enrollment Rate (GER) in both
lower and upper secondary education. Upper secondary schools’ gender disparities,
disfavoring female students, have intensified in SSA in the last decade (UNESCO, 2011).
In Tanzania there is a significant gap between enrollment rates and completion rates,
especially for girls. The Gender Parity Index (GPI)1 of primary enrollment is more or less
equal for girls and boys (USAID, 2003), but the GPI for completion of primary education is
0.74, i.e. a majority of boys which indicates higher drop-out rates for female students.. The
1 GPI is used to estimate the proportion of girls compared to boys and is calculated by dividing the number of
girls by the number of boys. A GPI of 1 means total equity, a GPI lower than 1 indicates a majority of boys
and vice versa (USAID 2003).
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gender disparity increases further within the higher levels of the educational system. The
Tanzanian GPI for completion of lower and upper secondary education drops to 0.52 and 0.40
respectively (UNESCO, 2011).
1.2 Expulsion of pregnant school-girls
There are many different reasons for school drop-out in Tanzania such as poverty and
inability to pay school fees and school-related costs such as books and uniforms. (Höglund,
2011). For girls however one of the main reasons stated for school drop-out is pregnancy
(United Nations, Tanzania, 2010). Many Tanzanian girls have experience their first pregnancy
at an early age. Among girls aged 15-19 years, 17 percent are already mothers and 6 percent
are pregnant with their first child (Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics & ICF Macro, 2011
p.3). According to Tanzanian school policies, girls are generally expelled from public primary
or secondary school once they are found pregnant. Hence, each year more than 8000 girls in
Tanzania drop out of school due to pregnancy and are not allowed to pursue their studies
(United Nations, Tanzania, 2010). Actors both in the national and international arena have
taken a stand against the expulsion of pregnant school girls, condemning the discriminatory
policy (e.g. HakiElimu 2010, United nations Tanzania 2010). On Zanzibar, the 2007
amendment of the Zanzibar Education Act has enabled girls to return to school after delivery,
but this development does not apply to mainland Tanzania (Luwondo, 2011). The Tanzanian
government is currently discussing the re-admission of these girls back to school after
delivery and re-entry guidelines are said to be prepared but waiting for approval (Education
sector development committee, 2010).
It is stated that expulsion due to pregnancy is not specifically stated in Tanzanian law, but
there is confusion concerning the legal status of this praxis.2 Nonetheless, the practice of
expelling pregnant school girls is widespread across Tanzania, particularly in lower secondary
education. Most of the 50 000 girls that since the year 2003 have been forced to end their
education due to pregnancy are to never return to the school bench (HakiElimu, 2011. p.3). In
addition to laws and regulation, social structures such as pressure from family and stigma in
society add up to make further studies unreachable for thousands of young mothers (USAID
2003).
2
While some sources state that it is not specifically stated in the Tanzanian Education Act of 1978 that schoolgirl-pregnancy should lead to expulsion (Ringsted 2004; Namfua, 2010; Policy Forum, 2007), others claim that
head teachers expel pregnant school-girls based on instructions from the Ministry of Education (Luwondo,
2011). It is also asserted that due to an amendment of the Education and training policy in 2010, re-entry is
allowed for young Tanzanian mothers (Namfua, 2007).
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There are some organizations which have taken on the task of advocating that the rights to
education also apply to young mothers, as it is stated in international declarations. One such
example is the outreach courses at Tanzanian Folk development colleges (FDCs,) providing
vocational training along with life skills and entrepreneurship training to young mothers, as
well as day care for their children.
Research and reports attribute positive development outcomes to education in general and in
particular education of girls and women. Besides enhanced opportunities on the labor market,
an improved economic situation and knowledge to make more informed decisions about her
own future, the positive effects are claimed to spill over on families and societies (World
Bank 2011; Unicef, 2012).
1.3 Study objective
The purpose of the study is to examine young mothers' future prospects in Tanzania in terms
of education, through a field study in two towns, and to identify obstacles and possibilities to
enhance the rights of pregnant school-girls in the country.
A wider objective of this study is to contribute to the understanding of the societal effects of
pregnancy-related drop-out in Tanzania and possible gains of providing education to young
mothers.
1.4 Research questions

How does expulsion from formal education and possible further studies influence the
young mothers' future prospects?

What educational opportunities are there in Tanzania for young mothers and what
further efforts are needed to enhance such opportunities?

What are the public opinions concerning young mothers and their expulsion from and
re-entry in formal education?
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2. Methodology
In this chapter the choice of methods for the study is discussed, including the design,
sampling and data collection methods and alternative approaches. The Ethical aspects, and
the generalizability, objectivity, validity and reliability of the study are also evaluated.
2.1 Study design
Taking a qualitative stance, this study explores issues of personal experiences, perceptions
and prospects related to early pregnancy and school drop-out. Focusing on how individual
respondents perceive their social realities and how this is affected by the event of school girl
pregnancy, the study is of inductive character (Bryman 2002, p. 33-35). As several authors
have discussed, qualitative and quantitative research are not necessarily separated by a sharp
division, rather, they often float into each other’s spheres (Bryman 2002, p. 33, 35, Bjereld
2002, p. 24-25). Quantitative elements have been included, mainly in order to evaluate the
frequency of certain perceptions and events, as well as deviations from the majorities’ views
(Bjereld et. al 2002).
2.1.1. Case study
Since a case study enables an in-depth study of one or several cases in order to provide a
deeper understanding of the complex nature of the specific area or situation (Bryman 2002, p.
64) this study is designed as a case study examining young mothers who have been expelled
from primary or secondary school due to pregnancy, though data collected in Babati town and
Njombe town area. As Bell (1993) argues, the case study method can be useful to recognize
the common and unique stances of groups and individuals. It can help to identify different
processes of interactions, and how structures and functions of organizations are influenced by
such processes (Bell 1993, p.10). Exploring conditions for young mothers from an educational
and social point of view, the detailed information a case study can offer was desirable to try to
identify how influential factors interact to shape the situation for young mothers.
2.1.2 Alternative approaches
Choosing a method of a comparative case study, comparing Njombe and Babati in terms of
young mother’s educational situation, was considered an alternative. Considering comparative
studies, there is a terminology the method of agreement and the method of difference. The
former is described as a comparison of cases which are different in most aspects, but have one
thing in common, while the latter refers to cases where all features but one specific
characteristic are similar between them. Comparative method (especially cross-cultural
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studies) is usually used to compare nations (Bjereld et.al. p.82) However, the differences
between cases in a comparative study can have other causes than those identified by the
researcher which makes the method somewhat problematic (Bryman, 2002, p. 70). Further, it
was not considered that a solid ground for comparison based on similarities and differences
could be established beforehand, due to the inductive character of the study and the limited
knowledge of the social and educational systems attained prior to data collection.
A longitudinal design would have been an interesting alternative approach, in order to study
how the prospects in education, employment, social life etc transforms as a school girl
becomes pregnant and is expelled from school (Ibid, p.62). Given the scope of this study it
was however not an alternative at this point in time.
2.2 Sampling method
The sample for this study was found through the combination of convenience- and snowball
sampling methods. Snowball sampling implies an initial contact with relevant informants who
in turn provide contact with further respondents (Bryman, 2002, p.427) In a convenience
sample method, the sample consist of respondents who are easily available at the time and
place of the study (Ibid p.464). Both methods go under the umbrella term of non-probability
sampling techniques. The main problem with such methods is said to be that generalization
from the results is difficult compared to probability sampling methods which is more useful to
provide a sample representative for the population (Ibid, p.114-116). Valentine, however,
notes that it is an illustrative rather than a representative sample that is sought for interview
studies (Valentine, 2005 p.112).
The reason for choosing non-probability sampling methods is that the characteristics of the
population, in this case young mothers who have quit school or been expelled due to
pregnancy, is very hard to identify, and keeps constantly evolving, which makes it very
complicated to establish a sampling frame (Bryman, 2002, p.113, 116). Though government
schools in Tanzania might keep lists of girls who have terminated their studies because of
pregnancy, no such records were available for this study. Not all young mothers are open
about their parenthood due to stigma, which means that trying to identify all young mothers in
a certain setting, such as a school, would imply ethical dilemmas. Hence, convenience- and
snowball sampling methods were considered the most useful.
In field studies and other situations when the study population is difficult to map out, the
researcher needs to ensure to reach many different persons who are relevant to the research
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problem (Bryman, 2002, p.290). In this study different groups of stakeholders were
interviewed to compensate for a less representative sample. The main respondent group
(group 1) included young mothers who had been expelled or had terminated their studies
because of pregnancy, some of whom had gotten an opportunity for further studies or training.
In addition, central stakeholders concerning of young mothers exclusion from education were
identified and interviewed to give their perspectives on young mothers’ educational prospects
and life conditions. These respondent groups included principals, teachers and other school
staff such as educational coordinators and pre-school teachers (group 2), and town council
officers responsible for education matters and community development (group 3).
Including different or additional stakeholders in the study, such as parents of expelled schoolgirls, boys or young fathers, educational rights advocacy groups etc could also have provided
an interesting and deeper analysis of the situation. Previous studies concerning school girl
pregnancies and their consequences for education have included parents of the young
mothers, in addition to set of respondents used in this study (Khwaya & Kassimoto,
1994).Though parents often have a large influence on their daughters life choices and
educational paths, the necessity of a delimitation of this study, it is considered that the most
central stakeholders were included as respondents and that the young mothers’ own stories of
their parents reactions towards the pregnancy and their involvement in education was
sufficient.
2.2.1 Choice of research setting
The towns were chosen based on rather similar characteristics in terms of size and number of
inhabitants etc. Njombe was chosen particularly due to the availability of an FDC offering a
course program specifically targeting young single mothers who had been expelled from
formal schooling because of pregnancy. The towns are located in the southern and northern
part of Tanzania respectively which indicates that similarities between the towns are not
geographically dependent, as could be the case if the study included to town in the same
region. Hence, this is thought to increase the generalizability of the study.
2.2.2 Field assistants
In order to reach appropriate respondents in Babati and Njombe, a field assistant was hired in
each town. The contact with the field assistants was taken though other contacts in the areas,
based on the criteria that they should be female, and be able to interpret during the interviews.
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Based on characteristics sought by the interviewer the field assistants got in touch with
respondents who were asked to participate in an interview concerning young mothers’
educational prospects. Both field assistants were employed in the educational sector, one
teaching at a secondary school, and one coordinating courses for young mothers at an FDC.
They were fluent in Swahili with good English skills. Their positions and knowledge of
language, social and cultural codes and in some cases personal contacts etc. opened doors
which could have been difficult to access for a researcher alone.
The main respondent group, young mothers who have dropped out of government school
because of pregnancy (group 1), were mainly found though contact with personnel at their
previous or current schools/education centers. Principals, teachers and other school staff
(group 2) were reached though visits at schools and education and training centers. At town
councils the in Babati and Njombe, the field assistants respectively took the initial contact
with the secretaries and officers (group 3). Due to the field assistants’ connection to education
thought their occupations, their thoughts and experiences concerning young mothers’
educational prospects and challenges were also valuable, and they were therefore included in
the informant group 2. A few additional persons helped in the study by guiding to the location
of potential respondents, or ask potential respondents to visit a site for interviewing.
During a few interviews in Babati a male teacher assisted in finding respondents and
translating interviews, because the hired female field assistant was unavailable. He was later
asked to reflect on his own role and influence on the respondents, being a male and a teacher,
and he believed that since the respondents were familiar with him they were comfortable
sharing their experiences. This appeared to be true considering the openness in the answers
given by the respondents during the interviews.
2.3 Interviews
Interviews and observations are the most common methods for data collection in case studies
(Bell 1993, p.10), so also in this study. The main method for data collection in this study has
been semi-structured individual face-to-face interviews. As qualitative methods
predominantly focus on the personal stances and perceptions of the respondents, semistructured or unstructured interviews are often considered the most useful method (Bryman,
2002, p. 300). The flexibility of a less structured interview method allows the interviewer to
follow up issues which seems important for the respondent, in order to comprehend the
research matter in all its depth and complexity (Ibid ; Valentine, 2005 p. 110-111). Semistructured and unstructured interviews also allow for new questions to be added to the
14
interview schedule as new issues are brought up by the respondents (Bryman, 2002, p.302).
As Bryman argues, semi-structured interviews are often preferable when the study includes
more than one case, and where the aim and framing of the research question is rather focused
(Ibid, p. 304). Further, the flexible approach of semi-structured interviews was considered
appropriate when carrying out a field study as the cultural interpretations of issues and
practices might need clarification though follow up questions and discussion.
The interviews ranged from around 20 minutes to around one hour. Due to the debate
concerning sitting allowance and its potentially harmful effect for research projects or
seminars, no compensation was given for participating in the interviews (e.g. Access Afya,
2012). The interviews were held in English or translated between English and Swahili by a
third party (see section 2.3.3). The interviews were initiated with a brief presentation of the
study focus and the interviewer and the interpreter if present, following a number of questions
based on an interview guide.
2.3.1 The interview guide
Semi-structured interviews usually includes following a schedule or chart of interview
questions, where the order and formulation of the interview questions can vary in different
interviews. Where the interviewer find it helpful follow up questions can be included for
further understanding of an issue brought up in the interview (Bryman, 2001, p.127).
The interview guide for this study included questions of varying character (Bryman, 2002,
p.307-308). Different interview guides were utilized for the different informant groups due to
their different roles, positions and experiences of the study subject (see appendix 3). The
guides consisted of a set of questions prepared with a suggested phrasing and order. The
questions were further organized in overarching themes. The aim was to cover all of the
themes in all interviews, but depending on the specific interview not necessarily asking all
questions in the guide. The intention of the order of themes and questions was that the initial
questions would provide some background information which could indicate which questions
would be relevant to cover more deeply.
2.3.2 Alternative methods of data collection
Participatory approach
A common aspect of case studies is the utilization of several data-collection methods, for
instance interviews, observations and surveys (Patel & Davidson, 2011, p.57). Kesby et.al.
(2005) describes a number of participatory approaches and participatory diagramming
15
methods to be used in field studies, both for describing and analyzing social phenomenon, as
well as enabling collective leaning and challenging myths and restrictive norms (Kesby et.al.
2005, p. 144-146). In undergraduate studies a fully participatory approach might be too
complicated, but participatory diagramming methods can be incorporated also in smaller scale
research (ibid, p.145). Participatory diagramming includes a model where a group of
participants through discussions and negotiations jointly creates a visual and tactile mapping
of a certain aspect of their realities (ibid, p.147). However, due to the sensitivity of the subject
of school girl pregnancy it was considered best handled in a personal situation rather than in a
group.
One participatory method is the “stepping-stones diagram” (Kesby et al. 2005, p. 156-159).
Though intended to be used in groups, this method was considered appropriate to try as an
integrated part of an individual interview. The stepping-stones diagram is includes two lines
symbolizing the banks of a river, where the one side is the participant’s current position in
life, and the other side represents the participant’s goals, concerning the topic explored. To
reach from the current position to the stated goals, the participant formulates things which
could help attaining the goals, placed in the “river” as “stepping stones”. Further, factors
threatening to obstruct the realization of the goals are included in the diagram as symbols next
to the stepping stones. Each goal, stepping stone and threat can also be scored according to
relevance.
The stepping-stone diagram method was used on trial in the initial phase of the study, as part
of the semi-structured face-to face interview method. The river banks, goals, stepping stones
to reach the goals and the obstructions to reach the goals were drawn on a piece of paper and
explained as each new aspect was introduced. Two stepping-stone diagrams were created, one
indicating the participant’s goals and plans prior to pregnancy and school expulsion, and one
describing goals and plans after she had been forced out of school.
As opposed to what Kesby et al. (2005) suggests, that such participatory methods are helpful
in bringing positive change by the participants themselves or awaken a sense of hope and trust
in the participants’ own capacities (ibid p.144), the diagram rather exposed a feeling of
hopelessness, as the respondent stated “the baby” as the factor obstructing each of her
possible alternatives to reach her goal. Though providing useful information through this
“pilot diagramming session”, the stepping-stones diagram method and its outcomes were
considered ethically doubtful and therefore not used further in this study.
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Questionnaires
Another considered method for data collection was questionnaires. Using questionnaires for
data collection has the benefits of being more time- and cost effective than interviewing many
people. It also decreases the effect that the researcher has on the respondent (Bryman 2002,
p.146). Since questionnaires tend to be limited in enabling the respondent to elaborate and
explain their experiences and beliefs it could have been used as a complement to interviews
where face to face interaction could be utilized to develop the reasoning in the questionnaires
(Valentine, 2005, p.110). However, in this study it was deemed important that the data
collection did not exclude illiterate persons and surveys based on questionnaires were hence
not considered an appropriate method to be used in this field study (Bryman 2002, p.148).
Focus group interviews
Further, an alternative approach would also have been to use focus group interviews, having
several persons participating in a group interview simultaneously, in order to reaching a large
number of respondents in a shorter amount of time. Focus group interviews are mainly useful
when the researcher wishes to investigate the reasoning within a group and the joint
construction of meaning (Bryman 2002, p.127). Though this could have been an interesting
alternative or complement to semi-structured interviews, the subject of pregnancy touches
some sensitive areas which might not be easy for the respondents to comfortably discuss in a
group, and focus group interviews were hence dismissed.
2.3.3 Language and interpretation
The challenges and issues concerning language is important to bring up in this section.
Depending on the language skills and personal wishes of the informants, the interviews were
either held in English or translated between Swahili and English by a translator. Generally,
interviews with the young mothers (group 1), were interviewed with Swahili-English
translation, and interviews with school personnel (group 2) and town council and community
development officers (group 3) were, with a few exceptions, held in English without
translation. In both Babati and Njombe the field assistant also functioned as interpreter. Just
like the characteristics of the interviewer influences the interview situation, so does the
translator’s, and it was considered important that the translator was female, which was the
case in all but three interviews.
A facilitating factor in the interviews was a basic Swahili knowledge of the interviewer which
made it easier to recognize faults in the translation and address it during or after interviews.
Going though the questions with the translator before interviewing enabled that
17
misunderstandings could be sorted out prior the interviews. In an attempt to bridge gaps
between interviewer and respondents, the interviewer initiated most interviews by a brief
introduction to the study in Swahili, and then asking questions in English, with or without
translation.
Since English is not the mother tongue of neither translators, respondents nor the interviewer,
it is likely that some of the information was lost in translation. Because the influence of the
translator on the study is thought to be large, it could have increased the reliability of the
study and facilitated the interview process if interviews were only held in English, without
translation. However, translation made the inclusion of different voices possible, also those
lacking English skills, including the main target group. It was also believed that answering in
their mother tongue made them to speak more freely.
2.3.4 Taking notes
Bryman stresses the importance of recording and transcribing in interviews in qualitative
research (Bryman, 2002, p. 305) However, based on the advice from researchers with
experience of interview-based research in the chosen field study area, note taking was
considered a more appropriate method in that context. Recording interviews could create
misunderstandings of the purpose and future use of the recordings, (such as being broadcasted
on radio) and hence make the respondent feel uncomfortable or excessively self-awareness
(Bryman, 2002, p. 310-311).
During the interviews notes were therefore taken by hand, since the use of a computer could
be a negative distraction. The notes were taken rapidly, though trying to catch as much details
in the given answers as possible. Apart from what was said by the respondent, the notes also
included information on any specific reactions towards a certain question or subject, any
interruptions or distracting events or other people present, as well as when and where the
interview took place (Bryman, 2002, p.307). Communication related problems such as
translation issues or misunderstandings were also noted.
The details possibly (probably) lost through the medium of note taking instead of recording
was considered a smaller cost than the supposed cost associated to respondents feeling
insecure or adapting their answer to the recording medium (Bryman, 2002, p.311)
2.4 Generalizability
As discussed, a sample obtained though the utilized non-probability sampling techniques is
seldom representative for the population. Hence it might be hard, or even impossible to
18
generalize the findings (Bryman, 2002, p.114-116). In studies based on interviews however,
the results sample is often meant to illustrate rather than to represent (Valentine, 2005 p.112).
Since mapping of the population was problematic due to its dynamics, different respondent
groups were included to give a more comprehensive picture of the study subject. (Bryman,
2002, p.290).
Generalizing from a case study is also a subject of debate. However, it is considered that the
studying of two towns, Babati and Njombe, somehow increase the generalizability of the
study, as perceptions of the majority in both towns are more likely to be prevalent in other
parts of Tanzania. If generalized, the findings are most probable to comply with other towns
of similar size. There are however numerous conditions influencing the generalizability of the
study, such as the socio-economic composition of populations and samples, socio-cultural and
religious perceptions in the specific area, economic features of the town and ward, local
characteristics of educational institutions etc.
Though the generalizability of this study is deemed rather low, it has been argued that
relatability, i.e. that the amount and appropriateness of details are sufficient and well related
to the situation in the field, is a more important feature of a case study than generalizability
(Bell 1993, p.11).
2.5 Reliability & Validity
Similarly, a number of factors are likely to have influence on the reliability and validity of the
empirical findings in the study. The informants perceptions of which answers are desirable
from the interviewers point of view, and which answers and behaviors has the most potential
to benefit them personally such examples influencing the reliability i.e. if the study would
provide the same results if it was performed by different researcher or at a different point in
time (Bryman 2002, p.257). This became evident as some respondents did ask for economical
and social assistance during or after the interviews. When analyzing the interview material,
such cases of suspected bias was treated with caution. The most prominent example is that a
few out-of school mothers interviewed in Njombe attended the interview with the belief that it
could provide them a place in the FDC single mother program. This issue, which also
constituted one of the major ethical concerns of the study, had sprung from
miscommunication between the interviewer, the field assistants, and the interviewees, and
was discovered after the interviews were conducted. Other respondents had previous
experience of compassions providing financial assistance to cover school fees, often basing
their evaluation on interviews, which influenced their expectations on the interview. When
19
this appeared, the situation and the role of the interviewer were explained more thoroughly,
making sure the respondent was clear on the terms of participation.
In order to ensure the validity of the study the groups most influenced by or influential in the
expulsion or drop-out of pregnant school-girls were initially identified. The methods and the
range of respondents included in the study, and the time spent in the field, are deemed to
provide high validity, evaluated to give valid information about the subjects explored (Ibid, p.
471).
2.6 Objectivity and reflectivity
The characteristics of the interviewer and its influence on the interview situation are important
to reflect upon. Being reflective and aware of a privileged and power centered position often
(but not always) associated with the role of the researcher (Valentine in Flowerdew and
Martin, 2005, p. 114-5) is especially important to acknowledge in research conducted in
“developing countries” (Valentine, 2005, p. 114). The positions and power relations between
the interviewer and interviewee, for instance based on ethnicity, gender, age, occupation,
politics and experiences, shapes the interview situation, and the goal is not to try and erase
these characteristics, but to be aware of their influence. Similarities between the parties can
facilitate building a rapport between the researcher and respondent (Ibid. p.113).
The claim that objectivity of qualitative interview-based research and social science is not
achievable is supported in this study (Valentine, 2005, p. 111-112). Despite endeavors to not
impose ideas or expectations on the respondent, the interviewers’ understandings and worldviews influences how words and meanings are interpreted (Valentine in Flowerdew & Martin,
2005, p. 112). However, it is not claimed that the research is subjective as opposed to
objective, but that the effects of medium of the researcher cannot be removed; though the
challenges it imposes can be eased though awareness of one’s preconceptions and personal
characteristics.
In this study the most influential factors were thought to include ethnicity, language skills,
education and gender. Gender issues were thought to have greatest influence when
interviewing young mothers - since there were many characteristics differing between
respondents and interviewer the shared experience of being a young woman became an
important bridge-builder (Valentine in Flowerdew & Martin, 2005 p.113).
Wealth, as a relative phenomenon, was also thought to be influential in the interviews. The
reocurring assumption that the interviewer or a possible organization behind the study could
20
provide financial assistance, influenced the answers of some informants, trying to make the
interview outcome work to their personal benefit. Being aware of this possible bias, the
interpreters were asked on their opinion of whether the informants were influenced in a
certain way by the interviewer or the translator, or if their answers were deemed trustworthy.
Since the interpreters were more aware of cultural and social codes in Tanzanian societies,
their reflections were deemed valuable.
Interviews, Valentine (2005) argues, are not meant to provide a representative picture.
Instead, they but puts emphasis on what meanings and values the individuals attribute to a
subject and which processes and structures surrounds them, and claims that due to the
dynamics of a conversation-style interview they cannot be replicated in the exact same
manner, only similarly conducted, in a later study (Valentine, 2005, p. 111-112).
2.7 Critique of written sources
The sources used for the theoretical framework and introductory sections in this thesis consist
predominantly of peer-reviewed articles in scientific journals, published books and public
reports. The primary sources of theories and studies have generally been sought, and utilized
when available. Further, the aim has been to achieve a mix of geographical perspectives, and
prominent and less well known authors of different genders. Some sources of statistical data
have been utilized, and it should be noted that statistics should always be handled with some
caution. However, no obvious financial or political incentives are found for the sources to
present biased information.
21
3. The research setting
3.1 Babati & Njombe
This chapter briefly introduces the research setting describing geographical and
demographic characteristics of Babati and Njombe, followed by a review how the Tanzanian
education system is structured.
Babati is situated in the north-eastern part of mainland Tanzania, within the northern zone.
The town of Babati is part of the Babati District which in turn is located in the Manyara
region (TDHS 2010). The Iringa region, where Njombe district including Njombe town is
located, is part of the Sothern highland zone in the south-western part of the Tanzanian
mainland (TDHS, 2010). (See appendix 1)
Tanzania’s total population was 34,5 million people in 2002 (Tanzania 2002 Population and
housing census) which according to recent estimates (2012) has grown to 43,6 million (CIA,
2012). The national growth rate was 2.9 in 2010 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2011).
According to the 2002 census in Tanzania, the population in Njombe district was 420 000 out
of which 224 000 were female and 196 000 were male. In the Iringa region where Njombe
district is located, lived 1,5 million people, also with a slight female majority. The average
household size for the district was 4.3, the same number as the regional average (United
Republic of Tanzania, 2002, p.3). In 2010 the regional population was 1,7 million (National
Bureau of Statistics, 2011).
The population of Babati District, located in the Manyara region, was 303 000 with a female
population of 147 000, and male population of 156,000. In total 1 million persons live in the
region, with a slightly higher male proportion. The average family size is 5.1 for Babati
district and 5.2 for the whole region (United Republic of Tanzania, 2002, p.3). In 2010 the
population of the region had grown to 1,388,000 people (National Bureau of Statistics, 2011).
The HIV prevalence in the two regions are very different, with a total of 14,7 percent
prevalence in Iringa region, the highest in the country, compared to 3 percent in Manyara
region (National Bureau of Statistics, 2011).
3.2 The Tanzanian education system
The Tanzanian mainland and Zanzibar have different educational systems, the main
difference being that both primary and lower secondary education is free and compulsory on
Zanzibar while on the mainland only primary education is. This study will focus on the
22
educational provision and challenges on the mainland. In short, the mainland formal
education is built up by seven years of primary education (standard 1-7) generally started at
age seven, four years of lower secondary education (“ordinary”- or “O-level, form 1-4), two
years of upper secondary education (“advanced”- or “A-level”, form 5-6) and between three
and five years of university education depending on the course. In other words, the formal
education and training system in Tanzania is structured 2 – 7 – 4 – 2 – 3+ (MoEVT, 2009, p.
xiv).
The Tanzanian education sector is divided into four sub-groups. Basic education, one of the
sub-groups, includes Pre-primary, Primary, Secondary, Non-formal and Teacher and adult
education. The other sub-groups are Folk education, Higher education and Technical and
vocational education and training. The Folk education stands under the Ministry of
Community Development, Gender and Children, while the other three groups are included
under the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training (MoEVT) (Education sector
development committee, 2010) (See appendix 2 for more details on how Tanzanian education
is structured).
Adult and non formal education can be divided into Non Formal Education, Complementary
Basic Education and Adult Education. The education targets a specific group through a
certain program. Students aged 19 and above outside the formal education system are referred
to Adult education. Technical and Vocational Education and Training is provided by both
public and private institutions, offering knowledge and skills focused on a certain
occupational area, in order to enhance the employability of the students (Education sector
development committee, 2010).
The focus of folk education is developing and advancing skills and knowledge of adults,
preparing them for self employment and democratic, economic and cooperative paths.
According to the education sector performance report, folk education is benefiting its target
groups, enabling them to improve their living conditions as well as technical skills, and
readiness for self-employment. Folk development colleges provide folk education and
vocational training combined, and offer outreach courses targeting vulnerable groups. Five
colleges offer training for young mothers who have dropped out of formal education due to
pregnancy (Education sector development committee, 2010).
23
4. Theoretical framework
In this section, studies concerning teen-pregnancies, school-girl expulsion and re-entry into
the educational system are first presented. The theory section is initiated by broader
approaches to education, followed by theoretical ideas of the inter-relatedness of education,
gender, human capital, economic growth, fertility and school drop-out.
There is much research from different parts of the world establishing the discrimination
against, and underrepresentation of, girls and women in education. Research concerning
adolescent pregnancies and pregnancy-related school drop-outs often largely focuses on
understanding background factors and preventing the occurrence of such events (e.g. Harris &
Allgood, 2009; Bennett & Assefi, 2005). This study however considers the aftermath for the
girls in Tanzania who faces exclusion from education because they have conceived, and
further seeks to identify what situation this puts them in, and which future paths are available.
4.1 Previous research
4.1.1 Pregnancy-related drop-outs
Pregnancy is a common reason for girls dropping out or being excluded from education in
primary and secondary school. The trend in Tanzania shows that pregnancy-related drop-outs
have increased, especially in secondary schools (United Nations Tanzania. 2010). According
educational statistics, in 2009 pregnancy was the second most common reason for drop out in
secondary schools (public and private), at over 10 per cent of total drop out (counting both
girls and boys), following truancy at 69 per cent. The vast majority of pregnancy related dropouts occurred in O-level of secondary school, with almost half occurring in form 3. Lack of
needs and “other reasons” were also common causes for drop out, both at 9 per cent.
(MoEVT, 2009, p.64) Also in matrilineal societies in the otherwise patriarchal Tanzania,
pregnancy, marriage and truancy are common reasons for drop out from secondary school
(Machimu & Mindle. 2010).
4.1.2 Challenges of expelled pregnant girls
Tanzania
Khwaya and Kassimoto (1994) has studied views and experiences of drop-out from secondary
school due to pregnancy in Tanzania by interviewing school-girls who have been pregnant,
their teachers, parents and the educational authorities. The girls who had been pregnant had
faced a number of problems as a young expectant mother, which apart from expulsion from
24
school included low social status, shame and isolation. Further, being driven away from the
family home, mainly a decision by the girl’s father, and being rejected by the father of her
child meant a loss of both financial and social support (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994). Also
Ringsted notes that young mothers are often rejected or badly treated by their families
(Ringsted, 2004).
In the experience of these girls, their future aspirations were shattered as a result of the
pregnancy and expulsion. The parents however usually wished that re-entry to school for
young mothers would be allowed by the ministry of education, adding that impregnating
school girls should be penalized by law (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994).
A number of reasons for school-girl pregnancies were identified. Apart from love
relationships, having a sexual relationship based on financial assistance and gifts was
commonly mentioned reason. Others were lack of sexual knowledge which makes young girls
easily seduced (stated by other secondary students) and long traveling distances to and from
school which increases girls’ risk of rape or seduction (stated by teachers) (Khwaya &
Kassimoto, 1994). A survey of violence against children in Tanzania shows that sexual
violence often occurs at school or on the way to or from school. Of survey respondents aged
13-18 years 4 percent reported to have been given money or gifts in exchange for sex
(Violence against children report, p 75).
4.1.3 Re-entry
In a review of laws and policies usually referred to when expelling expectant mothers, the
Tanzanian education advocacy organization HakiElimu concludes that there is no law
explicitly stating pregnant school-girls should be expelled. However, due to the room for
interpretation within several educational policies, expulsion has been justified as supported in
law, for instance being expelled due to immoral behavior. This has created a confusion
concerning its legal foundations, further fueled by the sporadic claims that a re-entry policy
has been implemented (HakiElimu, 2011).
In Tanzania the need for a re-entry policy and clear guidelines supportive of girls who have
dropped out of school due to pregnancy has been voiced by different educational stakeholders
and advocacy organizations (HakiElimu, 2011; United Nations Tanzania, 2010) and is said to
be currently discussed in parliament, and drafts and guidelines for re-entry have been
prepared (Education sector development committee, 2010). In a number of countries in SSA,
the critique of expulsion of pregnant school-girls has led to the development of re-entry
policies and guidelines for re-admitting young mothers.
25
Kenya
The prospects and challenges of the re-entry policy in Kenya is examined in the study of
Wanyama and Simatwa (2011). It provides a picture of the broad range of existing
perceptions, support and challenges concerning re-entry for young mothers, by including
several different stakeholders in the study (head teachers, guidance and counseling teachers,
chairpersons of parents’ teachers associations and school girls etc.) (Wanyama & Simatwa,
2011).
The mockery, gossiping, and subsequent embarrassment, shame and guilt often experienced
by young mothers meant that most girls did not seek re-entry due to shyness. The girls who
sought re-entry were those with enough confidence to cope with stigma and ridicule from
their peers. Another identified challenge for re-entry was lack of parental support to pay
school fees, and the lack of a maid to look after the baby when the mother is at school.
Despite a very strong indication that most expelled girls and their parents are unaware of the
re-entry policy guidelines, the study shows that many parents sought re-entry for their
pregnant daughters (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011).
Unawareness of policy guidelines concerning the re-admission of the girls proved to be a
major challenge also among school administration and staff. Some schools are willing to readmit girls, and did so in order to fulfill the Kenyan re-entry policy of the ministry of
education, but many did not . Most of the head teachers were concerned that re-admitting
these girls would damage the reputation of the school, being labeled a maternity school or
being viewed as immoral and therefore be shunned. Many respondents, including the majority
of head teachers further feared that having young mothers in the school environment would
have a bad influence on other students and encourage promiscuous behavior. It was widely
believed that others would consider it fine to become pregnant, because of the possibility of
re-entry to school. The schools were also, according to teachers, unable to provide the special
attention needed of pregnant girls during their late stages of pregnancy, used as a statement
against allowing the girl to study until close to her due time (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011).
However, if the background of the student was kept hidden, most of the head teachers allowed
re-entry of girls from other schools and also advised pregnant students to seek re-entry in
other schools, as the most effective means to fulfill the re-entry policy. Most respondents
preferred if the girl sought entry in another school than where she studied when she became
pregnant. By not revealing her background as a mother, the risk of stigma and ridicule would
be prevented it was asserted.
26
The vast majority of the respondents believed, based on previous experiences of young
mothers re-entering and excelling in their studies that the girls had potential to succeed if they
were re-admitted in school. It is however claimed that a crucial part of successful fulfillment
of re-entry policies is that the community understands the importance of allowing re-entry for
this group of girls (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011).
Botswana
Also in Botswana pregnancy-related drop-outs imposes a barrier to equity in education and to
socio-economic enhancement of women. Botswana does have a re-entry policy establishing
that girls who fall pregnant in primary or secondary school are required to drop out of school
immediately, and can apply to be re-admitted once her child reaches one year of age, but not
in her former school (Meekers & Ahmed, 2010).
Though the girls are allowed to return after the maternity leave, many of them never do. This
was due to factors such as re-entry procedures being difficult or unknown to the young
mothers, re-entry in different schools might mean long traveling distances, and lack of child
care can make it impossible for the girl to attend school. One of the most influential factors,
the study shows, is parental support. During the maternity leave period many of the girls are
prompted by their parents to get a job, especially if the parents show anger and
disappointment related to her pregnancy. The girls who have begun working after dropping
out of school or whose parents are angry or disappointed because of the pregnancy are much
less likely to return to school once the mandatory leave period is over (Ibid,.p.204-207).
However, among those who did return to school after the leave period, the results demonstrate
that despite more than a year spent away from school, the majority made educational
progress, and most complete the level of education (Ibid, p.207-208).
The study also considers prevention, showing that one factor strongly associated with reduced
pregnancy related drop-outs, especially from secondary school, was the use of contraceptives
at the first intercourse. It is also claimed that the more years spent in secondary school, the
lower is the risk of pregnancy-related drop-out. This claim opposes ideas that modern
education brings irresponsible behavior in terms of sex and relationships (Ibid. p..201-203)
It is claimed that many pregnant school-girls in Africa unwilling to face formal expulsion
drop out before they are expelled or go through induced abortion to be able to stay in school.
(Ibid, p.195).
27
USA
The lives and prospects of teen mothers is also the subject of SmithBattle’s research on
American adolescents, specifically their educational prospects, before and after their child
was born (similar in many way s to this study). The research is a longitudinal study consisting
of interviews with teen mothers and their parent/s (SmithBattle 2007).
A typical tendency among the teen mothers was that their educational aspirations had
increased as they had become mothers, because they were more determined to create a good
and secure future for themselves and their children. Many also voiced regret about becoming
pregnant, calling it a mistake which will not be repeated. Both the teen mothers and their
parents stressed the importance of education and/or skills for employment and financial
independence (Ibid).
In spite of this, the young mothers’ obstacles to remain in or return to school were plentiful.
Domestic responsibilities and income earning often impeded the educational attainment for
the teen mothers in the study, worsened by parents’ limited ability to financially support the
teen mother’s continuous schooling due to their own low income and a educational level. In
addition, many of the parents expected the teen mother cover most expenses related to the
baby, leading to income generating work competing with school attendance for the young
mothers. Some parents showed their disappointment towards the daughter by driving them
away from home. Problems with arranging daycare and transportation also decreased the
teens’ ability to go back to school, an issue further elevated through decreased family support
following the pregnancy (SmithBattle, 2007).
Among the available educational alternatives for the teen mothers, home schooling, provided
in the suburban districts, had proved to be the most positive, while the pregnancy school
where girls in the urban districts were referred to was too bureaucratically stiff and hard to get
in to. Home schooling had allowed the girls to return to their classes. However, the schools
need a better understanding of the certain needs of the young mothers re-entering the class.
Other assistance for young mothers included subsidized child care and social welfare, the
latter with the condition of educational attendance (Ibid).
28
4.2 Theories
4.2.1 Four approaches to gender equality in education
There has been a range of approaches to the issue of gender quality in education over the last
decades, in different ways shaping views of the challenges, opportunities and required efforts
to promote access, quality, and gender equality in education (Unterhalter, 2005, p. 15-18).
Women in Development
The Women in Development (WID) framework introduced in the 1970’s stress girls’ access
to education though school expansion in order to enhance female contributions to the
development, highlighting the economic and social benefits of education girls and women,
including poverty reduction. WID has been influential to the perception of girls’ and women’s
education, reflected in the education-related MDGs (Mannathoko, 2008, p.130) and different
World Bank publications etc. Efforts to reach gender parity in schools are in line with the
ideas of WID. According to Unterhalter (2005) the parole: “If you educate a woman you
educate a whole nation” (Unterhalter, 2005, p.18) captures the WID’s lack of consideration of
power subordination and exploitation, as the saying is noted to imply that women’s education
is not for themselves but to benefit others (Ibid).
Gender and Development
The framework of Gender and Development (GAD), used from the 1980’s onward, gives less
policy implication than WID, as it in terms of education focuses on to what degree the
structure of educational institutions – from facilities and curriculum, to sexual violence and
division of labor – is gender responsive, or discriminating and stereotyping towards girls. The
focus of GAD is on educational quality in a wider sense, and how gender structures influences
on both girls and boys, which makes it far more complicated to measure compared to the WID
approach. The quality of education also include life skills and sex education facilitating girls
to make informed and healthy decisions concerning sex and reproduction, and school
environments where girls feel safe and at ease. The creation of gender-sensitive policy, such
as allowing pregnant girls to re-enter without discrimination or stigma, and making all
subjects available for both girls and boys is in line with GAD. (Unterhalter, 2005, p.20-26)
Poststructuralism
The poststructuralist approach to education was developed in the 1990’s as a criticism
towards stereotyping of, for instance “third-world women”, arguing that educational
institutions disregarded the knowledge, experience and local expertise of local indigenous
groups, and the marginalization or stereotyping of girls, women and minority groups in
29
research and development interventions. The poststructuralist framework highlights the
dynamic process of gender and identity creation, including both female and male roles, and is
increasingly incorporated in educational policies. (Unterhalter, 2005, p.26-27)
Rights and capabilities
Also around the 1990’s, the approach to gender equality in education from a rights- and
capability-based point of view was formed. It sprung partly from the work of Sen and
Nussbaum, formulating the capabilities approach, (see section 4.2.5) and partly from the set of
frameworks and conventions declaring the right to education, however with some different
interpretations (Unterhalter, 2005, p.27-29). Apart from the right to education, implying
access and attendance, also the right within and the right through education is stressed though
the framework, meaning an education that is gender-friendly and non-discriminatory towards
girls, and result in increased female rights and gender justice in the wider community
enhancing women’s capabilities (Mannathoko, 2008, p. 135). These rights support both
gender parity and equality and has influenced the UNDP Human development report
(Unterhalter, 2005, p.27-29).
4.2.2 Education and Human capital
One widely studied issue is the link between education and human capital which in turn is
associated with economic growth (Klasen, 2002). The notion of human capital, first
developed by Shultz in the 1960’s, is described as the personal competence, knowledge, skills
and other physical, mental and social attributes accumulated through education and training,
and expected to contribute to a person’s production capacity (NE, 2012).
Different studies suggest that level of education is an important determinant for level of
economic growth and/or personal income level. In both Tanzania and Kenya the personal
returns of post-primary education are said to be higher compared to primary education,
considering manufacturing workers in different sectors and positions (Söderbom et.al. 2006).
There is said to be a vast difference in wages between educated and non-educated workers in
Tanzania. Workers with secondary education earn more than workers with primary schooling,
who in turn have higher pay than uneducated workers (Seebens & Wobs, 2006). The same
pattern is evident in a study on Ghana which also shows that on a microeconomic scale,
higher educational level is strongly associated with enhanced productivity among
manufacture workers, and in turn higher wages among the workers (Jones, 2001). Further
education after formal secondary education also increases employees’ wages considerably
(Al-Samarrai & Reilly. 2005).
30
The results relating more years in education to workers higher wages are however contrasted
by findings that workers with vocational training, which usually imply fewer years of
schooling than secondary education, earn more than secondary educated workers (Jones,
2001). Though the author imply this could be due to statistical error, others have also noted
the benefits of Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) (Gaidzanwa, 2008).
Though the returns from education is higher at higher levels, primary education is crucial for
the accumulation of secondary school students. The transfer of students to secondary
education is important though, to achieve higher returns to education. So is a subsequent
expansion of the labor market demand of educated and skilled workers to absorb a higher
supply though suggested expansion of secondary education (Söderbom et.al. 2006).
On a national level, a study of 93 countries concludes that long-term higher national economic
growth can be expected from the expansion of higher education. The authors assert a strong
positive relationship between human capital, quality and level of education, and economic
growth, emphasizing the policy implications of governments expanding higher education and
university programs (Agiomirgianakis et.al. 2002).
For poor countries, human capital investments function as input which increases production,
i.e. the national output, and at the same time as a facilitator for future innovations and
technology imitation. Primary education is more important for output production, and postprimary education play a greater role in technology production, research and development
(Papageorgiou, 2003).
4.2.3 Gender, education and economic growth
Research reveals that gender inequality in education has a negative impact on economic
growth in the long term, since its direct effect is lower average levels of human capital
(Klasen, 2002, p.370). It is also argued that drop out from school means lost investments, both
by the family’s and the state’s (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994). According to the World Bank,
investing in girls is among the most cost-effective ways to stimulate development and
poverty-reduction (World Bank, 2008). Chaaban and Cunningham’s (2011) study through the
World Bank emphasizes the importance of investing in girls and young women, pointing at
individual, societal and intergenerational benefits. The study examines the economic
opportunity costs of underinvestment in girls excluding them from productive employment,
by analyzing teen pregnancy, early school dropout and joblessness among girls in a number of
countries, Tanzania included (Chaaban & Cunningham, 2011, p.2-6). Estimating the
economic consequences of insufficient investments in girls – leading to unused female
31
potential, loss inhuman capital and slower economic growth – the study reveals that even
minor investment in girls have significant effects on growth of GDP. If the studied cohort of
girls completed one higher educational level, it would lead to large increases of productivity
over the course of the girls’ lifetime, especially in the African countries studied (Chaaban &
Cunningham, 2011, p21). In the example of Tanzania less than 60 percent of girls complete
primary school studies (Ibid, p.13). If girls in Tanzania would have completed primary
education, their increased productivity over a lifetime would be equivalent to 18 percent of
the country’s annual gross domestic product (GDP), while completion of secondary education
would mean a lifetime increase of 32 percent of annual GDP. Also adolescent pregnancy is
associated with very high lifetime opportunity costs, measured in lost productivity and
income, for instance 30 percent of annual GDP in Uganda and 18 percent in Tanzania (Ibid, p.
30).
The study concludes that the significant economic gains of investing in girls though
addressing early school drop-out, teenage pregnancy and joblessness among females should
be seen as underestimates of the total benefits investments to improve girls’ lives, such as the
social and intergenerational benefits (Ibid, 2011, p. 22-23).Others have also noted the positive
non-economic spill-over effects of education including improved health of educated persons’
family members, higher ability to obtain and pass on information, and lower fertility rates
among educated women (Seebens & Wobs, 2006), which also constitute indirect positive
impacts of education on economic growth (Klasen 2002). The economic perspective of equity
in education is also reflected though the application of rhetoric of supply and demand to the
field of education, generally associated with market mechanisms. Concerning girls’ education,
the factors on the supply-side are said to be availability, quality and gender-sensitivity of
schools and curriculums, while the demand-side factors include how girls and their families
perceive and receive the available educational options, including costs and expected outcomes
(Abu-Ghaida & Klasen, 2004).
Though wage returns to both primary and secondary education are generally much higher for
females than males (Chaaban & Cunningham, 2011, p.2-6), the pattern showing positive
consequences of gender equality in education proves to be especially clear in sub-Saharan
Africa (Klasen, 2002, p.370). Tanzanian research focusing on primary education, also shows
that the return to education is higher for women than for men. A female worker earns 5.2
times as much if having a primary education compared to being uneducated, while for male
workers this number is only 2.8 (Seebens & Wobs, 2006). An educated woman is also more
32
likely than her uneducated counterpart to find a formal waged employment (Meekers &
Ahmed, 2010, p.195). Girls and women lacking basic education are excluded from technical,
vocational and scientific work sectors, leading them to enter the domestic, agricultural or informal
work sectors. The agricultural sector is associated with low productivity and low pay, and microenterprise, such as street vending is an easy entry easy exit sector with high competition and low
income and expansion possibilities. Secondary education increases opportunities for better paid
formal and informal non-agricultural jobs (Gaidzanwa, 2008).
In the formal public sector jobs there is a concentration of women in caring professions,
including teaching, nursing and secretarial work. These sectors are attractive to girls partly
because it can enable trainee or job opportunities abroad, but, within Africa as in most areas,
feminized jobs in service, domestic and clerical sectors are often low paid jobs (Gaidzanwa,
2008).
Structural transformation, the Fisher-Clark model
Related to theories of how education enhances economic growth and non-agricultural
employment, a brief presentation of theories concerning structural transformation made. The
Lewis model (1955), also referred to as the two sector model, emphasizes the transition from
agricultural sector to the industrial sector. According to the model, the rural agricultural sector
is associated with low productivity of labor while the urban industrial sector has a high labor
productivity. A transfer of workers from agriculture to industry is therefore expected to
accelerate industrialization though the access labor available and lead to economic growth
(Economics Online (n.d.)). In a similar notion, A. Fisher (1935) and C. Clark (1940)
independently developed a model of three sectors, the three-sector hypothesis or the FisherClark model, including a primary secondary and tertiary sector (Ruttan, 1970 & Economics
Online (n.d.)). The primary sector includes activities relating to producing raw materials such
as agriculture, fishing, forestry etc, the secondary sector produces manufacturing goods, and
the tertiary sector is the service sector (Clark, C. 1957 & Johnston, 1970). The model suggests
that along with economic progress of a country comes a transition of labor from the primary
to the secondary and finally to the tertiary sector of the economy (Ruttan, 1970 & Clark,
1957). It is argued that economic growth is what leads to this transition. In turn, economic
growth is achieved though higher output per worker in any one of the sectors, leading to labor
transferring from sectors with low output per worker to those with higher output (Ruttan,
1970).
33
4.2.4 Education and demography
Gender bias in education also indirectly effects economic growth through its influence on
population growth and investments. It is stated that inequality in education can lower
economic growth through the effect of education on demography, as population growth is
associated with lower economic growth rates (Klasen, 2002, p.347-348). There are also
intergenerational benefits involving human-capital accumulation also of later generations and
subsequent economic growth because children of educated women are more likely to receive
an education, due to the mother’s support and overall environment (Ibid, p. 352).
Jones, fertility transition
Another perspective of a transitioning from an agriculture dominated society is provided by
Jones (1990) who states that economic change and education provision are two aspects of
modernization, often accompanying one another, that clearly reduces fertility (Jones, 1990,
p.143).
Two theories of fertility decline are discussed, the classical model of demographic transition
developed from a European perspective, and the theory of intergenerational wealth flows
drawing from case studies in low income countries. The demographic transition attributes
lower fertility to lower mortality as a pre-industrial society becomes to a capitalist “modern”
one. According to the model of intergenerational wealth flows, formulated by Caldwell in
1982, there are two types of societies, one where heads of family find it economically gainful
to have many children, and one where higher fertility is associated with higher cost. The
former is related to family-based production, such as subsistence farming, while the latter ties
to capitalist structures with production and waged work outside the home and family. A
transition from the first type of society to the latter is based on changes in the fundamental
structure of family economics, i.e. when there is a change in the direction Wealth flows,
described as life-long transitions of financial means, goods, labor, social security etc from one
generation to another (Jones, 1990, p.100-101).
In the first type of society, the younger generation contributes to the income and social
security of the older generation, who are then the benefiters both of the production and
reproduction of the family. The transition to the second type of society occurs when children
are no longer needed for production, as external employment undermines the relationship
between production and reproduction within the family, and the obligations of the younger
family members towards the older. One factor which can offset such transition is increased
school enrollment. Instead of children contributing with labor at home, they attend school
34
which is associated with costs such as school fees, books, uniforms etc. making it expensive
to raise large families, hence fertility rates fall. Further, educated youth tend to have children
at a later age than their uneducated parents (Jones, 1990, p.143). Education is considered
important for acquiring employment outside of the agricultural sector, which has been
regarded necessary for many families as population growth increases the pressure on farmland
(Ibid). Waged work outside the home also enables young adults in the family to earn an
income and become less dependent of the family as the central financial unit. (Ibid, p.100102) However, since education of a child is likely also to benefit the parents, in the long term
the direction of wealth flows is not necessarily changed though educational provision, though
it reduces fertility (Ibid, p.143).
4.2.5 Sen, Education and fertility decline
Sen’s capability approach, further developed by Martha Nussbaum (Unterhalter, 2005, p. 28)
stresses the opportunities for each person, based on their available resources, to access
freedoms in different areas of life, to which they have a fundamental right (Sen, 1999). Sen
(1999) attributes much developmental progress to girls’ and women’s access to education in
his discussion on capabilities and personal freedoms as an alternative to the economic view of
national development. (Ibid, p.53-57)
The main argument in Sen’s discussion concerning women is the importance of enhancement
of both women’s well being and women’s agency. As important as it is to address the
injustice in the world towards women in order to improve their lives and wellbeing, as crucial
is it that women’s agency is enhanced and that the role of women as active agents of change is
recognized, as opposed to passive receivers of aid. The improvements in one of these areas
trigger improvements in the other; female agency will increase women’s wellbeing, which
will enable further agency, etc. and contribute to her capabilities (Ibid, p.267-9). In a similar
manner Sen argues that personal freedom within one area of life, can increase the freedoms
within other areas (for example can women’s access of work outside the home can increase
the freedom from hunger and morbidity) (Ibid p.276). On the opposite side, the neglect of
women’s agency, needs and rights, in all its cultural diversity, has one in common; that its
negative effects reaches beyond women, affecting the wider population (Ibid).
Part of the positive chain reaction of agency and well being is attributed to women’s
education. Education has the potential to create enlightened and competent individuals, which
can enhance the agency of these women, trough the skills and knowledge it brings, as well as
the status and strengthened voice of the women in the family and society. It can offer tools of
35
knowledge and negotiation power, as well as a wider horizon and deeper understanding of the
community and the world. In Sen’s perspective, education is both an end and means of
development. Further, female literacy, own income earning and work outside the home,
participation in decision making in the community and the family are factors both enhanced
by education and influencing women’s agency (Ibid, p.270). Education increases possibilities
of participation on the labor market and globalized economy, which influences national
economic growth and family income. (Ibid, p. 59-60) Female participation in economic
activities is positive for community development as well as for the enhancement of women’s
social status and agency (Ibid p. 285-287) An educated woman also has better tools for
improving the wellbeing of her family as well (Ibid, p.270).
The issue most highlighted by Sen concerning women and education is however he impact of
female education on fertility rates. Fertility is closely related to both wellbeing and agency of
women through its association women’s freedom and status (Ibid, p.282). On the personal
level, high fertility rates and frequent childbearing and child-rearing can impede the wellbeing
and personal freedom of women, young women in particular Sen highlights (Ibid, p.208).
When education increases women’s status and negotiating power within the family, they tend
to space their children further apart and have fewer children (Ibid, p. 276). In fact, according
to large-scale research in India, education and waged work (which can be increased through
education (Ibid, p.59) are the two most influential determinants for decreased fertility rates
(Ibid, p.276). Women’s knowledge of access and use of family planning, along with power to
assert – and act according to – their interests in the family can lower fertility rates and enable
better planning of childbearing as a result of education. (Ibid p.285-6) Literacy of women also
decreases child mortality rates, which in turn is associated with lower fertility rates (Ibid p.
277, 282). There is also a correlation between women’s independence and agency within the
family and lower child mortality (Ibid p.274).
The general wellbeing of societies and families also benefit from female agency and
capabilities. Decreased fertility rates ease the pressure of population on growth on land and
resources and the distribution of income and resources in the family is also influenced by
increased status of women, leading to better wellbeing for women and children. For instance,
women’s social positioning influences the distribution of food in the event of chronic or acute
famine, and the share of family resources allocated to healthcare for different family members
(Ibid p.174-5). The interests of women tend to be strengthened through the empowerment of
women, hence benefiting other female family- and community members. (Ibid p. 274-276)
36
However, Sen argues, women’s work outside of the home does not necessarily lead to lower
child mortality since increased participation of women on the labor market often imposes a
double burden on women as the domestic responsibilities usually remain (Ibid p.279)
reflecting the dual roles of women as producer and reproducer, as discussed by Bryceson
(1980).
4.3 Education and early motherhood
Also in Tanzania education appears to be one of the most striking factors influencing fertility.
It is eight times more common among uneducated Tanzanian women (52 percent) compared
to women with secondary or higher education (6 percent) to have begun childbearing at age of
19 (TDHS, 2010). Also higher household wealth and living in an urban area is associated with
beginning childbearing at a later age, and have fewer children (TDHS, 2010). Women with no
education also have twice as many children as secondary or higher-educated women, and
women with secondary or higher education desire smaller families than women who are
uneducated. On average the desired family size among Tanzanians is to have five children.
The country’s total fertility rate has steadily been decreasing from 6.8 children per woman
reported in the 1960s, to the current average number of children per woman of 5.4 (TDHS,
2010; Gapminder, 2011).
The use of modern contraceptives is drastically higher, almost double, among women who
have a secondary and higher education than women with no education (TDHS 2010). The risk
of infant death is reduced if the spacing between children is 36 months or more (TDHS, 2010)
The mortality risk is also higher for teenage mothers, as well as for their children, compared
to adult women whose bodies are more ready for childbearing (United Nations Tanzania,
2010)
Also the age at which women first marry increases with education in Tanzania. The median
age for first marriage is 17.7 years for girls, while men marry at the median age of 24.3 years.
(TDHS, 2010). Around 18 percent of female adolescents aged 15-19 are married or in union
(Unicef, (n.d.)). It has been argued that inequality in education is partly due to the perception
that paying education for a son is a wiser investment than for a daughter, who will eventually
marry “out of the family”. Boys have been expected to bring income to the family though
waged work, and care for the parents at old age while girls contribution to the family wealth
has traditionally been though the bride-wealth paid to her parents once she marries and
becomes part of the husband’s family (Mbilinyi, 1972).
37
For girls median age of first sexual intercourse is almost the same as that for marriage, at 17.4
years for, and one year later for boys (TDHS, 2010) but survey data show that 29 percent of
females on the mainland who had sexual intercourse before turning 18 years old were raped,
coerced or forced (Violence against children report, p. 29). Over 6% of females 13 to 24 years
of age who were ever pregnant reported that at least one pregnancy was caused by sexual
violence (Ibid p.61).
In a country with a young population such as Tanzania, with 42 percent of the total population
below 15 years of age, and 23 percent adolescents aged 10-19 the fertility patterns of the
youth can have large effects for the total population growth and the population dependency
ratio (Unicef, (n.d); CIA, 2012).3 In Tanzania the age dependency ratio is 92 percent, i.e. 92
dependents per 100 working age persons (World Bank, 2012).
4.3.1 Mitigating pregnancy-related drop-outs
It is claimed that achieving the 3rd MDG, to eliminate gender disparities in primary and
secondary education could also affect other MDG’s including universal primary education,
reduction of under five mortality, improvement of maternal health and possibly reduction of
HIV/AIDS (MDG’s 2, 4-6) (World Bank, 2008). Ensuring that schools are safe from
harassment, rape and risk of pregnancy will encourage more parents to let their daughters
complete school and decrease pregnancy-related drop out (Gaidzanwa, 2008). Other ways to
achieve girls access to and gender parity in school are boarding schools and girls’ hostels, or
targeting groups of vulnerable children, girls in particular, with interventions such as informal
education alternatives (Mannathoko, 2008, p. 130)
There are studies showing that even if pregnancy related drop outs are eliminated, it would
still not close the gender gaps in education, due to other challenges and factors influencing
girls’ and women’s education in Tanzania. For instance, if socio-economic conditions are the
cause of both the pregnancy and the school drop-out, the drop-out-rates will remain even if
pregnancy-related drop-outs are eliminated. (Eloundou-Enyegue, 2004)
In countries where pregnancy-related drop-our rates are high, vocational training is stressed as
an alternative enhancing women’s employability. Up to date, Technical and vocational
education and training (TVET) generally target boys, young men of female adult
entrepreneurs. Focusing TVET efforts on young out of school girls in risk of early pregnancy
3
The age dependency ratio shows the ratio of dependents (aged 0-14 and 65+) to the working age population
(aged 15-64).
38
or marriage, and developing informal home- or community-based education, trough radio or
other distance learning methods for girls who meet high barriers for school-based education,
is further suggested. Possibility of transition to formal education, and support and assistance,
such as child-care, are also important to enable young mothers entry in the labor force. Such
efforts also help breaking the pattern that daughters of teen mothers also risk becoming
mothers in their adolescence (Gaidzanwa, 2008).
39
5. Empirical findings and analysis
The empirics presented in this section are based on semi-structured interviews conducted in
Babati and Njombe. Firs the informant groups are presented. After presenting and analyzing
empirical findings concerning informants experiences of pregnancy-related expulsion and
available schooling alternatives for expelled mothers, their plans and situations before and
after drop-out and the general perceptions of school girl pregnancy and re-entry are
presented and construed. Comments referring to the theoretical framework and other findings
are included in the text.
5.1 The informants
The stakeholders interviewed for the purpose of this study are presented below, divided into
groups and sub-groups based on their individual characteristics. To ensure the anonymity and
avoid the possibility of tracing answers of the respondents in the study, respondents are
denoted by fabricated names.
5.1.1 Group 1, “pregnancy-related drop-outs”4
The largest group of informants consisted of 21 young women who had become pregnant
while enrolled in school and hence had to quit the school (Group 1). Among those, seven
lived within Babati town area (Group 1A) and 14 informants lived in Njombe town area
(Group 1B). Table x shows the distribution of Group 1 informants between the towns, and
their education situation after expulsion from secondary or primary education.
Table 1. Informant group 1 “Pregnancy-related drop-outs”
presented by town and education after expulsion from pri./sec. education
Amount
Percent of total
Babati
(1A)
Njombe Total Babati Njombe Total
(1B)
(1A)
(1B)
No education
6
4
Currently student
1 (IAE)
Completed studies
Total
10
28,6
19
47,6
8 (FDC) 9
4,8
38,1
42,9
0
2 (FDC) 2
0
9,5
9,5
7
14
33,3
66,6
100
21
In Babati (group 1A) six out of the seven pregnancy-related drop-outs were not in school, and
one was enrolled in education through the institute of adult education (see table 1). The ages
4
“Pregnancy-related drop-outs” is used as a simplified definition of the persons who have quit their primary or
secondary education because of pregnancy. These informants include both girls who have been expelled from
school, and girls who choose to quit the school after noticing the pregnancies, but without a notice of
expulsion from their schools.
40
of the pregnancy drop-outs interviewed in Babati ranged from 16 to 20 years and the same
ages were was valid for the birth of their first child. The youngest of the children was one
week old at the time of the interview, and the eldest was two years old. One out-of-school
informant in Babati had dropped out due to pregnancy but had aborted the child. One girl was
married through a traditional wedding and pregnant with her second child. None of the other
informants in group 1A claimed they had any contact with the father of the child.
Among the 14 pregnancy drop-outs in informant group 1B, interviewed in Njombe town area,
four girls had not been enrolled in any type of school since they quit the school due to
pregnancy. Eight informants were currently students at Njombe FDC in the single mother's
program also referred to as mama-courses. Among these students one young woman was
enrolled in the mama-course program for a second course-period. Two other informants
interviewed had taken the mama-courses the previous years. The ages of the girls interviewed
in Njombe ranged from 16 to 27 years, and the ages of their children ranged from seven
months to six years. One of the young mothers had lost her child when the child was around
the age of two. The girls interviewed in Njombe had had their child between the ages of 15
and 23 (Group 1B).
The most common age for the first pregnancy among all the girls in informant group 1 was
around the age of 18. Girls experiencing their first pregnancy before the age of 18 were
prevalent in both towns. In total 7 group 1 respondents had their child before the age of 18,
and 7 girls had their first child at age 18.
5.1.2 Group 2, School personnel
Group 2 includes headmasters, teachers and education coordinators in Babati and Njombe
(see table 2). In Babati (informant group 2A) headmasters of one Vocational Training Center
(VTC),and the Institute of Adult Education (IAE) and one secondary school outside of town
were interviewed, as well as four secondary school teachers from two different schools in
Babati town. In Njombe (group 2B) head masters of one Folk Development College (FDC),
one VTC and one education enhancement center participated in interviews. Eight informants
were employees at the FDC, as teachers, educational coordinators or pre-school teachers. In
addition, two informants were teachers at both secondary school and IAE, marked with a star
symbol (*) in table 2 below.
41
Table 2. Informant group 2, “School personnel”
presented by town, school type and occupation
Babati (2A)
Njombe (2B)
Total
Headmasters Teachers
Headmasters Teachers
Headmasters Teachers
Sec. school
1
VTC
1
FDC
-
IAE
1
4
1
-
1
3
4
3
1
5
2
8
1
8
1*
1
1
1
Other
Total
1*
1
10
6
15
Note: In the group “teachers” coordinators or studies and courses, vice principals and preschool teachers are included.
The star (*) symbol marks that two respondents were employed both as IAE and secondary
school teachers but for statistical accuracy they are separated.
5.1.3 Group 3, Officials in education and training
The third group of informants, group 3, include officials within the field of education and
training at the town councils in Babati and Njombe, and one officer at the community
development office.
At the Town Council in Babati (group 3A) the town education officer of secondary school
was interviewed. In Njombe a total of four persons are included in informant group 3B,
working for the town council (in education and academics) and the community development
office. The town council officer responsible for secondary education was unavailable, but an
understudy participated in an interview. An additional informant in group 3 is the Assistant
Director of Folk Development Colleges, operating under the Ministry of Community
Development Gender and Children in Dar es Salaam, who answered questions and provided
printed materials on education statistics and folk development colleges.
5.2 Family situation, informant group 1
Respondents in group 1 were asked about their families, in order to provide background
information about the informants. The informants had between two and seven siblings.
Several informants in group 1 had experienced the loss of family members. Out of the 21
informants in informant group 1, two girls, both living in Njombe (1B) were orphans, having
lost both their parents, and one of these young women had also experienced the death of her
child. Additionally five informants were paternal orphans (fathers passed away) and one
informant had lost two siblings. Three informants in group 1 stated that their parents had split
up, where one of them said her father was living with his other wife. In addition, two
42
informants had been abused by their stepfather, one physically beaten and one sexually
abused.
Comment: Many of the informants in group 1 had rather large families. Several had also
experienced the loss of one or more close family members. Large family size as well as
orphanage is associated with poor living conditions, both as an underlying factor and as an
effect. It should be added that due to the recruiting system at the single mother course in
Njombe, where the young mothers most in need of assistance is chosen for the course (school
personnel at Njombe FDC), it is assumed the living situations of these girls are more
problematic than the average young single mother in Tanzania.
5.3 The procedure of expulsion from school
Through interviews with former students and personnel of secondary schools it was made
clear that expulsion is a common measure when a school girl becomes pregnant. Teachers
mainly referred to the school act of 1978 concerning the expulsion of pregnant school girls.
Comment: As noted there are no national laws explicitly establishing expulsion of pregnant
students, though prevalent school policies are often interpreted to advocating expulsion
(HakiElimu, 2011). None of the group 1 respondents stated that they were unaware that
pregnancy would lead to expulsion. The decision of expulsion is generally taken by the school
board. Secondary school teachers stated a related school-policy that if a student is out of
school for a continuum of 30 days, the school board contacts the parents, and if the truancy
continues up to 90 days the student is expelled from the school. Other reasons for expulsion or
drop out, besides pregnancy, included inability to pay school-fees, early marriage, being
needed for work, alcohol- and marijuana use (mainly boys) and parents being ignorant or
prioritizing education of sons, etc according to teachers. Drop out due to pregnancy and early
marriage was most prevalent in secondary education according to a town council official.
Many schools perform pregnancy tests on the female students, most commonly in form one
and three of secondary school according to teachers and former students. Comment:
Nationally, almost half of pregnancy-related drop outs occur in form 3, i.e. around age 17
(MoEVT, 2009). This could either be a reason why many schools test form 3-students for
pregnancy, or it could be a cause of a common practice of testing and expelling students in
fort 3 in particular. In some cases all girls in a certain form is sent to a hospital or dispensary
to leave a urine sample for a pregnancy test. It was also found common that only the girls
suspected to be pregnant were tested, when the teacher noted physical changes. The girls are
43
not always aware of the purpose of leaving the urine sample. Among the girls in informant
group 1 around half mentioned they were sent by the school to take a pregnancy test, many of
whom were not aware of the pregnancy prior to the test, and one stated she did not know why
the test was taken.
All informants commenting on the matter of pregnancy tests in school considered it positive
as it enabled the school and the student to notice the pregnancy early on and to take action,
such as helping or expelling her. None of the respondents who had experienced a pregnancy
test organized by the school had any moral concerns about it.
Martha (group 1B) found out about her pregnancy through a test at the hospital when she was
in form one. The doctor at the hospital had told her teacher, who announced her pregnancy
and hence her expulsion in front of the whole school during a gathering. In other cases the
teachers contacted the parents of the pregnant girl to inform them about the situation.
However, many of the girls who had become pregnant while they were in school were never
formally expelled. About half of the group 1 informants had been expelled and half had
decided to stay home from school once they became aware of their pregnancy. Some of the
girls had no contact with the school since they dropped out of school. When Nuru (group 1)
found out about her pregnancy she decided to stay home from school without informing the
teachers. She said the teachers thought the reason for her dropping out was inability to pay the
school fees. Later however, her neighbor saw her with her child and informed the school. In
other cases the parents of the pregnant school girl informed the school about the reason why
she was no longer in class. Lucy had given birth very recently and did not know if she were
permanently expelled by the school.
Comment: National survey data show that though pregnancy is a common reason for school
drop-out, the dominating reason is truancy (MoEVT, 2009). Since these findings reveal that
many girls quit school without noticing the teachers about their pregnancy, it is likely that the
number of drop outs due to pregnancy is even higher than surveys indicate. The general label
truancy is hence believed to include girls who have stayed out of school for a continuum of
30-90 days in order to hide their pregnancy. As noted, “voluntary” drop-out when
discovering ones pregnancy can be a logical choice of girls considering their life choices and
the narrow chances of continuing education once found pregnant, deciding to submit to the
new responsibilities as a mother rater than a student (HakiElimu, 2011). Further, to expel the
student in front of the students and staff, as Martha experienced, is interpreted as an effort to
humiliate the girl in order to keep other students from putting themselves in her position,
44
fearing promiscuity (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011). Such treatment from the teachers is likely
to increase the number of “silent” drop outs.
Group 1 and 2 respondents, mainly in Babati, stated that even though most pregnant school
girls never returned to school after delivery, many were helped by headmasters and teachers
to return to studies. For instance Irene (group 1A) had given birth during the Christmas break
and had been allowed to return to her secondary school, and Jamilia (group 1A) claimed that
her principal had promised to get her transferred to a different school once she could pay the
school fees. The transferring of students was as a way around the legislation, but it required
that the pregnancy was kept a secret. If the principal was accused of knowing about the
transferred girl's pregnancy he/she could deny it and no further measures would be taken a
teacher claimed. Comment: Transferring students to other schools while hiding their
motherhood is a measure in other African countries to fulfill re-entry policies without the
young mothers being stigmatized and mocked. If girls were open about being mothers it
would also harm the school’s reputation, teachers feared (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011,
Meekers & Ahmed, 2010). Some schools, however, are stricter than others on the issue of
expulsion due to pregnancy, stopping teachers from helping pregnant students. Adla (group
1A) was expelled due to pregnancy only a few months before her form four exams, which
would mark her completion of O-level in secondary school. Despite her parents asking the
school to allow Adla to take the exam the school refused.
5.4 Educational options for young mothers
The practice of expelling pregnant school girls is prevalent in public secondary and primary
schools. All group 1 respondents had been enrolled in public schools when they got pregnant.
Concerning young mothers’ access to private secondary or primary education, town council
officers stated that all public and private primary and secondary schools in Babati and
Njombe were utilizing the law that pregnant girls should be expelled from school, said to be
the education act of 1978. However, several respondents stated that private schools were a
possible alternative for pregnancy drop-outs. One group 2 respondent claimed that the interest
of some private secondary schools is the money and the profit, which is why some allow
students regardless of their backgrounds. Others stated this was because they are not under
government control. Comment: The findings that Town council officials refer to a law of
pregnancy-related expulsion further contradicts the notion that there is no law referring
clearly to school-girl pregnancy, and indicates a widespread confusion also in higher
institutions concerning the interpretation of the educational laws. Concerning mother’s
45
access to private schools, it is likely that, as for transfers to public schools, young mothers
can be enrolled in private schools if they hide their parental status. Hence, the public schools
can simultaneously expel pregnant students and re-admit young mothers.
The school fees and other contributions for private schools are generally much higher than for
government-run schools. In public schools there is a fixed fee of TSH 20 000, and when
contributions for food and fuel etc. are added, the fee is around TSH 60-100 000 (respondents,
group 2 & 3). Private school-fees on the other hand were estimated to TSH 250-300 000 for
day schools and TSH 600-780 000 for boarding schools (Ibid). Hence, it was said that even
though the girls who had been expelled from the public schools were not legally restrained
from attending in private secondary schools, the economics often imposed the largest
obstacle. One respondent in group 3 claimed that:
“If [the pregnant girls' parents] have money she can go to a private school. If they have a low
income she will stay at home and wait for marriage.”(Wilson, Community development office,
Njombe)
Comment: This implies that income poverty is not only a reason for school drop-out, but a
barrier for continued studies in Tanzania, as well as it is in Kenya, according to Wanyama &
Simatwa (2011). Further, marriage traditionally constitutes a source of income for the
parents of the bride as bride-wealth is paid by the family of the husband, lowering the
economic incentives to invest in girls’ education (Mbilinyi, 1972).
The respondents stated other educational and training alternatives where the students are not
asked about their backgrounds upon enrollment, and hence constituted options for young
mothers to get knowledge and skills if being expelled from primary or secondary school. The
options known by group 1 respondents included vocational training centers, computer training
centers, the institute of adult education (IAE), Folk Development Colleges (FDCs) an training
by an individual tutor. In addition, an education enhancement center visited also allowed
mothers to enroll, according to the founder and head teacher. Other available options in
Babati that were believed to enroll anyone were a private driving school, private computer
centers, tailoring centers, according to the Babati town council officer. Some of the training
alternatives were also described as expensive, mainly vocational training centers and
computer training.A sign in a VTC in Njombe addressed this concern:
“If you think education is expensive, try investing in ignorance”. (Wall-sign at reception of VTC,
Njombe)
Comment: This statement, considering education as an investment in order to avoid negative
future impacts can be seen as supporting the WID-approach (Unterhalter, 2005), and the
46
research findings that underinvestment in girls leads to high opportunity costs (Chaaban &
Cunningham, 2011).
The single mother courses held at a few Tanzanian FDCs were the only efforts mentioned that
focused specifically on offering training to young mothers as a target group. FDCs as an
educational alternative for young mothers were only mentioned by respondents with an
established connection to such kinds of schools, such as FDC students and staff, and staff at
the Community Development office. For the students at the single mother course at the FDC
the expenses for education, boarding, food and daycare and medical care for the children were
covered. In Babati a few girls referred to other educational assistance, in the form of
compassions, organizations helping poor families by paying their school fees in primary and
secondary school. Salama (group 1) said that the compassion will continue paying the fees
until she completes and finds a job. After being expelled because of pregnancy the
compassion had offered to transfer one of the young mothers to another secondary school and
pay half the school fee, THS 100´000, (equivalent to SEK ~420 or USD ~60). Among the
informants in Njombe, compassions were unheard of.
5.4.1 Schools allowing young mothers, Babati and Njombe
Below, information obtained though visits and interviews at schools and training centers in
Njombe and Babati is presented.
Njombe FDC
Njombe Folk Development College provides courses in carpentry, masonry, tailoring,
agriculture and animal husbandry, electricity installation, welding, mechanics, cookery. The
most popular courses are electricity, mechanics and agriculture with between 20 and 40
students in each class, while only one student take the cookery course. All courses are for 2
years, with new intakes once each year. The college has 32 teachers and 248 students.
Buildings on the college’s premises are also rented and utilized by the institute of adult
education and a private kindergarten. There is no age limit for the students, but most students
are around 18 years old. The college is funded through the government and the school fees
ranging from TSH 150 000 /year for day school to TSH 250 000 for boarding school. The
college also has a sister school in Sweden.
Single-mother program
The only mentioned effort specifically targeting young mothers expelled from formal
education was the single-mother program, or mama-courses, at Njombe FDC. Acknowledging
the difficulties experienced by school girls who become pregnant and expelled from school,
47
the first single-mother course at Njombe FDC was held in 2001 though the of the TanzanianSwedish NGO Karibu Tanzania/Sweden Associations (KTA/KSA). Up to date five FDCs in
Tanzania practice this kind of training. The courses target the young mothers who are living
under the most difficult economic and social conditions. All expenses for the mama course
students are covered Though financing from KTA, including the courses and learning
materials, housing in dormitories, food and medical care for the students and their children.
The rest of the school is financed though government funding and student’s school fees.
15 young mothers are enrolled at the FDC’s 2-year mama-course program every second year.
The students are recruited from the surrounding villages through household information
provided by the education officers in the ward, village or district. The age limits for the
mama-course students are 16 to 25 years. The young mothers live in the dormitories together
with their child. When the mothers go to class the children are left with the college’s preschool teachers. The children needs to be between 1,5 and 4 years when the mother starts the
education. All mama-course students take a two year course, choosing between all the
available courses at the college. Based on evaluations from previous students the length of the
courses has been extended from three months- and one year courses. Also the choice of
courses has been extended, from only tailoring, to any of the FDC’s courses (30). The mamacourse students presently enrolled at Njombe FDC study tailoring (5 students), agriculture and
animal husbandry (4), motor vehicle mechanics (3), electricity installation (2) and masonry
(1). All the students also take classes in supportive subjects such as life skills, Swahili,
English and mathematics.
Comment: Many respondents in Babati perceived the idea of single mother courses to be a
desirable alternative also in their town, allowing mothers to live with the children in the
dormitories and providing daycare. Group 1-respondents wished to study at such a facility,
and a head-teacher stated that it was “One of the best things anyone has though of for the
young mothers” (Christina, VTC head teacher, Njombe).
The Institute of Adult Education
Several respondents stated that the Institute of Adult Education (IAE) allowed students
regardless of their background. One group 1 respondent studied at an IAE after she was
expelled from secondary education, due to pregnancy. IAE is informal education teaching
primary or secondary school subjects though different programs. The students can study all
four forms of secondary education in two years instead of four. Students who are younger
48
than 25 years of age can continue at A-level within the formal education system after IAE
studies. The school fee in Babati was 170´000 per year (day school).
The headmaster of the institute of Adult education of Manyara, located in Babati, and a
teacher of the IAE in Njombe both stated that the schools had students who were mothers, and
they need to be treated and guided like the other students. However, the school does not
encourage girls to repeat such mistakes it was noted. since many of the girls keep their
children a secret, and the school management do not ask, the school staff was not aware of
who among the students were mothers, but they were believed to be many. Emphasizing the
word adult in Institute of Adult Education, the teacher stressed that the school must accept
enrollment of mothers, focusing on her goals instead of isolating her from studies.
Vocational Training Centers (VTCs)
Vocational training centers were one of the most mentioned learning and training possibilities
available for young mothers. In Babati the headmaster of Babati VTC was interviewed. The
VTC offer 2 year secretary-, computer- and tailoring courses, called female dominated.
Previously the school used to have both male and female students but is currently it is a girls’
school. They have around 30 students who stay at the school’s hostel, and about as many who
stay there and study at other schools in the area. Among the students, some are pregnant or
have children at home. Others have become pregnant when enrolled in the school. The VTC is
under the Vocational Education and Training Authority, VETA, which is an autonomous
government agency in Tanzania managing Vocational training in the country. The fee is TSH
450 000 per year plus buying a school uniform. There are also plans on establishing a new
VETA office in Babati but respondents were not certain about the policy they would have
concerning allowing studies for young mothers.
The VTC visited in Njombe offers courses in motor mechanics, electricity installation,
welding and masonry, and short courses in computer knowledge and driving. Among the 84
students at the VTC 12 are girls. The girls currently enrolled study computer or electricity
installation. The low number of girls was attributed to the subjects which were believed not to
appeal much to girls. However, as long as the students follow the rules of the center, it does
not matter if the student is a parent or not. It is a day college but there are hostels available for
girls, and some rooms for boys at the premises. The yearly fee is TSH 250 000, and an
additional TSH 40 000 for food and fuel wood for students staying in the hostel.
Comment: Gaidzanwa (2008) claims that VTCs should have a greater focus on girls who
have quit formal schools because of pregnancy. The VTC courses provided in Babati said to
49
be for female dominated jobs, and the vocational courses held in Njombe were predominantly
attracting male students. The GAD- and poststructuralist frameworks encourage education
that challenges stereotypes and gender roles (Unterhalter, 2005), as seen in the singlemother-courses at the FDC.
Education and training centers
The founder and owner of the Education Enhancement Center in Njombe declared it to be
another alternative for young out-of-school mothers go get an education. The center is an
NGO within which the Academic Tuition Providers (ATP) is operated. It was stated that a
number of girls studying at the center have been expelled from previous schools because they
were pregnant, estimated to around one in ten. The school has a hostel where a few students
stay, orphaned girls in particular. The curriculum at the center is the same as in secondary
schools and students who have failed their primary or secondary education can study at the
center and take the qualifying tests which can allow them to continue their studies in form 1
of any secondary school or in A-level of a private secondary school. There are 250 students
and 9 teachers at the center. The fee differs between the different years, depending on
examination fees etc, and ranges from TSH 350-450 000 THS/year, and an additional TSH
60 000 for students staying at the hostel.
Comment: The findings show a variety of educational and training alternatives for young
mothers, with both vocational training options and courses equivalent to secondary
education. Apart from the mama-course which is free for the students, the lowest fees were
found at the IAE and FDC, and the most expensive alternatives were the education
enhancement center and the VTC in Babati. Considering that difficulties to pay school fees is
a common reason for school-drop-out also in public primary and secondary education, with
considerably lower fees than the above examples, many drop-outs can never afford nongovernment education and training. It can be argued that for young mothers unable to pay the
fees, the educational and training alternatives are available in terms of allowing entry for the
mothers, but not accessible due to high fees.
5.5 Change of plans, change of dreams
5.5.1 Plans before pregnancy
The group 1 respondents were asked about their plans and situations before and after dropout. The two girls who got pregnant in primary school both had plans on continuing to
secondary school if they had ever been pregnant. Among the girls who got their pregnancy in
50
lower secondary school, plans to finish secondary education and find a job as a teacher or
nurse were the most common. In order to become a primary teacher in Tanzania lower
secondary education is required. Some of the group 1 informants also had plans on becoming
a secondary teacher by continuing to the advanced level of secondary education which is
required in order to teach in lower secondary school. Further, a few girls mentioned they
wanted to become a teacher in secondary school but did not mention the educational
requirements to reach this position. One young mother stated she wanted to continue her
studies up to university level and perhaps work as a cashier in the future. To become a traffic
police was also mentioned as the future objective by one girl who stated that the aspect of the
profession that appealed to her was the possibility to receive bribes. In addition, two
respondents stated the wish to become lawyers, in order to help people in claiming their
rights, and another wanted an office job.
Comment: The most common plans among group 1 respondents before they had become
pregnant and were still in school was to 1) finish the educational level or continue to higher
levels, 2) become a teacher in primary or secondary school and 3) work as a nurse, lawyer or
office worker. In the Fisher-Clark model, the preferred occupations can all be included in the
service sector of the economy (Clark, 1957), and referred to as female-dominated with low
wages (Gaidzanwa, 2008).
5.5.2 Plans after pregnancy drop-out
For most of the girls in informant group 1, their plans after expulsion or drop-out from school
were different than the plans they had when they were still in public school. Only Ameena
(group 1A) still though she could still follow through with her plans to become a lawyer.
Though most respondents in group 1 who were not enrolled in education stated that they
would like, or even love, to go back to secondary or primary school, Rose (group 1A) did not
want to continue her studies. The reason, she said, was that she considered it a waste of her
parents’ money, since she did not think she had the capacity to do well in school. Rose was
also the only group 1-respondent who had made an abortion.
Irene (1A) wished she could go back to secondary school because it would enable her to
access more jobs. Ameena had the possibility to get help from the compassion which also
previously had been helping her paying the school fees in primary and secondary school. The
compassion could possibly transfer her to a private school and pay half of the TSH 200 000
school fee for a private school, and Ameena and her family would have to pay the other half.
Among the girls who planned on continuing their studies, some mentioned they had to wait
51
for the child to grow older to be able to let a relative babysit. Private schooling was generally
considered difficult or even impossible to afford.
While some of the girls’ main plan was simply to get any job they could in order to get an
income, only a few respondents said they wanted to earn money to afford to go back to school
for secondary education. Ethel (1B) who had finished her FDC education in the single mother
course, had a plan to earn money through her current agricultural activities so she could afford
to send her child to school. Three respondents were hoping to be able to start their own
businesses as an entrepreneurs or shop owners. Grace who was currently selling vegetables by
the side of the road, was planning on continuing with it even though the business was
struggling. Mary (1B) wished to have a small sewing business in the future but said she had
no other options than working with whatever small jobs she could get. Acquiring tailoring
skills was also mentioned by some respondents as a plan for the future, as tailoring was
claimed to be an easy job to get. For respondents considering to acquire skills at a VTC,
money for school fees was an issue as it was claimed to be rather expensive. Acquiring
computer skills was an objective for two respondents. Jamilia wanted to take computer
training at a VTC and work in an office, but first she needed to persuade her father to provide
money for the school fees, which her mother did not find likely. Irene considered acquiring
tailoring skills at a VTC and work to raise money for computer training. Others were
considering the cheaper alternative to learn skills, to be taught by an individual person, such
as a tailor sewing in the streets, also bearing in mind the option of working as a house girl in
someone's home. Several respondents mentioned financial barriers to acquire further
education, and one girl stated that the baby was the main barrier for her to fulfill her future
occupational dreams.
Comment: After expulsion or drop-out from primary or secondary education the plans of the
respondents in group 1 were most commonly 1) working with different jobs, 2) taking
tailoring or computer training at VTC, 3) learning tailoring from a private person, 4) having
a business, 5) working with agriculture. These different plans does not follow a specific
pattern and are spread over the different economic sectors of the Fisher-Clark model.
5.5.3 Situation after pregnancy-related drop-out
Having shared their future plans before and after being expelled or dropping out of school as a
result of the pregnancy the group 1 respondents described their actual situations as a young
out-of-school mother. Many of the respondents stated that their parents were angry or
disappointed with them for being pregnant, and among girls interviewed in Njombe several
52
girls were driven away from the home, typically by the father. Others had run away, or had to
leave their family because the parents/parent could not support her and her child. One
informant had been allowed to return home after some time, others stayed with relatives or in
one case with a stranger. Comment : Also according to previous studies reviewed, parents
and especially fathers, often drive the pregnant daughters away (Khwaya & Kassimoto,
1994). According to Meekers and Ahmed (2010) girls who’s parents show disappointment
towards the daughter’s pregnancy were less likely to return to school though they were
allowed to (Meekers & Ahmed, 2010). That it was more common among Njombe-informants
to have been chased away from home is thought to be due to the sample of mother- course
students, as the girl most in need for assistance are enrolled in the course. It is however noted
that the girls families live in the rural areas, which could influence the situation. However,
there is no obvious reason to believe that families in the Njombe-area are more prone to
reject their pregnant daughters. Some of the girls who had to leave home were encouraged by
her parents to seek up the father of the child and demand to live with him and his family. The
advice to contact the person who impregnated the girl was also given by teachers after the
girls were expelled from school, in order to put him in court. When they fathers of the babies
were sought, they had vanished, probably moved to other towns. Since the men’s’ families
were not willing to care for the mother and child, the informants had moved in with relatives
or family members, usually an aunt or sibling, or lived alone.
After expulsion from school, however, many of the girls lived with her family and helped the
parent/parents with farming activities. Esta the only respondent who had aspirations to study
at the university one day, said her life after expulsion was hard.
“I didn't have a plan, just digging the farm, helping my mother”(Esta, group 1B)
Esta and Tamasha (1B) both mentioned that because they get help and assistance from their
mothers they have to help the mothers back by working. Most of the girls interviewed in
Babati stated they had no jobs and were helping the family with agricultural activities or were
being supported by the family. This was more common among respondents with very young
children. Others were working to raise money to the family or to a future education. Small
businesses such as selling vegetables, street food or helping relatives to sell alcoholic
beverages or ice cream were among the most common occupations. One girl stated that she
performed day-to-day domestic services and chores for persons in the neighborhood such as
collecting water, doing laundry or helping with agricultural activities. Another girl was
employed as a house girl for a period of time.
53
Comment: Among the most common situations and occupation after expulsion/drop out were
to be 1) kicked out from home, 2) helping the family or relative with agriculture or 3 ) with
small business, 4) working with domestic services, and 6) being economically depending on
the family while taking care of the child. The situations and activities reflect economic
struggles and include the agricultural and informal activities generating low income
(Gaidzanwa, 2008).
5.5.4 Plans of in-school mothers
A number of the respondents had gotten the chance gotten the opportunity to study at the FDC
or IAE after delivery. Their future plans were, as could be expected, different from the plans
of the young mothers who had not been in school since they left school because of pregnancy.
The one student enrolled in secondary studies at the IAE was considering working as a police
officer or teacher after finishing form four of the adult education. The plans of the FDC
students were also different from their own plans before they got enrolled in the mother
course. Their occupational plans or dreams complied with the sort of courses they were
taking. The girls who studied motor vehicle mechanics wished to become drivers or work in a
garage after they had finished their two year course. Anna used to help her aunt selling
alcohol used to have plans on working as a house girl before she got a place in the FDC
mama-course said that fixing cars is a better job than house work.
Esta wanted to become an electrician after finishing the electricity installation course and
Nala who was enrolled in the course agriculture and animal husbandry at the FDC wanted to
educate other villagers when she moved back home after her studies. If she could afford it she
would like to continue studying on secondary level at the institute of adult education when she
is done with the mama-course studies.
Comment: The training- and career paths chosen by the FDC students transcend the typical
gender roles, as the occupations such as driver, mechanic or electrician are often male
dominated, as opposed to the occupational dreams of the respondents when they were still in
secondary school. This indicates that the mama-course has incorporated a GAD-approach
(Unterhalter, 2005). Moving from feminized underpaid sectors can also strengthen the link
between skill and human capitals, higher production and higher wages (Klasen, 2002; Jones,
2001).
Among the respondents who had finished her FDC studies one young mother was working
with animals, taking care of sick animals in the street, and working in a slaughter house.
Amidah was also working at a slaughterhouse after tailoring studies at the FDC, saving for a
54
sewing machine, but her wage basically only covered her living expenses. It was also stated
that two girls who took the agricultural course though the single mother program at Njombe
FDC was currently employed as inspectors at a slaughter house.
5.6 Thoughts about school-girls falling pregnant
The schoolgirls who do become pregnant are often subjected to stigmatization or
discrimination. Several respondents also reported being rejected by their families when they
became pregnant, particularly not being allowed to continue living in the home of their
parents, leading to a loss of both economical assistance and social support. Comment: The
findings are also in line with studies in Tanzania and elsewhere showing that parents,
especially fathers, drive their pregnant daughters away from home (Khwaya & Kassimoto,
1994, SmithBattle, 2007). According to group 2 respondents other people considered pregnant
school-girls and young mothers to have made a mistake, being immoral, needing to be
punished or sometimes seen as prostitutes. One respondent said that they are not treated as
humans. Pregnant school girls are often the laughing stock among other students. This was
said to be common in secondary schools, which was one of the reasons why respondents were
skeptical towards re-entry after delivery. Comment: These findings coincide with the
reviewed studies of pregnancy-related drop out and re-entry in different sub-Saharan African
countries where mockery and humiliation of the pregnant girls or young mothers make then
afraid to return to the school environment (Wanyama &Simatwa, 2011). Group 2 respondents
stated that the young mothers feel ashamed, and the stigma disturbs their mental state and
academic achievements, if they are allowed a chance to study. The FDC teachers and
coordinators were under the impression that the single-mother-course students were not
ridiculed by other FDC students, but the mama-course students stated that others laughed
behind their backs. Joseph (2B), working at the FDC, believed that it was easier for the
mothers at the FDC because they are many and if they were teased they could support each
other. In the villages where the students came from , it was said that they were treated terribly,
but when they returned to the village after the FDC course the villagers were positive.
It also appeared in the study that the two respondents who had become pregnant though rape
met social difficulties such as being blamed for the incident or not being trusted to tell the
truth.5 Comment: The expulsion and stigma on pregnant school girls becomes particularly
tragic in the cases where the pregnancy is a result of rape or sexual coercion, as noted by
5
The interviewer did not asked questions concerning how or with whom the informants in group 1 had become
pregnant, but in a few cases this information was obtained through the interviews.
55
HakiElimu (2011). Sexual violence appears to be concerning common in Tanzania according
to surveys showing that 29 percent of girls who had sex before the age of 18 were coerced or
physically forced to intercourse. (United republic of Tanzania, 2011). According to a
community development officer, education and knowledge of young girls, increasing
income/capita, and following societal and religious norms can decrease the fertility rates and
hence the pregnancy-related drop out in society. Change must come, not with the politicians
but with the people, he said, by seeing their responsibility and changing their mindset.
Comment: The importance of the community’s recognition of girls’ educational rights is also
stressed by Wanyama & Simatwa (2011) in implementing re-entry policies. VTC headmistress
believed instead that if the government allows re-entry, the public stigma of mothers will end.
5.7 Thoughts about school girl expulsion
In order to understand the attitudes and thoughts about expelling pregnant school girls, the
respondents were asked what they thought about the rule (generally referred to as law) of
expelling pregnant girls from governmental primary or secondary education. Some of the
interviewed teachers ascribed expulsion of pregnant school girls to the education act of 1978.
Having a law expelling pregnant schoolgirls was described as a way for the government to
restrict sexual activities or family formation among persons who are still enrolled in school.
The views on the effectiveness and consequences of this rule or law were different. About
three times as many respondents had a negative attitude towards the law/rule of expelling
pregnant schoolgirls compared to those who thought positively about such measures. In
addition, a number of respondents claimed that the law was both good and bad. For instance,
some girls learn from it, while others become pregnant due to “bad luck” and the expulsion
becomes an unfair punishment.
A few other students also believed that the law had been amended since a couple of years
back, and that young mothers were allowed to return to school after delivery. The
predominant impression was however that pregnant school girls were expelled according to
national school law, and were not allowed to return to government-run schools. In some cases
special agreements with teachers or head masters could lead to re-entry or transfer according
to the respondents. Comment: As noted, there is a confusion concerning the legal framework
surrounding school girl pregnancies. There are a number of different interpretations and
perceptions on whether expulsion of pregnant school girls is supported by law and if this has
been amended allowing re-entry, as well as the consequences and legislations concerning
men and boys impregnating schoolgirls. The uncertainty of precise regulations remains also
56
after this study, which shows that whatever the legal framework is, it has not been
successfully communicated to the different stakeholders.
Many respondents, including girls who had been expelled due to it, believed the expulsion
policy to be good and should not be changed. Some of the expelled girls stated that it is
working to prevent sexual activities and pregnancies so that the girls can focus on their
studies. It was said that girls must choose; sex or education, not both (respondent, group 1B),
and others said that it was good that they were expelled because it could prevent other girls
from getting pregnant. A few respondents however voiced a concern that if a young mother is
allowed to return to school the girl will be proud that she got away without reprimanding, and
other girls in the school will imitate her behavior and also get pregnant. Comment: The same
concern, that re-entry encourages pregnancy among peers, is common among Kenyan headteachers (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011). The tendency also of group 1 respondents to be
positive towards expulsion indicate that they regret being pregnant while in school.
Others were under the impression that the policy of expelling pregnant women was not
effective to reduce pregnancy cases, one respondent referring to national statistics on
increasing fertility rates. Several informants expressed the importance, especially for girls, to
acquire education or training, and opposed the policy of expulsion of pregnant girls due to the
negative consequences for the girls. It obstructs girls from fulfilling their dreams and goals,
leads to girls ending up “in the street”, and makes it more difficult for them to find
employment which also affects society at large it was asserted.
“Without education life is hard, it is hard to get employment and it increases the dependent
persons. The country does not develop if there are too many dependent persons. […] They live on
cultivation only.” (3)
Comment: This comment reflects the issue of education, poverty and development from
the personal difficulties for the individual, to the losses in opportunity costs for the
nation. The age dependency ratio, which is high in Tanzania, is associated with slower
national growth.
Expulsion was also believed to influence abortions. Many respondents believed that the
numbers of unsafe or dangerous induced abortions increased as a consequence of pregnancyrelated school-expulsion. One respondent also claimed that some young mothers “throw
away” or kill the child. Comment: The same is noted in Botswana (Meekers & Ahmed, 2010).
There were also teachers and expelled students advocating that expelled girls should be given
a second chance, and the government should take action to change educational policies so that
57
young mothers are allowed back in school after a period of time. A maternity leave period in
order to properly bond with and take care of the child was considered the best. There were
also respondents believing that the expulsion policy was filling its purpose – a disciplinary
measure to reduce the numbers of school-girl pregnancies – but for other reasons still thought
it should be amended to allow re-entry for young mothers. A few teachers claimed these girls
right to education as a reason to allow re-entry. The FDC principal stated that the criteria for
studying at the single mother course, is the right to education. Comment: The rights-based
approach to education is supported by Sen (1999) and Unterhalter (2005), arguing that
education should be provided because it increases the well-being and agency of the student,
which will bring positive outcomes for the wider population in its footsteps.
Some informants, mainly teachers, were under the impression that the girls would not be able
to concentrate while in school, that their minds would be occupied with their child at home.
Comment: The common notion in this study, that having a child would interfere with the
mother’s concentration at school because she would worry or think of her child is not
reflected in previous studies concerning re-entry after delivery. In Kenya and Botswana the
main barrier for re-entering was the mockery and teasing by other students and the fear
among head teachers that the reputation of the school would be damaged.
Informants in both group 1 and 2 claimed that once these girls were given the opportunity,
they often worked very hard. Comment: Previous studies illustrate this issue, showing that
after delivery many young mothers have raised educational aspirations, acknowledging the
importance of education in order to ensure a good life for both mother and child. Knowing
the difficulties of having a child as a school-girl, Nala said she would repeat it. A respondent
in group 2 believed the girls should have a second chance, and referred to a Swahili saying:
”‘Kufanya kosa siyo kosa, bali kurudie kosa ndio kosa’ which means ‘To do wrong is not wrong,
but to repeat the wrong is wrong.’“ (Lulu, group 2B, FDC)
Concerning the single mother course students at Njombe FDC, it was stated that their status in
society significantly changes after education, as they can bring new knowledge and skills to
their villages. Comment: Increased status for women, such as through education and wage
earnings, is a foundation for women’s increased capacities, agency and freedoms. Status is
related to women’s negotiation-power concerning reproduction, which can decrease fertility
rates, and bring the positive chain reactions Sen and others describe (Sen, 1999).
One of the most common views among respondents opposing the rule/law was that it was
unfair that only girls were punished for the pregnancies while boys were very seldom
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punished. This is despite what was stated by several respondents, that the punishment for
impregnating a schoolgirl is thirty years in prison. A few respondents claimed the prison
sentence was not for the impregnation, but for hindering a student to get her education. (This
matter remains unsolved as for this thesis the legal documents concerning the issue has not
been accessed and reviewed.) However, it was claimed that the law has no effect on the boys
because the girls will not say who it was. Further, the boy can deny his involvement with the
girl, which makes the girl comparably more vulnerable. According to Adla the boys can be
arrested but only the poor end up in jail, while the rich boys and men can pay the bail. This is
exemplified by Lucy who explained that she had become pregnant through rape, but when she
reported the man to the police and he was put to trial he had managed to bribe himself free
from lawsuit. One respondent however, had an opposite impression of how the school law
discriminates one sex over the other. In his opinion the law was unfair to the male students
because in his understanding girls are allowed to return to school while the boy risks
prosecution and jail. One further respondent however asserted that the real problem is that the
parents of the pregnant girls are not willing to send them back to school. Comment: Previous
studies have shown that parental support is a very influential factor for continued schooling
of young mothers (Meekers & Ahmed, 2010).
Though many informants thought it was bad or unfair to expel girls who are pregnant, the best
scenario was said to be that they did not conceive in the first place. Respondents indicated that
girls get used or tricked into sexual relationships in exchange for money or gifts. Especially
for girls who had a long way to walk to school, there was a risk that boys or men took
advantage of them by offering meals, gifts or money, and later demanding sex.
“If a man helps you every day, gives you money, one day he will ask for sex and she will get
pregnant.” (Grace, group 1)
Poverty and desire for money and things were mentioned as two different reasons why girls
are used and become pregnant. In the villages it is said to be more common that poverty leads
to having sex in exchange for things, and in the towns it is the desire or greed to have things
that leads to this kind of sexual relationship. Comment: This issue was only directly brought
up by respondents speaking about schoolgirls, and not as part of the girls’ own experiences.
One girl however mentioned that she got pregnant shortly after her father died. As financial
distress can lead to increased sexual risk taking, for instance to get assistance to pay school
fees, the death of her father might have made her more vulnerable to seduction though money
or gifts.
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6. Discussion
In this chapter, the findings will be discussed based on the topics of changed prospects due to
pregnancy-related drop-out, available alternatives for the drop outs, gaps in educational
provision for the young mothers, and how other’s opinions and views influence the girls living
situation.
This study has established that the widespread phenomenon of pregnancy-related drop-outs in
Babati and Njombe, as in other parts of the country (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994) imposes
different challenges to the young woman’s life. Expulsion is often based on pregnancy-tests
taken on the initiative of the school. Though this might be seen as a personal intrusion, none
of the tested girls had any such concerns. Considering the common problem of stigma of
young mothers, early awareness of pregnancy, and early expulsion could be a way for schools
to protect their reputation by expelling students before their pregnancies became visibly
obvious (Meekers & Ahmed, 2010), perhaps also is to protect the pregnant girls from ridicule.
6. 1 Changed prospects
The study reveals rather clear patterns on how the young mothers’ plans and prospects have
changed and adapted to their changing situation as a result of motherhood, and for some also
further studies. During formal schooling their future plans and aims were to complete the
level of education or transition to higher levels. The majority of occupational plans included
female-dominated employments within the service public service sector, such as nurse,
teacher or office cleric. According to the Fisher-Clark model, the service sector is expanded
as countries reach higher levels of economic progress, achieved though higher output per
worker (Ruttan, 1970). Secondary education has proved to bring substantially higher wages,
especially for women (Seebens & Wobs, 2006; Jones, 2001; Chaaban &Cunningham, 2011),
and non-agricultural employment is also linked with higher earnings. However, the servicerelated occupations group 1 predominantly aimed for after completing formal education are
mentioned by Gaidzanwa (2008) as low paid jobs, challenging the education-wage link.
Possibly the low wages are seen in relation to other formal service sector jobs and could still
mean higher income than work requiring less education. It should also be noted that the
respondents would not necessarily have reached their educational and occupational goals if
they had not dropped out school due to pregnancy, but their plans give an indication. The
other occupational plans and dreams mentioned by individual respondents were also service
sector jobs, including lawyer, traffic police and cashier. One respondent aim of university
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studies, was contrasted with another girls dream of family life, reflecting the dual sometimes
conflicting roles of women as reproducers and producers (Bryceson, 1980).
After expulsion many group 1 respondents wished they could continue their education,
preferably at secondary level, which was said to bring better job opportunities. Some school’s
head-teachers unofficially transferred pregnant students to other schools. Other secondary
education alternatives for the young mothers were private schools or the institute of adult
education. Though a range of informal schooling alternatives were available, including VTCs,
FDCs, computer training and tailoring courses to name some, the main barrier for the girls to
continue their educational path appeared to be economical. School fees were often considered
high, especially in private secondary schools. Lack of family support due to the pregnancy
made it harder for the girls to afford training and education, as many young mothers had been
rejected by their families, which is often the foundation for both financial support and social
security, and they had generally no support at all by the babies’ fathers.
After expulsion/drop-out, agricultural activities largely dominated for the young mothers.
According to the Lewis, and Fisher-Clark models, the agricultural sector is associated with
low productivity and low level of national development. In a WID-perspective, the investment
in girls’ education to bring socio-economic development is lost as school drop-outs end up in
small-scale agricultural work. Jones argues that in subsistence farming households, high
fertility is economically feasible for heads of household (Jones, 1990). Hence, early
pregnancy and subsequent drop out can lead to higher population growth rates and stagnation
of the economy. The other activities of the young mothers after expulsion were in the
informal sector as in small-scale business, street vending and domestic services. Jobs in the
informal sector have high competition and low income.
Interestingly, many of the students at the FDC mama-course had broken the vocational gender
segregation suggested by heads of VTCs, and chosen subjects that are typically male
dominated, such as motor vehicle mechanics and electricity installation. The respondents in
the other phases of education/expulsion mainly aimed at or worked with female dominated
jobs. As the GAD-framework notes, it is important for gender equality that all jobs and
educations are made available for girls as well as boys (Unterhalter, 2005). The expanded
choice of courses for single mothers in the program was a promising step in that direction.
The FDC taken by young mothers were mainly in the manufacturing sector of the FisherClark model, on the borderline to the service sector (Clark, 1957; Ruttan, 1970).
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6.2 Barriers
With support in the literature (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011), the findings show that the
condescendence and ridicule of young mothers appear to be widespread and often severe. The
families’ rejection of many of the girls is a strong example of how both social and economic
securities are often ripped away as a result of pregnancy and school expulsion. Being labeled
as immoral, promiscuous and misbehaving by family, peers, neighbors and teachers is also
noted to negatively influence the girls’ well-being, self-esteem and their achievements in
further education and training. In Kenya the public mockery of young mothers obstructs their
re-entry in school, weakening the policy supposed to ensure their right to education (Ibid).
Mothers who are transferred secretly in Tanzania or re-admitted according to policy in Kenya
and Botswana must pretend not to be mothers, or else they risk insult and mockery (Ibid;
Meekers & Ahmed, 2010). Since head teachers find it problematic with mothers in the school
environment, being open about parenthood might even risk the girls’ place in education.
A powerful barrier for young mothers education and employment is the issue of child care,
also noted by SmithBattle (2007) as a barrier for women’s education and work. It required
that the child is not to young and that the mother someone in the mother’s network is willing
to care for the child, which can be a difficult issue if the family has taken a stand against her.
The mothers at the FDC, provided with free daycare for the children were content with the
child care solution, could focus well on the studies and did not worry about the children.
Mama-course students experienced that their children were in good hands and in a learning
environment. Establishing functioning, affordable and reliable day care for children is thought
to have a major impact on the opportunities for the mother, increasing her mobility and
agency (Sen, 1999), while the wellbeing of the child is also likely to increase if the mother
does not have to bargain between paying attention to the job and caring for the child.
Another barrier is, according to the commonly stated reason against re-admission of girls into
education, that they will not be able to concentrate. Their minds would be occupied with
worrying about the child it was claimed. This is contradicted both by respondents and by
previous studies showing that students who re-enter school after a maternity leave often
achieve well in their studies (SmithBattle, 2007; Meekers & Ahmed, 2010). It is more likely,
considering studies on re-admission of young mothers, that the gossip and mockery of
students known to be mothers would disturb the attention of the students and break her self
confidence (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011). Also for re-admitted students whose motherhood
62
status is unknown, it might be a stressing factor knowing the possible ridicule and shame if
her secret would resurface. For the mama-course students, it could however be true, as noted
by one of the FDC staff, that because the mothers lived together they could support each other
when being teased.
6.3 Policy of pregnancy-expulsion
The respondents in this study proved to be both for and against the policy of expelling
pregnant mothers without allowing re-entry. Though many considered it from a point of view
of justice and fairness – that the policy is unfair to the girls, and should either expel both the
girl and the boy, or expel none – many also noted that girls might get pregnant for reasons out
of their control. Surveys show discouraging figures on rape and sexual abuse (United
Republic of Tanzania, 2011) which was also the cause of pregnancy for two girls in this
study. Respondents also stated that they did not intend to get pregnant, that it happened out of
bad luck. It is hard to know what the respondents meant by “bad luck” but it could indicate
that girls are sometimes tricked or lured to have sex (Ibid). Of course there are also, however,
both girls and boys having relationships and sex out of love or pleasure.
Among advocates for the policy of expelling pregnant students from primary and secondary
education, many seem to consider it as a sort of “birth control” method. A girl that is expelled
from school is meant to be viewed by others as a bad example, discouraging others to risk
their schooling though sexual relationships. This view is further fueled by mockery of the
young mothers. The results of this study however, show that the pregnancy-related expulsion
policy is not effective as a contraceptive method. The rule that pregnant girls are expelled
from school was widely known among the respondents, often believed to be supported by the
national education act. Though it was believed by some respondents that the fear of expulsion
lead to less pregnancy-related drop-out, it was revealed that the respondents in group 1 was
aware of the expulsion-rule before they got pregnant, and most also knew other girls who had
been expelled or dropped out of school due to pregnancy. This means that despite knowledge
of its consequences for education, school girls continue to get pregnant.
6.4 Poverty and education
The theoretical discussion on education and poverty illustrates a negative spiral attributed to
drop-out, where lack of income reduces the educational opportunities. For poor households
both money for school-fees and the child’s labor might be needed that money for school-fees
and contributions is needed for necessities in the household, and that the school-child might
63
be needed as labor. Further, poverty increases the risk that adolescent girls seek to improve
their financial situation though a “sugar daddy”, which in turn puts her at risk for pregnancy
as well as sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. Many cases of sexual violence
towards girls, including rape, occurs at school or on the way to or from school, resulting in the
cruel irony that being at school increases the risk of pregnancy which increases the risk of
school drop-out or expulsion, which increases poverty, etc. Hence, if becoming pregnant, her
chances for education are further diminished, as well as her opportunities for waged
employment. In order to work or study, if possible, she needs to have social connections that
can care for her child while she is away from home. In the event of exclusion from social
networks as a result of the pregnancy, for instance due to disappointments from parents, or
gossiping and ridicule from peers or neighbors, the opportunity of childcare decreases. In
many cases she is referred to the agricultural sector, associated with low productivity and low
income. Since her child is born by a young mother the risk of mortality in the early years of
life is increased. Low level of schooling, high level of infant- and child mortality and labor
intensive activities such as subsistence farming are all associated with higher fertility rates. At
this level the poverty cycle of the young woman ties with the national level of poverty, as
high fertility rates is associated with population growth putting pressure on the available
recourses, economically and environmentally. Social reproduction suggests that her children
are likely to remain in the same social class and similar level of education. Having many
siblings also makes the child less likely to advance in his or her education. Children of
adolescent mothers are also more prone to become parents at a young age.
However, theories suggest, if the young mother is given an opportunity to study, the cycle can
be broken. With increased wages and increased status though economic independence, the
woman’s capabilities and agency is strengthened (Sen 1999). Whether education is considered
in terms of increasing human capital and enhancing economic growth (Chaaban &
Cunningham, , or seen as increasing individual freedoms and capabilities– girls’ education in
particular – brings substantial positive outcomes, from the individual and family levels, to the
global and national levels.
6.5 The way forward
It should be noted that education as a tool for development must not be imposed from an
outside perspective, tied to theories of modernization and economic growth and advocated by
development theorists and poverty-reduction policies. The World Bank and others ascribe
64
much gain to the so called girl effect, positive spin-off effects of investing in girls’ education
and employability. The tendency, however, to advocate this from a WID-perspective, risks
meeting postcolonial and feminist criticism. Unterhalter (2005) argues that, a WIDperspective present women as the tool used to achieve development and wellbeing goals for
others. The Gender and Development (GAD) framework can provide analysis where not only
numbers but also gender sensitive content is considered, and the poststructuralist approach
can prevent the reproduction of oppressive mechanisms and objectification though a western
hegemony (Unterhalter, 2005). The importance of development strategies being locally rooted
cannot be stressed enough (Wanyama & Simatwa, 2011). The most relevant and
comprehensive perspective on gender equality and education is however here considered to be
the framework based on rights and capabilities (Unterhalter, 2005; Sen, 1999). It stresses
girls’ right to education primarily for their own sake, in order to enhance their own
possibilities and potentials, and obtain well-being and agency to act according to their
interests. As suggested by millennium development goals, numbers showing female to male
ratio in the classroom is linked to decreased fertility rates, child mortality and income poverty,
improved health nutrition, and increased productivity and growth. But it is not the numbers
that achieves this, it is the effects they have on women’s prospects and possibilities, their
agency and well being.
It has been said, that if you educate a woman, you educate a family, and you educate a nation.
It cannot be forgotten, however, that if you educate a woman, you educate a woman. You
educate an individual.
65
7. Conclusion and recommendations
This study has examined educational prospects of girls in Babati and Njombe, forced out of
school due to pregnancy. The results have shown that for a Tanzanian school girl, giving life
to a child generally means losing opportunities for education and employment. Individuals
and society pay a high socio-economic price for school-girl pregnancy and drop-out.
It is revealed in this study that main barrier between pregnant girls and their right to education
is not lack of available education and training alternatives but rather the difficulties to access
them; affording school fees, arranging child care and overcoming stigma. The only effort
mentioned targeting vulnerable young mothers was FDC-run single-mother-courses. Other
alternatives include adult education, folk development colleges, vocational training, computer,
tailoring and driving courses etc. Education is acknowledged to bring higher wages, nonagricultural work and human development. The mothers’ plans before drop-out included
educational advancement and employment in female-dominated service-sector jobs. After
expulsion, activities were concentrated in low-income sectors of agriculture and informal
vending, and plans ranged from vocational training to informal jobs. Mothers offered FDC
education planed to work in manufacturing and service, and bring knowledge to their village.
The society’s resentment and stigma of pregnant girls and young mothers, including rejection
from the family, obstructs young mothers’ continued education as well as their well-being,
freedoms and self-esteem. This study concludes that the pregnancy-expulsion policy, having
both supporters and opponents, is discriminatory, negative for human development, and
ineffective as a pregnancy-prevention method. Based on the right to education, and positive
individual and national effects, re-admitting young mothers in school is recommended. It is
further suggested that informal education and training available are also made affordable for
young mothers and adapted to their needs. Expanding efforts targeting vulnerable out-ofschool mothers, such as the single mother courses, are encouraged as it increases their status,
capabilities and employability, and challenge occupational gender-segregation and wage gaps,
which can break the poverty cycle. Further research is needed on how young mothers’ rights
to education can be enhanced, though re-entry and other options, through community support
and without conflicting with local culture and custom. Possibilities of open- and distance
learning, child care solutions and stipends for young mothers should be further explored.
Addressing stigma and societal discrimination of young mothers, understanding the roles and
perception of boys and men concerning pregnancy-related drop-out, and delivering quality,
non judgmental sex education for girls and boys is also encouraged.
66
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http://www.un.org/cyberschoolbus/humanrights/resources/child.asp 2012-04-12
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http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/MDG/english/The_MDG_Report_2012.pdf 2012-08-27
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http://www.tanzania.go.tz/2002census.PDF 2012-08-27
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http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.DPND 2012-08-24
Interviews in Babati
1. Headmaster, male, secondary school, Interview 2012-02-20
2. Teacher, female, secondary school, Interview 2012-02-24
3. Teacher, male, secondary school, Interview 2012-02-24
4. Teacher, male, secondary school, Interview 2012-02-24
5. Pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-02-24
6. Pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-02-24
7. Pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-02-28
8. Pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-02-28
9. Pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-02-28
10. Headmaster, male IAE, Interview 2012-03-02
11. Headmaster, female, VTC, Interview 2012-03-02
12. Teacher, female, secondary school, Interviews 2012-03-03 & 2012-03-05
13. IAE student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-02-28 Interview 2012-03-03
14. Town education officer, secondary school, male, Interview 2012-03-05
15. Pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-06
Interviews in Njombe
16. Course coordinator, female, FDC mama-course, Interview, 2012-03-19
17. Teacher & coordinator, male, FDC, Interviews 2012-03-20 & 2012-03-26
18. Teacher, male, FDC, Interview 2012-03-20
19. Teacher, female, pre-school, Interview 2012-03-20
20. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-20
21. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-20
22. Vice principle, & coordinator, male, FDC, Interview 2012-03-21
23. Teacher, female, FDC, Interview 2012-03-21
24. Teacher, female, pre-school, FDC, Interview 2012-03-21
25. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-21
26. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-21
27. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-21
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28. Teacher, female, FDC, Interview 2012-03-22
29. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03-22
30. Mama course student, former pregnancy drop-out, Interview 2012-03
31. Town Council Officer, female, Interview 2012-03-27
32. Town Council Officer, academics, male, Interview 2012-03-27
33. Town Council Officer, primary education, male, Interview 2012-03-27
34. Community Development Officer, male, Interview 2012-03-29
35. Headmaster, male, FDC, Interview 2012-04-02
36. Pregnancy drop out, Interview 2012-04-02
37. Pregnancy drop out, Interview 2012-04-02
38. Pregnancy drop out, Interview 2012-04-02
39. Pregnancy drop out, Interview 2012-04-02
40. Former mama-course student, Interview 2012-04-03
41. Former mama-course student, Interview 2012-04-03
42. Former mama-course student, Interview 2012-04-03
43. Headmaster & founder, male, Education enhancement center, Interview 2012-04-04
44. Headmaster, male, VTC, Interview, 2012-04-07
45. Teacher, male, IAE and secondary school, Interview 2012-04-10
46. Teacher, male, IAE and secondary school, Interview 2012-04-10
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Appendix 1
Map of Tanzania
The studied towns Njombe and Babati, and their respective regions, are marked out
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Appendix 2
The Tanzanian education system
The Tanzanian education sector is divided info four sub-groups. Basic education constitutes
one sub-groups and includes Pre-primary, Primary, Secondary, Non-formal and Teacher and
adult education. The other sub-groups are Folk education, Higher education and Technical
and vocational education and training. The Folk education stands under the Ministry of
Community Development, Gender and Children, while the other three groups are included
under the Ministry of Education and Vocational Training (MoEVT) (Education sector
development committee, 2010).
Formal education
The educational systems on the Tanzanian mainland (Former Tangayika) and on Zanzibar are
different. On the mainland primary education is compulsory since 1977, and free of charge
since 2001, while on Zanzibar both primary and lower secondary education is free and
compulsory in accordance with the 1982 education act. Further differences are that the
Zanzibarian primary school reaches from standard 1 to standard 8 and lower secondary school
from form 1 to form 3 (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994).
On the Tanzanian mainland the educational system is built up by seven years of primary
education (standard 1-7) generally started at age seven, four years of lower secondary
education (“ordinary”- or “O-level, form 1-4), two years of upper secondary education
(“advanced”- or “A-level”, form 5-6) and between three and five years of university education
depending on the course. Primary school leaving examination (PLSE) is taken at the end of
standard seven. It marks primary school completion and determines which students have
qualified to continue to secondary education (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994, MoEVT, 2009,
p.11). In a similar manner, at the end of lower secondary education, the students sit for form 4
national examination. This examination is the same on the mainland and on Zanzibar.
Depending vacancies in upper secondary school, students with good examination results can
continue to Form 5. At the end of upper secondary education the form 6 examination is taken,
where good results allows the student to enter higher learning institutions and university.
Other opportunities for students not transferring to A-level include tertiary institutions such as
nursing school, teacher education, technician courses etc. (Khwaya & Kassimoto, 1994).
Within the school system there is also pre-primary education which targets children aged 5-6.
(Education sector development committee, 2010, p. 17)
In other words, the formal education and training system in Tanzania is structured 2 – 7 – 4 –
2 – 3+ (MoEVT, 2009, p. xiv).
Adult and non formal education
Adult and non formal education can be divided into Non Formal Education, Complementary
Basic Education and Adult Education. Non formal Education implies the education is
provided outside the formal schooling system described above. The education targets a
specific group through a certain program.
Complementary basic education is focused on out of school children between the ages of 11
and 18, and the education cycle covers 2 or 3 years.
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Students aged 19 and above outside the formal education system are referred to Adult
education. Integrated Community Adult Education is the main program provided within the
adult education, within which Vocation Training is included, along with functional and post
literacy and Income Generation Support etc. (MoEVT, 2009, p.45).
Technical and vocational education and training (TVET)
There are both public and private Technical and Vocational Education and Training
institutions, which offers training for useful knowledge and practical skills focused on a
certain occupational area, in order to enhance the employability of the students. The
Vocational and Training Authority (VETA) is responsible for monitoring and assuring the
quality of VET and TVET programs. The National Council for Technical Education is
responsible for post secondary non-university technical programs. (MoEVT, 2009, p.89)
Folk Development Colleges, FDCs
The model of folk development colleges was established in Tanzania in 1975 based on the
idea of Swedish Folk High Schools (folkhögskolor). The initiative was taken though an
exchange of ideas between Tanzania's former President Nyerere and the Swedish former
Prime Minister Palme. By providing skills and knowledge to Tanzanian adults the objective of
the FDCs was and still is to enhance social, political and cultural development in the country
through empowered and informed Tanzanians. The schools are governed under the Ministry
of Community Development Gender and Children, and operate at a grass root level based on
identified needs and problems in the community. Self reliance and gender equality
enhancement along with reduction of poverty, HIV/AIDS and environmental degradation are
some of the lead words for the FDCs. The courses provided by Tanzanian FDCs include
carpentry, masonry, tailoring, mechanics, electrical installation, computer skills, agriculture,
electronics, shoe making and home economics etc. Short courses based on immediate needs in
the community, and outreach courses to reach persons whose roles and obligations hinders
them from attending training away from the home, as well as single mother courses are also
provided at the colleges.
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Appendix 3
The different interview guides used for the informant groups and sub-groups are presented
here. The guides were not strictly followed, not order nor phrasing of questions, but all major
themes were covered in the interviews.
Interview guide, informant group 1
Name? Age? Tell me about your family. About your school time. Did you like it? Did you
have good grades? Living situation at the moment? Living with family? How do you make a
living? How did you get expelled? How did the school find out? How did you feel? Did they
talk to your parents? What did they say? When you were still in school (sec/pri), what did you
want to do when you grew up? Goals? Dreams? Occupation? Further education? What are
your goals and dreams today? Occupation? Would you like to study further it you could?
Could you go to vocational training? (Explaining mama-course concept), how does it sound to
you? What do you think of the rule that expel pregnant girls? Do fewer girls get pregnant
because of it? Do more girls make dangerous abortions? Do you know how many girls in your
school get expelled each year because of pregnancy? Do you know others who have been
expelled because of pregnancy? What are they doing today? Do you know if the government
does anything to change things? What should they do? What are the reactions from parents?
Friends at school? Out of school? Community?
Additional questions
to post-expulsion-students, mama courses and IAE
What did you do after you were expelled? What are your goals and dreams now? What is the
best about mama-courses/IAE? Change anything? Do you recommend others to go here?
Would you like to study at secondary education if you could? Do you know what former
mama-course students do now?
Interview guide, informant group 2.
Name, Age, Position, Education, years as teacher, other occupations, about this school?
Problems with dropouts in this school? Main reasons? For girls? How many due to
pregnancy? (Percent?) Are they allowed to return to school after delivery? How many do?
Why/why not? What legal instruments do you use? Would you like it to change? Can you
do anything to change it?
Why are they expelled? Why don’t they continue if they may? How does the school find out
about the pregnancy?
What do they do when they are expelled? What do they work with? Do you think expulsion
has any effect on society? On their families? On abortions? Do you know it the government
handles the issue? How? Implemented in this school? Good to have school for expelled girls?
Do you know if there are any in Tanzania? Why? Why not?
Contact information?
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Additional questions 1.
to FDC teachers and headmaster.
How did you become teacher here? Mama course students take your classes? What do you
think about the mama-courses? Your thoughts when you first hear about it? What does the
community think? Their parents? Reactions? Why is there a need for mama-courses? What do
you think about re-entry/not re-entry? Better to take away the law or expand mama-course
program? Main obstacles for expanding mama-course program? Recommend for other towns?
Why? Why not?
Additional questions 2.
to VTC-teachers
Do you receive expelled students from other schools? Why not? Why are they allowed here?
How many? Costs? Where are the children? Main problems of young mothers in this school?
In Tanzania? Difference VTC/FDC?
Interview Guide, informant group 3
Name, Position, responsibility at the office, level (district, region, town)? How getting
information? In the area? How many gov/priv/religious primary/secondary/VTCs/IAEs/other?
Boarding/day-schools? Fees? How many girls are expelled due to pregnancy? How many
secondary schools are using the rule/law of pregnancy expulsion? Who doesn’t? Can they
choose? Who decides? Which schools/centers receive them? Who decides? How many
daycare centers for children? Any boarding schools where children are allowed in the
dormitories? Good? Common problem with pregnancy-related drop-outs? Transferring
students?
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